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JOHN WITHERSPOOX, D.D.
SOMTEIME MINISTER OF THE GOSPEL AT PAISLEY, AND LkTl PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON COLLEGE, IN NEW JERSEY,
CONTAINING
ESSAYS, SERMONS, &c.
ON
IMPORTANT SUBJECTS ;
INTENDED TO ILLUSTRATE AND ESTABLISH THE DOCTRINE Oi SALVATION BY GRACE, AND TO POINT OUT ITS INFLUENCE ON HOLINESS OF LIFE.
TOGETHER WITH HIS
LECTURES ON MORAL PHILOSOPHY, ELOQUENCE, AND DIVINITY;
HIS SPEECHES IN THE AMERICAN CONGRESS •
AND MANY OTHEH VALUABLE PIECES, NEVER BEF0K1 PUBLISHED IN THI* COUNTRY.
VOL. IX.
EDINBURGH:
MINTED FOR OGLE AND AISMAN; J. PrLLAVS AND SONS J J. RITCHIE; AND J. TURNDULL.
1805.
ESSAYS
ON
IMPORTANT SUBJECTS.
J* Turnbuix, Printer.
CONTENTS
OF
VOLUME IX.
Page. An Eflay on Money, as a medium of Commerce, with Remarks on the advantages and difadvan- tages of Paper admitted into general circulation, 9 Reflections on the prefent fiate of Public Affairs, and on the Duty and Intereft of America in this important crifis, 66
Thoughts on American Liberty, " " 73
On the Controverfy about Independence, - 78
On Conducting the American Controverfy, 63
Ariftides, .... 88
Part of a Speech in Congrefs, on the Conference
propofed by Lord Howe, 99
Speech in Congrefs on the Convention with General
Burgoyne, - - - - igS
Speech in Congrefs, on a Motion for Paying the
Intereft of Loan-Office certificates, - 117
Part of a Speech in Congrefs, on the Finances, 125
Part of a Speech in Congrefs, upon the Confedera- tion, - - - - 135 Speech in Congrefs, on the appointment of Pleni- potentiaries, - - - 142 On the Propofed Market in General Wafhing ton's
Camp, - - - - 148
Addrefs to General Wafhington, - - 154
VI CONTENTS.
Past.
Memorial and Manlfejlo of the United States of North America, to the mediating powers in the conferences for peace, to the other powers in Eu- rope, and in general to all who (hall fee the fame, 154 On the Conteft between Great Britain and America, 166 On the Affairs of the United States, - 171
Obfervations on the Improvement of America, 178
Supplication of J. R********, . . ^o
Recantation of Benjamin Towne, - » 192
A Defcription of the State of New Jerfey, 199
A Few Reflections humbly fubmitted to the con- federation of the Public in general, and in parti- cular to the Congrefs of the United States, 212 On the Georgia Conftitution, - - 220 The Druid, - - - 224
AM
ESSAY
ON
MONEY,
AS A MEDIUM OF COMMERCE;
WITH
KS ON THE ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES OF PAPER ADMITTED INTO GENERAL CIRCULATION.
FROM every channel of public intelligence we learn, that there is a difpofiticn in many of the legiflatures of this country, to emit bills of credit by authority of government, and to make them in fome meafure at leaft, or in fome cafes, a legal tender for debts already contracted. This is n matter of great delicacy and danger. It has oc- cafioned a controverfial difcuflion of the fubject ia pamphlets and periodical publications. A few plaufible things, and but a few that defenv character, have been publifhed in defence of the meafure. Many fhrewd and fenfible things hare been offered againft it : but even thcfe laft have not been fo connected and fatisfying, as they might and ought to have been. Some of the pieces have been verbofe and declamatory, with many repeti- Vol. IX. B
10 * L5SAY ON MONLY.
lions; others have been full of antitheses, qftaint layings, and witticifms, which have no great ten- dency to convince or perfuade ; and fomc have been mingled with the local and party politics of particular ftates. Perhaps thefe different ways of writing may be very proper for feveral clafles of readers, and have a good effect : but there arc certainly others who would require a different treat- ment, becaufe their miftakes are owing not to de- ceitful intentions, but to erroneous judgment. This has given me a ftrong defire to try what can be done upon the fubjecl: by difpaflionate reafon- ing. By this I mean, endeavouring to carry the Ynatter back to its firft principles, to explain them in fo fimple a manner, as that the unlearned may -iinderftand them -> and then to deduce the prac- tical confequences with the general theory full in view.
It is impoffible to reach my purpofe, without fay- ing many things which in a feparate and detached manner have been faid by others; but this mud be forgiven me ; becaufe I mean to lay the whole fyftem before the reader, and every part in its pro- per order and connection. Let us then begin by confidering what gave rife to money, and what is ils nature and ufe ? If there were but one man upon the earth, he would be obliged to prepare a hut for Iris habitation, to dig roots for his fuf- tenance, to provide Ikins or fig-leaves for his cover- ing, Sec, in fliort, to do every thing for himfelf. If bu: one or two more were joined with him, it would foon be found that one of them would be Riore Ikilful in one fort of work, and another in a
E$SAY ON MONEY.
different ; fo that common interefl would direct them, each to apply his induftry to what he coukfr do bed and fooneft ; to communicate the furplus of what he needed himfelf of that fort of work to the others, and receive of their furplus in return,. This directly points out to us, that a barter of com- modities, or communication of the fruits of induftry, is the hril principle, or rather indeed conflitutes the efience of commerce. As fociety increafes, the partition of employments is greatly diversified ; but ftiil the fruits of well dire&ed induftry, or the- things neceffary and ufeful in life, are what only- can be called wealth.
In eftabliihing a mutual exchange of thefe, the firft thing neceffary is a flandard of computation^ or common meafure, by which to eftimate the- feveral commodities that may be offered to fale, or may be defired by purchafers. Without this it is eafy to fee that the barter of commodities is liable to very great difficulties, and very great errors. This flandard or common meafure muff be fome- thing, that is well known to both parties, and of general or common ufe. As the firi? e flays in any things are generally rude and imperfect > fo I think it appears from the monuments of remote antiquity, that in the early ftages of fociety, cattle were die firft things made ufe of a.j a flandard *. But it
* S^r/ius Tullius, one of the Roman kings, is said to e stamped some pieces with the figure of cat ox, or a sheep* This was as much as to say, this pvce is. of the value of an ox or a sheep, Il^nce it is said, th | man word pcciou'o, comes from jjc\us, cattle. Olhu - B 2
12 ESSAY ON MONEY.
would foon appear that this was a moft inaccurate meafure ; becaufe one ox might be as good as two, from fize, fatnefs, or other circumftances. There- fore in place of this fucceeded meafures both of dry and liquid, that is, corn, wine, ajid oil. The firfl of thefe was of all others the moft proper ftandard, becaufe univerfally neceflary, and liable to litrfc variation. Men, upon an average, would probably eat nearly the fame quantity in the moft diftant ages and countries. It fcems to me, that this cir- cumftance of a ftandard of computation being ne- ceflary in commerce, and the firft thing neceflary, Las been in a great meafure overlooked by moil waiters on money, or rather it has been confounded with the ftandard value of the fign, although eflentially different from_ it ; and the equivocal ufe of the terms has occafioned great confuflon. I muft however obferve, not only that this muft ne- eeflarily be taken in, but that if we confine our- felves to a ftandard of computation only, fome known commodity, as meafured grain, is better, and more intelligible and unalterable than any money whatever, that either has been or will be made. The great alteration in the value of gold and (ilver is known to every perfon who has but dipped into hiftory ; and indeed is known to many, even by memory, in this country, fince its fiift fettlement *.
have thought it was from the use of leather for mon*y, pccudum coric. But the fir-t etymology seems to be the best. See a subsKjuei t note.
* There are two estates near one of the colleges in Scotland, which vrtre criminally taxed an equal number of
ESSAY OX MONEY.
But after a ftttadard of computation had been agreed upon, in commerce, even of the mod mode- rate extent, fomething farther would be absolutely neceflary. The actual and immediate barter of com- modities could in a few inftances take place. A man might have the thing that I wanted to purchafe, but he might not need or defire what I was willing to give for it. Another might want what I had to fpare, but not have what I wanted topurchafe with ir. Befides, bulky or perifliable commodities could not be carried about at an uncertainty, or with fafety. Therefore, it became very early neceflary, that there mould be fome fign or figns agreed upon,, which Ihould reprefeni the abfent commodities, or rather (houkl reprefent the ftandard q£ computation, in all its divifions and multiplications. Thefe figns muft be fuch as could eafily be carried about, and therefore could be readily applied to every kind- of transactions, which were connected with the com- mutation of property.
bolls of grain (a boil is aheut 6 'bushels) to that institution:- Tii very remote times, it pleased the proprietor of one of the- with consent of the college, to convert the
payment into money, according to the then current value, which was a groat, prace sterling for a be 11. At
this present time, the one cf thee* farms pays the ?:. number of bolls, th^t the other does of groats ; which is about thirty-two for one. There is also said to be exisi an eld lease of a burrow acre near a town in Scotia nd, for which the tenant v. •: a boll cf wheat, and a boll of
barley, or if he did DDt .inst-
il) ass and Can : to
accept of it, but l]e must p;iy
of a penny sterling for the boll oi wheat, and iM2ths fcr- tnV boll of barley.
B3
*4 ESSAY ON MONET.
Let us examine the nature and meaning of ti figns more particularly. They are of the nature or* a tally, that is to fay, they are intended to mark and afcertain a fact. Now the fact, is, that the perfon who can fhew thofe figns, having purchafed them by his goods or induftry, is entitled to receive from fomebody, a certain value, or to a certain amount, which they fpecify, of the ftandard of computation. They have always a reference to the ftandard of computation, and at laft, by that known reference, the diftincYion between them and the ftandard of computation is loft, and they become 2 fecondary ftandard of computation themfelves. Thus a piece is intended at firft to be of the value of a meafure of grain ; but at laft men come to make their bargain by the number of pieces inftead of the number of meafures ; ufing the fign for the thing fignified. Thus alfo, fometimes at leaft, an ideal meafure, generated by the other two, comes to be the ftandard of computation •, as in England, the pound fterlhig is the money unit, though there be no coin precifely correfponding to it. This is fuiTicient to explain the relation of the fign to the ftandard of computation, and at laft, if I may fpeak fo, its confolidation with it.
I have faid above, that the perfon poflefling the fign is entitled to receive a certain value from feme- The reafon of this is, becaufe his debtor is not the fame in every ftate of things. If we con- fider the fign as given fr©m one individual to an- other, it is of the nature of a promifTory note, and is a confeflion of having received fo much property. Probably there were often fucb figns or tokens
ESS AT ON MONEY. 1 5
given in the infancy of fociety -, and it would then iignify, that if the feller were to come again, at a diftance of time, and find the buyer in pofleffion of fuch goods as he wanted, he would be entitled to re- ceive the amount of the fign or token that had been given him. But the convenience of ufing figns is fo great, that it would immediately occafion their be- ing made ufe of by general confent, exprefs or im- plied •, and, at laft, the matter would be taken under the direction of the ruling part of the com- munity. In both cafes, but efpecially in this laft, the fociety becomes bound to the perfon who re- ceives the figns for his goods or induftry, that they fhall be to him of the value that they fpecify. I will afterwards {hew, that this was not the firft but the laft ftep taken in the ufe of figns, and give the reafons for it •, but it is proper to mention it now, when, we are confidering the nature and ufe of figns in that fingle view.
Let it be obferved here that as it was before faid, if we aim at no more than a ftandard of computa- tion, fome commodities are not only as good, but better than any money, fo if we confine ourfelves to a fign only feparate from a ftandard, many things that might be named are not only as good, but far better than either the ftandard itfelf, or what we call money, becaufe they are much more eafily reckoned, tranfported, and concealed/ This appears particulary from the ftate.of figns in modern times, after fo much experience and improvement has taken place. For if we can guard fufficiently againft the dangers to which they are expofed, figns inconcei- vably facilitate commerce. We can put any value
I<5 tSSAY ON M-VFT.
ve pleafe in an obligation written on a few incite* of paper, and can fend it over the world itfclf at very little cxpence, and conceal it fo cafily that there fhall be no danger of its being taken from us.
But it muft have appeared, and did fpeedily ap- pear, that all mere figns labour under an effentia! defect. They depend ultimately on the faith or credit of the perfons ufing or anfwerable for them. Now, whether thefe be individuals or the multi- tude by general cuftom and implied confent, or even the ruling part of the fociety, there is very great uncertainty. Therefore fomething farther is neceffary to make a complete fymbol or medium of general commerce, and that is, a fledge or ftandard of value that may be a fecurity or equivalent for the thing given for it, and at all times be fuflicient to purchafe a like value of any tiling that may be needed by him that holds it. An abfent commo- dity well known, or even in idea well underftood, may be a ftandard of computation and common mea- fure *, any thing almofl whatever may be a fign, though, fince the art of writings has been known,- paper is the beft, but both are efientially defective \. there is wanting a value in the fign, that lhall give not only a promiie or obligation, but actual poffef- fion of property for property.
The mentioning of thefe three diftinct ends to be ferved by the? medium of commerce, and illuftrating them feparately, was not to convey the idea th:.t there were three fteps of this kind taken at a dif- tance of time from each other, or that men firft continued long to deal in grofs barter j and that invented figns, and wxre content with theai
ESSAY ON MDSEY. 17
for another period ; and at laft, perfected the plan, by getting figns poffeffed of real value. On the contrary, it was to (hew that any thing ufed as a medium of univerfal or general commerce, mud be able to ferve all the three fore-mentioned purpofes ; and that if there is any production of nature, or fabrication of art, that can unite the whole, at lead as far as they are capable of being united, this mufl be the great defideratum. Now it has been found in experience, that the precious metals, efpecially thofe now called by that name, gold and filver, do anfwer all the three ends in a great degree. It can- not be denied that they have been- ufed for this pur- pofe, in fa£V, from the earlieft times, and through every nation in the old world, and indeed alfo in the new, with fuch exception only as will confirm the principles of the theory. If any man thinks that this has happened by accident, or through the whim or caprice of mankind, as one would fufpe£t from the language fometimes ufed in fpeech and writing, he is greatly miftaken. No effeft of whim or accident ever was fo uniform or fo lafting. The truth is, that thefe metals do po fiefs in a great de- gree fuperior to every thing elfe, the qualities ne- cefiary for the purpofes mentioned above. .'• This will appear to any impartial perfon who will confider, with a view to the preceding princi- ples, what qualities a medium of general commerce ought to poflefs. It ought then, to be r. valu- able; 2. rare; 3. portable; 4. divifible ; 5. dur- able. Whoever will examine the matter with at- tention, mufl perceive that any one of thefe qualities being wholly or greatly wantingj the f
*8 ESSAY ON MOXRT.
tern would be either entirely ruined or remarkably injured. Let us examine them feparately.
i. It mud be valuable ; that is to fay, it mud have an intrinfic worth in itfelf, in fubftance dif- tinfit from the form. By value or intrinfic worth iere, muft be underftood precifely the fame thing that gives to every other commodity its commercial Do you aik what that is ? I anfwer, its be- ing either ncceiTary or remarkably ufeful for the purpofes of life in a focial date, or at lead fuppofed to be fo : and therefore the objeft of human defire. Without this it could be no more than a bare fign ; nor indeed fo ufeful in this view as many other figns. But we want fomething that munV not be only a ftandard of computation, but a ftandard of value ; and therefore capable of being a pledge and fecurify to the holder, for the property that he has exchang- ed for it. It is likely fome will fay, What is the intrinfic value of gold and filver ? They arc not wealth ; they are but the fign or reprefentative of commodities. Superficial philofophers, and even fome men of good underftanding not attending to the nature of currency, have really faid fo. What is gold, fay fome, the value is all in the fancy ; yen can neither eat nor wear it ; it will neither feed, clothe, nor warm you. Gold, fay others, as to in- trinfic value, is wot fo good as iron, which can be applied to many more ufeful purpofes. Thefe pcr- fons have not attended to the nature of commercial value, which is in a compound ratio of its ufc and fcarcenefs. If iron were as rare as gold, it would probably be as valuable, perhaps more fo. How many inllanccs are there of things, which, tboujlv
L6SAY OX MONET. Tf
a certain proportion of them is not only valuable, but indifpenfably necefTary to life itfelf, yet which from their abundance have no commercial value at all. Take for examples, air and water. People do not bring thefe to market, becaufe they are in fu- perabundant plenty. But let any circumftances take place that render them rare, and difficult to be ob- tained, and their value immediately rifes above all computation. What would one of thofe who were ftifled in the black hole at Calcutta, have given to get but near a window for a little air ? And what will the crew of a (hip at fea, whofe water is nearly expended, give for a frefh fupply ?
Gold and filver have intrinfic value as metals, becaufe from their ductility, durability, and other qualities, they are exceedingly fit for domeftic uten- fils, and many purpofes in life. This circumflance was the foundation of their ufe as a medium of commerce, and was infeparable irom it. No clear- er proof of this can be adduced, than that in the earlieft times, even when ufed in commerce, they were weighed before they were divided into fmaller pieces, and pafled in tale. They mud fure- ly then have had intrinfic value; for their value was in proportion to their bulk or quantity. This circumftance as a fign made them worfe, but as a valuable metal made them better. The fame thing appears as clearly from the practice of modern times. Even when they are taken into the manage- ment of the rulers of fociety, and Humped under va- rious denominations, there muft be an exa£t regard had to, their commerical value. The (tamp upon them is the f;gn} the intrinfic worth of the metal is
20 T ON MO]
the value. It is now found, and admitted by every nation, that they muft give to every piece that de- nomination and value in legal currency, that it bears in bullion ; and if any do otherwife, there is neither authority nor force fufficient to make it pafs *.
The author referred to in the note has given us quotations from three perfons of name in the literary world in fupport of a contrary opinion. The firft is Dr. Franklin, whom he makes to fay, c< Gold and filver are not intrinfically of equal value with iron ; a metal of itfelf capable of many more beneficial ufes to mankind. Their value refts chiefly on the eftimation they happen to be in among the generality of nations, and the credit given to the opinion that that eftimation will continue; other- wife a pound of gold would not be a real equivalent for a bufhel of wheat." The fecond is Anderfon on National Induftry, who fays, " Money confidered in itfelf, is of no v:Aue -, but in many civilized na- tions, who have found how convenient it is for
* An author on this subject in a pamphlet lately publish- ed, says, u The value of the precious metals is however enhanced by their peculiar aptitude to perform the office of an universal money bej'ond an}' real inherent value they possess. This extrinsic value of gold and silver, which, belongs to them under the modification of coin or bullion, is totally distinct from their inherent value as acommo- liit}'." I do not very well comprehend what this gentle- man means by the intrinsic value of gold and silver. Per- haps it is the stamp or nominal value affixed to them by the state ; but whatever it is, I will venture to assure him, that their value as coin is so far from being totally distinct from, that it must be precisely the same With, their value as a commodity.
ESSAY OH MONEY. 21
facilitating the barter or exchange of one commodity for another, it has received an artificial value ; fo that although ufelefs in itfelf, it has come to be accepted among all civilized nations, as a tokea proving that the perfon who is poffeffed of it, had given fomething of real value in exchange for it, and is on that account accepted of by another in exchange for fomething that is of real utility and intrinfic worth." The third is Sir James Stuart, who fays, " By money, I underftand any commodity which purely in itfelf is of no material ufe to man, but which acquires fuch an eftimation from his opi- nion of it, as to become the univerfal meafure of what is called value, and an adequate equivalent for any thing alienable." The name of any man, how great foever, will not have much weight with me, when I perceive that in any inflance he has mis- taken his fubjeft. This I believe, has been the cafe with all the gentlemen juft mentioned. There is a confiderable confufion in the ideas exprefled by the laft two •, but the thing in which they all agree, and for which they are adduced by this author, is, that they feem to deny the intrinfic value of gold and filver, and to impute the eftimation in which they are held, to accidental opinion. Now I muft beg leave to obferve, as to the comparifou of the intrinfic worth of gold and iron, if it were poflible to determine whether, on fuppofition of iron and gold being in equal quantity, the one or the other would be the moil valuable, it would not be worth a fingle ftraw in the prefent queftion ; for if iron were the mod valuable, it would in that cafe be the money, and the gold would be but in the aesj Vol. IX. C
22 \16SAY ON MONEY.
degree. Accidental opinion has nothing to do with it. It arifes from the nature of things. As to a pound of gold not being, as to intrinfic value, equivalent to a bufhel of wheat, it might with equal truth be affirmed, that to a man perifhing with hunger, a mountain of gold would not be equivalent to half a pound of bread. But is this any argument againft the intrinfic commercial value of gold, as it has taken place fince the beginning of the world.
As to the other two authors, they feem to fay, that money is in itfelf of no value, and of no ma- terial ufe to man. If by money they mean gold and filver, the propofition is directly falfe ; becaufe they are both of material ufe for the purpofe of fecial life. But what has led them into this error has been their abftra&ing the idea, and taking money in the fingle light of a fign, without con- sidering it as a ftandard. Then no doubt, even gold, while it continues in this form, is of no other ufe than as a fign of property. But how little is this to the purpofe ? For it is equally true of every other commodity. A nail, while it continues a nail, is of no other ufe but joining boards to- gether, or fome fimilar purpofe, and' can neither be lock nor key ; but a quantity of nails, or the iron which they contain, can be eafily converted into either the one or the other. So a guinea, while it continues a guinea, is of no ufe whatever, but as an initrument of commerce \ but the gold of which a guinea confifts, can eafily be converted into a ring, or any thing which its quantity will reach. This is what is called, with perfeel pro- priety, its intrinfic value.
ESSAY ON MONEY. 33
2. That which is the medium of commerce mull be rare. It will not be neceiTary to fay much upon this, becaufe it has already received fome illuftra- fion from what has gone before. It may however be obferved, that the medium of commerce mud not only be fo rare, as to bring it within commercial value in ordinary cafes, but it muft be much more rare, than mod other things, that its value may be increafed, and a fmall quantity of it may reprefent goods of confiderable variety and bulk. If gold and filver were only twenty times as plentiful as they are at prefent, they would ft ill have a proper value, could be bought and fold, and applied to many ufeful purpofes, but they would be quite unfit for general circulation.
3. The circulating medium muft he portable. It muft be capable of being carried to a diftance with little trouble or expence, and of paffing from hand to hand with eafe and expedition. This is one of the reafons why it muft be rare ; but it dcferves mention alfo by itfelf, bacaufe it is poffible to con- ceive of things that may be both valuable and rare, and yet incapable of being carried about, and paffing from one to another. Some precious drugs, and fome curiofities, may be fo rare as to have a Kierh value, and yet may be quite improper for circula- tion.
4. The medium of commerce muft be divifible. It ought to be capable of divifion into very fmall quantities. This is ncceftary in order to anfwer the divifion of many commodities, and the convc- niency of perfons of different ranks. It is of fuch importance, that in the calculations of a complex
C2
24 1SSAY ON MONEY.
and diverfified commerce, we find divifions and fra&ional parts even of the fmalleft coins or deno- minations of money, that have ever yet been brought into ufe.
5. Laftly. The medium of commerce ought to be durable. It ought to have this quality on two accounts •, firft, that in perpetually patting from hand to hand, it may not be broken or wafted ; and, fecondly that if it is preferved or laid up, as may be fometimes neceflary, and often agreeable or profitable, it may not be liable to be fpeedily corrupted or confumed.
All thefe particulars are not of equal moment, and they have an intimate relation one to another ; yet each of them is fingly and feparately of impor- tance, perhaps more than will be at firft view ap- prehended. I think it is alfo plain that there is no- thing yet known to mankind, in which they are all fo fully united, as they are in gold and filver ; which is the true reafon why thefe metals have been applied as the inftrument of commerce, fince the beginning of the world, or as far back ashiftory en- ables us to penetrate *.
• It has been suggested to me by a friend, that gold and silver possess another quality different from all the above, which, in an eminent degree, fits them for circulation as a medium, -viz. that they are equable. The meaning of this expression is, that the metal of each of these species, when pure, is of the same fineness and worth, and per- fectly similar, from whatever different mines, or from whatever distant parts it may have been procured ; which, it is said, is not the case with any other metal. It i- ■ f- firmed, that the copper or lead th.it comes from one 1 will be preferable to that which comes from another.
ESSAY ON MONEY. ZJ
It will probably throw fome light upon the above theory, if we take a brief view of the matter, as it has taken place in fact from the beginning of the world. This may be done now to the greater ad- vantage, that the effects of particular caufes, and the events that will take place in fociety in parti- cular circumftances, have been fo fully ascertained by the experience of ages, and the progrefs of fcience, that we are able to make a better ufe of the few remains of ancient hiftory, than could have been done by thofe who lived nearer to the events which are recorded. It appears then, that the dil- covery and ufe of metals was one of the earlieft at- tainments of mankind. This might naturally be ex- pected if they were within reach at all, becaufe of their very great utility in all works of indullry, and indeed for all the purpofes of convenience and luxury. Therefore, I fuppofe this fact will not be doubted : but it is a truth neither fo obvious nor fo much known, that gold, filver, and brafs, or rather cop- per, were the moft ancient metals, and all of them antecedent to iron *. Thefe metals being applied
after this last has been refined to as high a degree as is possible ; but that all gold and silver completely refined are perfectly alike, whether they come from Asia, Africa, or America. I do not pretend to a certain knowledge of this; but if it be true, it is well worthy of being mentioned in this disquisition.
* See upon this subject President Goguet's Rise and Progress of Laws, Arts and Sciences. He has not only sufficiently proved the fact, but also assigned the most probable reason for it, that these metals were found in ; places .of the earth almost pure, so as to need very little art in refining 5 whereas extracting iron from the ore rs
c3
2-6 ESSAY ON MONEY.
to all the purpofes of life, came of courfe to confli- tute a great part of the wealth of the people of an- cient times. I have mentioned brafs, becaufe it was one of the metals earlieft known, and upon the very principles above laid down, was in the beginning made ufe of for money by many ancient nations. Its being now in a great meafure left out is an illus- tration and proof of what has been already faid. It is left out for no other reafon than its having loft one of the neceffary qualities, viz. rarity. That it was made ufe of for money amongft the Hebrews appears from many circumftances. We read of gold, filver, and brafs, brought as contributions to the tabernacle fervice in the time of Mofes, and to the building of the temple in David's. That brafs was made ufe of as money in the early times of the Greeks and Romans, appears both from the affer- tions of hiftorians, and from the very languages of both nations, for there it is made ufe of to fignify money in general *. That it ceafed to ferve that
neither so easy nor so obvious. We learn from Homer, that in the wars of Troy, the weapons of war, offensive ;md defensive, were of copper ; and some historians tell us that they had a method of tempering or hardening it so as to make it tolerably fit for the purpose, though certainly not equal to iron or steel.
• In the Roman language, as signifies not only brass, but money in general, and from it many other words are derived; as, arariian^ the treasury; as attenum, debt; are mutare, to buy or sell money, &c. So in the Greek tongue, ckutko s signifies brass, achalkos and achalkein, to be without money, or poor. When the other metals came to be in use as money, the words received the same
ESSAY ON MONEY. 2J
purpofe afterwards cannot be accounted for in any other way than as above, efpecially as the neglect of it has been juft as univerfal as the ufe of it wa» formerly.
We are alfo fully fupported by hiftory in affirm- ing, that all thefe metals were at firft eftimated and panned in commerce by weight. We fee that Abra- ham gave to Ephron for the cave of Machpelah, four hundred (hekels of filver *. The Greek money was of different weights from the lower forts to the talent, which was the largeft. The old Roman word Pondo was, as it were, the flandard, and the divifions of it conftituted their different denomina- tions. From this we feem to have derived the Englifh word pound. Very foon, however, they came to have either coins, or at leaft fmall pieces reckoned by number. Abimelech gave to Abraham, as Sarah's brother, one thoufand kefeph ; and Jofeph was fold for twenty kefeph^ and he gave to his brother Benjamin three hundred kefeph. As the word kefeph fignifies filver, they mud have been reckoned by tale, and are probably very juftly
meaning in the language, as, Argenti siti's — auri sacra f<i?nes, the desire of money. Things proceeded in a way perfectly similar in the three ancient nations of whom we haye the distinctest accounts, the Hebrews, Greeks and Romans. Nakus keseph zahaiu, in Hebrew ; chulkos ar- guros and chrusos in Greek ; and ss argentum and aurum, in Latin, are all used for money in general.
* See Gen. xxiii. 16. And Abraham weighed to Ephron, the money that he had said, in the presence of the sons of Beth, 400 shekels of silver, current money with the mer- chant.
2jB liSSAY ON MONEY.
tranilated pieces. Agreeably to all this, the time when the Romans began to coin brafs, and fome hundred years afterwards, filver and gold is dif- tinctly mentioned by the hiftorians *.
It may be proper to obferve here, that feveral antiquaries have mentioned that fome barbarous na- tions made ufe of bafer metais, fuch as lead, tin, iron, and even leather, fhells, and bark of trees for money. This is no way contrary to the above theory, for fome nations might indeed ufe lead, iron, and tin, as things of value, upon the fame princi- ples as others ufed gold, filver, and brafs. I think it is laid, and indeed it is more than probable, that the nails given by our voyagers to the inhabitants of the South-fea iflands, patted from hand to hand as inftruments of commerce. As to leather, {hells, Zsfc. I fufpeft fome part of this is fabulous ; but if it did take place in any meafure, it has been a rude eflay, ufing the fign feparately from the ftandard, and could not be of any great extent or long duration. We know indeed of one nation, after fociety had been far advanced, that made ufe of iron, even when very plentiful, for money, viz. the Lacede- monians. But this was not at all from rudenefs or
* We have the express testimony of Pliny upon this sub- ject, lib. 33. cap. 3. " Servius rex primus signavit aes. Antea rudi usos Romas Timaus tradit. Signatum est nota pecudum unde et pecunia appellanta. — Servius first coined brass. Timaus says, they used it former^ rough or uncoined at Rome. It was marked with the figure of cat- tle, whence also it was called pecunia" The same au- thor tells us, that silver began to be coined at Rome in the 4S5tlryear of the city, and gold 72 ye?,rs after.
ESSAY ON MONEV. 2j>
ignorance •, it was one of Lycurgus's extraordinary inftitutions, who intended by it (and did not con- ceal his intention) to banifh riches, or real and pro- per money, from the date. He indeed banifhed in- duftry at the fame time, for none of his citizens were allowed even to be hufbandmen, or to culti- vate their lands. This was left to the flaves. I do not find, therefore, that there is any thing in hiftory deferring credit, that militates againft the theory above laid down.
Having thus laid down the theory of money, and fupported it by hiftory and experience, I proceed to draw a few inferences from it, and apply them to fome opinions which have taken place, and fome meafures which have been adopted or propofed with refpedt to currency and commerce in this country. In the^frj/? place, the above theory will enable every intelligent perfon to fix in his mind precifely what is or ought to be the meaning of a circulating me- dium. This phrafe is in every body's mouth, and we meet with it continually in the eflays publifhed in the newfpapers, and the fpeeches of fenators in public aflemblies. We may fay of this as contro- verfial divines ufed to fay long ago, that a mifcon- ception of this is the proton pfeudos, the radical er- ror. Not long fince a writer in one of the papers faid it was agreed on all hands that there is at pre- fent a fcarcity of a circulating medium. To this I anfwer, that it is not agreed upon on any hand, but among thofe who are wholly ignorant of the meaning of the expreflion. The circulating me- dium is not yours nor mine ; it is not the riches of Holland, nor the poverty of Sweden. It is that in-
30 ESSAY ON MONEY.
definite quantity of the precious metals that is made ufe of among the nations connected in commerce. Whether any particular perfon, city, or nation, is rich or poor, has more or lefs comparatively of it, is nothing to the purpofe. Every one will receive of the circulating medium that quantity which he is entitled to by his property or induftry. It has been fhewn that rarity is one of the qualities of a circulating medium. If it were more rare than it is, a lefs quantity would be fufficient to reprefent a ftated meafure of property. If it were more plenti- ful than it is, a greater quantity would be necefTary ; but the comparative riches or poverty of nations or perfons would be altogether the fame.
Is any body ignorant that half a century ago in this country, a man might have bought a bufhel of wheat for one quarter of a dollar, for which now he muft pay a whole dollar. Was not the quarter dollar then as good a circulating medium as the whole dollar is now ? And was not the man juft as rich who had it in his pocket? Undoubtedly. Nay, I muft further fay, it was a better circulating me- dium, becaufe it was of lefs fize and weight. Has not the quantity of the precious metals increafed greatly Cnce the difcovery of the mines of South America ? Is not the quantity now necefTary for any confiderable purchafe fo great as to be burden- fome in the tranfportation ? The price of a good horfe in filver would at prefent be a great incum- brance on a long journey. How eafy were it to point out places and countries in which there is a greater quantity of the circulating medium than any where elfe, and yet at the fame time greater na*
ESSAY ON MONEY. 3 1
tional and perfonal poverty, and probably for this very reafon. What would it fignify to a labourer in the mines of Peru, if he fhould get half a Johan- nes, or even two, for a day's work, if at the fame time he could hardly purchafe with both as much provifion as to keep body and foul together ? Are not thefe things true ? Are they not known to be fo ? What then muft we fay of the extreme igno- rance and inattention, to fay no worfe, of thofe per- fons who are continually telling us that there is a want of circulating medium ? Are not gold and filver a circulating medium, whofe turrency is uni- verfal ? Are thefe then too fcarce for that purpofe, when there is hardly a negro flave, male or female without filver buckles in their (hoes, and many of them with rings and other ornaments of gold, which five hundred years ago would have denoted a prince or princefs ? Perhaps I have infifted longer on this than was neceflary, but I have been induced to it by the frequent complaints upon this fubje£t, and the abfurd application of the phrafe, a circulat- ing medium. More reflections will occur, connect- ed with this fubject, in the fubfequent parts of my difcourfe. In the mean time I will clofe, by fay- ing to my reader, you and I may be poor men, the ftate in which we live may be a poor ftate, we may want property, rents, ref urces, and credit, but a circulating medium we want not.
2. From the principles above laid down it will appear, that money having as one of its eflential qualities, an intrinfic, that is to fay, a commercial value, it mutt be not only v fign and itandard, or a medium of commerce, but alio itfelf a commoditv
.■toilnoyJt
K*
32 ESSAY ON MONEY.
or a fubject of commerce. There are many tranfac- tlons refpecling money in a trading nation, in which it is confidered fingly in this view. Thefe it is unneceflary for me to enumerate, but even where it is applied dire&ly or principally as a me- dium of alienation, its value as a ftandard doth and mull always follow and accommodate itfelf to its value as a commodity. Hence it follows neceflarily that money muft be fubject to every rule that other commodities are fubjecl: to in buying and felling. One of the chief of thefe is, that it muft rife and fall in price according to the quantity that is brought to market, compared with the demand there is for it. This is an unavoidable confequence, and as neceflary in the cafe of money as in that of any commodity whatever. If a greater quantity of money than before is brought into any country, even though brought by the faireft and mod ho- nourable means, viz. increafing induftry and pro- fitable trade, it will have the effe& of raifing the price of other commodities in general, and of in- duftry, which is the fource of all commodities. But we muft obferve, that men are apt to view this in a wrong light. One commodity may rife or fall by its own plenty or fcarcenefs ; but when there is a great and general rife of prices, of all commodi- ties, it would be at lead as proper, or rather much more fo, to fay, that money had fallen, than that goods had rifen.
We had fo large experience of this during the war, by the exceflive emiflions of paper money, that it needs hardly any illuftration. It is true, fomc perfons did then, and do now fuppofe, that
ESSAY ON MONEY. 33
the depreciation of the money was owing as much to the difaffection of fome inhabitants, and the counterfeiting, and other artful endeavours of our enemies to deftroy it, as to the increafed quantity. But in this they were quite miftaken. Jealoufy or fufpicion of the money would have had very dif- ferent effects from a gradual and continual rife of prices. If I meet with a fufpicious piece of money, I do not raife the price of my goods, but refufe to fell them. This was indeed the cafe with all thofe who doubted the money of Congrefs in time of the war. Befides it is plain, that the American caufe was mod doubtful, and its enemies moll numerous in the years 1776 and 1777* and yet the currency of the money was then very general, and its depre- ciation flow ; whereas in the three following years, when in confequence of the French treaty and other European alliances, and confidence of the public in the caufe was increafed, the depreciation was accelerated in an amazing degree. I muft alfo here make a remark upon another opinion often ex- prefled during the war, that the depreciation muft have been owing to other caufes than the quantity, becaufe it was greater than what they called the natural depreciation, in confequence of the quan- tity. By this they meant, that it was not regular ; but when the quantity had arifen, fuppofe to five for one, the depreciation was as fifteen or twenty for one. Thefe perfons did not underftand the de- preciation of a commodity in confequence of its quantity, for it is not regular and equable, as in arithmetical prcgreflion, but rapid and increafing, fo as foon to get beyond all computation. If there Vol. IX. D
ESSAY ON MO]
is in any country .but one tenth part more of any commodity than there is any demand for, the price will probably fall more than one half; and if there II double or treble the quantity needed, it will be what merchants call a drug, that cannot be fold at all, but if it be a perifhable commodity, mud fink in the hand of the pofleflbr.
I have faid above, that the increafe of money, even though in confequence of national profperity, that is to fay, internal induflry and profitable trade, will yet neceflarily have the effect of raifing the price of induflry, and its fruits. This, how- ever, mult evidently be in a far higher degree, and attended with much more pernicious effects, when it is thrown into circulation without induflry *, a*s when filver is found in capacious mines, or paper is ifTued by the authority of a ftate, without meafure and without end. I verily believe, that if as many ' millions of filver dollars had fallen from heaven and been thrown into circulation as there were paper ones iffued by the United States, the diforder would have been as great or greater than it was. At lead it would have been fo at firft, the difference would have been, that filver being current over all, it would have foon gone abroad and found its I fo that the alteration would have been ultimately not in the United States, but in the general circu- lating medium over the whole earth. Thofe, how- ever, among whom it was firft found, and who re- ceived it without induflry, would have fuffered moft by it. Among them it would have pre lazinefs and luxury. Other nations would have drained it from them only by fuperior induflry.
ESSAY ON MONEY. 3 J
The ftate of the Spamfh monarchy at prefent ought to be, and indeed in a great meafure has been, a leflbn to the whole world. At the time when they got pofieffion of South- America they were the moil powerful and wealthy ftate in Europe. Would any man at that time have been reckoned found in his judgment who would have affirmed, that they would have grown poor, by the means of the gold and filver mines ? Yet it has happened fo, and now there Is hardly any politician fo (hallow but he can aflign the reafon of it. They thought that gold and filver would at once procure them every thing without working ; but forgot that the more they had of it, they muft pay fo much the more to thofe who were willing to work for them.
3. The above principles will clearly mew, that what is commonly called paper money, that is, bills bearing that the perfon holding them is entitled to receive a certain fum fpecified in them, is not, pro- perly fpeaking, money at all. It is barely a fign "without being a pledge or ftandard of value, and therefore is elTcntially defective as a medium of univerfal commerce, I will afterwards fpeak of the different kinds of it, and point out their real and proper ufes ; but in the mean time I obferve, that to arm fuch bills with the authority of the ftate, and make them a legal tender in all payments, is an abfurdity fo great, that it ib not eafy to I with propriety upon it. Perhaps it would give offence if I fhould fay, it is an abfurdity rek for American legislatures ; no fuch thing having ever been attempted in the old countries. It has been found, by the experience of ages, that money D 2
3<5 ESSAY ON MONE^
muft have a ftandard of value, and if any prince or itate debafe the metal below the ftandard, it is utterly impoflible to make it fucceed. How then can it be pofhble to make that fucceed, which has DO ?alue at all ? In all fuch inftances, there may be great injuries done to particular perfons by wiping oil debts ; but to give fuch money general currency is wholly impoflible. The meafure carries abfur- dity in its very face. Why will you make a law to oblige men to take money when it is offered them ? Are there any who refufe it when it is good ? If it is neceflary to force them, does not this demonftrate that it is not good ? We have feen indeed this fyftem produce a moll ludicrous inverfion of the nature of things. For two or three years we con- itantly faw and were informed of creditors running away from their debtors, and the debtors purfu- ing them in triumph, and paying them without mercy.
Let us examine this matter a little more fully. Money is the medium of commercial tran factions. Money is itfelf a commodity. Therefore every traniacVion in which money is concerned, by being given or promifed, is ftrittly and properly fpeaking, a bargain, or as it is well called in common lan- guage, an agreement. To give, therefore, authority or nominal value by law to any money, is interpo- fing by law, in commerce, and is precifely the fame thing with laws regulating the prices of commodities, of which, in their full extent, we had fufficient ex- perience during the war. Now nothing can be more radicdlly unjuft, or more eminently abfurd, than laws of that nature. Among all civilians, the
ESSAY ON MONET. 3 7
tranfactions of commerce are ranged under the head of contrails. Without entering into the nicer diftin£tions of writers upon this fubject, it is fuffi- cient for me to fay, that commerce, or buying and felling, is found upon that fpecies of contrails that is moft formal and complete. They are called in the technical language, Onerous contracts y where the proper and juft value is fuppofed to be given or promifed, on both fides. That is to fay, the perfon who offers any thing to fale, does it beca^ife he has it to fpare, and he thinks it would be better for him to have the money, or fome other commodity, than what he parts with \ and he who buys, in like manner, thinks it would be better for him to re- ceive the commodity, than to retain the money. There may be miftakes or fraud in many tranfac- tions ; but thefe do not affect the argument in the leaft. A fair and juft value is always fuppofed or profefled to be given on both fides.
Well! is it agreed that all commerce is founded on a complete context ? Let then any perfon who will, open as many books as he pleafes written upon the fupject, and tell me whether he does not always find there that one of the efiential conditions of a lawful contract, and indeed the firft of them is, that it be free and mutual. Without this it may be fomeihing elfe, and have fome other binding force, but it is not a contract. To make laws therefore, regulating the prices of commodities, or giving nominal value to that which had no value before the law was made, is altering the nature of the tranfa&ion altogether. Perhaps a comparifon of this with other tranfaclions of a different ki
38 ESSAY ON MONEY.
might fct this matter in a clear light. Suppofe a man were to fay to one of our lawgivers upon this fubjecT: as follows : When you make a law, laying on a tax, and telling me I muft pay fo much to the public and common expences of the itate, I under- fland this very well. It falls under the head of authority. You may lay on an improper or inju- dicious tax that will operate unequally, or not be productive of what you expecT: \ but dill this is within your line, and if I have any complaint, I can only wifli that at the next election we may get wifer men. Again, a Juftice of Peace in time of war may give a prefs-warrant, and take my horfes and waggons to tranfport provifions or baggage for an army. I underftand this alfo ; writers and reaibners tell me that it falls under the head of what they call the rights of necejjity. The meaning of this is, that no civil conftitution can be fo per- fect but that fome cafes will occur, in which the property of individuals muft give way to the urgent call of common utility or general danger. Thus we know, that in cities, in cafe of a fire, fometimes a houfe, without the confent of its owner, will be deftroyed to prevent the whole from being confum- ed. But if you make a law that I (hall be obliged to Jell my grain, my^ cattle, or any commodity, at 2 certain price, you not only do what is unjult and impolitic, but with all refpecl be it faid, you fpeak nonfenfe ; for I do not fell them at all : you take them from me. You are both buyer and felicr, and I am the fufferer only.
I cannot help obferving that laws of this kind have an inherent weaknefs in them \ they are not
ESSAY ON MONEY. 39
only unjuft and unwife, but for the moft part im- practicable. They are an attempt to apply autho- rity to that which is not its proper object, and to extend it beyond its natural bounds ; in both which we fhall be fure to fail. The production of com- modities mull be the effect of induftry, inclination, hope, and intereft. The firft of thefe is very im- perfectly reached by authority, and the other three cannot be reached by it at all. Perhaps I ought rather to have faid, that they cannot be directed by it, but they may be greatly counteracted ; as peo- ple have naturally a ftrong difpofition to refill force, and to efcape from conftraint. Accordingly we found in this country, and every other fociety who ever tried fuch meafures found, that they pro- duced an effect directly contrary to what was ex- pected from them. Inftead of producing modera- tion and plenty, they uniformly produced dearnefs and fcarcity. It is worth while to obferve, that fome of our legiflatures faw fo far into thefe matters as to perceive, that they could not regulate the price of commodities, without regulating the price of the induftry that produced them. Therefore they re- gulated the price of day-labourers. This however, though but one fpecies of induftry, was found to be wholly out of their power.
There were fome inftances mentioned at the time when thefe meafures were in vogue, which fuperficial reafoners fuppofed to be examples of re- gulating laws attended with good effects. Thefe were the regulation of the prices of chairs, hackney- coaches, and ticket porters in cities', public ferries, and fome others. But this was quite miitaking the
4° ESSAY ON MONEY.
nature of the thing. Thefe inftances have not tlir lealt connexion with laws regulating prices in volun- tary commerce. In all thefe cafes the perfons who are employed folicit the privilege, obtain a licence, and come under voluntary engagements to aflc no higher prices ; fo that there is as complete a free contract as in buying and felling in open (hops. I am fo fully convinced of the truth and juftice of the above principles, that I think, were it proper at this time, I could (hew, that even in the mod enligh- tened nations of Europe, there are flill fome laws fubfifting which work in diredt oppofition to the in- tention of their makers. Of this kind in general are the laws againft foreftalling and regrating. They are now indeed moft of them afleep, and what the lawyers call in defuetude •, but fo far as they are executed, they have the moft powerful tendency to prevent, inftead of promoting, full and reafonable markets. As an example of our own fkill in that branch, a law was paft in Pennfylvania in time of the war precifely upon that principle. It ordained that in all imported articles there fhould be but one ftep between the importer and confumer, and therefore that none but thofe who bought from the (hip fnould be allowed to fell again. I cite this inftance by memory, but am certain that fuch was the* fpirit of the law. The makers of it confidered that every hand through which a commodity palled muft have a profit upon it, which would therefore great- ly augment the coft to the confumer at laft. But could any thing in the world be more abfurd ? How could a family at one hundred miles diftance from the feaport be fupplied with what they wanted ? In
ESSAY ON MONEY. 41
eppofition to this principle it may be fafely affirmed, that the more merchants the cheaper goods, and that no carriage is fo cheap, nor any drftrnr.-^n To equal or fo plentiful, as that which is made by thofe who have an intereft in it, and expect a profit from it.
I have gone into this detail in order to (hew that tender laws, arming paper, or any thing not valu- able in itfelf with authority, are directly contrary to the very firft principles of commerce. This was certainly the more neceiTary, becaufe many -of the advocates for fuch laws, and many of thofe who are inftrumental in ena£Hng them, do it from pure ignorance, without any bad intention. It may pro- bably have fome effect in opening their eyes to ob- ferve, that no paper whatever is a tender in any nation in Europe. Even the notes of the bank of England, which are as good as gold, and thofe of the bank of Holland, which are confiderably better *, are not armed with any fuch fanftion, and are not a legal tender in the proper fenfe of that word. That is to fay, though I fuppofe both ef them, or any other paper circulating in full credit, may be a
* Perhaps it may be proper to inform some readers what this expression refers to. It refers to the agio of the bank of Holland. A bill of that bank generally goes for a little more in payment with any dealer than the sum it specifies, and this advance or difference is called the agio of the Bank, and rises or falls like the rate of exchange. This probably arises from its perfect security, and the very great advantage in point of ease and expedition, in transferring, reckoning, and concealing of paper above gold and silver. It gives occasion to the vulgar saj'ing in that country, That money goes into the bank but never comes out.
42 ESSAY ON MONET,
tender in equity, fo far *s that the pcrfon offering them without fufpicion of their being refufed, could not be condemned m any penalty or forfeiture ; yet if the perfon who was to receive the money fhould fay, I am going abroad, I want gold or filver ; it would lie upon the debtor and not the creditor to go and get them exchanged. We may perhaps lay more, viz. that the coinage of gold and filver in any country is not fo much, if at all to oblige perfons to receive it at a certain value, as to afcertain them that it is of the value ftampt upon it. Without this, ignorant perfons would be con- tinually at a lofs to know the finenefs and the weight of a piece offered to them. This will appear from the two following remarks. ( i.) If by any accident in the coinage, or fraud in the officers of the mint, fome of the pieces had not the full quantity, or were not of fufficient finenefs, though the (lamp were ever fo genuine, if I could difcover the defect, I fhould be juftified in refufing it. (2.) There is fometimes a flu&uation in the comparative value of gold and filver, and in thefe cafes, though no doubt a debtor, till the error that has crept in be rectified by authority, has a right to pay in any lawful money; yet if I were felling goods, and gold had fallen in its value, I might fafely fay to the cuftomer, in what coin are you to pay me ? I will give you a yard of this filk for twenty-one fterling filver (hil- lings, but if you give me a guinea I muft have ano- ther fhiliing before I will part with it. The whole of this ferves to fhew that nothing fhort of real mo- ney, which is of fbndard value, ought to be enfor- ced by law in a well regulated fociety.
ESSAY ON MONEY. 43
4. The principles above laid down will enable us to perceive clearly what is the nature of paper cir- culating as a medium of commerce, what is its real and proper ufe, and what are its dangers and de- fects. As to its nature, it is a fign but not a ftan- dard. It is properly an obligation, or to ufe a mo- dern commercial phrafe, it is a promiflbry note. It is not money, as has been fhewn above, but it is a promife* of fome perfon or body of men to pay mo- ney either on demand or at a particular time, or at fome general undefined future time. Obligations of this nature are of -more forts than one. Some- times they are given by particular perfons, or trading companies, who are confidered as perfons ; and fre- quently in America they have been given by the legillature of the (late. In the general definition I have included all kinds of negotiable paper, but it will not be necefTary to infill upon more than two of them, viz. the notes of banking companies, and ftate emiflions. Bills of exchange are not fuppofed to pafs through many hands, but to proceed as fpeedily as may be to the place of their payment* Government fecurities are only bought and fold like other property, and fo any bonds or other private obligations, may be transferred as often as people are willing to receive them ; but the notes of bank- ing companies, and the ftate emiflions of this coun- try are intended to be, properly fpeaking, a circu- lating medium. They are of various regular deno- minations, and intended to anfwer all the puipofes of money in the fmaller tranfa&ions of fociety as well as the larger, and even go to market for pur- chafing the neceffarics of life.
44 ESSAY ON MONEY.
As to value, fuch obligations muft plainly pend upon the credit of the fubfcriber or obliger, and the opinion or expectation of the receiver. Thefe are mutually ncceflary to their ufe in com- merce. Let the refources or wealth of the fubfcri- ber be what they may, it is the public'opinion that muft ultimately give them currency. This opinion, however, may be in fome inftances better, and in fome worfe founded. That paper which may with moft certainty and expedition be converted into gold and filver, feems evidently to have the advan- tage on this account. Therefore the notes of bank- ing companies, while they maintain their credit, and continue to pay on demand, appear to be the beft calculated for general ufe. They feem alfo to have another advantage, that private perfons and companies are _upon a footing with the holder of the bills. He can arreft them, and bring them to ac- count and have juftice done upon them ; whereas he cannot call the legiflature to account, but muft wholly depend upon their fidelity as well as refour- ces. Yet it muft be owned there have not been wanting inftances formerly in this country, in which paper emiflions by the ftates have obtained full confidence, and met with no impediment in circu- lation.
Let us now confider what is the proper ufe of paper currency, or whether it be of any real ufe at all. Many perfons in Europe have declared againft it altogether as pernicious. I will endeavour to ftate this matter with all the clearnefs I am capable of, and to give the reafons for what I fhall advance. We have feen above, that nothing can be more ab-
ESSAY ON MONEY. 45
furd than to fay that we now want a circulating medium, and that paper is neceffary for that pur- pofe. A circulating medium we have already, not in too fmall, but in too great quantity $ fo that any perfon who underftands the fubjeft may perceive that gold and filver, efpecially the Iaft, is lofing at leaft one of the qualities neceffary for that purpofe, and becoming too bulky and heavy for eafy and convenient tranfportation. Brafs, as has been (hewn above, was once as juft and proper a medium of commerce as gold and filver are now. It has all the qualities neceffary for that purpofe ftill, except rarity ; fo that if it were not too plentiful and too cheap, it would be money to this day. It is pro- bable that this circumftance of the abundance and weight of the precious metals is what gives to many fuch an inclination for paper money. This will appear ftrange to fome, yet I believe it is at bottom juft. The cry with many is, we mult have paper for a circulating medium, as there is fuch a fcarcity of gold and filver. Is this juft ? No. They miftake their own poverty, or the nation's poverty, for a fcarcity of gold and filver ; whereas in fa£t, gold and filver ufed as a circulating medium are fo cheap, and the quantity of a moderate fum is fuch an incumbrance that we want paper, which can be much more eafily carried, and much more effectually concealed. So that, contrary to the vulgar idea, we are obliged to have rccourfe to paper in feveral cafes, not for want of gold and filver, but their too great abundance.
This will appear to be a very uncouth idea to many perfon$. What, they will fiv, too
Vol. IX. E
46 MOUSY.
abundance of gold and Giver ! when I go about from clay to dajr, and cannot collet what is due to me •, when my creditors arc calling upon me and I cannot fatisfy them. There is a fcarcity of money every where. What fhall be faid to fatisfy thefe pcrfons ? I mult tell them plainly, It is their pover- ty, or the nation's poverty, and not a want of gold and filver, and if there were an hundred times as much gold and filver in circulation as there is, their poverty <;nd difficulties would be juft the fame. If thefe per- sons read the fcriptures they may there learn, that in Solomon's time the filver was as plentiful as in Jerufalem ; probably they will think that all the people in Jerufalem at that time mud have lived like princes, but they muft be told, that it was added as a neceflary confequence, that it was no- jf accounted of in the clays of Solomon.
If paper is not then needed as a circulating medium, what benefits arife from it ? I anfwer, the ufes of paper fubdituted for money may be fummed up under the two following heads ; (i.) It is ufeful for facilitating commerce. (2.) It is ufeful for anticipating property or extending credit.
(1.) it is ufeful for facilitating commerce. No- thin^ can be more advantageous for that pupofe than bills of exchange, which, without the adual trail- fportation of money or goods, can transfer property even to the mod didant places with the mod per- fect facility. There have been many perfons who have doubted whether any other fort of paper currency is not upon the whole hurtful, but the benefit of this is beyond all quedion. We fhall afterwards compare the advantages and difadvan-
ESSAY ON MONEY. ^J
tages of ^)aper money ; but at prefent let us leave out the confederation of the evil that it does, and it is manifeft that there is fo great a facility and fafety in the tranfportation of paper above that of gold and filver, that it muft greatly expedite all mercantile tranfaftions, internal and external. Sup- pofe one hundred thoufand pounds were to be tran- fpcrted but three hundred miles, if it were to be carried in filver, what an immenfe load would it be ? But beiides the weight, as it could not be con- cealed, there would be a very great rifk of inviting robbers to fhare in it. Let it be carefully obferved, that this good effect of paper is not from the addi- tional quantity thrown into circulation, but from its polleiUng fome advantages fuperior to gold and filver, provided that the credit of it is fupported. Nor muft it be forgotten, that it is in great and ex- tenfive negociations only that this advantage is pof- feiTed by paper \ for in fmaller bargains, and that intercourfe between man and man that is carried on every hour, it poffefies no advantage at all ; on the contrary, it is liable to wear and wade, and therefore the fmaller coins are in all refpe£ts to be perferred.
(2.) Another ufe of paper in commerce is to ex- tend credit. Though in very large tranfactions the advantage of paper may be great, as it facilitates commerce ; yet when we confider paper as gene- rally circulating, and doingxthe office of gold and filver, it is by the extenfion of credit only, or chiefly, that it can be of any advantage. It is un- necessary for me, and perhaps not in my power, to mention all the ways in which credit m: E2
4§ ESSAY ON MONEY.
creafed or facilinted by paper. Some will probably be mentioned afterwards 5 at prefent my bufmefs is to fhew, that giving credit is one of the advantages, and indeed in my opinion, it is the principle advan- tage, to be derived from paper circulation of any kind. There are many people whofe induftry is damped or limited by want of ftock or credit, who if they were properly affifted, in thefe refpe£ts might do fi gnal fervice to themfelves, and the com- munity of which they are members. It has been generally faid, and I believe with truth, that the in- ititution of the banks in Scotland has improved the country in the courfe of little more than half a century, to a degree that is hardly credible. It is alfo probable, that the manufactures and commerce of England have been greatly promoted by the eafy and regular methods of obtaining credit from the public and private banks. I am fenfible that fome very intelligent perfons in Britain have condemned the paper circulation even there, and affirmed, that it does more harm than good. It is not neceiTary for me to enter into the arguments on either fide of that queftion. All that I am concerned to prove is, that if it does good upon the whole, or whatever good it does in any degree, arifes from the credit which it is the occafion of extending ; and this I think can hardly be denied. *
* That I may state the matter with fairness and fuljies?, I will just observe, that the enemies of paper sa}', the im- provement was only coeval with the banks, but not cau- sed by them in whole, nor in any great degree. The bank:-; happened to be nearly coeval with the revolution, and the cf England a::d Scotland; both which important
ESSAY ON MONEY. 49*
Let us next confider the evil that is done by- paper. This is what I would particularly requeft the reader to attend to, as it was what this difcourfe was chiefly intended to evince, and what the public feems but little aware of. The evil is this. All paper introduced into circuhtion, and obtaining credit as gold and Giver, adds to the quantity of the medium, and thereby, as has been mown above, increafes the price of induftry and its fruits. * This confequence is unavoidable, and follows as certainly from good paper as bad, or rather more certainly, for the medium is increafed only by that which obtains credit. At the fame time this con- fequence is local, becaufe the paper does not pafs among other nations, and therefore it works againft the intereft of the people who ufe it, and
events are supposed to have been causes of improvement to Scotland. However the experience of the last thirty or forty years appears to be considerably in favour of bank:; and dealers in money and bills, which I consider as es<. tially the same.
Tuis wJll perhar I by some readers.
They will say, a high price for our industry ! This is just what we want, and what all desire. But the price I mean here is not the price which you get for your industry, but that which you pay lor it. A high price, by a great de- mand from foreign nations, is your profit ; but the cost
: pay for servants, tools, rent of la;: that 1 I it is this which is increased by in<
the circulating medium, and not the other. Make much moi , will not make ;
nati r any mor< to-
bacco, rice, &c. but it will cost you more before you can m to the n
as adding two to three will make fi .
E3
50 ESSAY ON MO
neceflarily draws off their gold and filter, which mult be made life of in all foreign payments. Men
v think what they pleafe, but there is no con- tending with the nature of things. Experience has
ry where juftified the remark, that wherever paper is introduced in large quantities, the gold and filver vanifhes univerfally. The joint fum of gold, filver, and paper current, will exactly repre- feat your whole commodities, and the prices will be accordingly. It is therefore as if you were to fill a vefTel.brim full, making half the quantity- water and the other oil; the laft being fpecifically lighteft, will be at the top, and if you add more water, the oil only will run over, and continue run- ning till there is none left. How abfurd and con- temptible then is the reafoning which we have of late feen frequently in print, viz. the gold and filver is going away from us, therefore we muft have paper to fupply its place. If the gold and filver is indeed going away from us, that is to fay, if the balance of trade is much againft us, the paper medium has a direct tendency to increafe the evil, and fend it away by a quicker pace*
I h:. that this confequence follows from
all paper, as fu-ch, good and bad, fo far as it enters into circulation •, but every one muft perceive, that there is a peculiar, and indeed a different evil to be feared from paper of a doubtful kind, and efpecially from that which being doubtful, is obliged to be fupported by coercive laws. This muft raife gene- ral fufpicion, and confequently bring on a ftagna- tion of commerce, from univerfal and mutual dif- truft. For the fame reafon it muft annihilate
ESSAY ON MONEY. £1
credit, and make every cautious perfon lock up his real money, that is, gold and iilver, as he cannot tell but he may be cheated in the re-payment. This evil is very extenfive indeed, for it makes people fufpicious, not only of what is, but what may be. Though the injury fhould be but partial, or inconfiderable at prefent, it may become wholly ruinous by fome unknown future law.
Hence it may be feen, that the refolution of the queftion, whether it is proper to have paper money at all or not, depends entirely upon another, viz* whether the evil that is done by augmenting the circulating medium, is or is not over-balanced by the facility given to commerce, and the credit given to particular perfons, by which their induftry and exertions are added to the common flock. As it is upon this that the queftion depends, we (hall find that as the circumftances of a nation may be dif- ferent, it may be for or againft its intereft to ufe a paper medium. If any nation were in fuch circum- ftances as that credit were either not neceffary or eafily obtained ; if the country were fully fet- tled and the inhabitants fully employed in agricul- ture, manufactures, and internal commerce, with little foreign trade, any addition to the true money, would be unnecefiary or pernicious. This is probably the ftate of China at prefent, perhaps in fome degree alfo of France. On the contrary, if a nation had an extenfive and complicated com- merce, and much land to fettle and improve, the facilitating of commerce, and extending of credit, might be highly beneficial. I do not pretend to fo exaft a knowledge of the ftate of this country, or
J2 ESSAY ON MONET.
the different parts of it, as to judge with abfoluto? certainty of what is neceflary or would K it, but am inclined to think that there muft be fomething in the ftate of things id America that makes it either more necefTary or more expedient to have paper here than in the European dates. We are aflured that in former times many of the ftates, then colonies, thought it a privilege to be allowed to ftrike paper money •, and we are told by perfons of good underttanding, that it contribu- ted to their growth and improvement. If this was the cafe, I am confident it was chiefly becaufe it was emitted in the way of a loan-ofiice, and by giving credit to hufbandmen, accelerated the fettle- ment and improvement of the foil. This queftion I do not take upon me to decide, and therefore in what follows, defire I may be confidered as fpeak- ing only hypothetically, the rather, that at prefent the inclination after paper of fome kind or another feems to be fo ftrong, that it would be in vain to withftand it.
If therefore paper is to be employed in circula- tion, we may fee from what has been faid above, what are the principles on which it ought to be conducted, the ends that ought to be aimed at, and the evils that ought to be avoided. The ends to be aimed at are, the facilitating of commercial tran- factions, and extending of credit to thofe who are likely to make a proper ufe of it. The plan mould be fo conceived, as that the increafe of the circula- ting medium mould be as little as poflible, confif- tently with thefe ends. It fhould be perfectly fecure, fo as to create an abfolute confidence. And
ESSAY ON MONET. 53
as it is of the nature of an obligation, no force whatever fhould be ufed, but the reception of it left entirely to the inclination and intereft of the receiver. It may be fafely affirmed, that any devia- tion from thefe principles, which are deduced from the theory above laid down, will be an eiTential defeft in the fyftem. If we inquire what fort of paper will belt anfwer this description, we find that there is no other fort ufed in Europe than that of banking companies. The government flamping paper to pafs current for coin is unknown there. Notwithstanding the immenfe fums which have been borrowed by the Englifh government, they al- ways prefer paying intereft for them, to iiTuing paper without value for money. The only thing refembling it in the Englifh hiftory is, James the fecond coining bafe metal, and affixing a price to it by proclamation ; a project contemptible in the contrivance, and abortive in the execution, feems to be a confiderable prefumption, that the meafure is upon the whole not eligible. *
The paper of banking companies has many ad- vantages. It is confidered as perfectly fafe, becaufe it can be exchanged for gold and filver at any time upon demand. Having this fecurity at bottom, it
* It seems to me, that those who cry out for emitting p?per money by tbe legislatures, should take some pains to state clearly the differ©] en this and the Euro-
pean countries, and point out the reasons why it would be service , and hurtful there; or else i
would be a v , and recommend the
use of it to the states of England, France, Hollar. j. \sho will be much indebted to them for the disc
54 ESSAY ON MONLY.
is perfectly convenient for transportation, which indeed is common to it with all paper. In addi- tion to this, it is conlidered as the princpal bufmcfs of all banks to give credit, which, though dire&ly only in favour of commercial, is ultimately ufeful to many different claffes of men. I may upon this obferve, that it is the duty of banking companies fo to conduct their operations as to extend their re- gular credit as far as is fafe for themfclves. If in- ftead of this, as has been fuppofed at leaft to h been done by fome banks in Britain, they circulate their notes by agents, making purchafes in different and dittant places, that the ium iffued may very far exceed the fum neceffary to be kept for probable de- mands -j they are in that cafe not ferving the public at all, but ufing the money of otherpeople to their own profit. It is alfo to be obferved, that the denomina- tion of their notes fhould never be very fmall, it mould indeed be as high as is confident with fuch a general ufe as will bring in a fufficient profit. Very fmall denominations of paper do the greatefl: injury by entering into univerfal circulation, and chiefly affe£ling the induftrious part of the com- munity. It was a very great complaint againft fome banks in Scotland, that they brought down the denominations of their notes as far as ten {hillings and fome of them even five {hillings. If this was an evil, what fhall we fay of paper, as lias been feen in this country, as low as Dflte milling, fix pence, or even three pence value ? It is a rule that will hardly admit of any exception, that the higher the denominations of paper bills,, the greater the benefit and the lefs the evil ; and on
ESSAY ON MONET; 55
the contrary, the fmaller the denominations, the greater the evil and the lefs the benefit. High fums in paper obligations may perhaps change hands once a week, but a (hilling or fix-penny ticket may be in fifty hands in one day.
I muft mention here what has been often objec- ted againft banks in America, which, if juft, would, from the reafoning in the preceding part of this difcourfe, tend to their condemnation. It is, that they have deftroyed credit inftead of extending it, and have introduced or given occafion to exceftive ufury. I am not fufficiently informed to fay how far this is really the cafe, but cannot help obfer- ving, that treating the matter theoretically, as I have all along done, and confidering the nature of the thing, this does not appear to be a neceflary confe- quence. One would rather think that the regular credit which is or ought to be given by banks fhould prevent ufury, by fupplying all thofe who deferve to be trufted. Agreeably to this it was found in facl, that the inftitution of banks in Scotland lowered the intereft of money, which indeed feems to be the natural effect of every fuch inftitution, from the increafed circulation. But if any inftances more than before have happened of this kind, it may be by perfons in extreme necefiity applying to others who have credit with the bank, and who have fo little confcientioub fcruple as to take advantage of their neighbour's poverty. If this is the cafe, it is only a particular abufe, or occafional bad confe- <juence of a thing otherwife good and ufeful. It is not a juft objection againft any thing, that it may be or has been in fome inftances abufcd. B^fides,
$6 ESSAY ON MONLY.
as it is the duty of every banking company to guard ogain ft this evil as much as poflible, even by per- fonal refentment, againft thofe who make this uie of their confidence, fo it is an evil not out of the reach of legal punifhment or general infamy. Wife and well executed laws againft ufury, would at leaft fo far reftrain it, as to make it an evil of little confequence.
But in examining the nature and operation of different kinds of paper, I mull conlider an objec- tion of much greater importance, upon the princi- ples of this difcourfe, againft the paper of banks, or at leaft, a defect in their fyftem, that feems to call for other meafures in addition to it. This is, that banking companies give creiiit only fo as to be fer- viceable to merchants, and thofe immediately con- nected with them, but do not extend it to hufband- men, or thofe who improve the foil, by taking mortgages for a confiderarble time : yet according to the theory above laid down, this is not only one of the advantages, but perhaps the chief advantage to be derived from a paper circulation of any kind. Now, I admit, that the fettlement and cultivation of the foil is the radical fource of the profperity of this country. It is indeed the fource of the pro- fperity of every country, but comparatively more fo of that of this country than mod others. I alfo admit that credit, properly extended, to induftrious perfons in this way would be exceedingly beneficial. For this reafon, and for this alone, Dr Franklin and others perhaps judged right when they faid, the country received great benefit from the loan office paper of former times. I am alfo fenfible, that it
ESSAY ON MONEY. 57
is not practicable nor proper for banking companies to give credit upon mortgages on diftant lands. They being bound to prompt payment, muft expect the fame ; therefore they are not ro be blamed for re- fufing it in this form *. For all thefe reafons, I do not take upon me wholly to condemn a meafure in America, which would be unneceffary or improper in Europe. "We hear from every quarter, that is to fay, from almoft every (late, a loud cry for paper money. Now when there is a great and uni- verfal complaint, it is feldom without fome founda- tion \ and though I have taken much pains in the preceding difcourfe to {hew that they miftake their own wants, that they do not want a circulating medium, but ufe that phrafe without underftanding its meaning ; yet they certainly do want fomething. They want particular credit ; and they look back with defire to the former times when they had paper money, which, by its name itfelf, pointed out its nature and ufe, the notes being then called bills of credit. I will therefore proceed, keeping a fteady eye upon the principles above laid down, to (late in what manner a loan office may be eftablifh- ed f within moderate bounds, that ihall render a
* I must here observe, that the banks of Scotland never gave credit upon mortgages, but personal security only, and yet they were universally supposed to put it in the power of landed men to improve their estates ; so that the money transactions must have been, though not directly, yet re- motely in their favour.
f I am not ignorant that there has been in one of our states, I mean Pennsylvania, a violent controversy for an$
Vol. IX. F
5 8 ESSAY ON MONEY.
fcrvicc probably greater than the evils neceflarily confequent upon it.
I would therefore propofe, that any (late that thinks it necefTury, fhould emit a fum of fuppofe one hundred thoufand pounds, and that the follow- ing rules fhould be laid down in the law, and invariably adhered to. i. That not a (lulling of that money fhould iflue from the loan-office treafury, but upon mortgage of land to the a- mount of double the fum in value. 2. That it fhould not be a legal tender for any debts con- tracted or to be contracted, but receivable in all taxes within the (late, and payable for the wages of Council and AfTembly, and the fees and perqui- fites of all public officers, after it has been fo re- ceived. 3. That at the end of twelve calender months, a fum precifely equal to the intereft that had been accrued or become due in that time, ihould be confumed by fire, and public intimation given of its being done. n The fame thing mould be done every fubfequent year. 4. That at no time any part of this money Ihould be made ule of in the payment of the public debts, but that which had been firft levied in taxes. It would not be proper
against the bank, between the political factions which divide that state. On this account, I am sorry I was obli- ged to mention banks at all : but it was impossible for me to do justice to the subject, without considering their A nature and effects ; and I will not so much as name any of the arguments on either side of this question, but what is necessarily connected with monej- in geaen currency, and its effects upon the national intei
ESSAY ON MONET. 59
even to borrow from the (lock for this purpofe by anticipation *.
If thefe rules were obferved, credit would be given to fome perfons, who needed- and deferred it, to the amount of the whole fum. The bills current would be diminifhed in quantity every year fo as not to load the circulation, which wouid have a fenfible effect upon the public opinion, and in- deed, from the nature of the thing, would increafe their value, or rather confirm it from year to year f * At the end of fourteen or fifteen years they would be wholly taken out of circulation, and that not by any tax laid on for the purpofe, but by the hire or ufe of the money itfelf, and after all, the principal fum would be Hill due to the ftate in good money, which might bear intereft for ever. It would be an important addition to this icheme, if no bills
* The paying of the public creditors is one of the most common and popular arguments for paper emissions, but to pay them with money not loaned, is not paying, but continuing the debt upon the state, and only make it change hands. All such bills so paid must be accounted for by the public. It is better, therefore, that by the loans men may be enabled easily to pay their taxes ; and then let the public creditors be paid by money demanded equally from the whole for that purpose.
f I cannot help observing here, that the titles of most of the acts for emitting money, do unawares confess the justice of all that has been said above; they run thus, " An
act for emitting thousand pounds in bills of credit,
and directing the manner ofsi/iking the same" Does not this shew what soit of a circulating medium the \ Does it not admit, that they will do evil if they continue to circulate ? When you coin gold and silver, do you pro- vide for sinking it ?
F2
6b
ESSAY ON MONET.
Icfs than two dollars, or perhaps three, or five, fhould be emitted, as this would (till keep filver at lead in circulation. On the above principles, all the good cart be produced by paper would be effeded, viz. facilitating commerce, and giving credit ; and as little of the evil as poflible, becaufe the quantity would be fixed and moderate at firft, and conti- nually decreafing, fo as at laft to vanifh altogether ; and then another emiffion of the fame kind might be made, if the utility of the firft fhould recom- mend it.
Perhaps it will be faid, that this money not being a legal tender, would not anfwer the pur.pofe of bor- rowers by paying their debts, nor get at all into circu- lation. To this I anfwer, that it would not anfwer the purpofe of thofe who want to pay their debts with half nothing and cheat their creditors; nor do I wifh to fee any thing attempted that would produce that effect:. But I affirm, that it would get better into circulation than by a tender law, which creates ge- neral and juft fufpicion. Tender laws, as has been already proved, may be made ufe of by deceitful perfons to do particular acts of injuftice, but are not furlicient to procure general circulation, nor to excite and reward induftry, without the opinion and approbation of the public. Such money as I have defcribed would excite no alarm, it might eafily be tried. It fhould, in my opinion, certainly be tried, for all would know that it would pay every tax to government, -and even borrowers of large fums might make trial of it, without any rifle at all, becaufe, if it would not anfwer their end, they might after a few months, repay it, and take
ESSAY ON MONEY. 6 I
up their mortgage. But I cannot help thinkingy that the principles of it are to juft, and the plan fo certain, that all underftanding perfons would per- ceive and approve it.
I muft here take the occafion and the liberty cf faying, that it were greatly to be wifhed that thofe who have in their hands the adminiftration of af- fairs in the feveral States of America, would take no meafures, either on this, or any other fubjec£t, but what are founded upon juftice, fupported by reafon, and warranted by the experience of former ages, and of other countries. The operation of political caufes is as uniform and certain as that of natural caufes. And any meafure which in itfelf has a bad tendency, though its effects may not be inftantly difcernible, and their progrefs may be but flow, yet it will be infallible ; and perhaps the dan- ger will then only appear when a remedy is impof- fible. This is the cafe, in fome degree, with all political meafures, without exception, yet I am miftaken if it is not eminently fo with refpect to commercial dealings. Commerce is excited, di- rected, and carried on by intereft. But do not miftake this, it is not carried on by general univer- fal intereft, nor even by well informed national in- tereft, but by immediate, apparent, and fenfible perfonal intereft. I muft alfo obferve, that there is in mankind a (harp-fightednefs upon this fubjedt that is quite aftonifhing.
All men are not philofophers, but they are gene- rally good judges of their own profit in what is im- mediately before them, and will uniformly adhere to it. It is not uncommon to fee a man who an- F3
ESSAY ON MONEY,
pears to be almoft as ftupid as a ftone, and yet he flull be as adroit and dexterous in making a bargain, or even more fo, than a man of the firft rate under- Handing, who, probably, for that very reafon, is lefs attentive to trifling circumltances, and lefs under the government of mean and felfifh views. As to currency, which has been our general fub- jc£l, if coins of any particular fpecies happen, as is fometimes the cafe, to pafs at a rate, ever fo little higher, in one country, or corner of a country, than another, thither they will immediately dire£l their courfe ; and if the matter is not attended to, nor the miftake rectified, they will be all there in a very ihort time, and the place which receives them muft bear the lofs.
I will now fum up, in fingle proportions, the fubftance of what has been aflerted, and I hope fufficiently proved, in the preceding difcourfe.
i. It ought not to be imputed to accident or ca- price, that gold, filver, and copper, formerly were, r.nd the two firft continue to be, the medium of commerce ; but to their inherent value, joined with other properties, that fit them for circulation. Therefore, all the fpeculations, formed upon a con- trary fuppofition, are inconclufive and abfurd.
2. Gold and filver are far from being in too fmall quantity at prefent for the purpofe of a circu- lating medium, in the commercial nations. The laft of them, viz. filver, feems rather to be in too creat quantity, fo as to become inconvenient for tranfportation.
3. The people of every nation will get the quantity of thefe precious metals, that they are
ESSAY ON MONEY. 63
entitled to by their induftry, and no more. If by any accident, as plunder in war, or borrowing from other nations, or even finding it in mines, they get more, they will not be able to keep it. It will in a fhort time find its level. Laws againft exporting the coin will not prevent this. Laws of this kind, though they are (till in force in fome nations, fup- pofed to be wife, yet are in themfelves ridiculous. If you import more than you export, you muft pay the balance, or give up the trade.
4. The quantity of gold and filver at any time in a nation, is no evidence of national v/ealth, un- lefs you take into confideration the way in which it came there, and the probability of its continuing.
5. No paper of any kind is, properly fpeaking, money. It ought never to be made a legal tender. It ought not to be forced upon any body, becaufe it cannot be forced upon every body.
6. Gold and filver, fairly acquired, and likely to continue, are real national, as well as perfonal wealth. If twice as much paper circulates with them, though in full credit, particular perfons may be rich by poflefling it, but the nation in general is not.
7. The cry of the fcarcity of money, is general- ly putting the effe£l for the caufe. No bufinefs can be done, fay fome, becaufe money is fcarce. It may be faid with more truth, money is fcarce, be- caufe little bufinefs is done. Yet their influence, like that of many other caufes and effects, is reci- procal.
8. The quantity of current money, of whatever kind, will have an effect in raxing the price of in-
FSSAY ON MONTLY.
duflry, and bringing goods dearer to market, there- fore the increafe of the currency in any nation by paper, which will not pafs among other nations, makes the firft coft of every thing they do greater, and of confequence the profit lefs.
9. It is however poflible, that paper obligations may fo far facilitate commerce, and extend credit, as by the additional induitry, that they excite, to overbalance the injury which they do in other re- fpe&s. Yet even the good itfelf may be overdone. Too much money may be emitted even upon loan, but to emit money any other way than upon loan, is to do all evil and no good.
10. The excemve quantity of paper emitted by the different ftates of America, will probably be a lofs to the whole. They cannot however take ad- vantage of one another in that way. That ftate which emits mod will lofe mod, and vice verfa.
11. I can fee no way in which it can do good but one, which is to deter other nations from truft- ing us, and thereby leflen our importations ; and I fincerely wi{h, that in that way it may prove in fome degree a remedy for its own evils.
12. Thofe who refufe doubtful paper, and thereby difgrace it, or prevent its circulation, are not enemies, but friends to their country.
To draw to a conclufion, it is probable that thofe who perceive, which it will be eafy to do, that the author of this tra£t is not a merchant or trader, by profemon, will be Teady to fay, What has this gen- tleman to do with fuch a fubjeft ? Why fliould he write upon what he has no practical knowledge of, money and commerce ? To thefe I anfwer, that I
ESSAY ON MONET. 65
have written, not as a merchant, but as a fcholar. I profefs to derive my opinions from the beft civi- lians of this and the laft age, and from the hiflory of all ages, joined with a pretty confiderable expe- rience and attention to the effects of political caufes within the fphere of my own obfervation. It is not even too much to fay, that one of the mercantile profeffion, unlefs his views were very enlarged in- deed, is not fo proper to handle a general fubjeffc of this kind as fome others. His attention is ufual- ly confined to the bufinefs, and to the branch of that bufinefs in which he is employed. In that his difcernment will be clear, and he will find out, if poflible, where he can buy cheapeft, and fell dear- eft. But as to the theory of commerce, or the great objedts of national intereft or connexion, he can have no advantage at all over a perfon given to ftudy and reflection, who has fome acquaintance with public life. With thefe remarks by way of apology, and having no intereft in the matter but what is common to every citizen, I freely commit the whole to the judgment of the impartial public*
REFLECTIONS
ON THE
PRESENT STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS,
AND
ON THE DUTY AND INTEREST OF AMERICA IN THIS IMPORTANT CRISIS.
THAT the prefent is an important aera to America, has oeen fo often repeated, that I fuppofe no man doubts it, and I hope few will for* get it. Yet, however auguft the idea, it is capable of being greatly enlarged. It will be an important xra in the hiftory of mankind. The extent of this country is fuch, that as it is now, and probably will foon be fettled, it makes no inconfiderable part of the globe itfelf. The European in general, bul ticularly the Britifli fettlements in America, have for thefe hundred years patt, been exhibiting to the world a fcene differing in many refpecls from \ it ever beheld. In all the ancient emigrations, or colonial fettlements, the number was fmall, fhe ter- ritory very limited, and which was ftill more, the people and the foil were almoft alike uncultivated ; and therefore both proceeded to impiovement by very flow degrees. But in America we fee a coun-
INFLECTIONS, &C 6^
try almoft without bounds, new and untouched, taken poffeflion of at once by the power, the learn- ing, and the wealth of Europe.
Hence it is that the cultivation and the popula- tion of America have advanced with a rapidity next to miraculous, and of which no political calculators have principles or data fufficient to make a certain judgment. I hold every thing that has been faid on the numbers in America to be good for nothing, except in certain places where they have proceeded on actual numeration. When writers ftate, that the inhabitants in America double themfelves in twenty or twenty-five years, they fpeak by guefs, and they fay nothing. It may be under or oyer the truth in certain places ; but there are others in which they become twenty times the number in feven years. I do not know, and therefore will not attempt to conjecture, how faft mankind may multiply in a country that is in the mcit favourable ftate poffible, both in itfelf, and for receiving an acceflion from others lefs happily circumftanced. What is more certain, as well as of more importance to obferve, is, that the Britifh colonies in North- America, have in-this refpefit exceeded every other country upon the face of the earth.
What has caufed this difference ? Does the cli- mate of Britain naturally produce more wifdom, ftrength and a&ivity, than that of France, Spain, or Portugal? Surely not, or wo to America itfelf*, for the beft of its colonies are in the ^climate of thefe very countries. It is therefore without dou bt owing to the liberty which pervades the Britifh conititution, and came with the colonifts to
<38 REFLECTIONS ON
this part of the earth. Montefquieu has, with inimitable beauty, lhewn, that the natural caufes of population or depopulation, are not half fo power- ful as the moral caufes ; by which lart he means the flate of fociety, the form of government, and the manners of the people. War, famine, and peflilence are fcarcely felt, where there is liberty and equal laws. The wound made by thofe fore judgments is fpeedily clofed by the vigour of the ccn- ftitution; whereas, in a more fickly frame, a trifling fcratch will rankle and produce long difeafe, or perhaps terminate in death. We need go no fur- ther than our own country to have full proof of the force of liberty. The fouthern colonies, blefled as they are with a fuperior foil and more powerful fun, are yet greatly inferior to Pennfylvania and New England, in numbers, flrength, and value of land in proportion to its quantity. The matter is eafily folved. The conflitutions of thefe latter colonies are more favourable to univerfal induftry.
But with all the differences between one colony and another, America in general, by its gradual improvement, not long ago exhibited a fpeftacle, the mod delightful that can be conceived, to a benevolent and contemplative mind. A country growing every year in beauty and fertility, the people growing in numbers and wealth, arts, and fciences, carefully cultivated and constantly advan- cing, and poflefling fecurity of property by liberty anc\, equal laws, which are the true and proper fource of all the reft. While things were in this fituation, Great-Britain reaped a great, unenvied, and fliil increafing profit from the trade of the
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 71
colonies. I am neither fo weak as to believe, nor fo foclifh as to affirm, as fome did in the begin- ning of this conteft, that the colony trade was tie whole fupport of a majority of the people in Great Britain. How could any perfon of reflection fup- pofe that the foreign trade of three millions of people, could be the chief fupport of eight millions, when the internal trade of thefe eight millions themfelves, is and muft be the fupport of double the number that could be fupported by the trade of America, befides their trade to every other part o the world ? But our trade was flill of great impor- tance and value, and yielded to Great Britain yearly a profit vaftly fuperior to any thing they could reafonably hope to draw from taxes and impofitions although they had been fubmitted to without com- plaint.
This however did not fatisfy the king, miniftry and parliament of Great Britain. They formed golden, but miftaken and deiufive hopes of lighten ^ ing their own burdens by levying taxes from us. They formed various plans, and attempted various meafures, not the moll prudent I confefs, for carry- ing their purpofe into effect. The ultimate pur- pofe itfclf was in fome degree covered at firft, and they hoped to bring it about by flow and imper- ceptible fleps. In fome inftances the impofition was in itfelf of little confequence ; as appointing the colonies to furnifh fait, pepper and vinegar to the troops. But the laudable and jealous fpirit of liberty was alive and awake, and hardly furTered any of them to pafs unobferved or unrefifted. Pub- lic fpirited writers took care that it fhould not Vol. IX. G
72 REFLECTIONS, tsV.
flecp; and in particular the celebrated Pennfylvania Farmer's Letters were of fignal fervice, by furnifh- the lovers of their country with facls, and illuflra- ting the rights and privileges which it was their duty to defend.
The laft attempt made by the miniftry in the way of art and addrefs, was repealing the aft lay- ing duties on paper, glafs, and painter's colours, and leaving a fmall duty on tea, attended with fuch circumftances, that the tea fhould come to us no dearer, but perhaps cheaper, than before. This was evidently with defign that we might be induced to let it pafs, and fo the claim having once taken place, might be carried in other inftances to the greateft height. This manoeuvre, however, did not elude the vigilance of a public fpirited people. The whole colonies declared their resolution never to receive it.
THOUGHTS
O H
A MERICAN LIBERT Y
THE Congrefs is,properly fpeaking,the reprefen- tative of the great body of the people of North America. Their ele£tion is for a particular purpofe, and a particular feafon only; it is quite diltinct from the aflemblies of the feveral provinces. What will he before them, is quite different from what was or could be in the view of the electors, when the af- femblies are chofen, Therefore thofe provinces wrong, who committed it to the aflerably :s fuch, to fend delegates, though in [or^ie provinces, h as Bofton and Virginia, and fome others, the unanimity of fentiment is fuch, as to make it the fame thing in effect.
It is at leaft extremely uncertain, whether it
.1 be proper or fafe for the Congrefs to fend,
cither ambafTulors, petition or adurcfs, directly to
: or parliament, or both. They m-ay treat them
as a diforderly, unconftitutiqnal ipeeting — they may
hold their n to be criminal — they may
find fo many objections in point of legal form, tfa
Gz
74 THOUGHTS ON
it is plainly in the power of thofe who wifli to be able to do it, to deaden the zeal of the multitude in the colonies, by ambiguous, dilatory, frivolous anfwers, perhaps feverer meafures. It is cert that this Congrefs is different from any regular l tion, in the accuftomed forms of a quiet, ap- proved, fettled conftitution. It is an interruptio n or fufpenfion of the ufual forms, and an appeal to the it law of reafon, the firfh principles of the focial union, and the multitude collectively, for whofe benefit all the particular laws and cuftoms of a conftituted itate, are fuppofed to have been origi- f eflablifncd.
There is not the lead reafon, as yet, to think that either the king, the parliament, or even the people of Great Britain, have been able to enter into the great principles of univerfal liberty, or are will- ing to hear the difcuffion of the point of right, without prejudice. They have not only taken no pains to convince us that fubmifiion to their claim is confident with liberty among us, but it is doubt- ful whether they expect or defire we fhould be convinced of it. It feems rather that they mean to force us to be abfolute flaves, knowing ourfelves to be fuch by the hard law of neceflity. If this is not their meaning, and they wifli us to believe that our properties and lives are quite fafe in the abfo- lute difpofal of the Britifh Parliament, the late a£ls with refpecl to Bofton, to ruin their capital, deftroy their charter, and grant the foldicrs a licence to murder them, are certainly arguments of a very lingular nature.
Therefore it follows, that the great object of the
AMERICAN LIBERTY. ff
-reaching Congrefs fhould be to unite the colo- ■■, and make them as one body, in any meauire of felf-defence, to afiure the people of Great Bri- tain that we will not fubmit voluntarily, and con- vince them that it would be either impoffible or unprofitable for them to compel us by open vio- lence.
For this purpofe, the following refolutions and recommendations are fubmitted to their confidera- tion : —
i. To profefs as all the provincial and county rulers have done, our loyalty to the king, and our backwardnefs to break our connection with Great Britain, if we are not forced by their unjuft impofi- tions. Here it may not be improper to compare our paft conduct with that of Great Britain itfelf,. and perhaps explicitly to profefs our deteftation of the virulent and infolont abufe of his majefty's per- fon and family, which fo many have been guilty of in that iflard.
2. To declare, not only that we efteem the claim of the Britifh Parliament to be illegal and unconfti- tutional, but that we are firmly determined never to fubmit to it, and do deliberately prefer war with all its horrors, and even extermination itfelf, to Ha- ter y i on us and our pofterity.
3. To refolve that we will adhere to the intereft of the whole body, and that no colony {hall make its feparate peace, or from the hope of partial dif- tinction, leave ethers as the victims of minifterial vengeance, but that we will continue united, and purfue the fame meafures, till American liberty fettled on a folid bans, and in particular, till the
Gi
*]6 THOUGHTS ON
now fuffering colony of Maffachufetts Bay is rc- itored to all the rights of which it has been, on this occafion, unjuftly deprived.
4. That a non-importation agreement, which has been too long delayed, fhould be entered into im- mediately, and at the fame time, a general non- confumptive agreement, as to all Britifh goods at leaft, (hould be circulated univerfally through the country, and take place immediately, that thofe who have retarded the non-importation agreement, may not make a profit to themfelves by this injury to their country.
5. That fome of the mofl effectual meafures fhould be taken to promote, not only induflry in general, but manufactures in particular ; fuch as. granting premiums in different colonies fcr ma- nufactures which can be produced in them \ apr- pointing public markets for all the materials of ma- nufacture -, inviting over and encouraging able ma- nufacturers in every branch ; and appointing fo- cieties in every great city, efpecially in principal lea-port r, to receive fubfcriptions for directing and encouraging emigrants who fhall come over from Europe, whether manufacturers or labourers, and publifhing propofals for this purpofe, in the Britifh newfpapers.
6. That it be recommended to the legiflature of every colony, to put their militia upon the bell footing ; and to all Americans to provide them- felves with arms, in cafe of a war with the Indians, French or Roman Catholics, or in cafe they {houkl be reduced to the hard neceffity of defending them- felves from murder and aflaflination*
AMERICAN LIBERTY. 77
7. That a committee fhould be appointed to draw up an earned and affectionate addrefs to the army and navy, putting them in mind of their cha- racter as Britons, the reproach which they will bring upon themfelves, and the danger to which they will be expofed, if they allow themfelves to be the inftruments of enflaving their country.
8. That a plan of union fhould be laid down for all the colonies, fo that, as formerly, they may cor- refpond and afcertain how they {hall effe&ually co- operate in fuch meafures as {hall be neceflary to their common defence. — — —
ON THE
CONTROVERSY
-
INDEPENDENCE.
SIR,
I BEG leave by your affiftance, to publlfli a few thoughts upon the manner of conducting, what I think is now called the independent controverfy, in which this country in general is fo greatly inte- refted. Every one knows that when the claims of the Britifh Parliament were openly made, and vio- lently enforced, the moft precife and determined refolutions were entered into, and publifhcd by every colony, every county, and almoft every town- fhip or fmaller diftricl:, that they would not fub- mit to them. This was clearly exprefled in the greateft part of them, and ought to be uiuler- itood as the implied fenfe of them all, not only that they would not foon or eaftlyy but that they would never y on any event, fubmit to them. For my own part, I confefs, I never would have figned thefe refolves at firft, nor taken up arms in confe- quence of them afterwards, if I had not been fully
ON f HE CONTROVERSY, &C. 79
convinced, as I am ftill, that acquiefcence in this ufurped power, would be followed by the total and ab- folute ruin of the colonies. They would have been no better than tributry dates to a kingdom at a great diftance from them. They would have been therefore, as has been the cafe with all dates in a fimihr fitua- tion from the begining of the world, the fervants of fervants from generation to generation. For this reafon I declare it to have been my meaning, and I know it was the meaning of thoufands more, that though we earneftly wifhed for reconciliation with fafety to our liberties, yet we did deliberately pre- fer, not only the horrors of a civil war, not only the danger of anarchy, and the uncertainty of a new fettlement, but even extermination itfelf, to flavery, rivetted on us and our pofterity.
The nioft peaceable means were firft ufed \ but no relaxation could be obtained . one arbitrary and oppreflive a£t followed after another ; they deftroyed the property of a whole capital — fubverted to its very foundation, the conflitution and government of a whole colony, and granted the foidiers a liberty of murdering in all the colonies. I exprefs it thus, becaufe they were not to be called to account for it where it was committed, which everybody muft al- low was a temporary, and undoubtedly, in ninety- nine cafes of an hundred, muft have iffued in a total impunity. There is one circumftance however in my opinion, much more curious than all the reft. The reader will fay, What can this be ? It is the following, which I beg may be particularly at- tended to :— While all this was a doing, the king m his fpeeches, the parliament in iheiracb, and the
8a CN THE CONTROVERSY
people of Great Britain in their addrefll-s, never . to extol their I do not infer from
this, that the king, at and people of C
Britain arc all barbarians and favages — the inference is unneceflary and unjufl : But I infer the mifery of the people of .America, if they mufi: fubmit /'/; all cafes whatfi the decificnr, of a body of the fons of
! ant from them, and who have an mtereft in opprefTi;] It has been my opinion
from the begining, that we did not carry our rca- foning fully home, when we complained of an ar- bitrary prince, or of the infolence, cruelty and ob- ftinacy of Lord North, Lord Bute, or Lord Mans- field. What we have to fear, and what we have now to grapple with, is the ignorance, prejudice* partiality and injustice of human nature. Neither king nor miniftry, could have done, nor durft have attempted what we have feen, if they had not had the nation on their fide. The friends of America in England are few in number, and contemptible in influence \ nor mud I omit, that even of thefe few, not one, till very lately, ever reafoned the Ameri- can caufe upon its proper principles, or viewed it in its proper light.
Petitions on petitions have been prefented to king and parliament, and an addrefs lent to the people of Great Britain, which have not merely been fruitlefs, but treated with the higheft degree of difdain. The conduct of the Britifli miniftry during the whole of this conteft, as has been often obfcrve.1, has been fuch, as to irritate the whole people of this continent to the higheft degree, and n together by the firm bond of necefiity
ABOUT INDEPENDENCE. 8l
and common intereft. In this refpect, they have ferved us in the mod effential manner. I am firmly perfuaded, that had the wifeft heads in America met together to contrive what meafures the miniftry mould follow to ftrengthen the Ame- rican oppofition and defeat their own defigns, they could not have fallen upon a plan fo effe&ual, as that which has been fteadily purfued. One in- ftance I cannot help mentioning, becaufe it was both of more importance, and lefs to be expected than any other. When a majority of the New- York Affembly, to their eternal infamy, attempted to break the union of the colonies, by refufing to approve the proceedings of the Congrefs, and ap- plying to Parliament by feparate petition — becaufe they prefumed to make mention of the principal grievance of taxation, it was treated with ineffable contempt. I defire it may be obferved, that all thofe who are called the friends of America in Par- liament, pleaded ftrongly for receiving the New- York petition \ which plainly fhewed, that neither the one nor the other underftood the ftate of affairs in America. Had the miniftry been prudent, or the oppofition fuccefsful, we had been ruined ; but with what tranfport did every friend to American liberty hear, that thefe traitors to the common caufe had met with the reception which they deferved.
Nothing is more manifeft, than that the people of Great Britain, and even the king and miniftry, have been hitherto exceedingly ignorant of the ftate of things in America. For this reafon, their mea- fures have been ridiculous in the higheft degree, and the iffue difgraceful. There are fame who
82 ON THE CONTROVERSY
will not believe that they are ignorant — they tell us, how can this be ? Hare they not multitudes in this country who gave them intelligence from the beginning ? Yes they have •, but they would trull none but what they called official intelligence, that is to fay, from obfequious, interefted tools of go- vernment ; many of them knew little of the true date of things themfelves, and when they did, would not tell it, left it mould be difagreeable. I have not a very high opinion of the integrity and
candour of Dr C , Dr C , and other
mercenary writers in New-York ; yet I firmly be- lieve, that they thought the friends of American liberty much more inconfiderable, both for weight and numbers, than they were. They converted with few but thofe of their own way of thinking, and according to the common deception of little minds, miftook the fentiments prevailing within the circle of their own acquaintance, for the judg- ment of the public. — — —
ON
CONDUCTING
THE
AMERICAN CONTROVERSY.
SIR,
I TAKE the liberty, by means of your free and uninfluenced prefs, of communicating to the public a few remarks upon the manner of conduc- ing the American controverfy in general, and on" fome of the writers that have appeared in your paper in particular. That you may not pafs fentence upon me immediately as an enemy to the royal au- thority, and a fon of fedition, I declare that I efteetn his majefty king George the third to have the only rightful and lawful title to the Britifh crown, which was fettled upon bis family in confequence of the glorious revolution. You will fay, this is nothing at all *, it is the creed of the factious Bofto: I will then go a little further, and fay, that I nor cnly revere him as the firft magiftrate of the realm, but I love and honour him as a man, and am perfuaded that he wifhes the profperity and happinefs of his people in every part of his dominions. Nays I Vol. IX. H
94 conducting
dill more to fay, I do not minlftry themfelvea have deferred all t!ie abufe and foul names that lur. n them by poli-
tical writers. The fteps which they have taken with
refpe& to American affairs, and which I eftccm to be imjuit, impolitic, and barbarous to the higheft
v, have been chiefly owing to the two follow- ing caufes, i. Ignorance or miltake, occafioned by the mifinformation of interefted and treacherous
us employed in their fervice. 2. The pre- judices common to them, with perfons of all ranks in the iiland of Great Britain.
Of the1 firft of tliefe, I ihall fay nothing at pre- fent, becaufe perhaps it may occur with as great propriety afterwards. But as to the fecond, there is to be found in the newfpapers enough to convince :v^m of reflection, that it was not the king and the minifiry only, but the whole nation that was enraged againft America. The tide is but juit beginning to turn ; and I am in fome doubt whether it has fairly turned yet, upon anv larger principles than a regard to their own intereit, •which may be affected by our proceedings. It can hardly be expected, that the eyes of a whole n fliould be at once opened upon the generous cipies of univerfal liberty. It is natural for the multitude in Britain, who have been i:r^ their in- fancy taught to look upon :\n a£t of parliament as
me and irrefiftible, an J to- of their country itfelf as confiiti of the houfe of commons, to be furprifed and aftonithed a: any (beiety or body of n ling in
(he authority cf p;
THE AMERICAN CONTROVERSY. S5
its power over them. It certainly required time to make them fenfible that things are in fuch a filia- tion in America, that for the houfe of commons in Great Britain to affurne the uncontrouiecl power of impofmg taxes upon American property, would be at with the ipirit of the Britifhuconftitu- tic: oaars at firft Bght agreeable to its form.
It ; human nature to fup-
e, that h 5 lee a thing clearly, which we
contemplate every clay, and which it is our intereft to believe and maintain, therefore they are deftitute of honour and truth who do not acknowledge it im- medLt;dy, 1 tl their former ideas and habits
. e led them to a contrary fuppofition. A man will become an American by refichng in the country three months, with a profpeel: cf continuing, more
Sly and t than by reading or hearing of
it for three years, amidft the fophiftry of daily dif- putaticn.
For thefe reafonr,, I have often been grieved to fete that the pleaders for American liberty, i
:ed fo much of abufe and inveftive againft the
■ in general, as well ^s particular perfons,
with their r o*t of their own moil
often faid to friends of Am -, it is not the king and
miniftry, fo much as the prejudices of Bri , with which you have to (
to hare them fully informed. Add to the im-
iftoi :h yea jnftly fuppofrt
your c\' :iCe
(-i Britain, that it is no! hut
urn that infpires - .11 them it cannot be
II 2
86
ON CONDUCTING
ambition, but neccflity, that makes you run an ulent riik of the heavieit fufferings, rather than forfeit for yourfclves and your pofterity, the greateft of all earthly blefTings.
Another circumftance gave me (till more uneafi- nefs, viz. that many American patriots feemed to countenance, and to think thcmfclves interefted in the profperity of that moll defpicable of all fadions that ever exifted in the Britifh empire, headed by the celebrated John Wilkes, Efq. That fhamelefs gang carried on their attacks with fuch grofs, and indecent, and groundlefs abufe cf the king and his family, that they became odious to the nation, and indeed fo contemptible, that the miniftry fent at one time the lord mayor of London to the towert without exciting the leaft refentment in the perfons of property in that great city, fo as to be felt in the operations of the treafury.
I am fcnfible, and I mention it with pleafure, that no American ever proceeded to fuch offen- five extravagance on thefe fubjects, as the people in Britain. Far greater infults were offered to the fovereign, within the city of London, and within the verge of the court, than ever were thought of, or would have been permitted, by the mob in any part of America. Even the writings con- taining illiberal abufe from England, were fcarcely fought after here, and many of them never publifh- ed, although it could have been done without the lead danger of a profecution. Yet, though the pie of America are as dutiful and refpe£lful iubjects to the king as any in his dominions, there were fome things done} and fome things publimed^
THE AMERICAN CONTROVERSY. c;
that feemed to intimate that we had one and the fame caufe with the author of the North Britain, No. 45. The evil confequence cf this was, that it had a tendency to lead the king and miniftry to think that the American claim was no better than the WiJkite clamour , and fo to oppofe it with the fame firmnefs, and to treat it with the fame difdaiii. ^hing could be more injudicious than this con- duct in the Americans ; a-..i i: arofe from the molt abfolute ignorance of political hiftoi y. The ftamp- :, that firft-born of American cppreilions, was framed by the chief men cf that very faction ; and k is plain f ;e to this hcur, tl
they make no Other ui2 of American difttnrbances, but as engines of opposition, and to ferve the mean parpofes of party or of family intereft.
not mean by this to take any part with or
the prefent : I have {qqu many
lit any fenfible change
of the ft ate of | ing Js more
common wit" ijous outcry
irfft a iv. j are out, and yet,
me or c , do the very fame
thing as \o,-. . I i00t: upon t_
cai: * to be a matter of truly
. The Kate of the «ce part of the globe, for ages to
come' rinifter or miniftry,
id or out llar
not be th it.
h3
ARIS TIDES.
SIR,
I HAVE a few thoughts to communicate, fir ft to yourfelf, and after that, if you pleafe, to the public, upon the manner of conducting what is now called the independent controverfy, in the news- papers. There are to be found in the tra£is upon one fide of this queftion, almoft without exception,, complaints of foine reftraint?, felt 04- feared, upon the freedom of the prefs. I fhall be glad to be in- formed, becaufe I am yet ignorant, what founda- tion there is for thefe complaints. A pamphlet was publifhed fometime ago, calling itfelf Common Senfe, which nobody was obliged to read, but thole who were willing to pay for it, and that pretty dearly too. It was however read very generally, which I fuppofe mult have arifen either from the beauty and elegance of the compofition, or from the truth and importance of the matter contained in it. That it did not arife from the firft of thefe caufes, I fhall take for granted, until I meet with fomebody who is of a different opinion ; and when this is added to the circumftance of its being fold in the manner above mentioned, it is plain that the Subject matter of Common Senfe was propofed to the world under every cii fad vantage, but that of its own manifeft importance and apparent truth or probability.
ARISTIDES. 89
Things being in this fituation, after time fuffi- cient to have matured any pamphlet of an ordinary fize, out comes an anfvver to Common Senfe, under the title of Plain Truth. This, in one refpe£t, was perfectly fair, for it was pamphlet againfh pamphlet ; and the faid Plain Truth alfo was fold, as well as Common Senfe, at a very high price. For this Jaft circumftance, there was no need for affigning a rea- fon, be€aufe I apprehend it is the undoubted right of every author, to fet what price he pleafes upon the productions of his genius, and of every printer upon the productions of his prefs, leaving it always to the publie to determine whether they will pur- chafe thefe produ£tions at that price, or any other, A reafon however was ailigned, which was as An- gular as it was unneceffary. We were told that only a fmall number of copies was printed of the firji edition, I believe this is the only inftance that can be produced, of calling a book in its publica- tion, the firft edition. The only reafon of making more editions than one of any book, is the : fale of that number of copies, which the mod-, the author, or the prudence of the bookfeller, thought might be fufficient for the public demand. In this cafe, there is what is ftated by the printers a call for another edition. But there are multi- tudes of publications, as to which this call is never heard, and therefore none of them can, with pro- priety of fpeech be ftyled the iirft edition. How would it found if I fhould fay, that a man who came alone into my houfe, was the firft of the company that entered ; or that my wife, who is ftill alireand well, is my firft wife, when it is very poflible that
90 ARI3TIDES.
c amy othet wife, cr till fhe is at I
further, fupp tnd book-
.1 been right in that expectation, which the tie phrale plainly fhews the vanity of the one and the miilakc of the other had reified in them, I re to know \ a rcafon for print!
.copies, and thus rendering them unconfoon r. You printers know beft, but I take it for ure of the thing, that you print vit copies of . when you do not expect a
general fale. If I were certain that this diiTertation of mine would caufe an unufual demand for the pa- per that contains it, I would modeilly fuggeft to you, to print three or four hundred of that number more than common. In like manner, if it was cer- tain at the appearance of this pamphlet, that it wo. c firft of many editions, f< I one
r in rapid fucceffion, it fa ch-
in the world that the edition mould have large as poiTible. Upon the whole, this was an unlucky (tumble at the threfhoid in thor of Plain Truth, as well as an unexpected . fits of the great, iiluftrious, and exalted R. B. Pro- vidore, as he calls himfelf, to the ientim far winch I find no way of accounting, but that ertently 1 W
in hand to a t* W chrect opposition
to Common Si
;:, the book coi-nes out, of which I h fent oft s, from different perform, notwith-
fti: number printed, But
at (hall I fcyf either of the ftyle or : ; of
ARISTIDE3. 91
the performance. The reading of three pages gave me the opinion of it, which all who read it after- wards concurred in, and which all who have not read it eafily acquiefced in. In execution it was fo contemptible, that it could not procure a reading on a fubjett, as to which, the curiofity of the pub- lic was raifed to the greateft height; it not only wanted good qualities in point of tafte and proprie- ty, but was eminently pofiefled of every bad one. Common Senfe fometimes failed in grammar, but never in perfpicuity. Plain Truth was fo ridicu- loufly ornamented with vapid, fenfelefs phrafes, and feeble epithets, that his meaning could hardly be comprehended. He often put me in mind of the painted windows of fome old gothic buildings, which keep out the light. If Common Senfe in forne places wanted polifh, Plain Truth was covered over, from head to foot, with a deteftable and (linking varnifli. As to the argument itfelf, although nothing could be more clearly ftated than it was in Common Senfe, yet in Plain Truth it was never touched up- • on in the leafl degree. The author of Common Senfe did not write bis book to (hew that we ought to refift the unconflitutional claims of Great Britain, which we had all determined to do long before ; he wrote it to (hew that we ought not to ieek or wait for a reconciliation, which in his opinion, is now become both impracticable and unprofitable, but to eftablith a fixed regular government, and provide for ourfelves. — Plain Truth, on the contrary, never attempts to fhew that there is the lead probability ct cbtaining reconciliation on fuch terms as will pre- ferve and fecure our liberties, lut has exerted all
92 ARISTIDES.
J, to prove, that fuch is the °f St us to
at all. I will refer it to - atent of all his trentifc, whetl ,
juiT and proper infe
that we ought imr, id an embafly with
ropes about their necks, to make a full and hu furrencler of ourfelves and all ( difpofal of the parent ftafe. 1 e for-
and explicitly demanded of us, and thi . equal clearness detern will never
do. The n is-, Shall we make refif-
tance greateft force, as rebel fubje&s cf a
government which we acknowledge, or as in ' dent dates againft zn ufurped power which we deteft and abhor ?
After this reprobated author was off the ftage, a new fet of antagonists appeared againft Common
; but in Head of publishing the Btft ediri pamphlets, they chofe to appear in the newfp The propriety of this I beg leave to exa Much has been (aid about the liberty of the prefs ; r me to fay a few words for the libci I s. When a pamphlet is pub'/. I (old,
nobody is wronged. When the atifwer to it is pubtifhed and fold, the thing is o^ite fair. The
rs and their caufe will undergo an imp
trial ; but when the anfwering one pamphlet by
another, has fo rrmmefully failed, to undertake the
tiling by various detached pieces in the newf-
lg the fenfe or nonfenfe cf thefe
rs down out , whether we will cr
per, and for two more.
AF.1STIDES. 93
snd frequently rend others befides. Now, if I pay for news, muft my paper be fluffed with diiTerta tions, and muft I read them four or five times over ? I do declaie, that I have paid, and am to pay, three times for the moft part of Cato's letters, and if they were to be publifned in a pamphlet, I would net give a rufh for them alto- gether. But it will be faid, the cuftom is old and univerfal, to write riifTertations in newfpapers. I anfwer, it is both old, univerfal, and ufefui, when under proper direction ; but it may be abufed. It is the right of every pubiifher of a newfpaper to iaiert in it upon his own judgment and choice, when news are fcarce, whatever he thinks will re- commend his paper to his readers. In this view, an able writer is a treafure to a pubiifher of any periodical paper, znd ought certainly to be pa berally, either in money or thanks, or both ; and therefore, Sir, if you have paid for, or even folicited from the author, the papers you have publ:ihed, you are wholly acquitted of blame, further than (onetimes a miflaken choice *, but if, on the con- trary, which I ct, you and others are I r inferring political pieces, I affirm, you take y to deceive your reader*. As the.4ubje& is of forae importance, especially le, I (hall
re dc- ig you to fiiape jour fa you think , and deter::
f taking or giving up your p \ ?. In the / pieces into yov. ay, I pre:"; .:
94 aristides.
nature of all mankind, that thofe vtho pay beft, will have the preference. Then ihall we have a new ftandard of literary merit ; and a man who is able and willing to refute pernicious principles, or to detect the falfehood of impudent allertions, may yet be too poor to obtain a place, where only it can be done to any good purpofes. The moment it is in the power of perfons unknown, to conduct or bias the public channels of intelligence, both the people in general, and particular perfons, may be deceived and abufed in the groflcft manner. It is fcarce worth while, when things of fo much greater moment are to be added, yet I will juft mention, that you force nonfenfe upon us which could not make its appearance in any other mode of publica- tion. Pray, Sir, how much copy money would you have given for a pamphlet in which you had found that ridiculous pun upon Mount Seir, which is to be feen in one of Cato's letters, and the wretched parody upon Hamlet's foliloquy. ? Parody in gene- ral, is one of the lowed kind of writing that has yet found a name ; and that poor fpeech has been re- peated, imitated, and mangled fo often, that it muft excite difguft in every perfon who has any acquain- tance with newfpapers »and pamphlets to fee it again. I could eafily mention twenty different ways, in which I have feen that fpeech parodied. To fpeak, or not to fpeak, that is the queftion — To fight, or not to fight, that is the queftion — To wed, or not to wed, that is the queftion — To drink, or not to drink, that is the queftion, feV. Z&c. EsV. Is this then a time for filling the newfpapers with fuch egregious trifling ?
ARIST1DES. 9$
But this is not all ; I could mention a cafe that happened a few years ago in New York. A gen- tleman had publifhed a fmall piece by itfelf, and put his own name and description on the title page j he was immediately attacked in the moll virulent and unmannerly flyle, by anonymous writers in the newfpapers, and it was with the utmofh difficulty, that even for pay itfelf, his friends could get a few words infer ted by way of reply. This prac- tice, indeed, is liable to the higheft degree of cor- ruption. Whether are we to fuppofe it was pay or profanenefs, that introduced into the paper printed
by the infamous R , pieces containing the
grofleft obfcenity, and which ought to have been punifhed by the magiftrates of the place, as a pub- lic nuifance ? It is alfo generally believed of that printer, that he encouraged or hired worthlefs per- sons to publifh afperfions againft a gentleman in the neighbourhood, of good eftate, but of no great judgment, that he might fqueeze money out of him for the liberty of contradicting them. I do not fay that things are come this length with you ; but the practice leads to it, and therefore fhould be early and vigorpufly oppofed.
For the above reafons, caution is to be ufe<£ in admitting eflays into the newfpapers at any rate, or fuffering a controverfy in which people are greatly interefted, to be agitated there at all. The wri- ters are very apt to become perfonal and abufive, and to forget the fubject by refuting or cxpofing every tiling that has been thrown out by their anta- gonifts. Certainly, however, they ought to con- fine thcmfelves to the pieces that have been origi-
Vol. IX. I
t;0 ARISTIDES.
nally publiihed in the newfpapers, and are fuppofed to have been read by the fame perfons who read the anfwers. To anfwer a whole book by a feries of letters in the newfpapers, is like attacking a man behind his back, and fpeaking to his prejudice be- fore perfons who never faw nor heard of him, nor are ever likely fo to do. Common Senfe has been read by many, yet the newfpapers are read by many more ; and therefore I affirm, that permit* ting his adverfaries to attack him there, is giving them an undue advantage over him, and laying the public at the mercy of thofe who will not (tick to affert any thing whatever m fupport of a bad caufe. Let no body fay I am writing again ft the free- dom of the prefs. I defire that it fhould be per- fectly free from every bias; but I would have all wri- tings of confequence upon fuch a caufe as this, pub- lifhed by themfelves, that they may ftand or fill by their own merit, and the judgment of the public. How do you think, Sir, the letter of the common man published in your paper, fome time ago, would do if lengthened out a little, and printed in a pamphlet ? Under a thin and filly pretence of im- partiality, he takes upon him to tell us what a num- ber of things muft be all previoufly fettled, before we proceed to fix upon a regular plan of govern- ment ; fuch as, what price we muft expecSt for our produce at this and the other nation and port. Shall we call this reafoning ? Are our understand- ings to be infulted ? If all or any fuch things muft be previouily fettled, any man of common inven- tion may enumerate fifty thcufand perfectly fimilar, h will never be fettled by previous computation
ARISTIDES. 97
till the end of the world, but will fpeedily fettle themfelves by common intereft, when a trade is open, and the common man fhall never know any thing of the matter.
But what I chiefly complain of, is the tedious, trifling, indecent altercation, occafioned by hand- ling this fubje£t in the newfpapers. It certainly requires a fpeedy decifion, as well as mature delibe- ration \ yet muft we wait till Cato and other wri- ters have exhaufted their invention in the newf- papers, from week to week, guefied at one ano- ther's perfons, and triumphantly expretTed their difdain at each other's fentiments or ftyle. If Cato's letters had been a pamphlet, I could have read all that he has faid in an hour, and all the reafoning part by itfelf, in the fourth part of the time •, yet after eight letters, muft we wait fome weeks more, for it would be indecent to proceed to aftion before he has done fpeaking. But after all, the worft of it is, that in this way of letter and anfwer, we never come to the argument at all. If I miftake not, the points to be difcufled are very plain and not numerous, and yet wholly untouched, at leaft by Cato, though he has been repeatedly called upon by his adverfaries. For example — Is there a probable profpe£l of reconciliation on conftitutional principles ? What are thefe conftitutional princi- ples ? Will any body (hew that Great Britain can be fufficiently fure of our dependence, and vet we fure of our liberties ? A treatife upon this laft fub- ject would be highly acceptable to me, and if well executed, ufeful to all. I fliall add but one ques- tion more. Will the country be as orderly and
I a
98 ARISTIDFS.
hapny, and our efforts for refiflanceas effectual, by the prefent rules and temporary proceedings, as when the whole are united by a firm confederacy, and their exertions concentrated like the ftrcngth of a Jingle ftate ? I am greatly miftaken if thefe points ought not to be the hinge of the controverfy, and yeuif they have been examined fully, or the gren.teft part of them even touched upon by Cato or his coad- jutors, I have read their works with very little at- tention.
Now, Sir, tins paper goes to you, that if you pleafe you may infert it, but neither money nor promife of good deed to make way for it, fo that its fate is wholly uncertain.
I remain, Sir,
Yours, t*fc.
ARISTIDES.
PART
OF A
SPEECH in CONGRESS,
ON THE
CONFERENCE
PROPOSED BY
LORD HOWE.
Mr President,
THE fubject. we are now upon, is felt and con- ferred by us all to be of the utmoft confe- quence, and perhaps I may alfo fay, of delicacy and difficulty. I have not been accuftomed in fuch cafes to make folenan profeflions of impartiality, and mall not do it now, becaufe I will not fuppofe that there are any fufpicions to the contrary in the minds of thofe who hear me. Befides the variety of opinions that have been formed and delivered upon it, feem to prove that we are giving our own proper judgment, without prejudice or influence; which I hope will lead to the difcovery of what is moil wife and expedient upon the whole.
As the deliberation arifes from a meffage fent to us by Lord Howe, at lead bv his permiiHon, I
I 3
100 IPBECB ON THE CONFERENCE
think it is of importance to attend with greater cx- actnefs to all the circumftances of that mefiage, than has been done by any gentleman who has yet fpoken on the fubjeft. It comes from the com- mander in chief of the forces of the king of Great Britain, and one who is faid to carry a commiflion to give peace to America.
From the conduct of the miniftry at home, from the adts of parliament, and from Lord Howe's pro- clamation in conformity to both, it is plain, that abfolute unconditional fubmiffron is what they re- quire us to agree to, or mean to force us to. And from the moil authentic private intelligence, the king has not laid afide his perfonal rancour; it is ra- ther increafing every day. In thefe circumftances. Lord Howe has evidently a great defire to engage us in a treaty ; and yet he has conftantly avoided giving up the leaft punctilio on his fide. He could never De induced to give General Wafhington his title. He plainly tells us he cannot treat with Congrefs as fuch ; but he has allowed a prifoner of war to come and tell us he would be glad to fee us as private gentlemen.
It has been faid that this is no infult or difgrace to the Congrefs ; that the point of honour is hard to be got over, in making the firft advances. This, Sir, is miftaking the matter wholly. He has got over this point of honour ; he has made the firft overtures; he has told General Wafhington, by Colonel Put- nam, that he wilhed that meflage to be confidered a3 making the firft ftep. His renewed attempts by Lord Drummond, and now by General Sullivan, point
PROPOSED BY LORD HOWE. IOI
out to all the world that he has made the firft ftep. It will doubtlefs be related at home, and I am of opinion it is already written and boafted of to the miniflry at home, that he has taken fuch a part. Therefore, any evil or condefcenfion that can at- tend feeking peace firft, has been fubmitted to by him. Yet has he uniformly avoided any circum- flance that can imply that we are any thing elfe but fubje£ts of the king of Great Britain, in rebellion. JSuch a meffage as this, if in any degree intended as refpe&ful to us, ought to have been fecret ; yet has it been open as the day. In (hort, fuch a mef- fage was unnecefiary ; for if he meant only to com- municate his mind to the Congrefs by private gen- tlemen, he might have done that many ways, and it needed not to have been known either to the public or the Congrefs, till thefe private gentlemen came here on purpofe to reveal it. — Thefe, then, are the circumftances which attend this meffage as it is now before us \ and the queftion is, fhall we com- ply with it in any degree, or not ? Let us alk what benefit will be derived from it ? There is none yet fhewri to be poffible. It has been admitted by every perfon without exception who has fpoken, that we are not to admit a thought of giving up the independence we have fo lately declared : and by the greateft part, if not the whole, that there is not the leaft reafon to expeft that any correfpon- dence we can have with him will tend to peace. Yet I think, in the beginning of the debate, fuch rea- fonings were ufed as feemed to me only to conclude that we (hould grafp at it as a means of peace. We were told that it was cafy for us to boaft or
10) SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
be valiant here ; but that our armies were running
o
away before their enemies. I never loved boaiting, neither here nor any where elfe. I look upon it as aimoft a certain forerunner of difgrace. I found my hope of fuccefs in this caufe, not in the valour of Americans, or the cowardice of Britons, but upon the juftice of the caufe, and (till more upon the nature of things. Britain has firft injured and inflamed America to the higheft degree ; and now attempts, at the diftance of three thoufand miles*, to carry on war with this whole country, and force it to abfolute fubmiflion. If we take the whole events of the war fince it commenced, we fhall ra- ther wonder at the uniformity of our fuccefs, than be furprifed at fome crofs events. We have feen bravery as well as cowardice in this country ; and there are no confequences of either that are proba- ble, that can be worth mentioning as ascertaining the event of the conteft.
Lord Howe fpeaks of a decifive blow not being yet (truck; as if this caufe depended upon one battle, which could not be avoided. Sir, this is a prodi- gious miftake. We may fight no battle at all for a long time, or we may lofe fome battles, as was the cafe with the Britifh themfelves in the Scotch re» bellion of 1745, and the caufe notwithstanding be the fame. I wi(h it were considered, that neither lofs nor difgrace worth mentioning, has befallen us in the late engagement, nor comparable to what the Britifh troops have often fufTered. At the bat- tle of Preiton, Sir, they broke to pieces, and ran away like fheep, before a few highlanders. I my- felf faw them do the fame thing at Falkirk, with
PROPOSED BY LORD HOWE. I 03
very little difference, a fmall part only of the army making a ft and, and in a few hours the whole re- treating with precipitation before their enemies. Did that make any difference in the caufe ? Not in the leaft — fo long as the body of the nation were determined, on principle, againft the rebels. Nor would it have made any other difference, but in time, though they had got poffeffion of London, which they might have eafily done if they had un- derflood their bufinefs ; for the militia in England there gathered together, behaved fifty times worfe than that of America has done lately. They gene- rally difbanded and ran off whoily as foon as the rebels came within ten or twenty miles of them. In ihort, Sir, from any thing that has happened, I fee not the lead reafon for our attending to this de- lufive meffage. On the contrary, I think it is the very worft time that could be chofen for us \ as it will be looked upon as the effe£t of fear, and dif- fufe the fame fpirit, in fome degree, through diffe- rent ranks of men.
The improbability of any thing arifing from this conference, leading to a juft and honourable peace, might be fhewn by arguments too numerous to be even fo much as named. But what I fhall only mention is, that we are abfolutely certain, from every circumftance, from all the proceedings at home, and Lord Howe's own explicit declaration in his letter to Dr Franklin, that he never will acknowledge the independence of the American States.
I obferved that mo or two members faid, in ob- jection to the report of the board of war, that it
104 SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
was like a begging of the queftion, and making a preliminary of the whole fubjeft in debate. Alas, Sir, this is a prodigious miftake. It was not only not the whole, but it was properly no fubje& of debate at all, till within thefe three months. We wore contending for the reftoration of certain pri- vileges under the government of Great Britain, and we were praying for re-union with her. Bnt in the beginning of July, with the univerfal approbation of all the ftates now united, we renounced this connection, and declared ouvfelves free and inde- pendent. Shall we bring this into queftion again ? Is it not a preliminary ? has it not been declared a preliminary by many gentlemen, who have yet gi- ven their opinion for a conference, while they have faid they were determined on no account, and on no condition, to give up our independence ? It is then a neceflary preliminary — and it is quite a dif- ferent thing from any punctilios of ceremony. If France and England were at war, and they were both defirous of peace, there might be fome little difficulty as to who fhould make the firft piopofals; but if one of them fhould claim the other, as they did long ago, as a vaflal or dependent fubjecl, and fhould fignify a defire to converfe with the other, or fome deputed by him, and propofe him many privileges, fo as to make him even better than be- fore, I defire to know how fuch a propofal would be received ? If we had been for ages an indepen- dent republic, we fhould feel this argument with all its force. That we do not feel it, fhews that we have not yet acquired the whole ideas and habits*
PROPOSED BY LOUD HOWE. IOJ
t>f independence ; from which I only infer, that every ftep taken in a correfpondence as now pro- pofed, will be a virtual or partial renunciation of that dignity fo lately acquired.
I beg you would obferve, Sir, that Lord Howe himfelf was fully fenfible that the declaration of in- dependence precluded any treaty, in the character in which he appeared ; as he is faid to have lament- ed that he had not arrived ten days fooner, before that declaration was made. Hence it appears, that entering into any correfpondence with him in the manner now propofed, is actually giving up, or at leaft fubje&ing to a new confideration, the in- dependence which we have declared. If I may be allowed to fay it without offence, it feems to me that fome members have unawares admitted this> rhough they are not fenfible of it ; for when they fay that it is refufing to treat, unlefs the whole be granted us, they muft mean that fome part of that whole muft be left to be difcuffed and obtained, or yielded, by the treaty.
But, Sir, many members of this houfe have either yielded, or at leaft funpofed, that no definble peace, or no real good, could be finally expected from this correfpondence, which is wifhed to be fet on foot ; but they have confidered it as neceiTary in the eye of the public, to fatisfy them that we are always ready to hear any thing that will reftore peace to the country. In this view it is confidered as a fort of trial of (kill between Lord Howe and us, in the political art. As I do truly believe, that many members of this houfe are determined by
I06 SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
this circumftance, I (hall confider it vvitli fome at- tention. With this view it will be neceffary to diitinguifh the public in America into three great daffes. i. The tories, our fccrct enemies. 2. The whig9t the friends of independence, our fincere and hearty fupporters. 3. The army, who muft fight for us.
As to the firft of them, I readily admit that they are earneft for our treating. They are exulting in the profpe£t of it j they are fpreading innumerable lies to forward it. They are treating the whigs already with infult and infolence upon it. It has brought them from their lurking holes : they have ta- ken liberty to fay things in confequence of it, which they durlt not have faid before. In one word, if we fet this negociation on foot, it will give new force and vigour to all their feditious machinations. But, Sir, (hall their devices have any influence upon us at all ? if they have at all, it mould be to make us fufpeft that fide of the queflion which they embrace. In cafes where the expediency of a meafure is doubtful, if I had an opportunity of knowing what my enemies wifhed me to do, I would not be eafily induced to follow their advice.
As to the whigs and friends of independence, I am well perfuaded that multitudes of them are al- ready clear in their minds, that the conference fhould be utterly rejected ; and to thofe who are in doubt about its nature, nothing more will be re- quifite, than a clear and full information of the (late of the cafe, which I hope will be granted them.
PROPOSED BY LORD HOWE. 1CJ
As to the army, I cannot help being of opinion, that nothing will more effectually deaden the opera- tions of war, than what is propofed. We do not ourfelves expe£t any benefit from it, but they will. And they will poffibly impute our condu<5t to fear and jealoufy as to the iflue of the caufe *, which will add to their prefent little difcouragement, and produce a timorous and defpondent fpirit. — —
Vol. IX. £
SPEECH
I N
CONGRESS,
ON THE
C ONVENTION
WITH
GENERAL BURGOYNE.
Mr President,
I AM fenfible, as every other gentleman in this houfe feems to be, of the great importance of the prefent queflion. It is of much moment, as to private perfons, fo to every incorporated fociety, to preferve its faith and honour in foiemn contracts : and it is efpecially fo to us, as reprefenting the United States of America, aflbciated fo lately, and ]uft beginning to appear upon the public ilage. I hope, therefore, we fhall deteft the thoughts of embracing any meafure which fhall but appear to be mean, captious, or infidious, whatever advan- tage may feem to arife from it. On the other hand, as the intereit of this continent is committed to our care, it is our duty, and it will be expected of us, that we give the utmoft attention that the
ON THE CONVENTION, &C. 1^9
public fuffer no injury by deception, or abufe and infult, on the part of our enemies.
On the firft of thefe principles, it is clearly my opinion, that we ought, agreeably to the fpirit of the firft refolution reported, to find, that the conven- tion is not fo broken, on the part of General Bur- goyne, as to entitle us to refufe compliance with it on ours, and detain him and his army as prifoners of war. I admit that there is fomething very fufpi- cious in the circumftance of the colours, when com- pared with his letter in the London Gazette, which makes mention of the Britifh colours being feen fly- ing upon the fort. I agree, at the fame time, that the pretence of the cartouch boxes not being men- tioned in the convention is plainly an evafion. They ought, in fair conftru&ion, to be comprehended un- der more expreflions of that capitulation than one — arms, ammunition, warlike ftores. They were fo un- derftood at the capitulation of St John's. In this prefent inftance many of them were delivered up, which certainly ought to have been the cafe with all or none. And once more, I admit that the de- tention of the bayonets in the inftances in which it was done, was undeniably unjuft.
As to the firft of thefe particulars, I am unwill- ing to diftruft the honour of a gentleman folemnly given; and therefore~as General Burgoyne has given his honour to General Gates, that the colours were left in Canada, I fuppofe it is fubftantially true, whatever fmall exception there might be to it. The colours feen flying at Tyconderoga, were perhaps old colours occafionally found there, or perhaps taken from fome of the veffels lying at the place, and left
K2
TIO ON THE CONVENTION
there when the army proceeded farther up the coun- try. This is the rather probable, that if the regi- ments in general had had colours, they muft have been feen very frequently by our army in the battles, or upon the march.
As to the other circumftances, they are fo mean and little in their nature, that I fuppofe them to have arifcn from the indifcretion of individuals, quite unknown to the commander in chief, or even to the officers in general.
We ought alfo to confider that it was fo unex- pected, and muft have been fo humiliating a thing, for a whole Britifh army to furrender their arms, and deliver themfelves up prifoners to thofe of whom they had been accuftomed to fpeak with fuch con- tempt and difdain — that it is not to be wondered at, if the common foldiers did fome things out of fpite and ill humour, not to be juftified. To all thefe confiderations, I will only add, that though the want of the colours deprives us of fome enGgns of triumph which it would have been very grateful to the different ftates to have diftributed. among them, and to have preferved as monuments of our victory, the other things are fo trifling and uneffential, that it would pvobibly be coafidered as taking an undue advantage, if we fhould retain the whole army here on that account. I would therefore* Sir, have it clearly afferted, that though we are not infenfible of thofe irregularities, and they may contribute to make us attentive to what (hall hereafter pafs before the embarkation, we do not confider them as fuch breaches of the convention, as will authorize us in juftice to declare it void.
WITH GENERAL BURGOYNE. Ill
On the other hand, Sir, it is our indifpenfable duty to ufe the greateft vigilance, and to a£t with the greateft firmnefs, in feeing that juftice be done to the American States. Not only caution, but what I may call jealoufy and fufpicion, is neither unreafonable nor indecent in fuch a cafe. This will be juftified by the knowledge of mankind. Hif- tory affords us many examples of evafive and artful conduct in fome of the greateft men and mod refpec- table nations, when hard preffed by their neceffities, or when a great advantage was in view. The behaviour of the Romans when their army was taken at the Caudine Forks may be produced as one. The conduct of the Samnites was not over- wife ; but that of the Romans was difhonourable to the laft degree, though there are civilians who de- fend it. Their conful, after his army had pafled through the yoke, a fymbol at that time of the ut- moft infamy, made a peace with the Samnites* The fenate refufed to ratify it ; but kept up a (hew of regard to the faith plighted, by delivering up the cunful to the Samnites, to be ufed as they thought proper. That people anfwered, as was eafily fug- gefted by plain common fenfe, that it was no re- paration at all to them to torment or put one man to death ; but that if they difavowed the treatyr they ought to fend back the army to the fame fpot of ground in which they had been furrounded. No* fuch thing, however, was done. But the Romansr notwithstanding, immediately broke the league ; and with the fame army which had been let go, or a great part of it, brought the unhappy Semnites ta dcftru&ion. — Such instances may be brought froirt K3
112 THE CONVENTION*
modern as well as ancient times. It is even the opinion of many pcrfons of the befl judgment, that the convention entered into by the late duke of Cumberland, was by no means flri£tly obferved by the court of London.
When I confider this, Sir, I confefs I look upon the expreffion in General Burgoyne's letter to Gene- ral Gates, of November 14, as of the mod alarming 0. For no other or better reafon, even fo much as pretended, than that his quarters were not fo commodious as he expected, he declares the public fj'iih is broke, and 7ur are the immediate fujferers. In this be exprefsly declares and fubferibes his opi- nion, that the convention is broken on our part \ and in the laft expreffion, we are the tmm Cofferers* every perfon muft perceive a menacing intimation of who fhall be the fufferers win fhall have it in his power.
Being fufficiently fettled as to the principle or which I fhall found my opinion, it is unr.eceilary for me to give an account of the law of nature and na- tions, or to heap up citations from the numerous writers on that fubjec~t. But that what I fhall fay ran have die greater force, I beg it may be ob- ferved, that the law of nature and nations is no- thing elfe but the law of general reafon, or thofe obligations of duty from reafon and confeience, on one individual to another, antecedent to any par- ticular law derived from the focial compact, or even aftual ccnient. On this account, it is called the law of nature *, and becaufe there are very rarely to be found any parties in fuch a free ftate with regard to each other, except independent nations, there-
WITH GENERAL BURGOYNE. I |J
fore it is alfo called the law of nations. One nation to another is juft as man to man in a Hate cf na- ture. Keeping this in view, a perfon of integrity will pafs as found a judgment on fubjects of thi> kind, by confulting his own heart, as by turning over books and fyftems. The chief ufe of books and fyftems is, to apply the principle to particular cafes and fuppofitions differently clafled, and to point out the practice of nations in feveral minute and fpecial particulars, which unlefs afcertained by practice, would be very uncertain and ambiguous.
But, Sir, I muft beg your attention, and] that of the houfe, to the nature of the cafe before us — at leaft as L think it ought to be dated. I am afraid that fome members may be milled, by confidering this declaration of General Burgoyne as an irregu- larity of the fame fpecies, if I may fpeak fo, with the other indifcretions or even frauds, if you pleafe to call them fo, of withholding the cartouch boxes, or hiding or dealing the bayonets. The queftion is not, whether this or the other thing done by the army is a breach of the convention. I have for my part given up all thefe particulars, and declared my willingnefs to ratify the convention, after I have heard them and believe them to be true. But we have here the declared opinion of one of the parties, that the public faith is broken by the other. Now, the fimpleft man in the world knows, that a mutual onerous contrail is always conditional ; and that if the condition fails on one fide, whether from necefli- ty or fraud, the other is free. Therefore we have reafon to conclude, that if Mr Burgoyne is of opi- nion that the convention is broken on our part, he
114 °s THE CONVENTION
will not hold to it on his. He would acl the part of a fool if he did. It is of no confequence to fay his opinion is ill-founded or unjuft, as it manifeft- ly is in the prefcnt cafe ; for whether it is juft or unjuft, if it is really his opinion (and we fhould wrong his fincerity to doubt it) the confequences are the fame with refpeft to us. Men do often, perhaps generally, adhere with greater obftinacy to opinions that are ill, than thofe that are well found- ed, and avenge imaginary or trifling injuries with greater violence than thofe that are real and great. Nay, we may draw an argument for our danger from the very injuftice of his complaint. If he has conceived the convention to be broken on fo frivo- lous a pretence as that his lodging is not quite com- modious, after the juft caution inferted by General Gates in the preliminary articles, what have we to- expeft from him as foon as he fhall recover his li- berty, and the power of doing mifchief ? It (hews a difpofition to find fault, and an impatience under hisprefent confinement, the future effe&s of which we have the greateft reafon to dread.
The more I confider this matter, Sir, the more it ftrikes me with its force. General Gates fays upon the fubjeft of accommodation, granted as far as cir- cumjlances 'will admit. Was not this proper and ne- ceflary? It was very natural to fuppofe that General Burgoyne, accuftomed to the fplendor of the Bri- tifh court, and poflefled with ideas of his own im- portance, would be but ill pleafed with the beft ac- commodations that could be obtained for him, and his numerous followers, in one of the frugal ftates of New England. It was alfo in the neighbourhood
WITH GENERAL BURGOYNE. 11$
of a place not in the leaft expe&ing the honour of fuch guefts, which had been long the feat of war which had been exhaufted by our army, and plun- dered by their's. One would have thought that the recollection of the ruin of Charleftown, the burning of which, if I miftake not, in a letter of his from Bofton to England, he calls a glorious light, might have prevented his complaints, even though he had lefs elbow room than he wifhed for. But as cir- cumftances ftand, by what conduct {hall we be able to fatisfy him ? When will pretences ever be want- ing to one feeking to prove the convention broken, when it is his inclination or his intereft to do fo ?
It has been faid, Sir, that we ought not to take this declaration of his in fo ferious a manner : that it was written raihly, and in the heat of pafiion ; and that he did not mean that we (hould dread fuch confequences from it. All this I believe to be ftri£t- ly true. It probably fell from him in paflion — and very unadvifedly. But is he the firffc perfon that has raflily betrayed his own mifchievous defigns ? Or is this a reafon for our not availing ourfelves of the hap- py difcovery? His folly in this inftance is our good fortune. He is a man, Sir, whom I never faw, though I have been more than once in England; but if Ifliould fay I did not know him, after having read his lofty and fonorous proclamation, and fome other produc- tions, I fhould fay what was not true. He is evi- dently a man fhowy, vain, impetuous, and rafh. It is reported of General Gates, from whom I never heard that any other words of boafting or oftenta- tion fell, that he faid he knew Burgoyne, and that he could build a wall for him to run bis head againft
Il6 ON THE CONVfeNTION, feV.
I do not by any means approve of boafting in gene- ral. I think a man fhould not boaft of what he has done, mueh lefs of what he only means to do ; yet I cannot help faying, that this was a mofl accurate prediction, which, with the event that followed it, plainly points out to us the character of General Burgoyne. Do you think that fuch a man would not take the advantage of this pretended breach of the convention on our part ; and endeavour to wipe off the reproach of his late ignominious furrender by fome fignal or defperate undertaking ? — —
SPEECH
IN
CONGRESS,
ON A
MOTION for PAYING
THE INTEREST OF
LOAN-OFFICE CERTIFICATES.
Mr President,
I MUST entreat the attention of the houfe, while I endeavour to Rate this fubjett with as much brevity and perfpicuity as I am mafter of. It is not eafy to forbear mentioning, yet I (hall but barely mention, the diftreffed 'and unhappy fituation of many of the perfons concerned in the public loans. I fhall alio pafs by their characters, as whigs and friends to the American caufe. I fhall pafs by the fervices which many of them have rendered, in their perfons, by their friends, by their purfes, and by their prayers, Thefe are affecting confiderations, which ought not, and which I am confident will not fail, to have their weight with every member of this houfe. Let us then, leave thefe topics alto* gether, and Jet us confine ourfelves to the duty and
Il8 SPEECH ON THE INTEREST OP
intereft of the United States in their prefent fit tion, when the care of their affairs is committed us who are here affembled.
Public credit is of the utmoft moment to a ftate which expefts to fupport itfelf, at any time -y but it is all in all in a time of war. The want of it defeats the wifeft meafures, and renders evfcry de- partment torpid and motionlefs. It cannot be de- nied, that by many unhappy, if not unwife mea- fures, public credit among us has been reduced to the lowed ebb, firft by a monftrous and unheard of emiffion of paper money ; next by an a£t of bank- ruptcy, reducing it to fix pence in the pound; then by a table of depreciation. There remained but one thing which preferved us fome degree of re- fpecbability, that the promifes made to lenders of money before a certain period, had been kept for three years ; but now as the laft and finifhing ftroke, this alfo is broken to pieces, and given to the winds.
Let not gentlemen cry out as before, why diftin- guifh thefe people from other public creditors ? I do not diftinguifh them by afking payment for them alone ; but I diftinguifh them, becaufe their cir- cumftances and difappointment give a new and dif- graceful ftroke to the credit of the United States. I diftinguifh them, becaufe I hope that their Offer- ings and complaints may induce us to take fome ftep towards the payment of ail. Strange it is to the laft degree, that this comparifon fhould feem to fet gentlemen's minds at eafe — becaufe great in- jury has been done to one clafs, therefore the fame may and ought to be done to another. In this way
LOAN-OFFICE CERTIFICATES. Iiy
it would be very eafy to rid ourfelves of both, and to fay, why all this noife about loan-office certifi- cates ? have not all the receivers of continental bills fuffered as much or more than they, and had the immenfe fum of two hundred millions funk in their hands ? — If this would be a good anfwer in one cafe, it certainly would in the other. Now is it proper or fafe in our prefent fituation, to refufe all kind of payment to the public creditors in this country, fo numerous and fo varioufly circum* ftanced ? Let us examine it a little.
We are now endeavouring to borrow, and have the hope of borrowing money in Europe. Is this the way to fucceed? Is it not poiiible, is it not highly pro- bable, that our treatment of our creditors here, will foon be known there ? Nay, are not fome of our creditors interefted in this very meafure, refiding there ? Muft not this repeated infolvency, negleft and even contempt of public creditors, prevent peo- ple from lending us in Europe ? I am forry to fay it, but in truth I do believe that it is their igno- rance of our fituation and paft conduct, that alone will make them truft us. I confefs, that if I were at Amfterdam juft now and had plenty of money, I would give what I thought proper to the United States, but would lend them none.
It is to be hoped, that in time truth and juftice will fo far prevail, that our pofterity will fee the neceflity of doing their duty; but at prefent we feem but little difpofed to it. — By making fome payment to the public creditors immediately, and profecuting the mcafures already begun for further fecurity, we fhould obtain a dignity and weight a-
Vol. IX. I.
J 20 ! CH ON THE INTEREST OF
!, that would procure money wherever it could be found.
Let us next confider the effect upon our credit at home. It has ever been my opinion, that if our fecurity were good, and our credit entire, fa that obligations by the public would be turned into mo- ney at any time, at par or at little lefs, we ihould find no inconfiderable number of lenders. Every thing of this kind proceeds upon fuch certain prin- ciples as never to fail in any inftance of having t e£Fe&« From the general difpofition, that pm in this new country, real eltate is lefs efteemed, and money at intereft more, that is to fay compara- tively fpeaking, than in the old. Now, whatever fuccefs we may have in Europe, I am perfuaded we ihould (till need, or at lead be much the better of loans at home, which are in their nature preierable to thofe abroad , and therefore whatever leads ut- terly to deftroy our credit at home, does an eflential injury to the public caufe. Nay, though there were not any proper loans to be expected or attempted at home, fome trufting to public credit would be necefi'ary, to make thofe to whom we are already indebted patient, or at lead filent for fome time. To this may be added that annihilating public cre- dit, or rather rendering it contemptible, has an un- happy influence upon every particular internal tem- porary operation. People will not feek your fcr- vice, but fly from it. Hence it is well known, th it fometimes flores and ammunition or other neccfla- ries for the army, have flood ftill upon the road till they were half loft for Want of ready money, or
LOAN-OFFICE CERTIFICATES. 121
people who would truft you, to carry them for- ward.
We muft now go a little farther, and fay, that if this proposition is inforced, it will be a great hindrance to the payment of t2xes, and raifing the fupplies which mud be called for from the flates. I do not infill upon what has been already mentioned, that the payment propofed would enable many to pay their taxes; becaufe, though that is certainly true with refpecl to thofe who {hall receive it, and though it is admitted they are pretty numerous, yet in my opinion, it is but a trifle to the other effecls of it, both in the pofitive and negative way. It would give dignity to the public fpirit, and animation to the people in general. It would give the people better thoughts of their rulers, and prevent mur- muring at public perfons and public meafures. I need not tell this houfe how much depends in a tree fiate, upon having the eileera and attachment: of the people. It is but a very general view that people ar a diilance can take of the management or i in public draft ; but in general it is well k.iov/n, ti.jy are abundantly jealous, and as ready il as good. I do not : : ^
but iron: facts, when I tell you thai ihey fay, we •ow P*y>»g prodigious taxes, but what becomes of ail the money ? The a - they, get none
of it, being almoit two years in arrcar. Th« pub creditors fay they get none cf it, not even intereic for their money. This was told me by the county colleaor of Somerfet county, N . , ;)a
was not a contentious man, but v ] know
what he oiq;ht to (ay to the peoj La
122 speech on the: interest of
fmall payment, as it would be very general, would be much talked of; and I am perfuaded, for its general good influence, would be worth all, and more than all the fum we (hall beftow. I h.ive heard it faid in fome llmilar cafes, you mud fomc- times throw a little water into a pump, in order to bring a great deal out of it.
Now, on the other hand, what will be the confe- quence of a total refufal ? You have told the public creditors, that you have no money in Europe to draw for. They will very fpeedily hear of this loan in Holland. They are fufliciendy exafperated already ; this will add to their indignation. They really are already fore ; their minds will be rankled more than ever. They are looking with an evil eye upon fome new men coming into play, and thinking themfelves unjuftly and ungratefully ufed. I believe they are not fo much without principle, as to turn their backs upon the public caufe -, but a fpirit of faction and general difcontent, upon fuch plaufible grounds, may do^it effential injury. They may combine to refufe their taxes ; and if any fuch unhappy aflbciation mould be formed, it would fpread ; and many from a blind attachment to their own interelt, would pretend to be upon the fame footing, though they have no concern in the mat- ter : and if this difpofition mould become general, it would put an entire ftop to all our proceedings. This difcouraging profpeft is not merely founded on conjecture. I have been told that there have already been meetings for entering into concert for refufing to pay taxes. Is it poflible we can, in our circumftances, more profitably employ the fum
LOAN'-OFFICC CCRTiMCAT^-.
mentioned in the motion, than in giving fatisfaclion .1 deferring body of men, and in preventing evils
[arming a nature. I: is poilible, Sir, that fome are comforting them- felyes with their own fincerity and good intentions ; that ihey ultimately refolve to pay all honouraWy ; that they have taken, and are taking meafures to . prepare for it. — A fiim of money is called for oi> purpofe to pay the intereft of the public debts ; and the live per cent, jmpoft is appropriated to the fame purpofe. But, Sir, it will take a confiderable time before the mod fpeedy of thefe meafures can bring money into the treafury ; and in the mean time the late ftep of refufing to draw bills, has given fuch a flroke to loan-office certificates, that their value is fallen to a very trifle — the fpirits of the people are broken — a gentleman told me the other day, I fee the loan-oflice certificates are gone, as well as all the reft of the money. The inevita- ble confequence will be, that hard and irrefiftible neeefiliy, or incredulity Tmd ill humour, will make them part with them for a mere nothing ; and then the greated: part of them by far will really be in the hands of fpeculators. When this is notorioufly the cafe, I fiiall not be at all furprifed to find that fome-- body will propofe a new fcale of depreciation, and fay to the holders, vgu fhail have them for what they were worth and generally fold at, at fuch a time. Paft experience juftifies this expectation, and no declaration we can make to the contrary, will be ftronger than that of Congrefs in the vear 1779, that they would redeem the money, and t] it was a vile and flanderous aflertion, that they
L3
124 SPEECH ON *i HE INTEREST, &C.
would fuffcr it to fink in people's hands. I knotf particular perfons alfo, who by believing this decla- ration, loft their all. Now, if this fliall be the cafe again, public faith will be once more trodden under foot ; and the few remaining original holders of certificates will loofe them entirely, being taken in connection with thafe who purchafed them at an under value.
PART
OP A
SPEECH in CONGRESS,
ON THE
FINANCES,
Mr President,
I HAVE little to fay againft the refolutions, as they fland reported by the fuperintendant of finance. Perhaps they are unavoidable in the cir- cumftances to which we are reduced. Yet the ftep feems to be fo very important, and the confe- quences of it fo much to be dreaded, that I mull intreat the patience of the houfe, till I ftate the dan- ger in a few words, and examine whether any thing can poflibly be added to it, which may in fome de- gree prevent the evils which we apprehend, or at lead exculpate Congrefs, and convince the public that it is the effeft of abfolute neceffity.
Sir, if we enter into thefe refolves as they (land, it will be a deliberate deviation from an exprefs and abfolute ftipulation, and therefore it will, as it was cxprefled by an honourable gentleman the other day,
I2() SPEECH IN CONGRESS
give the Lift (lab to public credit* It will I in future, to afk the public to believe any pi we (hall make, even when the molt clear and i cit grounds of confidence are produced. Perhaps it will be faid that public credit is already gone ; it hath been faid that there is no more in this, than 1:1 neglecting to pay the intereft of the loan-ofiice certificates of later date-, but though there wei other differences between them, this being another and frehher inftance of the fame, will have an ad- ditional evil influence upon public credit. But in fa£t, there is fomething more in it than in the other. The folemn ftipulation of Congrefs, fpecifying the manner in which the intereft was to be paid, was confidered as an additional fecurity, and gave a va- lue to thefe certificates, which the others never had, I beg that no gentleman may think that I hold it a light matter to withhold the intereft from the other lenders ; they will be convinced, I hope, of the con- trary before I have done •, but I have made the com- parison merely to (hew what will be the influence of this meafure upon the public mind, and therefore upon the credit and eilimation of Congrefs. Now it is plain, that the particular promife of giving bills upon Europe, as it had an effect, and was intend- ed to have it in procuring credit, it muft, when broken or withdrawn, operate in the moft power- ful manner to our prejudice. I will give an exam* pie of this, in our melancholy paft experience. The old continental money was difgraced and funk, firit by the aft of Mirch 1 8th, 1780, (which the Duke de Vergennes juftly called an ad of bankrupt- cy,) telling you would pay no more of your debt
ON THE FINANCES. I 27
than fixpence in the pound. This was after- .rds further improved by new eftimates of de- preciation, of feventy-five and one hundred and fifty, for new date paper, which itfelf was funk to two or three for one ; and yet bad as thefe men's cafes were, the difgrace arifing from them was more than doubled, by people's referring to, and repeating a public declaration of Congrefs, in which we complained of the injurious flanders of thofe that faid we would fuffer the money to fink in the hands of the holders, and making the mod folemn proteftations, that ultimately the money fhould be redeemed dollar for dollar ; and to my knowledge, fome trufting to that very declaration, fold their eftates at what they thought a high price, and brought themfelves to utter ruin.
I cannot help requefting Congrefs to attend to the ftate of thofe perfons who held the loan-office cer- tificates which drew intereft on France > they are all, without exception, the firmeft and fafeft friends to the caufe of America ; they were in general the mod firm, and active, and generous friends. Many of them advanced large fums of hard money, to afiiit you in carrying on the war in Canada. None of them at all put away even the loan-office certificates on fpeculation, but either from a generous intention of ferving the public, or from an entire confidence in the public credit. There is one circumftance which ought to be attended to, no. the promife of interefi: — bills on Europe were not made till the 1 oth of September, 1777. It was faid a day or two ago, that thofe who fent in cafh a little before March lit, 1778, had by the depreciated ftate of
128 SPEECH IM gQlHtlM
the money, received almoft their principal ; but this makes but a fmall part of the money, for there were but fix months for the people to put in the money, after the promife was made -, only the molt
rent juftice obliged Congrefs to extend the pri*
0 to thofc who had put in their money before* Bolides, nothing can be more u and inju-
rious than reckoning the money by the cieprec; either before or after the lit of March, 177S, for tt part of the money in all the Loan ofliccb wad
as had been paid up in its nominal value, in confequence of the Tender laws.
This points you, Sir, to another clafs of people, from whom money was taken, viz. widows and orphans, corporations and public bodies. How many guardians were a&ually led, or indeed were obliged, to put their depreciated and depreciating money into the funds — I fpeak from good know* ledge. The truftees of the college of New Jerfey, in June, 1777, directed a committee of theirs to put all the money that mould be paid up to them, in the loan-office, fo that they have now nearly in* veiled all. Some put in before March, 1778, and ucr part fubfequent to that date. Now it mutt be known to every body, that fince the pay- ment of the intereit bills gave a value to theie early loans, many have continued their intereft in them, and refted in a manner wholly on them for iupporr. Had they entertained the flighted fufpicion that would be cut off, they could have fold them for fomething, and applied themfelves to other
is of fubfiftencej but as the cafe now (lands, you are reducing not an inconfiderable number o£
ON THE FINANCES. J 2<)
your very bed friends to abfolute beggary. Dur- ing the whole period, and through the whole fyftem of continental money, your friends have fuffered •alone — the difaftected and lukewarm have always evaded the burden — have in many inftances turn- ed the fufferings of the country to their own ac- count— have triumphed over the whigs — and if the whole fhall be browned with this lafl ftroke, it feems but reafonable that they mould treat us with infult and derjfion. And what faith do you expe£t the public creditors fhould place in your promiie of ever paying them at all ? What reafon, after what is pad, have they to dread that you will divert the fund which is now mentioned as a didant iburce of payment ? If a future Congrefs mould do this, it would not be one whit worfe than what has been already done.
I wiih, Sir, this houfe would weigh a little, the public confequenc^s that will immediately follow this refolution. The grief, difappointment and fuf- ferings of your beft friends, has been already men- tioned— then prepare yourfelves to hear from your enemies the mod infulting abufe. Tou will be ac- cufed of the mod oppreffive tyranny, and the grofs- eft fraud. If it be pofiible to poiion the n.;:;ds of the public, by making this body ridiculcu- ( : con* temptible, they will iiave the f.ireiv opportunity of doing fo, that ever was put in their hands. But I mud return to our plundered, long ruined fritf we cannot fay to what their rage and t'. ment
may bring them ; we know that nothing on earth is fo deeply refentful, as defpifed or rejected U whether they may prcc:ed to any vioiciu or difop-
13© SrEF.CII IN CONGRESS
derly meafures, it is impoffible to know* We have an old proverb, That the eyes will break through ftone walls, and for nay own part, I (hould very much dread the furious and violent efforts of defpair. Would to God, that the independence of America was once eftablifhed by a treaty of peace in Europe ; for we know that in all great and fierce political con- tention, the effedl of power and circumftances is very great ; and that if the tide has run long with great violence one way, if it does not fully reach its pur- pofe, and is by any means brought to a (land, it is apt to take a direction, and return with the fame or greater violence tTian it advanced. Mud this be riiked at a crifis when the people begin to be fa- tigued with the war, to feel the heavy expence of it, by paying taxes •, and when the enemy, convin- ced of their folly in their former feverities, are do- ing every thing they can to ingratiate themfeives with the public at large. But though our friends fhould not be induced to take violent and feditious meafures all at once, I am almoft certain it will produce a particular hatred and contempt of Con- grefs, the reprefentative body of the union, and ftill a greater hatred of the individuals who corripofe the body at this time. One thing will undoubtedly happen ; that it will greatly abate the refpeft which is due from the public to this body, and therefore weaken their authority in all other parts of their proceedings.
I beg leave to fay, Sir, that in all probability, it will lay the foundation for other greater and more fcandalous fteps of the fame kind. You will lay what greater can there be ? Look back a little to
©N THE FINANCES. I3I
your hiftory. The firft and great deliberate breach of public faith, was the act of March 18th, 178c, reducing the money to forty for one, which w^as de- rlaring you would pay your debt at fixpence in the pound — But did it not turn ? No, by and by it was fet in this ftate and others at feventy-five, and final- ly fet one hundred and fifty for one, in new paper, in ftate paper, which in fix months, rofe to four for ane. Now, Sir, what will be the cafe with thefe certificates ? Before this propofal was known, their fixed price was about half a crown for a dollar of the eftimated depreciated value ; when this refo- lution is fairly fixed, they will immediately fall in ralue, perhaps to a (hilling the dollar, probably lefs. Multitudes of people in defpair, and abfolute necef- fity, will fell them for next to nothing, and when the holders come at laft to apply for their money, I think it highly probable, you will give them a fcale of depreciation, and tell them, they coft fo little that it would be an injury to the public to pay the full value. And in truth, Sir, fuppofing you final- ly to pay the full value of the certificates to the holders, the original and molt meritorious proprie- :ors will in many, perhaps in moft cafes, lofe the whole.
It will be very proper to confider what effect this will have upon foreign nations; certainly it will fet us in a molt contemptible light. We are juft begin- ning to appear among the powers of the earth* and it may be faid of national, as of private characters, they foon begin to form, and when difadvantageous ideas are formed, they are not eafily altered or de- ftroyed. In the very inftance before us, many of
Vol. IX. M
Ija SPl'FCII IN CONGK'
thcfo certificates arc poflefled by tlic fubje£ls of fo- reign princes, and indeed are in foreign parts. We mud not think that other fovereigns will fuller their fubjects to be plundered in fo wanton and extrava- gant a manner. You have on your files, letters from the Count de Vergennes, on the fubjecT: of your former depreciation ; in which he tells you, that whatever liberty you take with your own fubjecls, you mult not think of treating the fubjedts of France in the fame way ; and it is not impoflible that you may hear upon this fubjeet, what you little expect, when the terms of peace are to be fettled. I do not in the leaft doubt that it may be demanded that you ihould pay to the full of its nominal value, all the money as well as loan-office certificates, which (hall be found in the hands of the fubje£ts of France, Spain or Holland, and it would be perfectly juft. I have mentioned France, &c. but it is not only not impciTi- ble, but highly probable, that by accident or danger, or both, many of thefe loan-office certificates may be in the hands of Englifh fubjedls. Do you think they will not demand payment ? Do you think they will make any difference between their being before or after March ift, 1778? And will ycu prefent them with a fcale of depreciation ? Remem- ber the affair of the Canada bills, in the laft .peace between England and France — I wifh we could take example from our enemies. How many fine differ- tations have we upon the merit of national truth and honour in Great Britain. Can we think without blufhing, upon our contrary conduct in the matter of finance? By their punctuality in fulfilling their engagements as to intereft, they have been able to
ON THE FINANCES. I 33
fapport a load of debt altogether enormous. Be pleafed to obferve, Sir, that they are not wholly without experience, of depreciation : navy deben- tures and Tailors' tickets have been frequently fold at an half, and fometimes even at a third of their value ; by that means they feem to be held by that clafs of men called by us fpeculators. Did that go- vernment ever think of pre fenting the holders of them, when they came to be paid, with a fcale of depreci- ation ? The very idea of it would knock the whole fyftem of public credit to pieces.
But the importance of this matter will be felt before the end of the war. "We are at this time earneftly folicking foreign loans. With what face can we expect to have credit in foreign parts, and in future loans, after we have (o notorioufly broken every engagement which we have hitherto made ? A difpofition to pay, and vifible probable means of payment, are abfolutely neceiTary to credit ; and where that is once eftablifhed, it is not difficult to borrow. If it may be a mean of turning the atten- tion of Congrefs to this fubject, I beg of them to obferve, that if they could but lay down a founda- tion of credit, they would get money enough to borrow in this country, where we are. There is property enough here ; and, comparatively fpeak- ing, there is a great number of perfons here who would prefer money at intereft to purchafing and holding real eftates. The ideas of all old country people are high in favour of real eftate. Though the intereft of money, even upon the very beft fecurity there, is from four to four and a half, four and three quarters, and five per centum \ yet when any. M z
1 34 SPEECH IN CONGRESS, feV.
real eftate is to be fold, there will be ten purchafcrs where one only can obtain itv and it will cofl fo much as not to bring more than two, two and a half, and at moft three per centum.
It is quite otherwife in this country, and indeed it ought to be otherwife. To purchafe an eftate in the cultivated parts of the country, except what a man poflefles himfelf, will not be near fo profitable as the intcrefl of money ; and in many cafes where k is rented out, it is fo wafted and worn by the tenant, that it would be a greater profit at the end of feven years, that the land had been left to itfelf, to bear woods and bullies that mould rot upon the ground, without any rent at all. Any body alfo- may fee, that it is almoit univerfal in this country, when a man dfes leaving infant children, that the executors fell all his property to turn it into money* and put it in fecurities for eafy and equal divifion.
Ail thefe things, Mr Prefident, proceed upon in and' indubitable principles, which never fail of their erYech Therefore, you have only to make your payments as foon, as regular, anias profitable as other borrower?, and you will get all the money you want •, and by a fmall advantage over others, it will be poured in upon you, fo that you (hall not need to go to the lenders, for they will come to you-
PART
OP A
SPEECH in CONGRESS,
UPON THE
CONFEDERATION.
THE abfolute neceflity of union to the vigour and fuccefs of thofe meafures on which we are already entered, is felt and confeiTed by every one of us, without exception; fo far, indeed, that thofe who have expreiled their fears or fufpicions of the exifting confederacy proving abortive, have yet agreed in faying that there mud and fhall be a confederacy for the purposes of, and till the finiih- ing of this war. So far it is well ; and fo far it is pleafing to hear them cxprefs their fentiments. But I imreat gentlemen calmly to confider how far the ; np ?M hopes of a jailing confederacy among thefe r their future fecurity and improve-
ment, will have an effect upon the {lability and efficacy of even the temporary confederacy, which all acknowledge to be neceflary? I am fully perfuaded, that when it ceafes to be generally known, that the delegates of the provinces cenfider a lafting union as impracticable, it will greatly derange the mbuh M 3
T3tf SPEECH IN CONGRESS
of the people, and weaken their hands in defence of their country, which they have now undertaken with fo much alacrity and fpirir. I confefs it would to me greatly dmiin/fli the glory and impor- tance of the ftruggle, whether confidered as for the lights of mankind in general, or for the profperitj and happinefs of this continent in future times.
It would quite depreciate the objeft of hope, as well as place it at a greater diftunce. For what would it fignify to rifle our pofleffions and filed our blood to fet ourfelves free from the encroachments and oppreffion of Great Britain — with a certainty, as foon as peace was fettled with them of a more tail- ing war, a more unnatural, more bloody, and much more hopelefs war, among the colonies themfelves? — Some of us confider ourfelves as acting for pof- terity at prefent, having little expectation of living to fee all things fully fettled, and the good confe- quences of liberty taking effect. But how much more uncertain the hope of feeing the internal con- teds of the colonies fettled upon a tailing and equi- table footing ?
One of the greatefl dangers I have always confi- dered the colonies as expofed to at prefent, is treachery among themfelves, augmented by bribery and corruption from our enemies. But what force would be added to the arguments of feducers, if thev could fay with truth, that it was of no confe- euence whether we fucceeded againft Great Britain or not j for we mutt, in the end, be i objected, the greateft part of us, to the power of one or more o£ the (Irongeft or largeft of the American ftates? And .here I would apply the argument which we have
UrON THE CONFEDERATION. I37
fo often ufed againft Great Britain — that in all hif- tory we fee that the flaves of freemen, and the fub- jecl ftates of republics, have been of all ethers the moft grievoufly oppreffed. I do not think the re- cords of time can produce an inftance of flaves treated with fo much barbarity as the Helotes by the Lacedemonians, who were the moft illuftrious champions for liberty in all Greece; or of provinces more plundered and fpoiled than the ftates con- quered by the Romans, far one hundred years be- fore Cxfar's dictatorfnip. The reafon is plain ; there are many great men in free ftates. There were many confular gentlemen in that great repub- lic, who all confidered themfelves as greater than kings, and muft have kingly fortunes, which they had no other way of acquiring but by governments of provinces, which lafted generally but one year, and feldom more than two.
In what I have already faid, or may fay, or any cafes I may ftate, I hope every gentleman will do me the juftice to believe, that I have not the moft diftant view to particular perfons or focieties, and mean only to reafon from the ufual courfe of things, and the prejudices infeparable from men as fuch. And can we help faying, that there will be a much greater degree, not only of the corruption of par- ticular perfons, but the defection of particular pro- vinces from the prefent confederacy, if they confider our fuccefs itfelf as only a prelude to a conteft of a more dreadful nature, and indeed much more pro- perly a civil war than that which now often obtains the name ? Muft not fmall colonies in particular be in danger of faying, we muft fecure ourfelves ?
13$ SVLECU IN" C3NCr
If the colonics are independent ltatec, te and
difunited, after this war, we may be fare of co off by the worfe. We are in no condition to con- with foveral of them. Our trade in general, and our trade with them, mud be upon fuck terms as they (hall be pleafed to preferibe. — What will be the confequence of this ? Will they not be ready- to prefer putting themfelves under the protection of Great Britain, France or Holland, rather than fubmit to the tyranny of their neighbours, who were lately their equals ? Nor would it be at all impoffi- ble, that they fhould enter into iuch ram engage- ments as would prove their own deftruttion, from a mixture of apprehended neceflity and real re fen t- ment.
Perhaps it may be thought that breaking off this- confederacy, and leaving it unfinifhed after we have entered upon it, will be only poftponing the duty to fome future period ? Alas, nothing can exceed the abfurdity of that fuppofition. Does not- all hiftory cry out, that a common danger is tltfe great and only effectual means of fettling difficult tics, and compofi ng differences. Have we not ex- perienced its efficacy in producing iuch a degree of union through thefe colonies, as nobody would have prophefied, and hardly any would have ex- pected ?
If therefore, at prefent, when the danger is yet imminent, when it is fo far from being over, that it is but coming to its height, we mail find it im- poffibic to agree upon the terms of this confederacy, what madnefs is it to fuppofe that there ever will be a tirr.e, cr that circum fiances will fo change, as
WPON THE CONFEDERATION. I 29
to make it even probable, that it will be done at an after feafon ? Will not the very fame difficulties that are in our way, be in the way of thofe who fhall come after us ? Is it poffible that they fhould be ignorant of them, or inattentive to them ? Will they not have the fame jealoufies of each other, the fame attachment to local prejudices, and particular intereft ? So certain is this, that I look upon it as on the repentance of a finner — Every day's delay, though it adds to the neceffity, yet augments the difficulty, and takes from the inclination.
There is one thing that has been thrown out, by which fome feem to perfuade themfelves of, and others to be more indifferent about the fuccefs of a confederacy — that from the nature of men, it is to be expecled, that a time muft come when it will be diffolved and broken in pieces. I am none of thofe who either deny or conceal the depravity of human nature, till it is purified by the light of truth, and renewed by the Spirit of the living God. Yet I apprehend there is no force in that reafoning at alF. Shall we eftablifh nothing good, beeaufe we know it cannot be eternal ? Shall we live without govern- ment, beeaufe every conftitution has its old age, and its period ? Beeaufe we know that we fhall die, fhall we take no pains to preferve or lengthen out life ? Far from it, Sir : it only requires the more watchful attention, to fettle government upon the bed principles, and in the wifeft manner, that it may lad as long as the nature of things will admit.
But I beg leave to fay fomething more, though with fome rift that it will be thought vifionary arxl
14$ IPEECH IN CONGRESS
romantic* I do expeft, Mr Prefident, a pro as in every other human art, fo in the i perfection of human fociety, gr c have
yet feen ; and why fhould we be wanting to onr- felves in urging it forward ? It is certain, I think, that human fcience and religion have kept company together, and greatly afTiited each other' in the world. I do not fay that intellectual and moral qualities are in the fame proportion in parti- cular perfons ; but they have a great and friend y influence upon one another, in focieties and larger bodies.
There have been great improvements, not only in human knowledge, but in human nature ; the progrefs of which can be eafily traced in hidory. Every body is able to look back to the time in Europe, when the liberal fentiments that now pre- vail upon the rights of con fcience, would have been looked upon as abfurd. It is but little above two hundred years fince that enlarged fyl>em ca »!■•■■ balance of power, took place •, and I maintain, that it is a greater ftep from the former difunitcd and hoftile fituation of kingdoms and dates, to their prefent condition, than it would be from their pre- fent condition to a ftate of more perfect and lafting union. It is not impoffible, that in future time* all the ftates on one quarter of the globe, nr.iy fee it proper by fome plan of union, to perpetuate fecurity and peace ; and fare I am, a well planned confederacy among the Hates of America, may hand down the bleffings of peace and public order to many generation. s. The union oc the feven pro- vinces of the Low Countries, has never vet been
UPON THE CONFEDERATION. T4I
broken ; and they are of very different degrees of fcrength and wealth. Neither have the Cantons of Switzerland ever broken among themfelves, though there are fome of them proteftants, and feme of them papifts, by public eftablifhment. Not only fo, but thefe confederacies are feldom engaged in a war with other nations. Wars are generally be- tween monarchs, or fmgle ftates that are large. A confederation of itfelf keeps war at a diftance from the bodies of which it is compofed.
For all thefe reafons, Sir, I humbly apprehend, that every argument from honour, intereft, fafety and neceflity, confpire in prefling us to a confede- racy ; and if it be ferioufly attempted, I hope, by the blefiing of God upon our endeavours, it will be happily accomplifhed.
SPEECH
IN
CONGRESS,
ON THE APPOINT MEKT OP
PLENIPOTENTIARIES.
Mr President,
1AM forry to obferve, that after going through the inftru£Hons to be given to our plenipoten- tiary or plenipotentiaries, we fhould have fo warm a debate, and indeed feem to be fo equally divided upon the queftion, whether there fhould be one or more to whom we will entruft the negociation ?
As to the practice of European nations, I believe it is fo various as not to afford any argument on one fide or the other ; we may appoint one or more — there will be nothing fingular or remarkable in it, fo as to make our conduct look like ignorance in fuch matters. I am inclined to think, however, that negociations are generally conducted near to their conclufion, by one confidential perfon, though after the more important preliminaries are fettled, more may be fometimes appointed, to give greatei folemnity to the conclufion. We are therefore al
OF PLENIPOTENTIARIES. 143
liberty to determine ouTfelves whoily by the general reafon and nature of the thing, and our own par- ticular circumftances.
As to the firft of thefe, on the fide of one perfon, it may be faid, there will be more precifion, more expedition, more uniformity, and more certainty of agreement with others, and confiftency with him- felf. And the perfon whom we have employed, is a man of found and clear underftanding, and has had the advantage of being a long time in Europe, and no doubt has been turning his thoughts, and making enquiries upon the lubjeft ever fince he went there ; fo that we may fuppofe him pretty ripely advifed.
On the other fide, it may be faid, that, if alone, he might be at a lofs, and that it would be of ad- vantage to him to have the advice of others. It is even faid, that there is a neceflity of others better acquainted with parts of the country different from thofe with which he has been chiefly connected. — As to council, that does not ftrike me much — per- haps there is greater fafety in one than three \ be- caufe he is fully refponfible •, whereas if a common council is taken, the blame is divided, and every one is lefs difficulted to juftify his condudi in the ifTue. Befides, is there no danger to the caufe itfelf, from an obftinate divifion of fentiments in thofe who are entrufted with the conduct of it ? This would expofe us, in the opinion of thofe who ob- ferved it, and might perhaps give lefs refpeft to what each or all of them might fay or do.
As to the neceffity of perfons from different parts of the country, it is not eafy to conceive what cir- Vol. IX. N
144 ON THE APPOINTMENT
cumflances, in a ion of this kind, can be
peculiar to one part of the country more than ano- ther. If it were to make rules for the internal government, taxation, or commerce of the dates, there would be fome force in the remark *, but when it is only to make peace for the liberty and protection of all, there feems to be little weight in it.
But now let us confider our particular circum- irances. Mention has been made of the difference between Mr Adams and the count de Vergennes. I have given particular attention to all that was laid in his letter upon that fubjecl:, and all that has been faid by theminifter of France here*, and there was not one hint given that could lead us to think it was their defire or expectation that he mould be difmiffed or fuperfeded, or even bridled by the addition of others in the commiflion. We have fully complied with their defire upon this fubje£t, in the inftru£tions. There is the greateft reafon to think that they are well fa- tisfied upon it. But if we mould ftill go further, and either difchargehim, or do what is in fubftance the fame, or might be fuppofed or conceived by him to be the fame, this would rather be an a£t of too great obfequioufnefs, and but an ill example for the future conduct of our affairs. What we do now, will be often mentioned in after times ; and if the like practice prevail, it will difcourage public fervanrs from fidelity, and leffen their dignity and firmnefs. There is alfo fome reafon to fear that there may not be the moil perfect agreement among them ; and if a jealoufy in point of afFe&ion between them ihould arife, it might ftill be more fatal than a dif-
Of PLENIPOTENTIARIES. J45
ference in opinion. You may obferve, that Dr Franklin particularly mentions the impropriety of having more minifters than one at one court and in the fame place. We have felt the bad confequences of that alreadv in more inftances than one. Congrefs were led into fucli fteps as ended in our parting with Mr Lee, chiefly by the argument of his being difagreeable to the French court ; and though he was in my opinion one of the moft able, faithful, and active fervants we ever had, and certainly one of the moft difinterefted — he was but barely able to go off with a cold ceremonial adieu, that had very little in it of a grateful fenfe of his fervices, or cor- dial approbation. It is not pleafant to refleft, Mr Prefident, that fo early in the hiftory of this new ftate, perfons in public employment fhould be fo prone to enter into ambitious contention, and puih one another into difgrace.
I cannot help putting you in mind, upon this fubjeft, of what has juft now come to light. You are informed by the French court, in the moft au- thentic manner, and indeed if I am not miftaken, it is by implication at leaft in the king's letter, that you had beer\, ill ferved by the people you em- ployed there, and cheated both in point of quality and price ; and that on this account they intend to give dire&ions on that fubject themfelves. Now, Sir, perhaps it may be news to many members of this body, that theie were the very contracts made by Mr Dean, without the knowledge or content of Mr Lee, of which Mr Lee loudly complained. Thefe were the fervants whofe accounts Mr Lee objected to, . whofe conduct he cenfured. Bill what did he get
14<5 ON THE APPOINTMENT
by it ? Mr Dean was fupported by his venerable old friend, as he called him : Mr Lee was complained of as jealous and troublefome, and difagreeable to the court of France ; and not only oppofed and flighted by many members of this houfe, but I may fay attacked and perfecuted in fuch a manner, that if he had not been fupported with a generous frank- nefs by others, might have ended in public infamy.
I have juft further upon this fubjeft to obferve, that you very lately fent a new minifter to the French court, Mr Laurens — a meafure much difap- proved by many j and it was then foretold, it would be a difgraceful thing to Dr Franklin. Probably he has conceived it in that light ; and as he has no defire at all to return home, I am well convinced that this is the true caufe of the defire exprefled in his lad letter to refign his commiflion*
Some have mentioned the importance of the mat- ter, and that the chance is greater againft corrup- tion, where three are to be taken off, than one. It is very true, that ceteries paribus^ as is commonly faid, there is a greater chance for one incorruptible peribn in three than in one : but there are fingle perfons in whom I would confide a^jnuch as in ten. And befides, the thing may be takeii the other way ; for there is a greater chance of finding one corrupti- ble perfon in three than in one •, and in a commiflion of that nature, one traitor is able to do much mif- chief, though the others are perfectly upright. He, being admitted into the fecret, may not only difclofe meafure^, but perplex them, let the abilities of his colleagues be what they will. I have feen a man ha Congrefs, who upon the fupgofition of his being a
OF PLENIPOTENTIARIES. H7
traitor, I am fure had addrefs enough to draw many into his meafures — many not contemptible in un- derftanding, and fincerely attached to their coun- try's caufe.
Before I conclude, I would fay a little upon our circumitances in another reipect. The firil appear- ances we make upon the public ft age, are of confe- quence. It is to be wifhed therefore, that the cre- dit of the United States were confulted. If we were fure that our commiflioners would be imme- diately admitted to public and co-ordinate feffion with the other plenipotentiaries, perhaps a commif- fiou of three would be augufl and honourable ; but if, as I ilrongly fufpeft will be the cafe, they are not at firit publicly admitted at all, but obliged to negociate through the plenipotentiaries of France — if, as it is not impoffible, even in the fettlement of the treaty, we are not confidered as the formal con-- lg parties at all, but cur intereft attended to in articles as it were occafionally introduced — if this is done as a falvo to the honour of England, and to purchafe for us advantages fubftantial and durable, a pompous commifiion to a number of delegates will rather leffen our dignity, and detract from our wifdom and caution.
Upon the whole, Sir, I am of opinion, that it would be much better to afiign to one the commif- iion already given, with \he inflrucfcions which have be -:n ■:■ i^on,and feem to be in every
the court of France, and the opinion of the king's atvnH is country*.
N3
• N THI
PROPOSED MARKET
IN
GENERAL WASHINGTON'S CAMP.
To his Excellency Genes..:. Washington, and the offi- cers op the American Armt.
SIR,
ABOUT ten days ago, I was informed that ycu were confulting with the farmers in the neighbourhood, and laying a plan for holding a market at the camp. This was to me the mod pleafmg news I had heard from camp for a long time. I fuppofed that you had now difcovered the true and proper way of providing comforts and re- freshments to your foldiers, which, pardon me, I think has hitherto, in God's moil holy will, been hid from your- eyes* Laft week's news-paper brought us the plan, in which I have been fo much disap- pointed, that I have taken pen in haud> to make a few remarks upon it, and fubmix them to your view. Reft allured that they come from a firm friend to American liberty, who has. felt the tyranny of General Howe, and therefore holds him and his caufe in deteftation. You are not to expe£l from a plain country farmer, high founding language,
i
©N THE PROPOSED MARKET, life. 1 49
and well turned phrafes — It is poflible I may be field in derifion for this, by fome of your learned generals ; for I am told you have fome who can write full as well as they can fight, perhaps better ; >e that however as it may, I mean to write only of svhat I think I underftand, and fhall make ufe of :he plaineft words poffible, that I may be under- wood*
I muft begin by faying, that if you are under my difficulty in fupplying your army, either with the neceflaries or conveniencies of life, it is wholly Dwing to miftaken principles, or unfaithful conduct n the manner of procuring them. You are in the nidft of a plentiful country — You command it by four fword, except a fmall fpot in which the enemy s confined •, and I mod heartily wifh you would
>en them in clofer than you do You have alfo
he hearts of the country •, for let people talk as hey pleafe of the number of tories, they are alto- gether inconfiderable to the friends of liberty, in ivery flate in this continent. When the English urmy leaves any place, we do not need your army :o conquer it for us. All that were friends to hem, flee with them, or Ikulk into corners trem- )ling for their lives. Let us confider then how ;he matter Hands — Your army confifts,. I fhill fup- pofe at prefent of 20,000 men ; for though it was :onfiderably larger lately, I reckon from the number jone home on recruiting parties, and for other rea- sons, that irmy be about 01 near the troth. Sup^ofe t however 25,000 ; if thefe were dhlnuuted one in Jvery houfe, for the twenty-five thoufand houies Jiat are neareft to the camp, they would not reach
I5O ON THE PROPOSED MARKF.T
fo far cait as the 1> , nor fo far weft as
: ion! were brought into on their account, they could be well fed,
;;e burden n This (hews that the
whole difficulty arifes from the neccflity of procur- ing and tranfporting provifions to fuck a nun,1:
I together in one place, a which one would think might be eafily furmounteo. It is not my intention at prefent, to make remarks on the commiflary's department for fupplying the
I neceflaries, though I want not inclination. Suffice it to fay, that for refrefhments and fmallcr neceflaries, you are now making an attempt towards the only effectual way, viz. a market, or in other words, inviting people to bring them to you of their own accord. ,
Now, Sir, I have read and coufidered your plan, the chief part of which is fettling the prices of a variety of articles, which it i* expected will be ex- pofed to fale. Fixing the price of commodities, has been attempted by law in feveral dates among us, and it has increafed the evil it was meant to re- medy, as the fame practice ever has done fince the beginning of the world. Such laws, when ther only fay men fhall be punifhed if they fell at any higher prices than the legal, and that if any will not fell at thefe prices, their goods fhall be taken by force, have fome meaning in them, though little wifdom •, but to publifh a lift of fixed prices, as an encouragement to a weekly market, is a new 1 of policy indeed. If people bring their goods to | market, and are willing to fell them at thefe, or lower prices, is not that enough ? and if they ar£
IN GENERAL WASHINGTON'S CAMP. I$I
not willing to fell, how {hall they be made willing to come ? Probably you were told thefe were rea- fonable prices } now I fhall be glad to know what you call a reaibnable price. If it be that which is proportioned to the demand on the one fide, and the plenty or fcarcity of goods on the other, I agree to it ; but I affirm that this will fix of itfelf, by the confent of the buyer and feller, better than it can be done by any politician upon earth. If you mean any thing elfe, it fignifies nothing at all, whether it be reafonable or not •, for if it is not agreeable *, as well as reafonable, you might have one market day, but not a fecond. There are fome things which are not the obje& of human laws, and fuch are all thofe that efTentially depend for their fuccefs upon inward inclination. Laws, force, or any kind of limitation, are fo far from having any tendency of themfelves, to perfuade or incline, that they have generally the contrary effect. It would be much to the advantage of many lawgivers and other per- fons in authority, if they would carefully diftin- gui(h between what is to be effected by force, and what by perfuafion, and never prepofteroufly mix thefe oppofite principles, and defeat the operation of both. Laws and authority compel ; but it is reafon and intereft that mud perfuade.
The fixing of prices by authority, is not only impolitic, as I have (hewn above, but it is in itfelf unreasonable and abfurd. There are fo many dif- ferent circumftances to be taken in to conftitute equality or juftice in fuch matters, that they cannot be all attended to, or even aicertamed. The plenty of one kind of provifion, and fcarcity of ano-
152 ON THE PROPOSED MARKET
ther — The plenty in one cortitr of the country, and fcareity in another--'! nee of one
and nearnefs of anothei — The changes of crcum- ftances in the courie of a few weeks or d..vs — Good or bad roads, or pood or bad weather — The comparative quality of the .-oods — Thefej and an hundred other circum 'lances which can never be forefeen, actually govern the prices of goods at market, and ought to govern them. If a price if juft to one who brings his goods fifteen miles, it is certainly too much for one who brings them only one. If ten pence per pound is a juft price for veal at prefent, I am certain it muft be too much a month hence, when veal will be much more plen- tiful. If one milling and four pence per pound is reafonable for a fat turkey, ought not I to have more for a fatter, which is better both in its quality and weight — being lighter to its bulk, becaufe fal is not fo heavy as either lean flefh or bones. If il is reafonable K> pay me one {hilling per pound foi any meat in a good day, I {hall expect more if I go out in a ftorm ; if not, I will ftay at home on * bad day, and fo you muft ftarve one week, anc pamper the next.
All thefe circumftances you muft allow to reftrair and limit one another. He who is neareft, anc has goods in plenty, will by felling cheap, mode- rate the demands of him who comes far. If yoi pay very dear for any article one day, the news o that fpreading abroad, brings in prodigious quanti- ties, and die price falls, and lb it happens in even other cafe. Thus it appears that it is out of you power to tell what is a reafonable price, and by at
IN GENERAL WASHINGTON'S CAMP. I 53
tempting to do it, you not only refufe the expecta- tion of the people, but you treat them with injus- tice.
I have one more remark to make upon this fub- je£t ; that to fix the prices of goods, efpecially pro- vifions in a market, is as impracticable as it is un- reasonable. The whole perfons concerned, buyers and fellers, will ufe every art to defeat it, and will certainly fucceed. — — — —
ADDRESS
TO
GENERAL WASHINGTON.
THE Prefident and Faculty of the College of New Jerfey, beg leave to embrace this op- portunity of congratulating your Excellency on the prefent happy and promifing flate of public affairs ; and of fincerely wifhing you profperity and fuccefa in the enfuing campaign, and in what may yet re- main of the important conflict in which the United States are engaged.
As this College, devoted to the interefts of re- ligion and learning, was among the firft places of America, that fuffered from the ravages of the enemy — fo, happily, this place and neighbourhood was the fcene of one of the moft important and feafonable checks which they received in their pro- grefs. The furprife of the Heflians at Trenton, and the fubfequent vi&ory at Princeton, redounded much to the honour of the commander who plan- ned, and the handful of troops which executed the meafures ; yet were they even of greater moment to the caufe of America, than they were brilliant as particular military exploits*
We contemplate and adore the wifdom and good-
ADDRESS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. 153
nefs of divine Providence, as difplayed in favour of the United States, in many inftances during the courfe of the war ; but in none more than in the unanimous appointment of your Excellency to the command of the army. When we confider the continuance of your life and health — the discern- ment, prudence, fortitude, and patience of your con- duct, by which you have not only Sacrificed as others have done, perfonal eafe and property, but frequently even reputation itfelf, in the public caufe, chufing rather to rifque your own name than ex- pofe the nakednefs of your country — when we con- fider the great and growing attachment of the army, and the cordial efteem of all ranks of men, and of every ftate in the Union, which you' have fo long enjoyed — we cannot help being of opinion, that God himfelf has raifed you up as a fit and proper inftrument for eftablifhing and Securing the liberty and happinefs of thefe States.
We pray that the Almighty may continue to protect and blefs you — that the late Signal SucceSs of the American arms, may pave the way to a Speedy and lading peace; and that, having Survived fo much fatigue, and fo many dangers, you may enjoy many years of honourable repofe in the boSom of your grateful country.
JOHN WITHERSPOON.
Vol. IX, O
Memorial and Manifesto
OP THE
UNITED STATES
OF
NORTH- AM ERIC A,
TO THE MEDIATING POWERS IN THE CONFERENCES FOR PEACE, TO THE OTHER POWERS IN EUROPE, AND IN GENERAL TO ALL WHO SHALL SEE THE SAME.
THE United States of North-America, having been made acquainted, by their illuftrious ally the king of France, that there is a propofal for holding a Congrefs under the mediation of the em- prefs of Rufiia, and the emperor of Germany, to treat of terms of accommodation with Great Britain, have thought proper to publifh, for the information of all concerned, the following memorial, which {hall contain a brief detail of the fteps by which they have been brought into their prefent intereft- ing and critical fituation.
The United States (formerly Britifh colonies) were firft planted and fettled by emigrants from that country. Thefe fettlers came out at different times, and with different views. Some were actua- ted by the fpirit of cunofity and enterprife, which was fo prevalent m Europe in the fifteenth and
MEMORIAL AND M ANF EST0, &(,. 155
feventeenth centuries 5 fome were chiefly induced by the hope of riches ; and fome were driven from their native country by the iron rod of facerdotal tyranny. They folicited their charters, and fettled their governments on different principles, fuch as beft pleafed thofe who were chiefly concerned in each undertaking. In one thing, however, they all agreed, that they confidered themfelves as bringing their liberty with them, and as entitled to all the rights and privileges of freemen under the Britifh conflitution.
Purfuant to thefe fentiments, they looked upon it as the foundation ftone of Britifh liberty, that the freeholders or proprietors of die foil, fhould have the exclufive right of granting money for public ufes, and therefore invariably proceeded upon this plan. With refpedt, indeed, to the whole of their internal government, they confidered themfelves as not directly fubjett to the Britifh parliament, but as feparate independent dominions under the fame fovereign, and with fimilar co-ordinate jurifdi&ion. It appears from feveral events, that happened in the courfe of their hiftory, and from public acts of fome of their governments, that this was their opinion many years before the late unjuft claims and oppreflive acts, which gave birth to the bloody conflict not yet finifhed.
From the firft fettlerrient of the coloriies, they willingly fubmitted to Britain's enjoying an ex- clufive right to their commerce ; though feveral of the adts of the Britifh parliament upon this fubjecr, they always looked upon as partial and unjuft. Some of thefe appear, at firft view, to be fuch O 2
I5<S MEMORIAL AND MANIFEST*
badges of fervitude, that it is furprifing that n free pie fhould ever have been patient under them. The truth is, they would not probably have been fubmitted to, but that the rigid execution of them art this diftance was in its nature impofhble.
It was always the opinion of the inhabitants of thefe ftates, that the benefits which arofe to Britain from the exclufive commerce of America, and the taxes which it enabled her to raife on her own fub- jecls, was more than their proportion of the com- mon treafure neceffary to the defence of the em- pire. At the fame time, great as it was, the lofs to them, by being confined in their trade, was greater than the benefit to her ; as it obliged them to pur- chafe any thing they had occafion for from her, and at her own price, which necefTarily retarded their growth and improvement. All this notwith- ftanding, when any extraordinary emergency feem- ed to render it neceffary, and when application was regularly made to the affemblies of the colonies, they complied in every inftance with the requifi- tions, and made advances of fums which, in one or two inftances, Britain herfelf confidered as above their ability, and therefore made reftitution or com- peniation for them.
The true reafon of this long and patient acquief- cence, was the natural and warm attachment which the inhabitants of America had to Great Britain, as their parent country. They gloried in their rela- tion to her •, they were zealous for her honour and intereft ; imbibed her principles and prejudices with refpeel to other nations *, entered into her quarrels^ and were profufe of their blocd for the purpofe of
OF THE UNITED STATES*' IJ7
fecuring or extending her dominion. Almoft every city and county in Great Britain had its counter part, which bore its name in the new world ; and thofe whofe progenitors for three generations had been born in America, when they fpoke of going to Britain, called it going home.
Such was the ftate of things, when fome unwife counfellors to the Britifn king, thought of raifing a revenue without the confent of the American legif- latures, to be carried directly to the Englifh treafu- ry. The firft effay on this fubje£t was the famous ftamp a£t, of which we fhall at prefent fay nothing, but that the univerfal ferment raifed on occafibn of it was a clear proof of the juftnefs and truth of the preceding reprefentation. So odious was it over the whole country, and fo dangerous to thofe who attempted to carry it into execution, that in a (hort time it was repealed by themfelves. Parliament, however, by their declaratory a£t, which pafled in the fame feffion, (hewed that they intended to maintain the right, though they defifted in this in- flance from the exercife of it. The Americans over- joyed at the immediate deliverance, returned to their affection and attachment, hoping that the claim would again become dormant, and that no occafion would be given for the future difcuffion of it.
But it was not long before the Englifh miniftry . propofed and carried an a£t of parliament, impofing duties on tea, glafs, &c. which by the fmallnefs of the duties themfelves, and feveral other- circum- fiances, was plainly defigned to fteal upon us gra- dually, and if poflible imperceptibly, the exercife of their pretended right. It was not, however, in their
03
MEMORIAL AND TO
power to blind the colonics, who role up agatnfl of this act, with a zeal proportioned to the importance of the fubject, and with an un- animity not to be expected but where a gn at and r keeps every caule of jealoufy and ■ rion out of view. Not only every colony, by its representative body, but every county, and ai- med every corporation or other fubordinatc divifion, publicly declared that they would defend their liber- ty at the rifk of their eftates and lives. In the mean- while the Englifli government profeffed a determi- nation equally firm to enforce the execution of this act by military power, and bring us to uncondition- al fub million.
Thus did the rupture take place ; and as to the juftice of our caufe, we muit fay, that if any im- partial perfons will read the declaratory a£t, that the fords and commons of Great Britain in parlia- ment, have a right to make laws binding upon the colonies in all cafes w/:atfcevery and which was now producing its proper fruit, he muft be convinced, that had we fubmitted to it, we fhould have been in no refpecl: different from a fet of conquered tri- butary ftates, fubjecT: to a foreign country •, and the colonial aflemblies would have become both ufelefs and contemptible. The writings in England upon this fubjecl:, proving that we were reprefented in .., and ufmg many other equally forcible ar- guments, are and will remain a difgrace to reafon, as well as an infult on American undcrftanding.
At this period of time not only the people of England in general, but the king of England in his fpecch'.s, and his parliament in their addreflfesjj
OV THE UNITED STATES. 1 59
affe£ted to reprefent the commotions in America as raifed by a few feditious perfons, and the confe- quence of a pre-concerted fcheme to throw off the dominion of Great Britain, and fet up an indepen- dent empire. This unjuft and indeed abfurd ac- cufation may be refuted by a thoufand arguments. The ftrong predeliction of the people of America for the people, the fafhions and the government of Britain, proves its falfehood. There was no perfon, nor any number of perfons in any ftate of America, who had fuch influence as to be able to effe£t this, or even view it as a probable obje£t of ambition. But what muft demonstrate the abfurdity of this fuppofition, is the ftate in which America was found when flie began to grapple with the power of Britain. No ftep had been taken to open the way for obtain- ing foreign aid. No provifion had been made of arms, ammunition, or warlike ftores of any kind ; fo that the country feemed to be expofed, naked and helplefs, to the dominion of her enemy.
Agreeably to this, addreffes and petitions were the means to which we had recourfe. Reconciliation to Britain, with the fecurity and prefervation of our rights, was the wifh of every foul. The mod ex- plicit profeflions of loyalty to the prince, and the mod exprefs affurances of effectual fupport in his government, if we were called on in a conftitution- al way, made the fubftance of our declarations. Every fucceeding petition, however, was treated with new and greater infult, and was anfwered by acts of parliament, which for their cruelty will be a ftain upon the annals of the kingdom, and bring the character of the nation itfelf into difgracc.
l6o MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
Single a£ts of inhumanity may be accounted for iiom the depravity of an individual ; but what fhall we fay of grave and numerous aflemblies, enadting fuch laws as the Bofton port-bill, which reduced at once fo many people to beggary, and their property ilfelf to nothing — the a£t permitting thofe charged with murdering Americans, to be fent to England to be tried, that is to fay, either not to be tried at all, or certainly abfolved — the adt. appointing Ame- ricans taken at fea, to be turned before the mail in Englifh (hips, and obliged either to kill their own relations, or be killed by them — and the a£t ap- pointing American prifoners to be fent to the Eaft Indies as flaves. But what is of all raoft aftonifh- ing is, that they never failed to extol their own le- nity, when pafTing fuch a£ts as filled this whole continent with refentment and horror. To crown the whole, the laft petition fent by Congrefs to the king, which befeeched him to appoint fome mode by which our complaints might be remedied, and a way be paved for reconciliation, was treated with abfolute contempt, and no anfwer given to it of any kind. Thus was all intercourfe broken up. We were declared rebels ; and they themfelves muft confefs, that no alternative was left us, but either to go with ropes about our necks, and fubmit ourfelves, not to the king, but to the kingdom of England, to be trampled under foot, or rifk all the confequences of open and vigorous refiftance.
The laft part of the alternative we chofe without hefitation \ and as it was impoffible to preferve civil order any longer under the name and form of a government which we had taken arms to oppofe, we
OF THE UNITED STATES. I(5l
found it abfolutely neceffary to declare ourfelves inde- pendent of that prince who had thrown us out of his protection. This great ftep was taken with the full approbation, and indeed at the ardent defire of the public at large. The extent and growth of *the co- lonies feemed, in the nature of things, to call for fuch a feparation long before ; yet it would not pro- bably have happened for many years, if it had not been forced upon us by the conduct: of our unkind parent herfelf. — The thing indeed feems to have
•been the purpofe of God Almighty, for every mea- fure of the court of Great Britain had the moft di- rect tendency to haften, and render it unavoidable. We muft /take notice, that before the declaration
' of independence, there was fomething like an at- tempt to reconcile us, commonly called Lord North's conciliatory motion ; but it was fo trifling in its na- ture, and infidious in its form, that probably no fuccefs was expected from it, even by thofe who contrived it. Who does not perceive in it an artful attempt to divide us ? and that while every thing elfe is left in the greateit uncertainty, the main point for which we contended is clearly decided againft us? After the declaration of independence, Lord and General Howe brought out a commiflion for givit?g peace to America. But as they had not liberty fo much as to acknowledge us by an open treaty, fo the fubftance of what they offered was pardon upon fubmiffion ; that the parliament would revife the acts they had paffed, and if any of them were found improper, they would amend them : which, in one word, amounted to this, that they would do for us what they them/elves thought good. Thefe off*
l6l MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
however, poor as they were, came too late. So im- portant a ftep as the declaration of independence, could not be recalled ; and the formidable arma- ment fent out againft us in the year 1776, rendered it more neceflary than ever.
We are forry to be obliged to take notice of the manner of conducing the war. It would be for the honour of humanity, that it could be buried in obli- vion. Many were the inflances of perfons, after they had fubmitted and begged mercy on their knees, being murdered in cold blood. The treat- ment of prifoners was from the beginning, and has continued through the war, with fome excep- tions, favage and barbarous to the laft degree. Mul- titudes, before any exchange took place, died by fa- mine and flench. Many were, by threatening and ill ufage, conflrained to enlifl in their enemy's fer- vice j and many were forced on board their (hips o£ war, or fent to Britain to rot in prifon, at a diflance from their friends, without hope of relief. It is not eafy to enumerate the houfes and even towns which have been wantonly burnt, or to defcribe the devaftation of the country, and robbery of the inha- bitants, wherever the army paiTed. To this may be added, hiring the favages to come upon the back fet- tlements. There is the greater fhame in this expe- dient, that they are not formidable either for their number or their valour, but for the fhocking manner in which they torture their prifoners, and murder women and infants who fall into their hands. Civili- zed nations will perhaps find it hard to believe this reprefentation •, but every part of it can be fupport- ed by the mod unqueflionable fa£ls, and it is ren- dered credible not only by the circumflance that ci-
OF THE UNITED STATES. 163
Jiil wars are carried on commonly with a rancour ;and animofity greater than thofe between indepen- dent nations, but by the expreflions of hatred and contempt which have been ufed with refpect to the Americans, by almoft every fpeaker and writer in England. What effeft could fuch language have on the minds of the foldiery, but to fteel them againft all impreflions of pity and tendernefs, as we find was really the cafe, till they were reftrained in fome degree, by the fear of retaliation upon their people in our hands.
At laft after four years of real, and near two years of profefled and declared independence, it pleafed God to incline the heart of the king of France to give relief to the opprefled, by entering into a treaty with the United States, on the mod liberal and difinterefted principles. No exclufive privileges are there ftipulated for the French nation, but the fecure, open, and equal intercourfe to which all other nations are invited. This acknowledg- ment and fupport from one of the moft powerful monarchs in Europe, it may eafily be fuppofed, gave a new turn to our affairs, and a new dignity to our caufe. The terms of this treaty fo favourable to us, as well as honourable to our ally, cannot fail to add the bond of gratitude to that of juftice, and make our adherence to it inviolable.
Not long after this treaty was figned, the court and parliament of Great Britain fent out commif- fioners to make an offer of terms, which we readily confefs were not only as good, but better, than what three years before would have been chearfully accepted. But the ground was now wholly chan-
164 MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
gCcl- ^V offered freedom from taxes, and
even a lpecies of independence itfelf, upon the eafy terms of breaking our faith fo lately pledged, and uniting our force with that of Great Britain •, and both would doubtlefs have been immediately employed in taking vengeance on France for the affiitance (he had lent to us in our diflrefs. Yet even here, the whole was to be fubject to the revi- fion of parliament \ that is to fay, any part of the agreement might be approved or rejected as to the wifdom of that aflembly fliould feem meet.
Thefe laft propofals from Great Britain, deferve very particular notice. They are a clear dereliction of the firit caufe of quarrel, and an ample confeflion that the demands of America were jult \ while the time and circumftances of their being made, fhew that they could not be accepted with any regard either to juftice, gratitude, or policy. Could we be guiity of a direct breach of faith, when the ink was hardly dry by which our ratification of the treaty was marked ? Could we inftantly foiget thofe favours which had been fo earneftly folicited, as well as generoufly beftowed? Could we, who had not entered into a league offenfive and defenfive with France, except for the prefent itruggle in our jehalf, becaufe we did not wifli to be involved in the wars of Europe, throw ourfelves into the arms of an hoftile nation, and promife to make peace or war with her, againft our benefactors ?
Upon the whole, fince the American colonies were, from their extent and fituation, ripe for a feparation from Great Britain, and the nature of things feemed to demand it \ fince their growing
OF THE UNITED STATES. 165
power, added to that of Great Britain, would give her fuch a dominion of the fea, as muft be dange- rous to the liberty and commerce of other nations ; fince, by her own ach of oppreffion, (he has alienated the minds of the Americans, and compel- led them to eftablifh independent governments, which have now taken place ; and fince thefe governments, which are diftirict though confede- rated, wholly fettled upon republican principles, and fit only for agriculture and commerce, cannot be an object of jealoufy to other powers, but by free and open intercourfe with them a general benefit to all -, it is to be hoped that the revolution which they have effected, will meet with univerfal approbation.
ON THE
CONTEST
BETWEEN
GR[EAtT BRITAIN and AMERICA.
Philadelphia, Sept. 3, 1778.
Dear Sir,
YOUR very acceptable letter of the 21ft of March, I received about the middle of June, and would have anfwered it long ago, if there had been any encouraging profpe£t of conveying it fafely. As to writing you a fhort letter that mud have gone open through the enemy's ports, I did not think it worth while. I have, however, now come to a refolution of writing you pretty fully, and trying to convey it by France or Holland; and if it ftiould fall into their hands, and never get to your's, there will be no other lofs than my time in writing ; for as to any other confequences, either to the public or to myfelf, I have not the lead ap- prehenfion.
Your letter came to me fealed, and apparently never opened, in a packet from the Britifh com- miflioners, which arrived at York-town while the Congrefs was fitting *, and confequently it, as well
ON THE CONTEST, &C. 1 67
as one from Mr F— , was delivered to me in prefence of the whole members. As the fame packet, befides the public meflage, contained fome private letters addreffed to particular mem- bers, fome of them from Governor Johnftone, one of the commiflioners, a propofal was made by a member, who read publicly one received by him- felf, that every gentleman who had received private letters from any perfon with the enemy, fhould de- liver them to Congrefs, that they might be read. This would have been attended with no difficulty as
to me ; except fome family affairs in Mr F 's
letter very improper to be publicly read, and fome expreflions in his letter a little offenfive fpeaking of Congrefs. However, it was not done at that time -r and afterwards, in a diet at many days diftance, every member who had received any fuch letter? was called upon to read from them what related to public affairs, which was done.
I am and have been greatly concerned, as you feem to be, for the conteft between Great Britain and America ; and certainly, from my own intereft, have by far the greateft rcafon of the two \ and as I fuppofe, it will be agreeable to you, fliall make a few obfervations. 1. Upon the public caufe ; -and, 2. On my own conduct, which I underftand from many different quarters, to be highly blamed in my native country.
As to the public caufe, I look upon the fepara- tion of America from Britain to be the vifible in- tention of Providence \ and believe, that in the iffue it will be to the benefit of this country, with- out any injury to the other — perhaps to the advan-
P 2
l6S ON THE CONTEST KTWEEM
tagc of both. It fcems to me the intention of Pro- vidence for many reafons, which I cannot now enumerate, but in a particular manner for the fol- lowing— that I cannot recollect any inftance in hif- tory, in which a perfon or people have fo totally and uniformly miftaken the means for attaining their own ends, as the king and parliament of Bri- tain have in this conteft. I do ferioufly and pofi- tively affirm to you, my dear Sir, that it is my opi- nion, that Congrefs itfelf, if they had been to direct the meafures of the Britifh miniftry, could not, or would not, have directed them to meafures fo ef- fectual to forward and eftablifh the independence of America, as thofe which they chofe of their own accord. They have had a miftaken opinion of the ftate of things in America, from the beginning to this hour, and have founded their whole conduit upon their miftakes. They fuppofed fometimes, that the people of America, in general, were fedi- tious and factious — defirous of a feparation from Great Britain, and that their conduit on occafion of the ft amp- act was the effect of this difpofition. Nothing could be more untrue. I am a witnefs that the people of this country had an efteem of, and attachment to the people of Great Britain, ex- ceedingly ftrong. They were proud of them, and of their own defcent from them. Britifh fafhions, Britifh goods, and even Britifh perfon9, were in the higheft efteem. A perfon educated in the old counties had a degree of rank and credit from that circumftance, independent of every other. I think they were even partial in this refpett. I believe, had I myfelf been born and educated in America, I
GREAT BRITAIN AND AMERICA. 1 69
fhould have met with a degree of acceptance and fuccefs in my ftation, far inferior to what a&ually happened. "When an American fpoke of going to England, he always called it going home ; and wherever you are in this country, you meet with almoft nothing but counties, townfhips, and houfes, called by Englifh names. I live at Princeton in Middlefex county •, and on the oppofite fide of the ftreet is Somerfet county, and indeed, I believe all the counties in New Jerfey, are called by Englifh names.
From this I defire that you may infer, that the oppofition made to the claims of parliament, arofe from a deep and univerfal conviction in the people, that they were inconfiftent with their own fecurity and peace. In this I am fatisfied that they judged right*, for had the claim fet up been acquiefced in,- the provincial aflemblies would have become con- temptible and ufelefs, and the whole colonies no better than a parcel of tributary ftates, which,- placed at fo great a diftance, would have been, from error, ignorance, and felf-intereft, loaded in the mod infupportable manner.
Another miftake, into which the miniftry and parliament of England fell, was, that this was a deep-laid fcheme of a few artful and defigning men, who ftirred up the multitude for their own ends ; that the fentiments in favour of America, were by no means general ; but that the artful leaders im- pofed upon them. This I have feen averted from the beginning to the end of the quarrel; and to complete the abfurditv, the very commiffioners
P3
I70 ON THE CONTEST, feV.
now here from Britain, continue to rcafon in the Tame manner — impeach the Congrefs with ambi- tious and defigning views, and feem difpofed to appeal to the people. Alas ! they know nothing of the matter. The Congrefs is a changeable body : members are going from it, and coming to it every month, nay, every week. — —
ON THE
AFFAIRS
OF THE
UNITED STATES.
CTusculum, near Princeton, £ March 20. 1 780.
Dear Sir,
I HAVE received a letter from you, dated June 11, 1778, a few days after I had written to you a long letter of the date, Sept. 21. that year. The defign of it was to defire me to enquire after, and endeavour to procure the enlargement of one Alexander Muirhead, fuppofed to be carried into Bofton. I immediately wrote to Bofton myfelf, and caufed one of the delegates of that ftate alio to write ; but we could hear nothing of him, fo that probably he was not carried into that place.
Your favour of March 19, 1779, acknowledging the receipt of mine of the 21ft of September pre- ceding, I received in the month of Auguft laft year, lam to blame in not anfwering it foonerj but I had no inclination to fend an open letter through the Englifh pofts, and any proper opportunity of fending it another way feldom occurs. This goes by a gentleman who means to get to Europe
I72 OS THE AFFAIRS OF
upon bufinefs, and has promifed to take particular care of it ; fo that I mean to embrace the opportu- nity of writing to you and fome other of my friends. I am obliged to you for your particular private home news about Glafgow, and would be glad of the continuance of fuch intelligence, and the more fo, if you would take in Paifley alfo.
I have been, fince I wrote you laft, in general in good health, and indeed am at prefent in better health than I have been fince I had the laft fit. Excepting thefe fits, and the weaknefs that follow- ed upon them, my health has been good ever fince I came to America ; and that weaknefs has been chiefly a fwimming in my head, and fear and un- certainty when I went to make a long difcourfe in public. It was the opinion of Dr. Rufh, that thefe fits were fomething of the appople£Hc kind. It is remarkable, that for thefe twelve months paft, I have had dmoft conftantly a fucceflion of pimples, or rather fmall biles or blotches, about the temples, within the hair and fometimes on the forehead •, fince which time I have been fenfibly better and freer from the other complaint.
I have now left Congrefs, not being able to fup- port the expenfe of attending it, with the frequent journies to Princeton, and being determined to give particular attention to the revival of the college. ProfefTor Houfton, however, our profeflbr of mathe- matics, is a delegate this year ; but he tells me he will certainly leave it next November. I mention this circumftance to confirm what I believe I wrote you formerly, that the members of Congrefs in ge- neral, not only receive no profit from that office,
THE UNITED STATES. I 73
but I believe five cut of fix of them, if not more, are great lofers in their private affairs. This can- not be otherwife ; for as none of the delegates are allowed to have any lucrative office whatever, either in their own (late or for the United States, though their expenfes fhould be fully borne, their time is taken up, and their own private eflates are neglec- At the end of the year 1778, I gave notice to our legislature that they muft either not chufe me at all, or leave me at full liberty to attend only when I could conveniently. They chofe me how- ever, and I made a good deal of life of that liberty in the year 1779; and this year all the delegates were changed but one, who had only been in one year, and who has not a houfe to go home to, his eftate being in the neighbourhood of New York.
My family are well fo far as I know. The trus- tees of ihe college have laft September chofe my fon-in-law, Mr. Smith, profefibr of moral philofo- He came to Princeton with his family in De- cember. To him I gave up my houfe at college, and devolved upon him the whole bufinefs of board- ing young gentlemen, and retired to my houfe in the country, at the diftance of one mile, and in full fight of Princeton. This I have had in view for feme years, and intend to fpend the remainder of my life, if poffible, in otio cum digniUite. You know I was always fond of being a fcientific farmer. That difpofition has not loft but gathered flrength fince my being in America. In this refpeci I got a dreadful ftroke indeed from the Engliih when they were here, they having feized and moflly de- ftrcyed my whole flock, and committed fuch rava-
174 ON THE AFFAIRS OF
ges that we are not yet fully recovered from it. My (now) elded fon failed in O&ober laft for France, with Mr Girard and Mr. Jay, late prefident of Congrefs. He is to purchafe a few medicines and inftruments in Europe, and return to profecute his bufinefs as a phyfician. My other fon was ftudy- ing law, but for the mean while, is private fecretary to the prefent prefident of Congrefs, and my young- eft daughter is at home.
As to public affairs, it feems to be yet uncertain whether we (hall have peace foon. Greatly do I and many others in America defire it ; and yet, were our condition ten times worfe than it is, no- thing fhort of the clear independence of this country would be accepted. I obferve, by your letter o£ the 19th of March laft year, that you had a high opinion of your fuccefles at St. Lucia, in Georgia, and againft the French trade. I believe before the end of the campaign, there was little reafon to boafl of your fuccefs upon the whole. I mentioned to you in my laft how obftinately the court of England continued in erroneous opinions refpe&ing America; and now I think that obftinacy has become incu- rable. It is plain that they ftill harp upon the fame firing, that a few leading merj in Congrefs ftir up the people, and perfuade them to continue the con- teft. Allow me to affure you, that this is one of the mod abfurd and groundlefs opinions that ever was formed. The Congrefs is changing every day. There is no inftance in the whole conteft, in which the public opinion did not go before their refolu- tions. To go back to the very beginning — the de- claration of independence was forced upon the ma-
THE UNITED STATES. I 75
jority of the then Congrefs, by the people in gene- ral : and, in confequence of fubfequent elections, every fix months that I have been in Congrefs has weakened the party that was fufpe&ed of colctnefs upon that fubje£t \ and now, perhaps, I may fay it is annihilated.
I have read lately your parliamentary enquiry in- to the caufes of your want of fuccefs in America. The examination of Galloway in particular is a cu- riofity. I know that he and fuch as he are blinded and flupified to an almoft incredible degree, by their prejudices; and yet it is hard to fuppofe that he thought as he faid in all points. For example, when he endeavours to make it be believed, that the difficulty of fupply ing general Wafhington's army arofe from the difaffe£tion of the country to his caufe. I admit that he was in the winter 1777, in a part of the country where there are more people either cool or difaffetted to the caufe of America, than in any other on the continent \ and yet his want of fupplies did not arife from that in the leaft degree. It arofe from the date of our money. If he and his eommiflaries had had as much hard money as gene- ral Howe, he would have had all the provifions in the country laid down at his tent door.
I am not only fully fenfible, by a general know- ledge of the country in this and other ftates, that the public mind is entirely on the fide of liberty, and for the independence of America — but I could mention a great many facts and circumftances as evidences of it, ftronger than could well be ima- gined, and indeed which have turned out itronger than even my expectations. One circumitance it
I7(> ON THE AFFAIRS OF
alone decifive upon this fubjeft, which is v Ai known to yourfelvcs, that the moment your army loaves any part of the country, it is not only loft to you, but returns fo ftrongly to the intereft of Con- grefs, that all the perfons known to have been at- tached to you are obliged to fly with terror and confufion. But there is another ftrong circum- ftance, the univerfal attachment of the people to the French alliance. In vain have your partifans endeavoured to alarm the people with the fears of popery and arbitrary power. It makes not the lead impreflion even upon the common people.
Pleafe to attend to the circumftance I am going to mention ; becaufe it furprifed myfelf when I obferved it. There are always, you know, little feuds and contentions, jealoufy and emulation, in every fociety and in every aflbciation ; both in Congrefs and in the country, I have obferved that when one fet or faction wants to make the other odious, they charge them with being cold to the French alliance, and ungrateful to them for their fervices. This, to my knowledge, has been the fubjett of mutual re- proaches, when I do not believe there was any truth in it on either fide. Would you think it — fome have ferioufly attempted to perfuade me, that the New-England delegates were cold to the French, and inclined to the Englifli; to which I anfwered, that I well knew the contrary, but that they were of an independent fpirit, and would not eafily fubmit to unwarrantable influence, either from the French or the Englifli. I mention all this fingly with this view, to fhew you the bent and inclination of the public mind.
OF THE UNITED STATES. 1 77
I have been lately reading over governor John- fton's fpeech after his return, in which to my amazement, he pofitively and publicly denies his lhaving fent any meffage by a lady to Mr. Reed. The thing is now publicly known and confefled. H2 fays they would have named the lady if there had been any fuch thing. Mr. Reed forbore naming the lady out of tendernefs to her ; but if. has now come out. It was Mrs .F— — , daughter
of the late Dr G , married to Mr. F , fou
of R. F , of . What fbould people
think of perfons of his character fo boldly and folemnly to deny a certain fa£t.
I will mention another circumftance to y~u. The diftrefs of this country by the depreciation ot" the money, has been very great. Many have dif- fered great lofles •, not a few have been utterly ruined. Yet I never could perceive that this altered the inclination of the people as to the public caufe in the lead. Nay, notwithstanding the dreadful complaints made againft particular clalTes of men, fuch as foreftallers and engroffers, commifTaries and quartermafters, yet I am perfuaded that any body who fhoulct but propofe to return to fubmiffion to England for relief from their depredations, would be torn in pieces. — — — —
Vol. IX.
OBSERVATIONS
IMPROVEMENT OF AMERICA.
NORTH AMERICA is at prefent from the na- tural courfc of things, in a growing ftate. It will therefore of itfelf, for a feries of years gradual- ly improve. There are however many things by which that improvement may be facilitated or re- tarded ; and it is the laudable purpofe of this Socie- ty, to attend to thefe circumftances with care, and life their utmoft endeavours to encourage the one and to remove the other. Having had the honour q£ being admitted a member of this fociety, and not ig it much in my power any other wife to pro- American improvements, I could not refift iclination I Celt to digeit and put in writing, a few reflection* upon the police of countries in ge- I, the gre ipl^j on which the Philadel-
Scciety ought to proceed, and perhaps I may ofe Tome particular regulations, i . The moral caufes of the profperity of a coun- try, are almoft infinitely more powerful than thofe tha*- are only occafional. This observation is taken from Mantefquieu, by whom it is admirably illus- trated, and it ought never to be out of view, with
OBSERVATIONS, &C. 1 79
thofe who with to promote the general good. The moral caufes arife from the nature of the govern- ment, including the adminiflration of juftice, liber- ty of confcience, the partition of property. The rife of a particular town, the cultivation and beauty of a particular quarter of a country, may fometimes be juftly afcribed to the furprifmg effects of a fmgle perfon who fet the example ; yet he was only the occafion properly fpeaking, of the vigorous exertion. The confequences could never be general or lading, if there was not a difpoution to it in the conftitution of the country. Therefore, a facred regard fhould be had by every lover of mankind, to the principles of equity and liberty, that they may never be vio- lated by any public proceedings. Pennfylvania is fo happy in this particular, that its conftitution need not be improved, but preferved and defended.
2. It is extremely difficult, after you depart from general principles, to difcover what particular regu- lations will be for the intereft of a country. It re- quires a very comprehenfive mind, and a thorough knowledge of the courfe of trade and police in ge- neral. Befides, it is not only difficult, but impoffi- ble to forefee what circumftances may afterwards occur. Many things are uieful and expedient at one time, which in a few years become unneceiTary or hurtful. Nay, many felfifh laws have operated from the beginning, in a manner directly contrary to what was expected. The incorporation of trades in the cities in Britain, is an inftance of the firft : and almoft every law made to the prejudice of Ire- land, is an example of the laft. — —
Q2
SUPPLICATION
OF
J. R****#*###
TO HIS EXCELLENCY HENRY LAURENS, ISQUIRE, PRESIDENT, AND OTHER, THE MEMBERS OF THE HONOURABLE, THE AMERICAN CONGRESS, &C. Wc. fcfc.
THE HUMBLE REPRESENTATION AND EARNEST SUPPLICATION OF J. R —PRINTER AND BOOKSELLER IN NEW-YOFX,
RESPECTFULLY SHEWETH,
THAT a great part of the Britifh forces has al- ready left this city, and from many fymptoms there is reafon to fufpect, that the remainder will fpeedily follow them. Where they are gone or going, is perhaps known to themfelves, perhaps not ; certainly however, it is unknown to us, the loyal inhabitants of the place, and other friends of government who have taken refuge in it, and whp are therefore filled with diftrefs and terror on the unhappy occafion.
That as foon as the evacuation is completed, it is more than probable, the city will be taken pofleflion of by the forces of your high mightinelTes, followed by vaft crowds of other perfons — whigs by nature and profeflion — friends to the liberties, and foes to the enemies of America. Above all, it will un- doubtedly be filled with fhoals of Yankies, that is
SUPPLICATION OF J. R . iSl
to fay, the natives and inhabitants (or as a great lady in this metropolis generally exprefies it, the wretches) of New England.
That from feveral circumfta.nces, there is reafon to fear that the behaviour of the wretches aforefaid, may not be altogether gentle to fuch of the friends of government as mail ftay behind. What the go- verning powers of the ftate of New York may do alfo, it is impcffible to foretel. Nay, who knows but we may foon fee, in propria perfona, as we have often heard of H&fientiusf the governor of New Jer- fey, a gentleman remarkable for feverely handling thofe whom he calls traitors, and indeed who has exalted fome of them (qnanquam animus meminiffe horret lectuque refugit) to a high, though depend- ant ftation, and brought America under their feet , in a fenfe very different from what Lord North meant when he firft ufed that celebrated expreiiion.
That your petitioner in particular, is at the great- eft lofs what to refolve upon, or how to fhape his courfe. He has no defire at all, either to be roaft- ed in Florida, or frozen to death in Canada or No- va Scotia.. Being a great lover of frefh cod, he has had thoughts of trying a fettlement in Newfound- land, but recollecting that the New England men have almoft all the fame appetite, he was obliged to relinquish that project entirely. If he fhould go to Great Britain, dangers no lefs formidable prefent themfelves. Having been a bankrupt in London, it is not impoflible that he might be accommodated with a lodging in Newgate, and that the ordinary ft 3
l82 SUPPLICATION OF J. R-
thcre, might oblige him to fay his prayers, a prac- tice from which he hath had an infuperablc averfion all his life I#ng.
In this dreadful dilemma, he hath at laft de- termined to apply to your high mightineflcs, and by this memorial to lay himfelf at your feet, which he afRires you, is the true modifh phrafe for re- fpeftful fubmiilion, according to the prefent eti- quette of the court. Being informed however, that fome of you are Preibyterians and Religionifts, he has been alfo at fome pains to find out a scripture warrant or example for his prefent conduct, and has happily found it, in the advice given by the fer- vants of Benhadad, king of Syria, to their m after, I Kings xx. 31. And his fervants f aid unto hint) be- hold new we have heard that the kings of Ifrael are merciful kings : Let us we pray thee, put fackcloth up- on our loins j and ropes upon onr heads, and go cut to the king of Ifrael, peradventure he may fave thy life. So they girded fackcloth upon their loins, and put ropes upon their heads, and came to the king of Ifrael, and faid. Thy fervant Benhadad faith, I pray thee let me live. In like manner, O mod mighty and venerable
Congrefs-men, your fervant J. R — faith, I
pray you let me live.
Having thus preferred my petition, I rnuft now intreat leave to lay before your high mightinefTes, fundry reafons, which I hope will incline you to lend a favourable ear to it, in doing which, I fhall, ufe all poflible plirinnefs and candour.
I. In the firft place, there cannot poflibly be any «tang^r to the United States, in fuffering me to live. I know many of you think and fay that a Tory heart
SUPPLICATION OF J. R . I 83
acquires fuch a degree of fournefs and malevolence, in addition to its native (lock, and fuch a habit of treachery, by breaking through the moft endearing ties of nature, that no good can be expected from it, nor any dependance placed upon it, let pretences or appearances be what they will. I remember alfo, about feven years ago a certain perfon hearing acci- dently one or two paragraphs read from the writings of an eminent controverfial divine in this country, faid, That fellow muft be a turn-coat ; it is impoffi- ble that he could have been educated in the profef- fion which he now defends. What is your reafon for that opinion ? faid another gentleman who was prefent — Becaufe, fays he, he difcovers a rancour of fpirit and rottennefs of heart, unattainable by any other clafs of men. But I contend that thefe re- marks relate only to the natives of this country, who like parricides took up arms for her deftruc- tion ; and to apoftates in religion ; neither of which, I am certain, can be applied to me. I was born, as is well known, in old England ; and as for the ac- cufation of apoftacy, I fet it at defiance, unlefs a man can be faid to fall off from what he was never on, or to depart from a place which he never faw. But what I beg of you particularly to obferve is, that let the difpofition to mifchief be as great as you pleafe, where the ability is wanting there can be no danger. I have often feen the lions in the tower of London without fear, becaufe there was an iron grate between me and them. Now it is certain that the Tories in general, would do any thing foon- er than fight. Many of them became Tories for no other reafon, than that they might avoid fighting.
184 SUPPLICATION OF J. R-
The poor chicken-hearted creatures cried out to the potent King of England, to take them under his wings for protection, which he endeavoured to do, but they were too fliort to cover them. Even the late petition for arms in which they promifed to go without the lines, and fweep you all away with the befom of deftru&ion, was but an idle rhodomon- tade — It was fomething like a poor boy fhouting and finging in the dark, to keep himfelf from being afraid. At that very time, to my certain know- ledge they would have given the world for a place to fly to, out of the reach of Wafhington and Gates. But I return to myfelf, egomet fum proximus mihu I can affiire your high mightinefles, that no danger can arife from me, for I am as great a coward as King James the Vlth of Scotland, who could never fee a naked fword without trembling •, having been, as it isfaid, frightened in his mother's belly, when the fierce barrons of that country came in, and killed David Rizzio in his prefence. I was once feverely caned by a Scots officer now (if employed) in your fervice. Though the gentlemen of that choleric na- tion have been very much our friends in the pre- fent controverfy, I find it is dangerous to offend them. Buchanan their own hiftorian fays, perfer- vidum ejl Scotorum in gemunu Therefore by the by, or en pa]pmt> for I fuppofe you are at prefent belt pleafed with French phrafes, I would advife every man who regards his own peace, however fmooth and gentle a Scotchman may appear, not to take him againji the hair, as the faying is in their own country, but to remember the motto that fur- rounds the thiftle, Nemo me impune lacejfat. I alfo>
SUPPLICATION OF J. R . 1 85
very narrowly efcaped a found beating from a New England parfon, who was ftrong enough, without either cane or cudgel, to have pounded me to a mummy. All this, and much more of the fame kind, I bore with the moft exemplary patience and fubmiflion. Perhaps it will be faid, that though no danger is to be apprehended from any deeds, yet I may do harm enough by words and writing. To this I anfwer, that I have expended and exhaufted my whole faculty of that kind in the fervice of the Englifh. I have tried falfehood and mifreprefenta- tion in every fhape that could be thought of, fo that it is like a coat thnce turned that will not hold a
fingle ftitch. My friend, Gen. Ro n, told
me fome time ago in my own (hop, that I had car- ried things fo far that people could not believe one word I faid even though it were as true, as the gof- pel. From all this I hope it plainly appears, that there could be no danger from me \ and therefore as you cannot furely think of being cruel for cruel- ty's fake, that you will fuffer me to live.
II. Any further puniffiment upon me, or any other of the unhappy refugees who fhall remain in New York, will be altogether unneceflary, for they do fuffer and will fuffer from the nature of the thing, as much as a merciful man could wifh to inipofe Upon his greateft enemy. By this I mean the dreadful mortification (after our pad pulling and vaunting) of being under the dominion of the Con- grefs, feeing and hearing the conduct and difcourfe of the friends of America, and perhaps being put in mind of our own, in firmer times. You have pro- bably feen many of the Englifh newfpapers, and
I 86 SUPPLICATION OF J. R-
alfo fome of mine, and you have among you the few prifoncrs who by a miracle efcaped death in our hands. By all thefe means you may learn with what infinite contempt, with what provoking infult, and with what unexampled barbarity, your people have, from the beginning to the end, been treated by the Britiih officers, excepting a very fmall num- ber, but above all by the Tories and Refugees, who not having the faculty of fighting, were obliged to lay out their whole wrath and malice in the article of fpeaking. I remember, when one of the prifoners taken after the gallant defence of Fort Wafhington had received feveral kicks. for not being in his rank, he faid, is this a way of treating a gentleman ? The
anfvver was, gentleman ? G — d n your blood,
who made you a gentleman ? which wfas heard by us all prefent with uafpeakable fatisfa£Hon, and ra- tified by general applaufe. I have alio feen one of your officers, after long imprifonment, for want of clothes, food and lodging, as meagre as a (keleton and as dirty and fhabby as a London beggar, when one of our friends would fay with infinite humour, look you there is one of King Congs's ragged raf- cals. You mull remember the many fweet names given you in print, in England and America, RebelSj Rafcals, Ragamuffins, Tatterclemallions, Scoun- drels, Blackguards, Cowards, and Poltroons. Yoy cannot be ignorant how many and how complete victories we gained over you, and what a fine figun you made in our narratives. We never once mad< you to rctr.at, feldom even to Jly as a routed army but to run off into the woods > to Scamper <nm ?h the fields y and to take to your heels as ufual
SUPPLICATION OF J. R 187
You will probably foon fee the gazette account of the defeat of Mr. Washington at Monmouth. There it will appear how you fcampered off, and how the Ithgliih followed you and mowed you down, till their officers, with that humanity which is the char after [flic of the nation, put a ftop to this carnage, and then by a mafteriy ftroke of generalfliip, ftole a march in the night, left you fhould have fcam- pered back again and obliged them to make a new (laughter in the morning.
Now, dear gentlemen, confider what a miferable affair it mull be for a man to be obliged to apply with humility and feif-abafement to thofe whom he hath fo treated, nay, even to beg life of them, while his own heart upbraids him with his paft con- duct, and perhaps his memory is refreihed with the repetition of fome of his rhetorical flowers. It is generally faid that our friend Burgoyne was treated with abundance of civility by general Gates, and yet I think it could no: be very . 10 him to
fee and hear the boys when he entered Albany, going before and crying, Elfow Room tor General Burgoyne there. Fear and trembling have already taken hold of many of the refugees and friends of government in this place. It would break your
hearts to hear poor Sam. S , or Phiiadc
weeping and v be was a peat
Quaker who 1 in the work! bfct
guides to the ng out
to furprize and you. My toother oJ trade,
G — is fo mac' .:, that {bene fay he lias loft*
or will fo reaibn. ,w:\ part I
do not think I run any rifle in that reipect. All
188 SUPPLICATION OF j. li-
the wifdom that I was ever pofleffed of is in me Hill, praifed be God, and likely to be fo. that has run the gauntlet of creditors, du; bailiffs, for years in England, and has been cu gell- ed, kicked, and p — d upon in America, is ;n no danger of lofing his reafon by any circumftance whatever, fo long as there is the lead profpecl: of , faving his life- I have heard fome people fay that difhonour was wovfe than death, but with the great Sancho Pancha, I was always of a different opinion. I hope, therefore, your honours will confider my fufferings as fufficient to atone for my offences, and allow me to continue in peace and quiet, and ac- cording to the North Britifh proverb, y?^/> in a whole
fit*
III. I beg leave to fugged, that upon being re- ceived into favour, I think it would be in my power to ferve the United States in feveral important re- fpecls. I believe many of your officers want polite- nefs. They are like old Cincinnatus, taken from the plow ; and therefore muft (till have a little roughnefs in their manners and deportment. Now I myfelf am the pink of courtefy, a genteel, portly, well-looking fellow, as you will fee in a fummer's day. I underftand and poffefs the bienfeanee, the manner, the grace, fo largely infilled on by Lord Chefterfield •, and may without vanity fay, 1 could teach it better than his Lordfhip, who in that article has remarkably failed. I hear with pleafure, that your people are pretty good feholars, and have made particularly very happy advances in the art of
ing, fo effentially neceffary to a gent' Yet I dare fay they will themielves confefs, that
SUPPLICATION OF J, R * 189
they are ftill in this refpedt far inferior to the Eng- lifh army. There is, by all accounts, a coarfenefs and famenefs in their exprefiion; whereas there is variety, fprightlinefs and figure, in the oaths of gentlemen well educated* Dean Swift fays very juftly, 4 a foot- man may fwear, but he cannot fwear like a lord.5 Now we have many lords in the Englifh army, all of whom, when here, were pleafed to honour me with their friendfhip and intimacy, fo that I hope my qua- lifications can hardly be difputed. I have imported many of the moft neceffary articles for appearance in genteel life. I can give them Lavornitti's foap-balls, to wafh their brown hands clean, perfumed gloves, paint, powder, and pomatum. I can alfo furnifh the New England men with rings, feais, fwords, canes, fnuff-boxes, tweezer-cafes, and many other fuch notwnfy to carry home to their wives and mifc trefles, who will be rataw-glad to fee them. You are alfo to know that I import a great many patent medicines, which may be of ufe to your army. It is faid that fome of them are exceedingly liable to a diforder called by phyficians the rancomania% which is frequently followed by the two twin dif- eafes of plumbophobia and fiderophobia. If they will but fubmit to a ftricT; regimen, and take the tincture drops and pills which I prepare, I am con- fident the cure in moft cafes would be infallible.
I have been informed, that a certain penon, well known to your auguii body, has cle ,riy demonitrat- ed that virtue and feverity oi in; e necefiary
to thofe who would pull an 0I0 government down, which fete is now happily accompliihed \ but chat luxury, diffipationj and a take tor pieafures* are
Vol. IX. R
I90 SUPPLICATION OF J R-
equally neceffiry to keep up a government alffeadjr fettled. As I fuppofe you are fully convinced of this mod f.dutary truth, I take it for granted, now that you have fettled governments in all the dates, you are looking out for proper perfons to foften the rigid virtue of the Americans, and lay them afleep in the lap of felf-indulgence. Now, I am proud to fay, that there is not a man on this continent more able to ferve you in this refpeft, than myfelf. I have ferved many of the Britifh officers in a mod honourable ftation and character, of which the great Pandarus of Troy was the moft ancient exam- ple. If I am happy enough to make my own con- verfation and manners the ftandard of the mode, I believe you will fee very powerful effects of it in a ihort time. But if, after recovering your friend- fhip myfelf, I am able alfo to bring back and recon- cile to this country the Rev. Dr A , I believe
the fyftem will be perfect. That gentleman, by his robufl form, is well fitted to be an ecclefiaftical bruifer, if fuch an officer mould be needed ; and, with all due deference to the officers of the Ameri- can army, I fhould think that a better way of termi- nating differences among them in Nthe iaft refort than fwerd or piftol, for many obvious reafons. He has alfo diftinguiflied himfelf by the publica?: of fome poems, on fubjetts extremely well fuited to the character of a Chriftian clergyman, and very proper for initiating the tender mind in the fofteft and moft delicious of all arts, viz. the art of love.
Finally, I hope I may be of fervice to the Unit- ed Rates, as a writer, publifher, collector, and maker of news. I mention this with fome diffi- ^erjee \ becaufe perhaps you will think I have fore-
SUPPLICATION OF J. R , IQI
elofed myfelf from fuch a claim, by confeffing (as above) that my credit as a news-writer is broken by over-ftretching. But it is common enough for a man in bufinefs, when his credit is wholly gone in pne place, by fhifting his ground, and taking a new departure, to flour ifh away, and make as great or greater figure than before. How long ,that fplen- dour will laft is another matter, and belongs to an after confideration. I might therefore, though my credit is gone in New York, fet up again in the place which is honoured with your refidence. Be- fides, I might write thofe things only or chiefly* which you wifli to be difbelieved, and thus render you the mod efTential fervice. This would be aim- ing and arriving at the fame point, by manoeuvring retrogade. Once more, as I have been the oftenfl- ble printer of other peopled lies in New York, what is to hinder me from keeping incog, and in- venting or poliming lies, to be iffued from the pref> of another printer in Philadelphia ? In one, or more, or all of thefe ways, I hope to merit your approba- tion. It would be endlefs to mention all my de- vices ; and therefore I will only fay further, that I can take a truth, and fo puff and fwell and adorn it, frill keeping the proportion of its parts, but en- larging their dimenfions, that you could hardly dis- cover where the falfehood lay, in cafe of a ftri£t investigation.
That I may not weary you, I conclude with re- commending myfelf to your kind countenance and prcte&ion \ and in the mean time, waiting for a favourable anfwer, your petitioner, as in dut^ bound, (hall ever pray, I
R 2
RECANTATION
• P
BENJAMIN TOWNE.
IBE FOLLOWING WAS PRINTED IN LOUDON'S NEW YORK PAO KET PUBLISHED AT FISHKILL, OCTOBER I. 1778*
TPHE following fa£b are well known, ift. That I Benjamin Towne ufed to print the Penn- fylvania Evening Poft, under the protection of Con- grefs, and did frequently, and earneftly folicit fun- dry members of the faid Congrefs for diflertations and articles of intelligence, profeffing myfelf to be a very firm and zealous friend to American liberty. 2d. That on the Englifli taking poffeffion of Phila- delphia, I turned fairly round, and printed my Evening Poft under the protection of General Howe and his army, calling the Congrefs and all their adherents, rebels, rafcals, and raggamuffins, and feveral other unfavoury names, with which the hu- mane and polite Englifli are pleafed to honour them. Neither did I ever refufe to infert any diflertation however fcurrilous, or any article of intelligence fent to me, although many of them I well knew to be, as a certain gentleman elegantly exprefles it, facts that never happened, 3d. That I am now will-
RECANTATION, &C. 193
1 defirous to turn once more, to unlay all that I have laft faid, and to print and publjfh for the United States of America, which are likely to be uppermoft, againft the Britiih tyrant •, nor will I be backward in calling him, after the example of the great and eminent author of Common Senfe, Tie Rr;al Brute, or giving him any other appella- tion (till more opprobrious, if fuch can be found.
The facts being thus dated, (I will prefume to fay altogether fairly and fully) I proceed to obferve, that I am not only profcribed by the Prefident and Supreme executive council of Pennfylvania, but that feveral other perfons are for reprobating my paper, and alledge that irifteacl of being f uttered to print, I ought to .; traitor to my coun-
try. On tiiis account I hare thought proper to publith the following humble confeffibn, declaration^ recantation and apology, hoping that it will affuage- h of my enemies, and in forne degree reftore me to the favour and indulgence of the public. In hen, I dejfore it may be obferved, that . , nor ever pretended to be a man
of 61 y. I was originally
an under iln-ppcr way in his in-
ns fquabble wjrh Qoddard, and did in that fervice contract fuch a habit of meannefs in think- ing, and fcurri'iry in writing, that nothing exalted? as brother Bell provedore to the fentimentalilts, would fay, could ever be expected from me. Now changing fides, is not any way furpnfmg in a per- fon anfwering the above description. I remember to have read in the Roman hiftory, that when Cato of Utica had put himfelf to death, being unable t*
R3
194. RECANTATION OF
fumve the diflbiution of the republic, and the ex- tinction of liberty ; another fenator of inferior note, whofe name I cannot recollect, did the fame things But what thanks did he receive for this ? The men of reflexion only laughed at his abiurd imitation of h great a perfonage, and faid — he might have lived though the republic had come to its period. Had a Hancock or an Adams changed fides, I grant you they would have deferved no quarter, and I believe would have received none ; but to pafs the feme judgment on the conduct of an obfeure printer is miferable reafoning indeed. After all, why fo much noife about a trifle ? What occafion is there- for the public to pour out all its wrath upon poor Towne ; are turn coats fo rare ? Do they not walk
on every fide? Have we not feen Dr. S , J
A , T C , and many others who were
firft champions for liberty ; then friends to govern- ment,— and now difcovcr a laudable inclination to fall into their ranks as quiet and orderly fubjecrs of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The rational moralifts of the laft age ufed to tell us, that there was an eflential ditFerence between virtue and vice^ becaufe there was an eflential difference to be ob- ferved in the nature and reafon of things. Now,. with all due deference to theft great men, I think I am as much of a philolbpher as to know that there are no circumftances of a£tion, more important than thofe of time and place. Therefore if a man pay no regard to the changes that may happen in thefe circumftances, there will be very little virtue, and ftill lefs prudence in his behaviour. Perhaps I have got rather too deep for common readers, and there-
BENJAMIN TOWNE.. 195
fore mail aik any plain Quaker in this city what he would fay to a man who fhould wear the fame coat in fummer as in winter in this climate ? He would certainly fay, " Friend, thy wifdom is not great." Now whether I have not had as good reafon to change my conduct: as my coat, fince laft January, I leave to every impartial perfon to determine. 2. I do hereby declare and confefs, that when I printed for Congrefs, and on the fide of liberty, it was not by any means from principle, or a defire that the caufe of liberty mould prevail, but purely and fimply from the love of gain. I could have made nothing but tar and feathers by printing againft them as things then flood. I make this candid ac- knowledgment not only as a penitent to obtain par- don, but to fhew that there was more confiftency in my conduct than my enemies are willing to allow. They are pleafed to charge me with hypo- crify in pretending to be a whig when I was none* This charge is faife j I was neither whig nor tory, but a printer. I deteft and abhor hypocrify. I had no more regard for General Howe or General Clinton, or even Mrs. Lo wring, or any other of the ehafle nymphs that attended the Fete Champetre, alias Mifchianza, when I printed in their behalf, than for the Congrefs on the day of their retreat. It is pretended that I certainly did in my heart in- cline to the Englifh, becaufe I printed much bigger lies and in greater number for them, than for the Congrefs. This is a mod falfe and unjufl infinua- tion. It was entirely the fault of the Congrefs themfelves, who thought fit (being but a new po- tentate in the earth) to be much more modeft, and
ti)& RLCAN TAT10N O*
keep nearer the truth than their adversaries. I la J any of them brought me in a lie as big as a moun- tain it thouid have iffued from my prefs. This-
- me an opportunity of {hewing the folly as well as malignity of thofe who arc actuated by party fpirit ; many of them have affirmed that I printed mciiftrous and U lies for General
Howe. Now pray what harm could incredible lies do ? The only hurt, I conceive, that any lie can do is by obtaining belief, as a truth \ but an incredible lie can obtain no belief, and therefore at leaft muft be perfectly harmless. What will thofe cavillers think, if I mould turn this argument againft them, and fay that the mod effectual way to difgrace any caufe, is to publitli monftrous and incredible lies in its favour. In this view, I have not only innocence, but iome degree of merit to plead. However, take it which way you will, there never was a lie pub-, lifhed in Philadelphia that could bear the leaft
portion with thofe pubiilhed by J R
in New York. This in my opinion is to be imput- ed to the fuperiority, not cf the printer, but of the
ptQr or prompters. I reckon Mr. T to.
have excelled in that branch j and probably h many coadjutors. What do you think of 40,000- Ruffians, and 2c,c::> Moors, which Moors too
were fiid by Mr. R to be dread
the w pf the boats building at the
. of Monongahela to carry the C the Ohio to New Orleans ? Thefe wt\ rrs. —
A* to myfelf and friend II , we con- tented ourfelves with publishing affidavits to prove that the king of France was determined to prefervc
BENJAMIN TOWNE. ttjj
the friendfhip that fubfifted between him and his good brother the king of England, of which he has given a new proof, by entering into and communicate ing his treaty with the United States of America. Upon the whole, I hope the public will attribute my condu£t, not to difaffe&ion, but to attachment to my own intereft and defire of gain in my profeflion; a principle, if I miftake not, pretty general and pretty powerful in the prefent day.
3^//)'. I hope the public will confider that I have been a timorous man, or, if you will, a coward, from my youth, fo that I cannot fight, — my belly is fo big that I cannot run, — and I am fo great a lover of eating and drinking that I cannot ftarve. When thofe three things are confidered, I hope they will fully account for my pall conduct, and procure me the liberty of going on in the fame uniform tenor for the future. No juft judgment can be formed of a man's chara£ter and condu£l, unlefs every circumftance is taken in and fairly attended to ; I therefore hope that this juftice will be done in my cafe. I am alfo verily perfuaded that if all thofe who are cowards as well as myfelf, but who are better off in other refpects, and therefore can and do run whenever danger is near them, would befriend me, I fhould have no inconfiderable body on my fide. Peace be with the Congrefs and the army \ I mean no reflections •, but the world is a wide field, and I wiih every body would do as they would be done by. Finally, I do hereby recant, draw back, eat in, and fw.illow down, every word that I have ever fpoken, written or printed to the prejudice of the United States of America, hop-
I98 RLCANTATION, &C.
ing it will not only fuisfy the good people in ge- neral, but alfo all thofe fcatterbrained fellows, who call one another out to fhoot piftols in th while they tremble fo much that they cannot hit the mark. In the mean time I will return to labour with afliduity in my lawful calling, and efl'ays and intelligence as before ihall be gratefully accepted1 by the public's moil: obedient humble fervant,
BENJAMIN TOWNB.
DESCRIPTION of the STATE
OF
NEW JERSEY
ANSWERS IN PART TO MR MARBOIs's QUESTIONS RESPECTING NEW JHRStY.
I. >JEW JERSEY is bounded on the north by a line drawn from the North or Hudfon's river to the boundary of Pennfyhania, fixed ab >ut ten years ago by commiffioners appointed from New York and New Jerfey, and marked in all the late maps. This line runs nearly weft, and paffes about thirty miles north of Morris-town in New Jerfey.
It is bounded on the eaft by Hudfon's river, from the line juft now mentioned to the fea.
It is bounded on the fouth by the Atlantic Ocean, from the mouth of Hudfon's river to Cape May, at the mouth of Delaware Bay. And on the wi the Delaware, ro tl e place where the firft men- tioned line ftrikes it, between tw and three hun- dred miles from the
II. Smith's hfftory of New J:rrcy is the only pu- blication that can anfwer the defign of this query.
200 A DIS3CRIPTI0N OF
III. New Jerfey confifts of thirteen 'counties, which, beginning at Cape May on the Delaware Bay, lie in the following order : Cape May, Salem, Cumberland, Gloucclter, Burlington, Hunterdon, Suflex, Morris, Bergen, ElTex, Somerfet, Middle- fex, Monmouth. Thefe counties are fubdivided into townihips or precin&s.
There are no cities in New Jerfey, but Burling- ton and Perth Amboy, which were feverally the • capitals of Eaft and Weft Jerfey, as will be feen by the patents and hiftory of the fettlement.
The chief villages, or c- nfiderable places in New Jerfey, are Haddonfield, Mountholly, Burdentown, Trenton, Princeton, Brunfwick, Morrifton, Spring- field, Woodbridge, Elizabeth-town, Newark, Hack- enfack, Pittftown, Cranberry, Shrewfbury, Allen- town, Pennington, and fome others of lefs note.
The only river of confiderable extent in New- Jerfey, is the Raritan ; the two branches of which paffing through the north-eaftern parts of the ftate, unite near twenty miles above Brunfwick, and re- ceiving the Milftone and fome other fmaller ftreams, it becomes navigable about two miles above Brun- fwick, and from thence to Amboy bay, about twen- ty miles by water, is navigated by ihallops and fmall veiTels of one hundred or one hundred and fifty tons.
South river pafles through Cranberry, in Middle- sex county, and empties itielf into the Raritan be- fore it reaches Amboy.
Black river is a confiderable ftream, palling thro* Morris county eaftward, and empties itielf into Hudion's river.
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 201
Paflaic river pafles through Bergen county, and enters into the bay cppofite to Newark. There are falls pretty remarkable on this river, at the head of the bay, which many people go to fee as a curiofity.
There are many other fmall rivulets, not confi- derabte, and many creeks and inlets upon the fea coaft, and particularly in the bay and river of De- laware, none of them navigable far into the country^
As to mountains, there is a ridge not very high, but commonly called Rocky Hill, which crofTes the great road from Philadelphia to New York, about five miles eaftward of Princeton, and runs from the fouth-eaft to the north-weft, continuing about ten miles in length, palling about one mile and a half to the north of Princeton. Though there are no hills properly fpeaking, there is a continued and gradual afcent from the Delaware to Princeton, and a gra- dual defcent from thence to the eaftward. There is a great ridge of mountains near and on the boun- dary between New Jerfey and New York, running if from eaft to weft.
The trees are very various. As to foreft trees, there are oaks of various kinds, afh, maple, birch, chefnut, walnut, pine, locuft. The mkidle and up- per parts of the country run much into the feveral kinds of oak, and in the lower parts are to be found great quantities of pine and cedar. The mulberry tree thrives in mod parts of the ftate ; and it feems remarkably favourable to fruit trees, particu apples, pears, cherries and peaches., of all which there is great abundance. The vine grows fponta- neoufly in many parts, and bears a large blue g not unpleafant to eat.
Vol. IX. S
202 A DESCRIPTION OF
The produce of die improved farms, is wheat, rye, barley, Indian corn, buckwheat, flax, and hemp. It is ufual for farmers to have a fmall piece of land in tobacco ; but it is only for their own ufe, or that of their fervants; it is not raifed in New Jer- fey for fale. All the garden herbs raifed in France and England, thrive well in New Jerfey *, fo proba- bly would vines, if cultivated by perfons who un- derftood the bufinefs.
Black cattle are raifed in New* Jerfey to great ad- vantage— alfo horfes. There is a particular turn in the inhabitants for raifing fine horfes, from the breed imported from England. There is alfo a large breed of heavy draught horfes, in thofe parts of the ftate chiefly inhabited by the Low Dutch.
IV. The number of inhabitants in New Jerfey at prefent, is certainly not lefs than two hundred thoufand. There was an exa£t lift of them taken about ten years ago, which will be procured in a fhort time. There are negroes, but they are cer- tainly not above one feventh or one' tenth part of the whole. The negroes are exceedingly well ufed, being fed and clothed as well as any free perfons who live by daily labour.
V. There is no profeflion of religion which has an exclufive legal eftablifhment. Some particular churches have charters of incorporation ; and pro- bably they would not be refufed to a body of any denomination. All profeffions are tolerated, and all proteftants are capable of ele£Hng and being de&ed, and indeed have every privilege belonging
THE STATE OF NEW JERSET. 20J
to citizens. — There are in New Jerfey, Englifh Prefbyterians,LowDutchPrefbyterians,Epifcoplians, Baptifts, Quakers. The twofirft, except the difference of the national connexion of the one with the church of Scotland, and the other with the church of Holland, and the language, are of the fame principles as to doc- trine. They have the fame worfhip and government, and they are by far the mod numerous. There is a great majority of the prefent legiflature of thefe two denominations. Formerly the Quakers, though not the majority, had confiderable influence -, but fince the late conteft with Great Britain, they are fewer in number, and altogether without power. The Epifcopalians are few. The Baptifts are Pref- byterians in all other refpects, only differing in the point of Infant-baptifm ; their political weight goes the fame way as the Prefbyterians $ their number is fmall.
VI. There is atT?rincetoh a college, which had' originally a royal charter, begun in 1748. It is now confirmed in its privileges, with fome alterations and improvements, by act of affembly. The charter name of it is, the college of New Jerfey ; the name of the building, Naflau Hall. It was in a flourifh- ing ftate before the war, having about one hundred and fifty under graduates and other fcholars ; but was entirely defolated, and the houfe made a wreck, by the confufion of the times — firft by the Englifh army, which entirely fcattered the fcholars, and took poffeffion of the houfe ; and afterwards, by the American army making it a barrack and hofpital. It now begins to recover, having of under graduates S2
204 A DESCRIPTION OF
and fcholars about fixty. — A printed account of the college has been given to Mr Marbois before.
There is alfo in New Jerfey a, college, whofe charter name is Queen's College, fet up by the Low Dutch, with a particular view to preferve their language, and all the peculiar cuiloms of the church of Holland. They have no building as yet, but have carried on their inftru&ion fometimes at Brunf- wick, fometimes elfcwhcre.
The college of New Jerfey is the befl building in the flate. Neither churches nor court houfes are any where fumptuous. There is no public holpital in the (late.
There are few men of letters in the ftate of New Jerfey, except thofe who belong to law, phyfic, or theology ; and many of thefe profefiions are often taken up without a liberal education. The flate confifts almoft wholly of fubftantial farmers. There has been formerly known, efpecially when the Quakers had fome power, a prejudice againfl learn- ing— That prejudice begins to wear off.
There are no turnpike roads. There are ftatutes for the widenefs of the public roads; alfo for repair- ing, though it is generally poorly done — yet from the climate and the level pofition of the country, the roads are excellent in fummer. The accom- modations in taverns are in general as good as in any ftate in America. The great road from Phila- delphia to New York, lies through the middle of New Jerfey, by Trenton, Princeton, Brunfwkk, Voodbridge, Elizabeth-town, and Newark.
VII. I cannot at prefent recollect any cufloms
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 20J
peculiar to the date, or that from their Angularity deferve notice. New Jerfey was firft peopled by the Low Dutch, at lead the eaftern part of it. Their language is continued there as yet, though wearing out. They are a remarkably cleanly people, and frugal. They ufe their (laves and other fervants with great humanity, often not fcrupling white and black to eat together. People from all the other ftates are continually moving into and out of this ftate, fo that there is little peculiarity of manners.
VIII. The prefent Jlatr of manufactures , commerce^ and exterior trade.
New Jerfey being in general fettled by farmers, with a great equality of rank and even pofleflions, no confiderable manufactures are eftablifhed in it. There are, however, tradefmen difperfed through it, of almoft every kind. The farmers being frugal, and plain in their manners, always made both linen and woolen cloth for their own families and their: fervants. They have given greater attention to this matter within thefe five or fix years that the differ- ences with Great Britain have fubfifled. I believe - it may be depended upon, that there is not one in ten of the members of thelegiflature of New Jerfey, who is not clothed in the manufacture of his own family for the greateft part, and many of them have no other clothing of any kind. At this time a great quantity of very good cloth is made in the families. Some tradefmen in different places make for fale, but not much. There are fome very confiderable. dealers in leather, and itill a greater number in hat*.
S3
A DESCRrPTlo
1 iron tools are well made here, but not for ex- portation out of t]
m the fituation of New Jerfey, there is hardly any foreign trade carried on directly from it. The merchants in Trenton, Brunfwick, Burdentown, and ieveral other places, have boats, fhallops, and other fmall vefiels, with which they trade to Phila-
tphia or New York. In former times fliips might he entered both at Burlington and Amboy, for any part of the world : but few are fent abroad — fuch of our merchants as are concerned in foreign trade, being almoft always joined in company with fome of the large cities above mentioned.
IX. A notice of the be/} fea-ports in the Jlate, and bow big are the vejfels they can receive.
The beft fea-port in the ftate of New- Jerfey is Amboy, which can receive vefiels of as great burden as New York. There has never been as yet any great foreign trade at Amboy. The vicinity of New York has probably been a hindrance to it. There are harbours at little Egg-harbour and great -harbour, on the coaft of the Atlantic, which privateers and traders have made a confiderable ufe of iince the war. They cannot receive vefiels of gi burden ; but the greateft part of the trading veflels can go in there. The fame is the cafe with the creeks on the Jerfey fhore, in the river Delaware.
X. A notice of the commercial produBiont peculiar
to that fate, and of thofe objects which the inhabitants are obliged to draw from Europe and from other parts of th
The productions of New Jerfey, and the fources
THE STATE OF NL.W JERSLY. 207
of its wealth, are grain of every kind, as mention- ed under queftion third — horfes, cattle, faked beef and pork, and poultry. In times of peace, great quantities of all thefe are fent to the Weft Indies, and flax-feed to Europe, fhipped however more com- monly in Philadelphia or. New York, than any port in New Jerfey. The city of Philadelphia receives a great proportion of its provifions, including vegeta- bles of every kind, from New Jerfey. The foil of that part of New Jerfey which is oppofite to Phila- delphia, is exceedingly proper for gardening, and derives much of its value from its proximity to that city.
The ftate of New Jerfey is obliged to draw from Europe and other parrs, tea, fugar, wine, fpirits. Before the war they purchafed confiderable quanti- ties of Englifh cloth, both linen and woolen, be- caufe cheaper than they could manufacture it in many inftances, and becaufe many tradefmen and others had not the materials of manufacture. All articles of finery they mud purchafe if they ufe them — lawns, gauzes, filks and velvet.
XI. The weights > meafures, mid the currency of hard money — Some details relating to the exchange with Eu- ' rope. '
The weights and meafures now ufed in New Jer- fey, are the fame aS" in England, of every kind — meafures of length, folidity, fuperfices, dry and li- quid. The moft common for grain is the bufhel, which contains eight Winchefter gallons, and each gallon two hundred and feventy-two and a quarter folid inches.
208 A DESCRIPTION OF
The exchange between New Jerfey and Europe, is carried on almoft wholly through Philadelphia and New York.
The ftatute currency of money in New Jerfey is m the fame proportion to fterling as that of Pennfyl- rania, that is as five to three. A Spanifh milled dollar is, of New Jerfey proclamation money, feven* (hilling* and fixpence. There was twenty years ago> a currency or way of reckoning in New Jerfey, com- monly called light money, according to which a dollar was eight (hillings and eight pence, but this feems now to be wholly difufed, or confined only to the north-eaftern part of the ftate. The other way of reckoning is called proclamation money^ which prevails.
XII. The public income and expences. The public income of New Jerfey confifts, fo far as is known to me, of taxes annually laid by the af- femblies ; and is great or fraall, as they (hall think the exigences of the ftate require. There is in ge- neral a great difpofition to fave the public money v indeed fuch as in many inftances to make inadequate provifion. The falary of the governor was by the a£t of fupply, Oftober 1775, before the change from a colony to a free ftate, twelve hundred pounds, proclamation money ; the judges of the fupreme court, three in number, had each of them one hun- dred and fifty the fame year ; all other expences for clerks, &c. were fmall •, and the members of coun- cil and affembly had each eight (hillings for every day's attendance. The delegates in Congrefs had at firft twenty (hillings per day \ and during the de-
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 2C9
preciation of the money, if they made any ance at the beginning of the year becaufe of its bad ftate then, they never made any amends for the in- creafed depreciation before the year expired. — As to this and ail fuch matters, they may be ieen more fully from the printed laws, which I believe may be purchafed of Ifaac Collins, printer to the It ate, in Trenton.
XIII. The meafures taken with regard to the ejlates and poffejfions of the rebels, commonly called Tories.
They have been all fold off in perpetuum, and are now in poffeffion of the new proprietors •, the debts upon them to faithful fubjecls, having been firft difcharged.
XIV. The marine and navigation. There are no veffelb whatever belonging to the ftate of New Jerfey. There are privateers who have commiffions, which fail from the ports on the c or on the enemy's lines. There is an Admiralty Court eftabliihed for the condemnation of prizes. — As to merchant {hips, fee the anfwer to queftion eighth.
XV. A notice of the mines, and other fubterranean riches.
There are fome very valuable iron mir.es in New Jerfey, in Morris and Suflex counties. Some corn- in England were concerned in working fome of thefe mines before the war. It was fufpeded fome years ago, that there were copper mines in
y but no trial hitherto made has : *
2IO A DESCRIPTION OF
fucceeded — fome gentlemen loft their fortunes ia the attempt.
It is not known whether there are any coal mines or not, as people every where burn wood.
XVI. Some famples of the mines, and of the ex- traordinary fanes \ in Jhort, a notice of all that can in- ereafe the progrefs of human knowledge.
Iron ore is fo very common, that it cannot be 1uppofed to be an obje£t of curiofity. I have heard of and feen fome pieces of black matter, that wat faid, when diflblved in water, to be exceedingly good ink. If this or any other curiofity can be ob- tained by enquiry, they {hall be forwarded. — There !s very good marl in fome parts of New Jerfey, to the eaftward. — There is no limeftone in the parts of New Jerfey where I have been, but probably there is fome in Sufiex. — There are in feveral places of New Jerfey, fugar-maple trees, whence the country peo- ple draw fugar for their own ufe, as in the back parts of New Hampfhire and Vermont.
XVII. A defcription of the Indians eflablified in the fates, before the European fettlements, and of thoft tuho are fill remaining. An indication of the Indian tmnuments difcovered in that fate.
The Indians and their manner of life, are defcrib- ed in feveral books, much better than I can do itj who was never among them. And indeed by com- paring together all that I have ever heard or read, il appears, that the charafteriftic features of the Indians of North America, are the fame which have diftin- guiftied favages in all parts of the wrorld, and wherever
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 211
difcovered — gravity and fullennefs of deportment, love of hunting and war — that is to fay, depreda- tion ; ferocity to their captives, lazinefs and aver- fion to habitual labour, tyranny over the female fexf paffive courage, and, if it may be called fo, a&ive cowardice, and ftrong padions both of lafling grati- tude and unextinguifhable refentmenL
The chief thing that a philoi jpher can learn from the Indians in New Jerfey is, that perhaps the moft complete experiment has been made here how they would agree with cultivated life, At the time when the Indians fold and confirmed the lands to the fet_ tiers, at their own requeft, a tradt; of land was pur- chafed for them to live in the heart of the colony, in Burlington county, of three thoufand acres and more which was fecured to them by law. They had a viL lage built, and a houfe of worfhip and a minifter, and every poffible encouragement to them to cultivate the land, and carry on trades ; yet, after all, they were fo far from increafing in numbers or improving ^n induftry, that at different times feveral of them went back into the woods, and the remainder dwind- led away, fo that there are few of them now left. On the whole it does not appear, that either by our people going among them, or by their being brought among us, that it is poflible to give them a relim of civilized life. There have been fome of them educated at this college, as well as in New England-, but fel- dom or never did they prove either good or ufeful.
A FEW
REFLECTIONS
HUMBLY SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PUBLIC IN GENERAL, AND IN PARTICULAR TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
? 'HOUGH the following reflections come from an individual citizen, no way connected with pub- lic bufmefs, I hope they will be read with candour and attention. Ail good conduct proceeds from certain radical principles \ and retired theoretical perfons certainly may judge as well, perhaps they often judge better, of thofe, than fuch as are en- gaged in the buttle and hurry of an acTive life, or occupied in the management of particular affairs. Another circumftance wdiich encourages me in this hope is, that I intend to offer nothing but what fliull be even beyond the imputation of proceeding, either from party attachment or mercenary views.
When the Federal conftitution was agreed on, it was the fervent defire, and I may fay the earned prayer of many, that it might take place, and get into operation with quietnefs, and under the acqui- efcence and approbation of the public. -This I
ON THE FEDERAL CITT. 2 13
think we may fay has happily been the cafe fo far as we have yet proceeded. The perfons chofen to fill the houfes of Congrefs, have been generally approved. Perhaps fome dates, in a few inftances, might have made a better choice ; but upon the whole, there is little reafon to complain, I re- member to have heard a gentleman well acquainted with the fubjett, fay of the former Congrefs which conducted the war, that he had never known a time in which it did not contain a great plurality of men of integrity, and of thofe a very refpeclable number of diftinguifhed abilities. I hope and be- lieve that this is the cafe at prefent -, and may it always continue to be (o.
The meafures taken by Congrefs in their laft fef- fion, have in general given fatisfacUon. I am not ignorant that there have been fome fevere, and in my opinion petulant and infolent remarks made upon the lalaries fixed for public officers, and the com- penfation allowed for the attendance of members of Congrefs, efpecially the laft. I am of opinion, how- ever, that they are both reafonable, and the laft at leaft as reafonable, if not more Co, than the firfi. I hope few perfons will ever be in Congrefs, who devoting their time to the public fervice, may not well deferve the compenfation fixed for them, from their character and talents. And if they have lucrative profeffions, or valuable private " fortui tliefe mufl be deferted for a time, ?a\J probabh lots incurred greater than the v. I .1
ihould alfo be forry to hear of any member of Con* grch who became rich by the faviugs above his ex* pence. I know very well, that there have b Vol.. IX. T
214 ON^THE FEDERAL CITY.
Congrcfs men and Aflembly men too, who have car- ried home confiderablc funis from lefs wages ; but they were fuch generally, as did more good to their families by their penury, than to their country by their political wifdom.
I come now to what I chiefly intended by this fhort eflay. Much time of the laft feffion was fpent in debates upon fixing a place for the perma- nent rcfidence of Congrefs, and building a federal city. That matter was under the confideration of the former Congrefs, and was fixed and unfixed I believe more than once. It always occafioned great altercation ; nor was it pofiible to tell when it was fettled, for whenever Congrefs changed its members, or the members changed their opinions, every thing that had been done was undone. In the laft meeting of the federal Congrefs, it feems to have been finally decided ; but, either by accident c r the addrefs of fome who were oppofed to the de- cifion, it was thrown open again, and is now left as unfettled as ever. I have not met with any body who was forry, but with many who were happy at this circumftance \ and I fincerely wilh that it may be fuffered to fleep in its prefent fituation at lead for a confiderablc time, and till fome other bufinefs of iter and more confefled importance fhall be completely finifhed. I am now to give my reafons for this opinion.
i. A determination upon that (ubjeft is not nc- ry. When I fay it is not neceffary, I mean that we are not urged to it by any prefling inconve- niencies or injuries which we have fuffered, or ar* fuffering for want of it. Every body muft own, ;hat it would be very expenfive, and indeed I am
©N THE FEDERAL CITY. 21 I
cnc myfelf, who, if it were to be done at all, and there were buildings to be erected which (hould not belong to any (late, but to the union, would wifh that they fhould not be barely elegant, but magnificent, that they might not derogate from the dignity of the empire. This is not even contrary to the general principle of economy ; for it has been obferved, that fome of the mod frugal nations have been mod fumptuous in their public edifices, of which the Stadthoufe at Amfterdam is an example. Therefore, if the neceflity were great, if the public bufinefs could not be^ carried on, nor the public au- thority maintained without it, I fhould be for fub- mitting to every inconvenience — I would nor be de- terred even by the expence itfelf. But is this really the cafe ? Does it appear to be neceflary from the nature of the thing ? No. The weight and in- fluence of any deliberative or legiflative body, de- pend much more on the wifdom of their meafures, than the fplendid apartments in which they are af- fembled. Does it appear to be neceflary from ex- perience or the example of other nations ? I think not. I can hardly recoiled above one or two of the kingdoms or ftates of Europe, in which the capital is central ; and as to confederated republics, fome of them have no common capital at all. The Swifs Cantons have no federal city. The different ftates of which this laft conn its, have for ages, when they had occafion to meet for common confutation, held their Diets in different places. But we need go no fur- ther than our own experience. Did not the former Congrefs carry on the war with Gre.it Britain, de- fend and fecure the liberties of the United States
T 2
ON THE FCDFRAL CITY.
without a federal city ? Was the want of it great- ly or deeply felt as an inconvenience ? 1 do not re- ject a Gngle complaint made in fpeech or writing upon the fubje&.
2. It can be but little profitable* The truth is, when I attempt to recollect and enumerate the ad- vantages to be derived from a federal city, in a ecu* tral place, yet thinly inhabited, I find them very few and very fmall. If the American empire come to be one consolidated government, I grant it would be of fome confequence that the feat of that go- vernment and fource of authority fhould not be too diftant from the extremities, for reafons which I need not here mention. But if the particular dates are to be preferved and fupported in their conflitu- tional government, it feems of very little confe- quence where the Congrefs, confiding of reprefen- tnives from thefe ftates, (hall hold their (feflions. There is not only little profit in their being fixed and central, but perhaps fome advantages might arife from their being unfixed and ambulatory. This laft feems to be more fuitable to the equality of rights of the feveral ftates. It is far from being an impofTible fuppofition, that the (late in which Congrefs fhould be fixed, would think itfelf entitled to a leading, if not a domineering influence over the other dates. As to eafinefs of accefs, fuch is the (late of this coun- try, lying along the fea-coaft, and having fo many na- rSj that any city whatever on the coall or at rivers is eafily acceflible, and the difference of diflance, especially when the payment is to be in proportion to the diflance, is not worth mentioning. It is farther to be obferved, that though buildings may be immediately raifed for the accommodation
ON THE FEDERAL CITY. 217
of Congrefs, yet a great city, or a city of opulence and commerce, could not be raifed for a long tra£t of time. It is even uncertain whether the bare re- fidence of Congrefs during their annual feffions (which it is to be hoped in a few years will be but fhort) independent of other circumftances, will ever raife a great commercial city at all. The Hague, though the refidence of the Stadtholder, is far from being the largeft, mod populous, or moft wealthy city in Holland. Now I humbly conceive, that if not refidence in, yet nearnefs to fome impor- tant commercial city or cities, will be found to be ab- folutely neceffary for tranfaclions relating to money or finance : fo that, if the advantages and difadvan- tages of a federal city on the propofed pkm are fair- ly weighed, the latter would preponderate*
3. There is reafon to fear that it may be very hurtfuL Nothing is of fo much confequence to us at prefent as union \ and nothing is fo much the defire of all unprejudiced, public-fpirited and virtu- ous men. The federal conftitution is but new. It is, we hope, taking place ; but cannot yet be faid to have taken root. It will from the nature of things, take fome time before it can acquire the re- fpeft and veneration neceffary in every government from the body of the people, who are always guid- ed by feeling and habit, more than by a train of reafoning, however conclufive. Now, is there no reafon to fear that the difputes upon this fubjeft may produce warmth and violence, and perhaps an alienation of mind in fome ftates agaihft others very prejudicial to public order ? The moft trifling fubje&s of ufpute have fometimes created divifions
t3
2 1 8
both in larger and r political bodies, winch
! in common ruin. If I am rightl;
ie difputes which have already taken place
in Co: n this fuhjec~t, have been carried on
with greater virulence of temper and acrimony of ex-
preflibn, than upon any other that has been under their
:i. This is not to be wondered at ; for
it is indeed of fuch a nature, that it has a nearer re-
Iation to Rate attachments and local prejudices than
any other that can be named. Perhaps in fuch a
queRion it is lawful, decent, and even neceflary, to
plead the local intereft of particular Rates; and there-
: is to be expected that every delegate will con-
itii earneRnefs for that of his own. At an]
ifible public reafons may be devifed by a fertile invention, all unprejudiced hearers will believe, that it is local attachment that guides their jud^: and inflames their zeal. The only ufe that it is necef- fary for me to make of fuch a remark, is to Riew that the contention and animofity raifed by this difpute will probably extend itfelf to every other, and that it will not be confined to the contending members in Congrefs, but will fpread itfelf through all the itates, whofe caufe they plead, and whofe imeretl they feem to efpoufe. This is one of thofe quef- tions that had much better be decided wrong b] neral content, than decided right by a fmall ra tv, without convincing or fatisiying the opponents. 4. In the lait place, it is certainly at lead uiijt
Though it were poilible juRly to anfwer all the objecTions I have Rated above, I muft ftill fay, there is a time for every thing under the fun. A meafure may be good in itfelf, and even neceflary
CK TKE FEDERAL CITY.
1\Q)
in a qualified fenfe, yet if there be another duty in- cumbent upon the fame body, that is better and more necefTary, this furely ought to have the precedence in point of time. Now, I think it cannot be deni- ed, and all intelligent perfons in the United States feem to be of opinion, that bringing order into our finances, reftoring and eftabliihing public credit, is the moll important bufinefs which the Congrefs has to do. It is alfo the moft urgent in point of time ; becaufe in the interval, many public creditors are in a fituation truly deplorable, whereas I can think of nobody that is fuffering much for want of a federal city. The two defigns are alio connected together as caufe and effect ; and I need not tell any body which of thefe ought to go foremoft. What a ro- mantic project will it be to fix on a fituation, and to form plans for building a number of palaces, be- fore we provide money to build them with, or even before we pay thofe debts which we have already con- tracted ? This is a matter in which not only all the citizens of America, thofe who are, and thofe who are not, public creditors, are deeply concerned, but on which will depend our future fecurity, our intereft and influence among foreign nations, and even the opinioii that {hall be formed of us by posterity itfeJf. Thefe few reflections, not enlarged upon as they might eafily have been, nor fwelled or exaggerated by pompous declamation, but fimply and nakedly pro- pofed, — I leave to the judgment of the impartial pu- blic 5 and remain,
Th^ir moft obedient,
Humble fervant,
X. T.
ON THE
GEORGIA
CONSTITUTION.
SIR, TN your paper of Saturday laft, you have given us the new Conftitution of Georgia, in which I find the following resolution, " No clergyman of any denomination {hall be a member of the Gene- ral Afiembly." I would be very well Satisfied that fome of the gentlemen who have made that an ef- fential article of this conftitution, or who have in- ferted and approve it in other conftitutions, would be pleafed to explain a little the principles, as well as to afcertain the meaning of it.
Perhaps we underftand pretty generally, what is meant by a clergyman, viz. a perfon regularly cal- led and fet apart to the miniftry of the gofpel, and authorifed to preach and adminifter the facraments of the Chriftian religion. "Now fuffer me to alk this queftion : Before any man among us was or- dained a minifter, was he not a citizen of the Uni- ted States, and if being in Georgia, a citizen of
ON THE GEORGIA CONSTITUTION. 221
the ftate of Georgia ? Had he not then a right to be ele&ed a member of the aflembly, if qualified in point of property ? How then has he loft, or why is he deprived of this right ? Is it by offence or difqualification ? Is it a fin againft the public to become a minifter? Does it merit that the perfcn who is guilty of it fhould be immediately deprived of one of his mod important rights as a citizen ? Is not this inflicting a penalty which always fup- pofes an offence ? Is a minifter then disqualified for the office of a fenator or reprefentative ? Does this calling and profeflion render him ftupid or ignorant ? I am inclined to form a very high opi- nion of the natural underftanding of the freemen and freeholders of the ftate of Georgia, as well as of their improvement and culture by education, and yet I am not able to conceive, but that fome of thofe equally qualified, may enter into the clerical order : and then it muft not be unfitnefs, but I other reafon that produces the excluficn. Pel it may be thought that they are excluded from civil authority, that they may be more fully conftantly employed in their fpiritual functions. If this had been the ground of it, how much more properly would it have appeared, as an order of an ecclefiaftical body with refpetl to their own mem- bers. In that cafe I mould not only have forgiven but approved and juftified it ; but in the w. which it now (lands, it is evidently a punifiiment by lofs of privilege, inflicted on thofe who go into the office of the mihiftry; for which, perhaps, the gentlemen of Gc \ hx od reafons,
though I have not been able to difcover them.
-22 ON THE CEORGI4 CONSTITUTION.
But beficies the uncertainty of the principle oq which this refolution is founded, there feems to me much uncertainty as to the meaning of it. How are we to determine who is or is not a clergyman ? Is he only a clergyman who has received ordina- tion from thofe who have derived the right by an uninterrupted fuccefhVn from the apoftles ? Or is he alio a clergyman, who is fet apart by the impo- fition of hands of a body of other clergymen, by joint authority? Or is'he alfo a clergyman who is fet a part by the church members of his own fo- ciety, without any impofition of hands at all ? Or is he alfo a clergyman who has exhorted in a me- thodifl fociety, or fpoken in a quaker meeting, or any other religious affembly met for public wor- fhip ? There arc (till greater difficulties behind : — Is the clerical character indelible? There are fome who have been ordained who occafionally perform fome clerical functions, but have no paftoral charge at all. There are fome who finding public fpeak- ing injurious to health, or from other reafons eafi- ly conceived, have refigned their paftoral charge, and wholly difcontinued all a£ts and exercifes of that kind -> and there are fome, particularly in New England, who having exercifed the clerical office fome time, and finding it lefs fuitable to their ta- lents than they apprehended, have voluntarily relin- quifiied it, and taken to fome other profeflion, as law, phyfic, or merchandize — Do thefe all conti- nue clergymen, or do they ceafe to be clergymen, and by that ceilation return to, or recover the ho- nourable privileges of laymen ?
I cannot help thinking that thefe difficulties are
I ON THE GEORGIA CONSTITUTION. 223
very considerable, and may occafion much litiga- tion, if the article of the conilitution (lands in the loofe, ambiguous form in which it now appears ; and therefore I would recommend the following altera- tions, which I think will make every thing definite and unexceptionable.
u No clergyman, of any denomination, (hall be capable of being elected a member of the Senate or Houfe of Reprefentatives, becaufe [here infert the grounds of offenfive difqualification, which I have not been able to difcover] Provided always, and it is the true intent and meaning of this part of the con- ftitution, that if at any time he fhall be completely de- prived of the clerical character by thofe by whom he was inverted with it, as by depofition for curfing and fwearing, drunkennefs or uncleannefs, he fhall then be fully reftored to all the privileges of a free citizen •, his offence fhall no more be remembered againft him ; buj he may be chofen either to the Senate or Houfe of Reprefentatives, and mall be treated with all the refpett due to his brethren^ the other members of AfTembly."
T II E
DRUID,
ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED IX NUMB MRS PERIODICALLY.
N U M B E R I.
SIR,
| T is my intention, by your permiiTion and aflif -*• tance to attempt the inftruction and entertain ment of the public once a month, on mifcellancoui This letter mall ferve as the fir ft paper and fliall be an introduction to thofe tl\at are tc follow, by pointing out the fpirit and defign of th( undertaking, and the plan upon which it is to b< conducted.
The title which I have affumed, was not intend- ed to carry any wit in it, and indeed not mucf ling, further than what is common to all names; the diltinction of one thing or pcrfon from another, It proved a matter of no little difficulty to fix upor a title, after fo great a variety as the world has feen, fince the practice of periodical efiays was firfl introduced. After a good deal of deliberation on * matter of very little moment, the above was fuggeft
THE DRUII*. 22J
ed, bv the place which is now, and is likely to be, my reiidence, while I continue on earth. It is a fmall but neat houfe, in a pleafant, retired fitua- tion, furrounded with woods, in all the fimple majefty of their uncultivated (late. Neither was it unfuitable to my time of life, the age of fifty, a cool and contemplative feafon, when men of educa- tion or bufinefs have generally feen as much of the world as fatisfies their curiofity, and enables them to underftand well enough what is palling in it ; fo that they have neither neceffity nor inclination to mix again in its active fcenes.
I was born and educated in Great Britain, and had all the advantage I could receive from a long refidence in one of the mod celebrated feats of learning in that happy kingdom. The prime and vigour of life I fpent in the midft of public bufinefs and had a thorough knowledge of the greateft part, and perfonai intimacy with not a few, of the per- fons moft diitinguiihed in rank, politics, or litera- ture, for the lctfl thirty years. From what circum- ftances, or with what views, I came into this coun- try, it is of no confequence for the reader to know; fuffice it therefore to fay, that I was not tranfported by Sir John Fielding, but came of my own proper motion and free choice-, and indeed have never met with any tiling in palling through life, that could be fuppofed either to four the temper, or break the vigour of the mind. There are not a few who, towards the clofe of life, acquire, a tied hatred or contempt of mankind, and fecm difoo- fed to avenge their own real or fuppofed calamities on the world in general, by the acrlmonv of their Vol. IX. U
226 THl: DRUID.
converfation, and the virulent f.itire of their writ- ings. Productions dictated by fuch a fpirit, have often, it rnu(l be owned, fuch a poignant feverity, as deeply wounds the object of their refentment, and yet, I think feldom adds to the relim of thofe for whom the entertainment is provided.
It has been generally fuppofed, that fatire and in- vective is the way of writing, of all others, mod agreeable, to the public ; and the reafon given for it is very little to the credit of human nature, viz. The prevalence of envy and malignity in the bulk of mankind. Had I been of this opinion, I would have cautioufly avoided introducing the fentiment, at lead fo foon, as it would have been but a poor compliment to that very public, whofe attention I mean to folicit, and whofe improvement I wifli to promote. I confefs that a thorough knowledge of the world, and extenfive reading in hiftory, have often produced mean thoughts of human nature. We fee fometimes old hackneyed politicians dis- cover a jealoufy of the characters, and an indiffer- ence to the fufforings of other>, which furprifes and offends men of lefs experience, who are there- fore often laughed at for their weaknefs. This, in fome inftances is the miftake of the obferver, while the coolnefs and compofure of fpirit, the deliberate and felf-colle&ed carriage, which is the effeel: of time, \S falfely Called a callous or unfeeling difpofi- tion. Bat where the remark is jufl, and a real and general hatred of others has obtained full dominion, it would not be fo decent to infer irom it that man- kind are univerfally worthlefs or incorrigible, as to
THE DRUID. 22/
impute it to the felfiih meannefs of that heart in which it had taken place.
It is very common for authors to go to an ex- treme on the one hand or on the other, in fpeaking of human nature. Thofe philofophers who fpeak of it in fuch exalted terms as to contradict the truths of religion, have prefent experience and the hittory of paft ages dire£tly agamft them. The mofl illuf- trious perfons in the records of time, have derived the greateft part of their luftre itfelf, either from I Angularity of their charafter, or, which is nearly the fame thing, from the depravity of others, who need- ed their affiftance for inilrueVion orcorrecUon, It was fmartly, at leaft, if not j a illy laid, by an author not many years ago, that the wifdom of legislators, and the admirable policy of dates, and even the purity of moral precepts, are juii fucli arguments for the dig- nity of human nature as gibbets are. There is, doubtlefs, no fmall degree of error, ignorance pre- judice and corruption to be found among men j but thefe, when properly viewed, ferve rather to demon- strate the importance and necemty of information and inftru&ion. There are not only particular in- ftances in which the human mind has difcovd the mod exalted virtue as well as amazing powers, but the human race in general, with all its defect, is certainly the nobleft and mofl valuable in this lower world, and therefore the mod worthy of cul- tivation. To this may be added, th cumftance in which there is a more manifeft dii- tin£tion between man and the inferior creatures, than that the individual is more helplefs as well as kind more noble*, and therefore the i e cf
U 2
228 THE DRUID.
fociety and mutal afli fiance is abfolutely neceflary to his improvement aiul perfection.
But this is perhaps treating the fubjeck in too abftract and philofophical a manner, which I well know is not much to the tafte of the prelent age. The importance of knowledge, and the power of intellectual light,will be readily confefled. The ques- tions to be ferioufly debated with himfelf by an au- thor, at his firft fetting out, are, what encourage- ment lie has to devote "himfelf to the public fervice ? and, what reafon to think he hath any thing to com- municate that is worthy of the public attention ? Now, as to* the Jir/} of thefe, it is my opinion, that though error, prejudice, and partiality, are very uni- verfal, that is to fay, they have place in fome degree in many perfons of every rank, age, and country ; yet their influence in each, has properly fpeaking, but a narrow fphere. Truth is much ftronger than them all. They mew themfelves chiefly in the fmall- er interefts of particulars ; but there is a candor and impartiality in a dirTufive public which may be in a great meafure depended upon, and which will both hear truth and obey it. There is not, perhaps, a man in that public, but has many prejudices and prepoffeflions ; but thefe are confined within cer- tain bounds, like the fphere of attraction of particu- lar bodies, round himfelf: when you go beyond that fphere, they are not felt, or they are felt very weakly. There is an obfervation I have fometimes made, which I do not remember to have read in any author, but which, if j uft, ihouhl teach every man to revere the public judgment. The remark is, that I can . !y recollect any perfon well and intimately known to me, whofe performances, either in fpeak-
THE DRUID. 229
ing or writing, had been exhibited to the world for any time, of whofe talents and erudition the great plurality did not judge exactly in the fame manner that I did myfelf. If they dc juftice to every other perfon, why mould I doubt their doing it to me ? Ignorance, prejudice, malice, or accident, may have fome influence at firft ; but their effects are merely temporary, and are fpeedily effaced. Time is a dili- gent enquirer, and a juft judge. I could almoft fay the fame thing of a man's moral character, under two exceptions : If you go beyond the bounds of local politics, and abftrati entirely from religious dif- ferences, every man is fpoken of pretty nearly as he deferves. I am fufEciently aware that there are. par-r ticular exceptions to this general theory, but I have not now time to enter upon them \ and therefore fhall leave them till they fall in my way in the difcuffion of fuch fubje£ts as fhall be undertaken in my future papers.
As to the fecond point, whether I have any thing to communicate that is worthy of the public atten- tion ? It is plain from the appearance of this paper, that I have already judged of it fo far as to make the attempt \ it is therefore too late for me, and too early for the reader, to take that matter into confideration. I (hall, however, mention briefly the plan which I mean to follow. The general fubject of thefe papers fhall be the philoibphy of human nature and of human life; I would willingly join fcience and reflection to experience and obser- vation. Literature and morals, arts and induftrv, fhall be my chief themes ; and- under one or other of thefe, every thing may be introduced, that
u3
-3° E DRl'II).
in the Feaft contribute to ri affocial or
private life, I muft beg th ^, that
in handling all thefe fubjects, I (hall have a parti- cular view to the ftate and intereil of this rifing country. As in youth the human frame wears its lovelieft form ; as the fpring is the mod: charming feafon of the revolving year: fo, a country newly planted, and every day advancing to a maturer (late, affords the higheft delight to a contemplative philo- lopher, and is, at the fame time, the ftrongeft in- vitation to activity and ufefulnefs.
I am fenfible that fome will think the prefent an improper feafon for beginning on fo extenfive a plan. They will fay the time calls not for fpeculation but action. Our induftry is now all turned into one channel, the vigorous exertion of the fpirit of de- fence. When liberty, property and life are at (lake, we muft not think of being fcholars, but foldiers. a happy peace returns we fhall be able to apply with proper attention and vigour to the improve- ment of our minds, as well as to the cultivation of the foil : till then we have other work upon our hands. I muft inform the reader, that thefe are ken reflections. There is fuch a connection among all the arts that improve or embellifh human nature, that they are beft promoted in conjuction, and generally go in a body. As I look without folicitude, or rather with unfhaken confidence of fuc- cefs, on the prefent glorious and important ftruggle for the liberties of mankind •, fo I confider it as a proper feafon for the mod ardent application to the improvement of this country in all refpecls. In times of public commotion the human mind is rou- fedj and fhakes oft* the incumbrances of (loth and felf*
THE PRUID. 23I
indulgence. Thofe who put on the harnefs and go into the field, mull be encouraged, afiifted, and even fupported, by the activity and induftry of thofe who remain at home. Befides, I am much mil- taken if the time is not juft at hand, when there {hall be greater need than ever in America, for the mod accurate difciuTion of the principles of fociety, the rights of nations, and the policy of dates ; all which fhall have a place in the fubfequent numbers of this paper. But above all, can it ever be un- feafonable to lay before the public what tends to improve the temper and morals of the reader, which (hall be the ultimate object of all my difquifitions ? He who makes a people virtuous, makes them in- Me. The reader will now, in fome degree, underftand the defign and extent of this undertaking. As to wit and humour, I choofe to make no promifes up- on that head, left I fhould break them. Moll people, perhaps, differ from me ^ but I confefs I would rather read a tedious argument than a dull joke. Yet the favours of the ingenious, as the fay- ing is (poll paid) may perhaps enable me fometimes to gratify a reader of tafte : only I muft take the liberty of being pleafed myfelf firft, otherwife they fhall fleep with me, or return to the authors. Some, perhaps, will wonder that I have faid no- thing of the delightful themes of love and gallantrv, efpecially as it is fo eafy to eftablifh a connection between the tender paffion and military glory. The younger clafs of my readers may reft lati they fhall not want good advice enough, which may be applied to that and to every otl.cr ful but I do not take myfelf to be qualified to paint the
2^2 THE DURID.
ardors of a glowing flame. I have not feen any killing eyes iheie feveral years. It was but ycfter- day, that I fmiled involuntarily on reading a poem in your lad magazine, fetting forth, that both Beauty and Wifdom had taken up their refidence with a certain nymph, the one in her cheek, the other in her tongue, and that they were refolved never to depart •, which I thought was a little un- fortunate for all the reft of the fex. I wifli every Strephon and Daphne heartily well, and that the cx- "alted and rapturous phrafes of Arcadia may be foon brought down to the compofed difcourfe of a quiet man and wife in Philadelphia ; in which character, perhaps they may fometimes hear from me, I hope, to their great benefit.
I am, Sir,
Your moft obedient fevant,
The DRUID.
NUMBER II.
SIR,
WHEN I firft caine into this country, nothing was farther from my expectation than the conteft that has now taken place between Great Britain and the Colonies. The reader, I fuppofe, will alfo readily believe me when I affirm, that what relates to this important ftruggle, made but a^ fmall part of the matter I had meditated and digef- ted for the iubjecl of thefe diflertations. But, from fome letters which I have received, and much con-
THE DRUID. 233
verfation that I have heard, it appears plain, that fomething of this kind is expedited from me, and that if it is long withheld, it will be difficult to avoid fufpicion from the warmer ions of liberty It is not eafy to determine what branches of this great argument it would be bed to take up, as molt fuit- able to a fpeculative philofopher, and at the fame time mod necefTary or ufeful to ihe bulk of my readers. The natural rights of mankind, and the caufe of liberty in general, have been explained and defended in innumerable trea tiles, ancient and mo- dern. The application cf thefe principles to the American controverfy, has been made by many writers among us, with the greated clearnefs and preciiion. The nature of govern mert, and method of balancing a civil con ft ltution, I cannot fay has been handled either with fo much fulnefs or pro- priety as the other topics ; yet on this alfo many excellent obfervations have been mode. If it has not been much reafoned on, it feems ncverthelefs to be both felt and underftood, in almofl every cor- ner of this continent.
Leaving, therefore, thefe fubjecls for the pre- fent, as we are yet engaged in a war fomewhat fingular in its nature, important in its confe- quences, and uncertain in its duration, I fhall beg leave to make fome remarks as a fcholar, and as a citizen of the world, , on the manner of carrying on war. By this is not meant, to lay down a plan of
line, or tactics for an army, or of drat:: and manoeuvres for a general or inferior leader ; but to confider by what means wars of different kinds may be carried on, confidently with re
^34 THE DRUID.
confcience, or common utility. Every body mud have obfcrved how frequently the newfpapers have been filled with complaints of our enemies, as add- ing favagely and barbaroufly — as being guiliy of unnatural cruelty — as carrying on a felonious and piratical war — as a£hng contrary to the laws of war. I have, however, taken notice, that among all thefe diflertations little or nothing has been faid to (hew why they have acted barbaroufly, further than that they have a&ed.unjuftly in being our ene- mies at all. No one has told us what are the laws of war, or endeavoured to make us underltand when enemies may be faid to act a fair and honour- able, and when a daftardly and cruel part.
This fubjett I fhall now therefore enter upon; and will endeavour to handle it with as much fim- plicity as poffible, that it may be ufeful to perfons of the foweil rank, and moft common understand- ing. Let me trace it to its fource. Wherever fo- ciety exifts founded upon clear eflabliihed laws, this obliges us to form an idea of a ftate previous to the formation of fociety, or before fuch, or any laws, were made and acknowledged to be in force. This is called a ftate of nature. I do not enter in- to the innumerable queftions upon this fubjett ; a?, how long it could continue, when men increafed in number ? Whether it is a ftate of war or peace ? Whether inclination prompted, or neceflity compel- led, men to enter into fociety ? It is fufficient for my purpofe, to obferve, that independent nations are in a ftate of natural liberty with refpeft to one another or as man to man previous to the focial compact. When they dilagree, they have no common umpire
THE DRUID.
235
or judge to refort to, but muft decide their quarrels by the fword. The queftions then to be refolved are three ; i. Are there, any laws at all by which they are bound ? or, are all kinds of force or vio-
2 lence equally juft ? 2. If not, what is the law ?
1 what is it that makes the diftinftion? and, 3. what is the fanction of the law ? To whom fhall we com- plain when it is broken ?
If there is any fuch law, it is certainly very juft- ly denominated, by civilians, the law of nature and fiathns. Of nature, becaufe its principles are to be derived from the ftate of natural or univerfal liber- ty, and perfonal independence ; and of nations, be- caufe there is no perfon in fuch a ftate at prefent, excepting nations or large bodies, who confider themfelves as independent of each other. Now, that there is fuch a law, I think is evident, not only from the univerfal acknowledgment of men, and the practice of nations from the earlieft ages, but from the nature of the thing. If there are any duties binding upon men to each other, in a ftate of natural liberty, the fame are due from nation to nation. Bodies politic do not in this circumitance, differ from individuals. The fame anfwer muft be made to the fecond queftion. It is impoflible to mention any right that an individual may juftly claim, either as to perfon or property, from his fellow men, but a fociety has the like claim upon any other fjciety. Their perfons muft not be affauited, nor their pro- perty invaded. The lingle purpofe of fociety, in- deed, is to protect the individual, and to ghre him the ftrength of the public arm, in defence of his juft and natural right.
236 THE DRUID.
But it will be aflced, in the third place, What is the fan&ion of this law ? and who is to call the of- fender to account ? To this I anfwer, That the fan&ion of the law of nature is nothing elfe but a fenfe of duty, and accountablenefs to the fupreme Judge ; to which may be added, fuch a fenfe of general utility, as makes men fear, that if they no- torioufly trample upon it, reproach and infamy among all nations will be the effeft, and probably refentment and indignation by common -confent. Agreeably to this, having recourfe to force is often called an appeal to heaven, and it is, at the fame time, generally accompanied with an attempt, by fome public declaration, to convince other nations of the juftice of the caufe.
Omitting many things that are not connected with the point I have in view, particularly without enumerating the legitimate caufes of war, but fup- pofing nations engaged in a war which they believe on both fides to be juft, let us afk, What are the means by which this war is to be carried on ? The firft and mod obvious anfwer is, By all manner of force or open violence ; and the moft able warrior js prefumed to be the one that can invent weapons the moft deadly and deftru&ive. It is admitted al- fo, on all hands, that force may be ufed, not only againft the perfons and goods of rulers, but of every member of the hoitile ftate. This may feem hard, that innocent fubje&s of a ftate fhould for the folly and indifcretion of the rulers, or of other members of the fame ftate. But it is often unavoidable. The whole individuals that compofe a (late are confidered but as one body. It would
THE DRUID. 237
be impoflible for an enemy to diftinguifh the guilty from the innocent. When men fubmit to a go- vernment, they rifk their own perfons and pofief- fions in the fame bottom with the whole, in return for the benefits of fociety.
Upon this principle, open violence may be faid to have no bounds, and every method that can be invented to fend deftru£Uon and mifery to any part of the hoftile ftate> maybe thought to be permitted. But upon the principles of general equity, and the confent and praclice of modern times, a£ts of cruel- ty and inhumanity, are to be blamed, and to be confidered as a violation of the law of nations. Many of them might be eafily enumerated, fuch as refufing quarter to thofe who fubmit, killing prifoners when they might be kept without any danger, killing women and children, inventing me- thods of torture, burning and deftroying every thing that might be of ufe in life. The ufe of poifoned weapons alfo has been generally con- demned, as well as poifoning of fprings and pro- vifions.
The celebrated Dr. Robertfon of Edinburgh, in. a ferrron before the fociety for propagating Chrif- tian knowledge, has made an obfervation to this purpofe, " that to the honour of modern times, and (as he thinks) particularly to the honour of Chriftianity itfelf, there is much more gentlenefs and humanity in the manner of carrying on v than formerly." If we look into ancient hiftory we ihall fee fuch inftances of ferocity and cruelty in many cafes, as are too (hocking to be related. There is no fa£t, however, in the records of anti- Vol. IX. X
238 THE DRUID.
quity on this fubjecl, that ever {truck me fo much as the account given of Sefoftris, becaufe it (hews, not the barbarity of a particular monfter, but the fpirit of the times. He is extolled by many ancient authors for his clemency, becaufe he did not put to death. the princes whom he unjuftly attacked and conquered. Yet he ordered them to wait upon him with a yearly tribute, and on thefe occafions ufed to yoke them in his chariot, and make them draw him, in place of horfes, to the temple. How much worfe than death would this appear at pre- fent to a captive prince ?
But however juftly praife may be due to modern times for comparative humanity, what we have faid above is only general and undefined. Let us feek for the true principle that ought to govern the con- duct of refined and enlightened nations. This, if I miflake not, is, That all aEls of cruelty which have no tendency to weaken the refifling force, are contrary to reafon and religion, and therefore to the law of nature and nations. The end of war is to obtain juftice, and rj (lore peace, therefore whatever tends to lef- fen or deftroy the force of the enemy, mufl be per- mitted. It is in this view alone that the capture of private property is allowed and justified. But to take lives without neccllity, and even to treat pri- foners with oppreflion or infult, above all to diflrefs or torture the weaker fex, or the helplefs infant, ought to be detefled by every nation profefling the gofpel.
The principle which I have laid down, may be applied univerfally, and will ferve to point out when any meafure is to be juftified or condemned, be-
THE DRUID. 239
tween perfons profefling open hoftility againft each other. I will take the liberty to apply it to fome things that have been done or attempted in the pre- fent war, carried on by Great Britain againft Ame- rica. It is now undeniable, that endeavours have been ufed to bring the Indian tribes upon the back fettlements. This I call an aft of extreme and un- juftifiable barbarity, becaufe their manner of making war is well known. They are neither formidable for their number nor their ftrength, but for making inroads upon the dwellings of their enemies, and putting to death women and children, with circum- ftances of horrid cruelty. This is fo far from weakening the force of the people againft whom it is pra£tifed, that it tends to infpire them with a re- venge and fury not to be refifted. The well known hiftory of the late war, will both explain and fup- port what I have faid. The cruelty of the Indians produced fuch a fpirit in the back fettlers, which not only repelled their attacks, but in fome inftances retaliated their injuries, in a manner that I will not take upon me either to defend or excufe. There- fore, when we blame the Britifh miniftry for ftir- ring up the Indians againft us, we do not blame them for afking afliftance from other nations, which is common in all wars, when any party apprehends itfelf weak, but for a method of attack, the cruelty of which bears no proportion to any advantage that can be derived from it.
The fame thing I fay of proclaiming liberty to
flaves, and ftirring them up to rebel againft their
mafters. There is, however, fome little difference
in the application of the principle to this and the
X 2
~4© THE DRUID.
preceding inftance. It is probable that the people in Great Britain reckoned upon a degree of advan- tage from this meafure, vaftly fuperior not only to what it produced in effect, but to what they them- felves exported from the incurfions of the Indians. I gather this from an expreflion in a treatife pub- lifhed in England on the American controverfy, to this purpofe, that « if England declare freedom to the flaves, they (the Americans) have not fix weeks to be a people.' Thefe apprehenfions may be thought to juftify them in the attempt, as they muft have taken it to be fo fpeedy and effe&ual a means of producing abfolute fubmiflion. But I mult ob- ferve, in addition to what I have faid above, that there are feme things fo bafe and treacherous in their nature, and fo pernicious in the example to human fociety in general, that whatever effect they might be fuppofed to have in a particular cafe, all men of liberal minds have concurred in reje&ing them. For example, though it is generally agreed, that aiming particularly at the life of a leader in battle, is not only lawful, but prudent, as it is of more confequence than fifty others, yet to fuborn his fervants to aiTaflinate him privately, though it might have the fame effecT: upon the military opera- tions, is univerfally condemned. An inftance in hiftory occurs to me, in which a meafure, though likely to have a great influence in weakening the enemy, yet, for its extreme cruelty, deferves to be fpoken of with horror. It was that of king James VU's general at the fiege of Londonderry, 1689, who, when the garrifon was reduced to extremity for want of provifions, drove all the proteftants
THE DRUID. 24I
within thirty miles, chiefly old men, women, and infants, under the walls of the city, to be either taken in, or fuffered to perifh with hunger under the eyes of their friends. Had this meafure been fuccefsful, it would have been, notwithftanding, condemned as unjuft; but I am happy in being able to obferve, that acts of extreme cruelty do very feldom produce the effects intended by them. When a certain point is exceeded, fear itfelf is con- verted into rage, and produces the unexpected and incredible efforts of defpair.
The principle I have above laid down, will alio enable us to judge what opinion we mould form of acts of violence and depredation. When an army can avail itfelf of the goods and property of the members of a hoftile (late, or probably reduce them to the neceffity of making peace, not only the fei- zur£, but the reduction of both may be juftified upon the principles of reafon. But when men can only deftroy and not poffefs, and that deftruc- tion can only fall upon an inconfiderable number of helplefs people, it is at once inconfiftent with great- nefs of mind, and for the mod part againft the in- tereft of the deftroyer. It operates as an in- flammatory principle, and calls up every man, from the ftrongeft to the feebleft, to affiil in repelling or punifhing the favage invader. For this reafon I give it as my opinion, that burning and deftroying houfes, where there is no fortrefs, as has been in fome inftances done, deferves all the epithets of barbarous, favage, and inhuman, that have been bellowed upon it, either by thofe who have fuffi ed, or thofe who have felt in their behalf,
x3
242 THE DRUID.
A few more reflections fliould have been added, upon wars differently circumftanced, and particul ly upon civil wars ; but they mud be referred to the next, or fome future paper.
NUMBER III. SIR,
MY laft paper was employed in examining what is the radical principle, according to the law of nature and nations, for determining the juft and lawful weans of carrying on war. Having left the fubject. unfinifhed, I will now add what feems further neceffary upon it. The chief and moft remarkable diftinction of wars, to be found in civilians, is into what they call foreign and civil wars. By the fir ft are to be underftood, wars be- tween nations confeffed on both fides to be feparate and ^independent. By the fecond, wars between different parts of the fame ftate. The firft are fup- pofed to arife from fome occafional injury or partial encroachment, and to have for their end the repara- tion of the wrong, and the reftoration of fecurity and peace. The fecond, in which one part of the fubje&s of a ftate rifes againft another, are much more various, both in their caufes and ends, al- though the rulers of every ftate generally affect to confider them all as of the fame nature, and be- longing to the fame clafs. The light in which they wifli them to be viewed is, as an infurre&ion of diforderly citizens againft law and order in ge-
THE DRUID. 243
neral, and therefore as including the greateft crime that can be committed againft fociety, and defend- ing the fevereft punifhment. This is the true and proper import of the laws againft treafon in any country, and if the object on which they take hold is really fuch as they defcribe, no fault can be found with their feverity. He who breaks the public peace and attempts to fubvert the order of the fociety of which he is a number, is guilty of the greateft crime againft every other member, by robbing him of a bleffing of the greateft value in itfelf, as well as effentially neceffary to the pofleffion of every other.
For this reafon it is, that in civil wars one party takes upon itfelf to be on the fide of order and good government, and confiders every perfon of the op- pofing band, not as a citizen contending for the fuppofed rights of his own ftate, but as a felon and a criminal, breaking the law of God and man, and if fubdued and taken, deftined to public ignomini- ous, legal punifhment. But let us confider a little the caufes and circumftances of civil wars, as they have appeared in hiftory. Some have doubtlefs been of the kind above defcribed, and which the law in general prefumes ; but if they have been nu- merous, they have hardly ever been formidable. Infurrections of profligate or even miftaken citizens have generally been local, and occafioned by fome circumftances that do not affect the whole body of an empire, and therefore have been eafily fupprcf- fed. Many of the civil wars which have torn and diftra&ed great empires, have arifen from the am- bition and turbulence of particular men, contending
244 THE DRUID.
for power and influence in the adminiftration of go- vernment. Such were the wars of Sylla and Ma- rius, Cxfar and Pompey, in the Roman republic* in which, though the partifans on both fides were certainly criminal, yet at the fame time, they were equally fo. We may place in the fame rank, the civil wars in England and France, which were fo long in the one country, and fo bloody in both, about the fuccefiion to the crown. In thefe wars the principle on which they were waged, was funda- mentally wrong, viz. that there was a claim of right in one family or perfon, which entitled them to authority diftintt from common confent, or the general good. But this principle was the fame to both parties ; many perfons of equal honour and truth embraced the oppofite fides of the queflion \ and we can perceive no difference at all between them, in point of merit or demerit towards the fo- ciety. If one contends for the uncle, and the other for the nephew, to be king, or the pofterity of each many generations diftant, and a bloody war mufl decide the queftion, little other reflection can occur to a confiderate man, than to pity the weaknefs of human nature.
There remains another clafs of civil wars, in which a part or the great body of a monarchy or re- public refill the authority of their rulers, on pretence that they are fullering under oppreflion. They do this fometimes with a view to redrefs their grievan- ces, and fometimes to fubvert their government al- together as infupportable, and re-fettle it upon a new foundation. It alfo frequently happens, that they begin with the firft of thefe, and in the courfe
THE DRUID. 245
©f the quarrel find or think it necefTary to end with the lad. There are many wars of this kind upon record, fome of which have been fuccefsful, and others not. If they have been fuccefsful, hiftory :nifies them with the name of Revolution ; and if otherwife, they muft bear that of Rebellion. Their fuccefs, however, is no certain criterion of their j juftice. The civil war in England of the laft cen- I tury, which bears the name of the grand rebellion, and the late vigorous contefl of the Corficans a* gain ft the republic of Genoa, though they were fold into flavery, were as honourable in the principles, as the fuccefsful refiftance of the Seven United Provin- ces to the king of Spain, or the efforts of the En- glifh nation at that period, which we have now a- greed to call the glorious revolution.
Let us apply thefe remarks to the fubject of our prefent enquiry, the means and manner of carrying on war. In fact, it has always been found that civil wars have been carried on with a rage and animofity much greater than thofe of independent nations. — Acts of cruelty have been much more frequent while they lafted ; and after peace has taken place, the alienation of mind and inward refentment has been much mpre great and of longer continuance. The barbarity of the Syllan and Marian factions to each other in Rome, as well as the profcription of the two fubfequent triumvirates of that (late, were fo horrible, that it is difficult to conceive how hu- man nature could be brought to fuch an unfeeling and hardened temper, as to give or execute Che bloody orders. As foon as a war indepen-
dent nations ceafes, the wound is perfectly healed,
246 THE DRUID.
and particular perfons of thefe nations do not retai the lead refentment againit each other. It is quite others ife in civil wars. Tiiey often give a nam! and character to the different factions, which is not obliterated for many generations. Whig and Torry are names by which perfons and families are (lill diftinguifhed in England, although they are both of great antiquity, and the firft of them more than a hundred years old.
Whenever any effe£t is general and conftant, there muft be fome fuitable and permanent caufe or cau- fes for it. It may not therefore be amifs, either in a philofophical or a moral view, to examine the caufes of this phenomenon in political life. One caufe may be afligned for it which is very general, but which will perfectly apply to this, as well as to every other kind of ftrife. The greater the injury that is done, and the ftronger the obligations to friend- fhip that are broken through, the deeper the refent- ment that is felt by a fenfible mind. Now, it is cer- tain, that to difturb the internal peace of a (tare by a civil war, is a much more dreadful evil, and touches the people more univerfally, than war with a foreign kingdom. Befides, injuries done, or fuppofed to be done, by thofe with whom we are nearly connected, and from whom we expected every act of friendfhip, wound more deeply than thofe done by ftrangers or perfons unknown. This is fo generally true, that differences between near relations, if they come to a certain height, and are publicly known, are fcarcely ever thoroughly reconciled. They maybe apparently or imperfectly taken away, the fore may be fkinned
THE DRU1B. 247
over, but it dill rankles at bottom, and upon the flighted touch is ready to break out anew.
Another caufe which may be afligned for the bar- barity exercifed in civil wars, is the hateful or con- temptible idea which the one fide, at leaft, often en- tertains of the other. It is a -fine obfervation of a moral writer of the laft age, if If you want to be wholly free from the guilt of injury, oppreflion, or flander, you mud take care what you think of others, for it is certain that your treatment of them will be according to the opinion you have formed of their charafter and merit." This remark is perfectly juft, for if once a man allow himfelf to hate another heartily, there is no anfwering for what he will do to him, nor is the natural humanity of his difpofition the leaft fecurity againft his going to excefs. Per- fons of the gentleft nature and the fofteft fex, when completely enraged, have been guilty of the moft horrid cruelty. This is commonly accounted for by the mixture of fear and hatred. But if another in- gredient is added to the compofition, it will be yet more powerful ; I mean contempt. Some may think that fear and contempt are inconfiftent, but this is a miftake. You cannot fear the ftrength of an enemy and defpife it at the fame time ; but you may eafily fear his (treagth and malice, and defpife his character. If therefore you join all thefe together, fear, hatred, and contempt, towards an enemy, it will not be wonderful if tlie treatmeat he rec is unmerciful or unjuit. This is often the cafe in civil w irs. Thofe who are on the fide of govern- ment are apt to form the moil unjuit, as well as def- picable ideas ol their opponents, and n?ver to fpeak
24$ HIE DRUID.
of them but in the molt opprobrious terms. By this they are naturally led to behave towards them with inhumanity, and fometimes in their correfpondence they will fcarce confider themfelves as upon an equa- lity, or be bound by the laws of fincerity and truth. I could illuftrate the influence of chara&er, and the opinion We entertain of others, on our conduct toward them, by many inftances in hiftory. It is the true and genuine fource of the Roman Catho- lics not keeping faith with heretics. This their enemies charge them with as an avowed principle ; which they deny. But that they have adted agree- ably to it is fact. The example of John Hufs of Bohemia, and ieveral others, put it beyond all queftion. It is alfo the true caufe of the cruelty of the inquifition, commonly called the bloody Tri- bunal. Nothing is more common than to confider the minifters of this court as monfters diverted of every feeling of humanity, and fo to lay three fourths of the blame upon the perfonal character, whereas in truth, it ought to be wholly imputed to the power of bigotry and falfe zeal. When once a perfon is believed to be an enemy to God, and meriting his utmoft vengeance, it is not wonderful that men mould co-operate with him, and inflict that little part of it that is in their power. It is not fo properly fufFering in itfelf, as the innocence of the fulrerer, or the difproportion of the flittering to the crime, that excites our compaflion. When crimes are very atrocious, we fometimes feel, and in fome degree regret, the weaknefs of human vengeance, which cannot poflibly give them their due. I can recoiled feveral inftances of criminals,
THE DRUID. 249
011 whofe condemnation, not one but many would fay, " he deferves, if it were poflible, a thoufand deaths."
But now let me draw this dhTertation to a con- clufion, or as divines would fay, to the application. It is eafy to fee, from the above principles, what are the dictates of truth and juftice as to the man- ner of carrying on civil wars. There is but one clafs of them in which the behaviour mould be dif- ferent from the practice that prevails in wars with independent dates j I mean when tumultuous and diforderly citizens attempt to fubvert law and order altogether. But when the grounds of the quarrel are plaufible on both fides, and when it is demon- ftrable that perfons of the ftricteft honour and in- tegrity may be found adhering to the oppofite parties, they are bound by every tie to candour in judgment, and to humanity and mercy in their conduct towards each other. Happily we often fee the parties in fuch wars compelled to humanity through felf-interelt, and retrained by fear of one of the julteit of all laws, that of retaliation. I could wilh, however, that a fenfe of duty fliould be added to this obligation ; for neither neccllity, nor even inclination, is fo (table and powerful a. principle of action, as reafon and truth lmprefled on the confidence. Neceflity does not always feeni equally ftrong, and the impulfe of natural affections is tranfient and changeable; but that which we confider as eiTential to our duty, we (hall adhere to without the afliltance of either, and ought to do it even in oppofition to both.
Vol. IX. T
250 THE DRUID.
I do truly think myfelf, in my prcfent retirement (begging the reader's pardon) not ill qualified, in point of impartiality, for handling this fubjecl, and applying it to the prefent conte(t between Great Bri- tain and America. I am pail the age of bearing arms, and whatever I have done before, (hall probably ne- ver again wield any other weapons, than thofe im- properly fo called, the tongue and the pen. I do clearly fee the p erf eel: juftice and great importance of the claim on the one hand, and eafily conceive the power of prejudice on the other. On the part of America, there was not the mod diftant thought of fubverting the government, or hurting the in- tereil of the people of Great Britain, but of de- fending their own privileges from unjuft encroach- ment •, there was not the lead defire of withdrawing their allegiance from the common fovereign, till it became absolutely neceflary, and indeed was his own choice : On the other hand, I can eafily con- ceive that thofe who have been long accuftomed to fubjeclion, and from whom it is really due, fhould not fuddenly enter into the reafons of exempting a people, otherwife fituated from the fame burden. They are therefore of courfe eafily deceived by falie or imperfecl accounts of a diftant country, and infenfibly biafled by the phrafeology conftantly ufed, particularly the terms rebels and rebellion. Upon the whole, as I am now to difmifs this fub- jecl and profecute the plan laid down in my firft number, I ilia 1 conclude with faying, That hu- manity is the noblefl attendant on true valour •, and that he will probably fight mod bravely, who ne-
THE DRUID. 25I
ver fights till it is neceffary, and ceafes to fight as foon as the neceffity is over.
NUMBER IV. SIR,
ONE of the greateft difficulties that occurs to writers of mifcellaneous effays, and which has been often complained of, is the fixing upon proper fubje£ts. We are confined, as a certain writer ob- ferves, to c human nature and life,' and yet thefe have been fo completely ranfacked, and almoft every character and occurrence has been placed in fuch a variety of lights, that it is hardly pofiible to find a corner that is wholly untouched. At the fame time, as to the manner of writing, the reader gene- rally expects two things that feem to be incompati- ble and mutually deftruclive of each other. The one is, that it be flriking and original ; and the other, that it be fimple, natural, and obvious. If we fay what any body might fay, then it is a trite beaten^ common-place, hackneyed topic; and if we fay what would not readily occur to others, then it is a forced, unnatural, out of the iimy manner of thinking and writing, than which there cannot be a greater difparagement of either writer or fpeaker, nor any that will more fpeedily or effectually prevent his iuccefs. But notwithltanding this apparent hard- fliip, there is a real juftice in the expectation of the public in both refpe&s, when rightly undcrftoo.l. Y 2
2^2 THE DRUID.
A writer's fentiments fhould be properly his own, and yet they fhould not be too much repugnant to other people's. And ns one man's face is eafily diftinguifhed from that of every other, though the general features are the fame in all, he may preferve his genuine character without going far out of the iuayy or aiming at any thing odd or paticular for this purpofe. I know not how it is with others, but for my own part, I would rather write on a fub- je£l: that has been often handled, or a character that has been often defcribed, than one of a contrary kind ; becaufe, in fuch cafes, I can form my own fentiments with greater precifion, and exprefs them with greater perfpicuity and force.
The reader may confider the above as an intro- duction, preface, or if he pleafes, apology for the fol- lowing diflertation, which (hall have for its fubjeft a certain human chara&er or quality, generally called plain common fenfe. I muft, in the firft place, fettle the meaning of the expreflion. There are in every language, certain fine or nice diftin&ions in the ufe both of phrafes and fingle terms, which, though in- troduced and finally fettled by general practice, are not always attended to or fully underftood. In the cafe before us, I think, the term is ufed very dif- ferently in the negative, from what it is in the pofi- tive form. When we fay of a man, that he ivants common fenfcy we mean that he is a very great fool, and fometimes that he is the next thing to a change- ling or ideot. But when, in the pofitive form, we fay of a man, that he is a man of plain common fenfe , we give him a good character, and are underftood by it as affirming, that there are not many fuperior or
THE DRUID. 2C
J J
equal to him in that particular, as alfo that he pof- feiTes a quality of no inconfiderable value. It is plain, that in thefe two ways of fpeaking, the term common fenfe (lands for different things. In the firft of them it fignifies, that fenfe that is really common to all men, or at leaft nearly univerfal : in the fecond, it fignifies either fomething totally dif- ferent, or at leaft a degree of that fenfe which is not poflefled by the plurality, but perhaps is called common, becaufe it may be found in fome perfons of every rank.
Let me now enquire a little into the characters of common fenfe. It is the gift of nature , and may be clearly diftinguiihed from what is acquired by ftudy or application. In the thoughts on various fubjects, by Swift and Pope, we have one to this purpofe, that c fine fenfe, is not half fo ufeful as common fenfe, for he that has the one with- out the other, is like one that carries nothing a* bout him but gold coin, who muft be often at a lofs for want of change.' In another of thefe thoughts we are informed, c that to attempt to move the multi- tude with fine fenfe, is like attempting to hew a block with a razor.' With all refpect to thefe great men, I muft fay, that though there is fomething fmart and lively in the above recited fentiments, yet they are more brilliant than juft ; they feem to fuppofe, that refinement is a thing of the fame kind with com- mon fenfe, and only higher in degree, and yet at the fame time that a man may pofiefs genuine refine- ment and be without common fenfe, neither of which, in my opinion, is true, at leaft in fuch a fenCc as to make their fimilitudcs juft, or their reafoning Y 3
-54 THE DRUID.
conclufivc. Refinement is as different from com- mon fenfe as the culture is from the foil, or the cli- mate from either •, but as their joint influence is necefLtry to the production of the crop, fo fine fenfe, without common fenfe as its ground work and foun- dation, very ill deferves the name. If I faw a man attempting to hew a Hock with a razor, or heard him fpeaking in metaphyfical, abftract, unintelligU ble terms, to a multitude of common people, I fhould heartily agree that he wanted common fenfe ; but that he poffeffed fine fenfe, I fhould not be eafily brought to confefs.
The ufe of fcientific terms and fentiments, brought from what is known only to fcholars and improperly introduced, has been long treated with the contempt it deferves ; but it is confidered as belonging only to the learned profeffions. I was well acquainted with a divine many years ago, who began a prayer in his congregation with thefe words, « O Lord, thou art the fimpleft of all beings/ which incenfed his hearers again ft him to fuch a degree, that they accufed him of having fpoken blafphemy ; whereas the poor man only meant to fay, that God was philofophically fimple and uncompounded, al- together different from the groffnefs, divifibility, or, as it is fometimes more learnedly called, the difcerptibility of matter. I was alfo acquainted with a phyfician, who, fitting with a lady in her own houfe, and being afked by her, c Doctor, are artichokes good for children ?' anfwered, < Madam, 1 1 ev are the leaft flatulent of all the efculent tribe/ indeed, dodtor, fays the lady, I do not underftand a word of what you have faid. Now, I think, few would have much admired either the fine or com-
THE DRUID. 255
mon fenfe of thefe gentlemen, though certainly the divine would have beenconfidered as the greater fool of the two ; for phyficians, as a body, have aiTerted and maintained their right to the ufe of hard phrafes beyond any other clafs of fcholars. But there is a certain fpecies of this fault, which, I think, has not been much taken notice of; and that is, when men, either of high ftation or real fenfe and literature, are filled with felf-fufficiency, and cannot think of defcending to the level of thofe with whom they converfe, either in fentiments or phrafeology. I fufpe£t there were a few grains of this failing in the illuftrious perfons not long ago mentioned ; and that their fentiments, above related, are an evidence of it. In this inftance, their fine fenfe was an over-match for their common fenfe, and this was an evident proof of the imperfection of both.
If then fine fenfe does not differ eflentially from common fenfe, and the firfl is nothing more than a certain brightnefs or polifh given to the laft, it would feem as if by common fenfe we ought to un- derftand the rational powers in general, and the ca- pacity of improvement. But here we meet with a difficulty which feems to need a refolution. If common fenfe is nothing elfe but the ftrength of the intellectual powers taken complexly, then mult it be in every perfon in proportion to thofe powers ; and fcience if it does not improve, certainly cannot dtminifh it. Yet there is no branch of fcic whatever but we find fome perfons capable of teal Ing it, and frequently even of fhining in it, who are notwithstanding very defe&ive in common fenfe, and after their learned acquifitions, the defect is cither
%!f6 THE DRUID.
greater in itfelf, or at leaf! more vifible than before. Wc find many who learn the dead languages to great perfection, who learn arithmetic, geometry, natural philofophy, rhetoric, politics, who even become emi- nent in fome of them, and tolerably (killed in all, whom yet we reckon greatly inferior to more igno- rant perfons, in clear, found, common fenfe.
Perhaps it may be thought that thefe ignorant perfons only wanted the opportunity of improve- ment, and would have excelled the others alfo in literature had they applied to it. This I do not find to be the cafe, from the inftances in which a trial has been made. Doubtlefs there are fome ex- amples of perfons eminently poflcfled of judgment or common fenfe, as well as capable of acquiring fkill in the fciences ; but thefe talents are by no means the fame, or in direct proportion to one ano- ther. I have known perfons who feemed capable of learning any thing, and who did know a great deal upon many fubje&s, who yet had fuch a comi- cal call in their general behaviour, that it was not eafy to avoid fmiling at their fpeech and con- duct. I have even known perfons, male and fe- male, with whom you could find no fault, but that their carriage and converfation were, too complete and perfect at all times, and yet we fufpe&ed them of folly, merely becaufe they were free from the follies and irregularities of others. I remember an inftance, in early life, of my being in company, for the firft time, with a certain young lady, and after a few minutes, {he afked me a very judicious quef- tion upon the character and hiftory of Auguitus Csefar, which made me immediately fufpect, that
THE DRUID. 257
jfhe was not quite found ; whereas, if me had only faid it was a fine day after the rain, or uttered any fuch wife and pertinent reflection, I fhould have concluded nothing to her prejudice. On the other hand, there are many in dances of perfons who have made trial of ftudy and fcience with very little fuc- cefs, and who, giving them up, have applied to ac- tive life, and have defervedly acquired the charac- ter of clear headed, fenfible, judicious men. The truth is, the diftin£tion between literature and com- mon fenfe, feems to be well known and generally acknowledged. There are fome who evidently give way to, or even affecl: an abfence of mind, from forgetfulnefs and inattention to what they are about, and expecl: we fhould confider it as an indication of profound ftudy and deep learning. This is one of the mod ridiculous pieces of affe&ation imagina- ble. Such gentlemen, if they be logicians, fhould be told that a particulari ad univerfale 11011 valet czn- fequentia. We know very well that feme great fcho- lars are fools, but this will never prove that all fools are great feholars. Upon the whole, it feems that fcience, or a capacity for it, is not common fenfe. Since then common fenfe is a gift of nature, dif- ferent from a capacity for fcience in general, ihall we fay that it is genius, including particularly thofe exalted and admired talents which have been, by fome of the latefc writers, called the powers of ima- gination. Here we are further from the point than ever, for great wit and a lively imagination are ra- ther confidered as oppofed to judgment and pru- dence, and other happy fruits of common fenfe.
258 THE DRUID.
So much is this the cafe, that the poet has been of- ten cited with approbation, who fays,
" Great wit to madness sure is near alii
• lions do their bounds divide/'
It is common to fay, that fuch a man has more fail than ballaft, meaning that his imagination, fire and fprightlinefs are an overmatch for his prudence, and clearly carrying the fuppofition, that this laft quali- ty is as oppofite to the others, as fail is to ballaft, or even motion to reft. To all this may be added, that fome who really were, and many who defired to be thought, men of great genius, have a&ually claimed it as their right, not to be confined to com- mon forms, and indeed have generally a£ted accord- ingly.
We have feen then that refinement, fcience, genius, are not common fenfe, (hall we now go any further ? Is there not a character in which there is knowledge of the mofl liberal kind, clearnefs of underftanding, penetration of mind upon every fub- je£t, and yet a weaknefs or want of common fenfe, in conduct and behaviour ? Are there not fome who feem to have, not only all other fenfes, but common fenfe too, for every body but themfelves ? They can immediately and readily difcover the mif- takes of others, they can give the beft and founded advice upon every fubject, and yat never could act a wife part themfelves on any fubjedt. Some who are even connoifleurs in occonomy, never can keep their own affairs in tolerable order. I have known a gentleman who reduced himfelf to beggary by foolifh projects, yet, after having fold his pater-
THE JDRUID. 259
nal inheritance, he employed himfelf in thinking and writing on that fubject on which he had adted wrong, and publifned eiTays on agriculture, modeft- ly pointing out to gentlemen and farmers by how fmall a portion of land, well improved, they might fpeedily acquire a plentiful eftate.
Upon comparing all thefe observations together, I beg leave to lay down a few propositions which appear to be neareft the truth in the way of theory or iyttem, and on them to ground a few practical advices. There feem to be three feparate qualities of the human mind very well expreiTed in the old philofophy, by the three known terms of memory, imagination and judgment. Thefe are truly diftinct one from another •, . for any one of them may not only exifb, but be in high perfection, in the abfence of both die others. This will not I think, be doubted as to the two firlt, and even as to the laft, I have known feme perfons not only without ima- gination as a talent, but with very little taite for works of imagination, and whofe memory was no ways remarkable, who have palled through life with great dignity and credit, who, with or without learn- ing) have conducted their own affairs with prudence anddiicretion,and difcovered the higheft fenfe of pro- priety and decorum in all their intercourfe with others, under the happy guidance of plain common fenfe.
In the next place, though thefe qualities are dif- tinct, they are by no means incompatible. There been ijfftances of perlbns who poflefied all the three in high perfection ', and there muit be a con-
26o THE DRUID.
fiderable proportion of each to form a character truly illuitrious. Some, in whom imagination has been very flrong, have alfo been remarkable for clearnefs of judgment in their works, good fenfe and prudence in their whole deportment. The fame thing I fay of memory. Some prodigies of memory have been defective in judgment; but many great men have alfo excelled in this refpecl, and no fmall meafure of it is neceflary both in works of genius and the functions of public life. Again,
Of thefe three qualities, judgment is by far the moll valuable and important. Of itfelf it is amiable and refpe£table, while the others, without it, are contemptible ufelefs, or hurtful. A man of me- mory, without judgment, is a fool ; and a man of imagination, without judgment, is mad ; but when this great quality takes the government of both, they acquire luftre, and command univerfal efleem. No human accomplishment, unlefs it has this as its foundation and ground work, can reach perfection, even in its own kind. Memory will make a linguift, imagination will make a poet, penetration will make a philofopher, public life will make a politi- cian, and court breeding will make a man of fafhion *, yet all of them are eflentially defective, if common fenfe is weak or wanting. There is fome. thing in the application and direction of all tiieie accompiifliments which judgment mud fupply, and which neither inftruction, example, nor even ex- perience will beftow.
If is probable that many would readily grant me (what yet I do not aik, being hardly of the fame opinion) that of all the characters juft now men-
THE DRUID. 26l
tioned, that of a man of fafhion or politenefs is the mod fuperficial, and what may be moft eafily at. tained by imitation and habit. Yet even here, no- thing is more eafy than to fee the dominion of judg- ment and good fenfe, or the prevalence of folly and indifcretion. That want of prefence of mind or embarraiTment, which is often the effect of modefly or bafhfulnefs, nay, even the errors and blunders which vifibly proceed from ignorance and miftake of the reigning mode, are not half fo abfurd and ridiculous, as the affected airs and mifplaced cere- monies of a fop, of which the ladies are always mofb attentive obfervers, and to give them their due, generally not incompetent judges.
Once more, judgment is an original and radical quality, that is of all others leaft capable of being communicated by inftruction, or even approved or agumented by culture. Memory and imagination are alfo gifts of nature ; but they may be greatly in- creafed, the one by exercife, and the other by in- dulgence. You may teach a man any thing in the world but prudence, which is the genuine offspring of common fenfe. It is generally faid that experi- ence teaches fools, but the meaning of the proverb is often miltaken, for it does not figntfy that experi- ence makes them wife : it fignifies that they never are wife at all, but perfift in fpite of inftru&ion, v. ing and example, till they feel the efie&S of their own folly. If a man is born with a fund of good fenfe and natural difcernmenr, it will appear : very firft ftages of his education. He who ouN ftrips his fellows in a grammar fchool, will not always be the greateft fchola* in advanced life i but Vo l. IX. Z
l6l THE DRUID.
he who docs not difcovcr difcernment and fagacity when a boy, will never be diftinguifhed for it fo long as he lives. It is often faid, in a certain country, that a fool of forty will never be wife ; which is fometimes underftood as if a man made as regular a progrefs to the fummit of his wifdom, till the age of forty, as he does to that of his ftature till twenty ; which is a very great miftake. I take it to be in this cafe, as in the other, that a man of forty has fufficiently proved to all the world that he is not, and therefore that he never was, and never will be wife.
Shall we fay then that this mod valuable of all human qualities receives no benefit at all from a well conducted education, from ftudy, or from an ac- quaintance with the world. I anfwer, that I do not think it is capable of any change in its nature, or addition to its vigour, but it may be joined to other talents of more or lefs value, and it may be applied to purpofes more or lefs ufeful and important, and thence acquire a luftre and polifh, of which it would otherwife be destitute. The fame good fenfe and prudence, which alone would make a fenfible judicious farmer, would, if united to memory and imagination, and enriched with fkill in the liberal arts, make an eminent fcholar, and bring in large contributions to the treafury of human fcience. The fame foundnefs of judgment, which, in a country life or contracted neighbourhood, would fet an ex- ample of frugality, be an enemy to diforder, and point out the pofleflbr as a proper umpire in un- happy detentions ; would in a more enlarged fphers, make an accomplifhed fenator or a politician, to
THE DRUID. 263
manage the affairs of a large community, or fettle the differences of contending nations.
I come now to offer my readers fome advices, a practice to which I am by nature and habit exceed- ingly prone. A difficulty, it muft be confeffed, feems to occur in this matter. If the above theory be juft, there feems to be little room left for advice, as the great talent, fo largely defcribed, is fuppofed to be original and unalterable. This difficulty, how- ever, notwithftanding, important inftru&ion may be grafted upon it, not only to parents and others who have the charge of the education of youth, but to every man, for the future direction of his own con- dud.
As to the firft of thefe, I would entreat parents to guard againft that fond partiality which inclines them to form a wrong judgment of the capacity of their children ; particularly it were to be wifhed, that they would not take a few fallies of pertnefs and vivacity for an evidence of diftinguifhed parts. It is well known, and has been frequently obferved* how apt parents are to entertain their vifitors with an account of the bright fayings or fhrewd fchemes of their children, as moft promifing fymptoms of their future talents ; and yet fo far as my obfei vation reaches, the things related might for the moft part juflify a contrary fuppolition. I fhould run little rifk in affirming, that three-fourtli3 at lead of thofe anecdotes, which parents relate with fo much tri- umph of their children, are to be accounted from memory, or petulance, or even ftupidity, child will repeat, at an improper time, a phi. remark that he has heard, and it will nuke lb »b- Z2
l6<\ THE DRUID.
furd a contrafl with what is going on, that it is impofiible to forbear laughing. I afk whether this is an evidence of the greatnefs or the want of un- ci erftanding in the child ? Another will give an in- folent and faucy anfwer, and acquire great reputa- tion for what deferved the moft fevere and exem- plary correction. To crown all, I will tell a true ftory : An old gentleman, whom I knew, would often fay, in commendation of his fon's wifdom, then a boy about ten or twelve years of age, That when other boys are breaking their legs by falls from limbs of trees, or going a fifhing in rivers, at the rifk of being drowned, his fon would fifh a whole afternoon with a crooked pin, in a tub of foul water in the kitchen. I fuppofe any reader will agree, that the fa£l and the remark taken to- gether, conftitute a full proof that the mother was honeft, and the fon lawfully begotten.
It would be a great advantage, that parents fhould make a moderate eflimation of the talents of their children in two refpe£ts. (i.) It would pre- ferve the children themfelves from being puffed up with unmerited praife, and thus miftaking their own character and capacity. Though the native force and vigour of common fenfe can neither be augmented nor deftroyed, yet it may be, and I be- lieve frequently is neglected and defpifed, or over- grown by the rank weeds of oftentation and felf- futTiciency. When young perfons are vain of the talents which they do not poflefs, or ambitious of a character which they cannot attain, they become ri- diculous in their condu£l, and are generally unfuc- cefsful in their purfuits. (2.) It would incline and
THE DRUID. 26$
make their parents to conduct their education in the moft proper manner, by giving particular at- tention to thofe branches of inftruction, which though lefs fplendid, are more generally ufeful than fome others. It would lead me too much in- to detail to give many examples for the illuftrat'on of this remark, and therefore I fhall only fay, that common fenfe, which is a modeft unaffuming quality, and a diligent application to the ufeful parts of fcience, will neither diftrefs nor weaken a fervent imagination, when it really re fides in the fame fubjecl ; but giving loofe reins to a warm imagination, will often overfet a moderate degree of judgment, fo that it will never more dare to fhew its head. I have known fome youths of bright genius in their own eiteem, who have looked down with great contempt upon quiet and orderly boys as dull plodding fellows, and yet thefe laft have, in the iffue, become men of fpirit and capa- city, as well as literature, while the others have evaporated into rakes and bullies, and indeed block- heads ; or taking the road to Mount Helicon, have become poets, fools, and beggars.
I muft advife every reader, efpecially thofe in early years, to form his opinion of others, and his friendly attachments, upon the principles above laid down, nothLg will more effectually miflead young perfons, than an exceffive admiration of fhowy talents in thofe with whom they converfe, whet! they be real or fuppofed. I have known many inftances of perfons who apparently owed their ruin, to their imbibing early in life, on that
decency, order, and a prudent management of th<
Z3
266 THE DRUID,
affairs, were marks of dulnefs; and on the contra- ry, that petulance, forwardnefs, and irregularity, and even vicious exceffes, were the effects of fpirit and capacity. Many follow the leading perfon in frolics, not from any inward approbation of fuch practices, but merely to avoid the reproach which in fuch focieties is fo unjuftly beftowed. I beg all fuch to believe me, as a perfon of fome experience in places of public education, when I affure them, that in nine inftances out of ten, your ramblers, night-walkers, and mifchief-workers, are block- heads and thick-fculls. Does it require any ge- nius, think you, to throw a log in another's way in a dark paiTage, and after he has (tumbled over it, to raife a triumphant laugh at him, who was fuch a fool as not to fee without light.
I conclude with obferving, that whatever may be the capacity of any perfon in itfelf, if it is ne- glected or mifimproved, it will either be wholly loft or be of little confequence in future life. Our very bodily frame prefents us with a leflbn of in- ftru6tion upon this fubje£t. Though formed by nature complete and regular, if it is accuftomed to any improper torture or ungraceful motion, the ha- bit will foon become unconquerable ; and any par- ticular limb or member that for a long time is not ufed, will become ufelefs. This holds yet more ftrongly as to the powers of the mind: they are loft by negligence ; but by proper application they are preferved, improved, and in many cafes increafed. Let all, therefore, who wifh or hope to be eminent, remember, that as the height to which you can iaife a tower depends upon the fize and folidity of
THE DRUID. 267
its bafe, fo they ought to lay the foundation of their future fame deep and ftrong, in fobriety, prudence, and patient induftry, which are the genuine dictates of plain common fenfe.
NUMBER V. SIR,
A MAN is not, even at this time, called or con- fidered as a fcholar, unlefs he is acquainted in fome degree with the ancient languages, particu- larly the Greek and Latin. About one hundred and fifty years ago, however, thofe languages were bet- ter underftood than they are at prefent *, becaufe at that time, authors of reputation publifhed almoft all their works in Latin. Since the period above men- tioned, the modern, or as they are fometimes cal- led, the northern languages, have been gradually polifhed, and each nation has manifefted a zeal for, and an attention to, the purity and perfection of its own tongue. This has been the cafe, particu- larly with refpect to the French and Englifh. The French language is, as nearly as I can guefs, about fifty years before the Englifh, in this refpect ; that is to fay, it is fo much longer fince their men of letters applied themfelves to the afcertaining, cor- recting, and polifhing of it. The Englifh, how- ever, has received great improvements within the laft hundred years, and probably will continue to do fo. He mufl have little judgment, or great ob-
268 THE DRUID,
flinacy, who does not confcfs that fome late authors have written the Engliih language with greater pu- rity, than thole of the firit character in former times. From this we may certainly infer, that the education muft be very impcrfe£t in any feminary where no care is taken to form the Scholars to tafte, propriety, and accuracy in that language which they muft fpeak and write all their life afterwards.
To thefe refle&ions it may be added, that our filiation in America is now, and in all probability will continue to be fuch, as to require peculiar at- tention upon this fubje£t. The Engiifli language is fpoken through all the United States. We are at a great diftance from the ifland of Great Britain, in which the ftandard of the language is as yet fup- pofed to be found. Every date is equal to, and in- dependent of, every other ; and, I believe, none of them will agree, at leaft immediately, to receive laws from another, in difcourfe, any more than in aftion. Time and accident muft determine what turn affairs will take in this refpect in future, whe- ther we (hall continue to conlider the language of Great Britain as the pattern upon which we are to form ours ; or whether, in this new empire, fome centre of learning and politenefs will not be found, which fliall obtain influence, and prefcribe the rules of fpeech and writing to every other part.
While this point is yet unfettled, it has occurred to me to make fome obfervations upon the prefent ftate of the Engiifli language in America, and to attempt a colle&on of fome of the chief impro- prieties which prevail; and might be eafily correct- ed. I will premife one or two general remarks.
THE DRUID. 26 f
The vulgar in America fpeak much better than the vulgar in Great Britain, for a very obvious reafon, viz. that being much more unfettled, and moving frequently from place to place, they are not fo liable to local peculiarities, either in accent or phra- feology. There is a greater difference in dialecl between one county and another in Britain, than there is between one ftate and another in America. I fhall alfo admit, though with fome hefitation, that gentlemen and fcholars in Great Britain fpeak as much with the vulvar in common chit chat, as perfons of the fame clafs do in America : but there is a remarkable difference in their public and fo- lemn difcourfes. I have heard in this country, in the fenate, at the bar, and from the pulpit, and fee daily in differtations from the prefs, errors in gram- mar, improprieties and vulgarifms, which hardly anv perfon of the fame clafs, in point of rank and literature, would have fallen into in Great Britain. Curiofity led me to make a collection of thefe, which, as foon as it became large, convinced me that they were of very different kinds, and there- fore muft be reduced to a confiderable number of claffes, in order to their being treated with critical juftice. Thefe I now prefent to the public under the following heads, to each of which I will fub- join a fhort explication, and a number of examples, with remarks where they feem neceff.iry.
1. Americanifms, or ways of fpeaking peculiar to this country.
2. Vulgarifms in England and America.
3. Vulgarifms in America only.
270 THE DRUID.
4. Local phrafes or terms.
5. Common blunders arifing from ignorance.
6. Cant phrafes.
7. Perfonal blunders.
8. Technical terms introduced into the language.
It will be proper to put the reader in mind, that he ought not to expert that the enumeration under each of thefe heads can be complete. This would have required a very long courfe of obfervation; and indeed is not neceflary to my purpofe, which is by fpecimens to enable every attentive and judicious perfon to make observations for himfelf.
1. The firft clafs I call Americanifms, by which I understand an ufe of phrafes ot terms, or a con- ftru&ion of fentences, even among perfons of rank and education, different from the ufe of the fame terms or phrafes, or the conftruftion of fimilar fen- tences, in Great Britain. It does not follow, from a man's ufing thefe, that he is ignorant, or his dif- courfe upon the whole inelegant ; nay, it does not follow in every cafe, that the terms or phrafes ufed are worfe in themfelves, but merely that they are of American and not of Englifh growth. The word Americanifm, which I have coined for the purpofe, is exactly fimilar in its formation and fig- nification to the word Scotticifm. By the word Scotticifm is underftood any term or phrafe, and indeed any thing either in conftru&ion, pronuncia- tion, or accentuation, that is peculiar to North Britain, There are many inftances in which the Scotch way is as good, and fome in which every perfon who has the leaft tafte as to the propriety or
THE DRUID. 271
purity of language in general, muft confefs that it is better than that of England, yet fpeakers and writers muft conform to cuilom.
Scotland, or the northern part of Great Britain, was once a feparate independent kingdom, though, except in the Highlands, the people fpoke the fame language as in England ; the inhabitants of the Lowlands, in both countries, having been ori- ginally the fame It is juftly obferved by Dr. Ro- bertfon, in his hiftory of Scotland, that had they continued feparate kihgdoms, fo that there mould have been a court and parliament at Edinburgh, to ferve as a ftandard, the fmall differences in dialect, and even in pronunciation, would not have been confidered as defects ; and there would have been no more opprobrium attending the ufe of them in fpeech or writing, than there was in the ufe of the different dialetts of the ancient Grecian republics. But by the removal of the court to London, and efpecially by the union of the two kingdoms, the Scottifh manner of fpeaking came to be confidered as provincial barbarifmj which, therefore, all fcho- lars are now at the utmoft pains to avoid. It is very probable, that the reverfe of this, or rather its counter part, will happen in America. Being en- tirely feparated from Britain, we fhall find fome centre or ftandard of our own, and not be fubject to the inhabitants of that ifland, either in receiving new ways of fpeaking, or rejecting the old.
The examples follow.
1. " The United States, or either of them." This is fo far from being a mark of ignoranc . it is ufed by many of the mod able and accurate
272 THE DRUID.
fpeakers and writers, yet it is not Englifli. The United States are thirteen in number, but in Englifli cither does not fignify one of many, but one or the other of two. I imagine either has become an adjective pronoun, by being a fort of abbrevia- tion of a fentence, where it is ufed adverbially, either the one or the other. It is exactly the fame with vtxTi£o$ in Greek, and alterutur in Latin.
2. This is to notify the public \ or the people had not been notified. By this is meant infirm and it*-
formed. In Englifh wre do not notify the perfon of the thing, but notify the thing to the perfon. In this inflance there is certainly an impropriety,yir to notify, is juft faying by a wrord of Latin derivation, to male known. Now if you cannot fay this is to make the public known, neither ought you to fay this is to notify the public.
3. Fellow Countrymen. This is a word of very frequent ufe in America. It has been heard in public orations from men of the firft character, and may be daily feen in newfpaper publications. It is an evident tautology, for the laft word ex- preffes fully the meaning of both. If you open any dictionary, you will find the word countryman fignifies one born in the fame country. You may fay, fellow citizens, fellow foldiers, fellow fub- jetlc, fellow Christians, but not fiellow countrymen.
4. Thefe things were ordered delivered to the army. The words to be are omitted. I am not certain whether this is a local expreflion or general in America.
5. I wifh we could contrive it to Philadelphia. The words to carry, to have it carried, or fome fuch,
THE DRUID.
are wanting. It is a defective conftruction, of which there are but too many that have already obtained in practice, in fpite of all the remou- ftrances of men of letters.
6. We may hope the afliftance of God. The word for or to receive is wanting. In this inflance, hope, which is a neuter verb, is turned into the aftive verb, and not very properly as to the objec- tive term afliftance. It mull be admitted, however, that in fome old Englifh poets, hope is fometimes ufed as an a&ive verb, but it is contrary to modern prac- tice.
7. I do not confider myfelf equal to this talk. The word as is wanting. I am not certain whether this may not be an Englifh vulgarifm, for it is fre- quently ufed by the renowned author of Common Senfe, who is an Englishman born ; but he has fo happy a talent of adopting the blunders of others> that nothing decifive can be inferred from his prac- tice. It is, however, undoubtedly an Americanifm, for it is ufed by authors greatly fuperior to him in every refpe£t.
8 Neither to day cr to morrow. The proper contraction is, either the one or the other, neither the one nor the other.
9. A certain Thomas Benfon. The word cer- tain, as ufed in Englifh, is an indefinite, the name fixes it precifeiy, fo that there is a kind of contra- diction in the expreffion. In England they would fay, a certain perfon called or fuppofed to be Tho- mas Benfon.
10. Such bodies are incident to thefe evil*. The Vol. IX. A a
THE DRUID.
evil is incident or ready to fall upon the perfon, the perfon liable or fubjeft to the evil.
II. lie is a very clever man. She is quite a ilever woman. How often are thefe phrafes to be heard in conversation? Their meaning, however, would certainly be miftaken when heard for the firft time by one born in Britain. In thefe cafes, Americans generally mean by c/ever> only goodnefs of difpofition, worthinefs, integrity, without the lead regard to capacity ; nay, if I am not miftaken, it is frequently applied, where there is an acknow- ledged fimplicity, or mediocrity of capacity. But in Britain, clever always means capacity, and may be joined either to a good or bad difpofition. We fay of a man, he is a clever man, a clever trades- man, a clever fellow, without any reflection upon his moral character, yet at the fame time it carries no approbation of it. It is exceeding good Englifh, and very common to fay, He is a clever fellow, but I am forry to fay it, he is alfo a great rogue. When clevernefs is applied primarily to conduct, and not to the perfon, it generally carries in it the idea of art or chicanery, not very honourable ; for example — Such a plan I confefs was very clever, i. e. fly, artful, well contrived, but not very fair.
i 2. I was quite mad at him, he made me quite mad. In this inftance mad is only a metaphor for angry. This is perhaps an Englifh vulgarifm, but it is not found in any accurate writer, nor ufed by any good fpeaker, unlefs when poets or orators ufe it as a ftrong figure, and to heighten the expreflion, fay, he was mad with rage.
Thefe (hall fuffice for the firft clafs.
THE DRUID, 277
NUMBER VI.
SIR,
T PROCEED now upon the plan laid down in my laft paper, to the fecond general clafs of im- proprieties, viz. vulgarifms in England and Ame- rica. Of thefe there is great plerty to be found every where, in writing and in converfation. They need very little explication, and indeed would fcarcely deferve to be mentioned in a difcourfe of this nature, werejt not for the circumftance hinted at in the introduction, that fcholars and public per- fons are at lefs pains to avoid them here, than in Britain.
1. I will mention the vulgar abbreviations in ge- neral, as an't, can't, han't, don't, fhouldn't, would'nt couldn't, &c. Great pains were taken by the Spe&ator to fhew the barbarity and inelegance of that manner of fpeaking and writing. The endea- vours of that author, and others of later date, have been fuccefsful in Britain, and have baniihed all fuch harfh and mutilated phrafes from public fpeak- ing, fo that they remain only in converfation, and not even in that among perfons of judgment and tafte. I need hardly fay how far this is from beii:. cafe in America.
2. I kno%v\l him perfectly well, for, I Ihcw him,
3. I fee him yeRcrday, or I fee him lad week, for '
A a 2
278 THE DRUID.
\faw him. In Scotland the vulgar fay, I feed Kim laft week.
4. This here report of that there committee. Some merchants whom I could name, in the Englifh Par- liament, whofe wealth and not merit raifed them to that dignity, ufe this vulgarifm very freely, and expofe themfelves to abundance of ridicule by fo doing.
5. He was droivnded in the Delaware. This is fo common, that I have known a gentleman read- ing it in a book to a company, though it was print- ed dronvnedy read droivnded.
6. She has got a new gownd. This and the former are vulgarifms in converfation only, but even there very improper and unbecoming for perfons of education. In London you are fometimes aiked if you will take a glafs of wind, for wine. Of the fame nature are an impertinent feller, (ox fellow; waller , for wallow ; winder, for window.
7. Some on'em, one on'em, many on'em. This though frequent in the northern parts of England^ and fome parts of America, perhaps is rather local, than general. This indeed may be the cafe with feveral others which have fallen under my obferva- tion.
8. It lays in Buck's county, for it lies, &c. This is not only a prevailing vulgarifm in converfation, but has obtained in public fpeaking, and may be often feen in print. I am even of opinion that it has fome chance of overcoming all the oppofition made to it, and fully eftablifhing itfelf by cuftom, which is the final arbiter in all fuch cafes. Lowth in his grammar, has been at much pains to correct it
THE DRUID. 279
yet, though that mod excellent treatife has been in the hands of the public for many years, this word feems to gain inftead of lofmg ground. The error arifes from confounding the neuter verb to /y with the active verb to lay, which are very differ- ent in the prefent, preterite and participle. The fir ft of them is formed thus, ly, lay, lien or lain : the fecond, lay, laid, laid.
9. I thinks it will not be long before he come. This is a London vulgarifm, and yet one of the groffeft kind. To this confufion or difagreement of the perfon may be added the difagreement of the number, giving a verb fingular to a nominative plural, which is more frequent than the other, as, after all the Jlories that has been told, all the reafotts that has been given.
10. Equally as well, and equally as good. This is frequent in converfation and public fpeaking. It is alfo to be found in fome publications, of which it is needlefs to name the authors ; but it is juft as goodsEnglim to fay, the mcjt LigheJ} mountain in America.
1 1. One of the mod common vulgarifms or blun- ders in the Englifh language, is putting the prete- rite for the participle. This is taken particular notice of by Lowth, in his grammar, as afi
had fell down, for fallen •, and in the fame manner, ro/e, for rifen ; /poke, for fpoken ; ivrotc, for written, broke, for broken. Some of thefe appear, as he ob- ferves, barbarous to fcholars ; others we are fo ac- cuftomed to, that they give little offence to th. Had not a gentleman thr\w out — the reafons of pro- teft were drew up. Thefe are offenfive, but you may A a 3
28© THE DRUID.
with Gmilar errors even in good authors, fuch as I had iurotey I haA/pokcy the bone was broke. The bed way to judge of this impropriety, is to try it upon a word that has been feldom fo mifufed, as for example, If you go to the battle perhaps you will bejleic.
i 2. Juft as you rife the hill — little or no bread- corn is grown in this country. Thefe are fimilar corruptions arifing from turning neuter into a£live or paflive verbs. They are alfo, if I am not mil- taken, among the neweft corruptions of the lan- guage, and much more common in England than America. The above two examples are taken from Cook's firft voyage by Hawkefworth, where fome others of the fame kind are to be found.
13. I fat out yefterday morning, for I fet out. The verb fet has no change of termination, the prefent, preterite and participle being the fame. I fet out immediately *, I fet out three days fooner than he \ after I had fet out. The error lies in taking the preterite of the verb ftty and making ufe of it for the pad time of the other — fit has three terminations, fit, fat, fitten.
14. He faid as how it was his opinion. This ab- furd pleonafm is more common in Britain than in America.
The third clafs confifts of vulgarifms in America only. This mud be underftood, fo far as I have been able to obferve, and perhaps fome of them are local. It will not be neceflary either to make the examples on this head numerous, or to fay much upon them, becaufe the introduction of vul-
THE DRUID. 28l
garifms into writing or public difcourfes is the fame, whether they are of one country or another.
1. I have not done it yet, but am juft going to. This is an imperfect conftruftion ; it wants the words do it. Imperfect conftru£lions are the ble- mifh of the Engltfh language in general, and rather more frequent in this country than in England.
2. It is fartly all gone, it is mojlly all gone. This is an abfurdity or barbarifm, as well as a vul- garifm.
3. This is the weapon with which he defends himfelf when he is attached, for attacked ; or ac- cording to the abbreviation, attack'd.
4. As I told Mr. , for as I told you. I
hope Mr. is well this morning. What is Mr.
"s opinion upon this fubject ? This way of
fpeaking to one who is prefent in the third perfon, and as if he were abfent, is ufed in this country by way of refpedt. No fuch thing is done in Bri- tain, except that to perfons of very high rank, they fay your majefty, your grace, your lordfhip ; yet even there the continuance of the difcourfe in the third perfon is not cuftomary.
5. I have been to Philadelphia, for at or in Phi- ladelphia •, I have been to dinner, for I have dined.
6. Walk in the houfe, for into the houfe.
7. You have no right to pay it, where right is ufed for what logicians would call the correlative term obligation.
8. A /pell of ficknefs, a long /pell, a bad /pill. Perhaps this word is borrowed from the fea
9. Every of thefe dates \ every of them ; every of us j for every one. I believe the word every is ufed
282 THE DRUID.
in this manner in fome old Englifh writers, r*nd alfo in fome old laws, but not in modern practice. The thing is alfo improper, becaufe it fhould be every one to make it ftricrJy a partitive and fubjecT: to the fame conftruCiion, as fome of them, part of them, many of them, &c. yet it muft be acknow- ledged, that there is no great impropriety, if fo great, in the vulgar conftrii&ion of every > than in another expreflion very common in both countries, viz. all of them.
Having finifhed thefe two clafTes, I fhall make a remark or two upon vulgarifms in general. Pro- bably many will think and fay, that it would be a piece of ftifrnefs or affe&ation to avoid them wholly in converfation or common difcourfe. As to fome of thofe which have been defcribed above, perhaps this may be admitted ; but as to the greateft part, it is certainly beft to avoid them wholly, left we fhould fall into them inadvertently where they would be highly improper. If a gentleman will not imitate a peafant male or female, in faying iffo be, and forfooth> and many other fuch phrafes, be- caufe he knows they are vulgarifms, why fhould he imitate them in faying equally as good, or I fee him yejlerdny, but becaufe he does not know, or does not attend to the impropriety.
The reader is alio defired to obferve, that we are not by far fo much in danger of the charge of affecta- tion for what we omit faying, as for what we do fay. When a man is fond of introducing hard words, or ftudies a nice or pompous diction, he brings himfelf immediately into contempt ; but he may eafily attain a cautious habit of avoiding low phrafes or vulgar
THE DRUID. 283
terms without being at all liable to the imputation either of vanity or conftraint.
I conclude with obferving, that as bombaft and empty fwelling is the danger to which thofe are expofed who aim at fublimity, fo low fentiments and vulgar terms are what thofe are in mod dan- ger of, who aim at fimplicity. Now, as it is my intention, in the courfe of thefe papers, to fet a mark of reprobation upon every affe&ed and fan- taftic mode of expreflion, and to recommend a pure, and, as it may be called, claffic fimplicity, it is the more neceffary to guard the reader againft that low and grovelling manner which is fome- times miftaken for it.
NUMBER VII. SIR,
THE fourth clafs of improprieties confift of local phrafes or terms. By thefe I mean fuch vulgarifms as prevail in one part of a country and not in another. There is a much greater variety of thefe in Britain than in America. From the com- plete populations of the country, multitudes of com- mon people never remove to any diftance from where they were born and bred. Hence there are many chara£terftic diflinclions, not only in phra- feology, but in accent, drefs, manners, toV. not only between one county and another, but between dif- ferent cities of the fame county. There is a county in the North of England, very few of the natu
284 THE DRUII5.
which can pronounce the letter r, as it is generally' pronounced in the other parts of the kingdom.
But if there 13 a much greater number of local vulgarifms in Britain than America, there is alfo for this very reafon, much lefs danger of their being ufed by gentlemen or fcholars. It is indeed im- plied in the very nature of the thing, that a local phrafe will not Be ufed by any but the inhabitants or natives of that part of the country where it pre- vails. However, I am of opinion, that even local vulgarifms find admiflion into the difcourfe of peo- ple of better rank more eafily here than in Europe.
1. He improved the horfe for ten days.' This is ufed in fome parts of New England for riding the horfr.
2. Razu falnd is ufed in the South for falad. N. B. There is no falad boiled.
3. Chunks y that is, brands, half burnt wood. This is cuftomary in the middle colonics.
4. He is confiderable of a furveyor, ccnfiderable of it may be found in that country. This manner of fpeaking prevails in the northern parts.
5. He will once in a <while> i. e.fometimes get drunk. The middle ftates.
6. Shall I have occaficn> i. e. opportunity to go over the ferry. New England.
7. Tot is ufed for carry, in fome of the fouthem ftates.
The fifth clafs of improprieties may be called com- mon blunders through ignorance. In this they differ from the former claffes, that the fimilarity of one word to another, in pronunciation or derivation, makes ignorant people confound them and ufe them
THE IJRUID. 285
promifcuouily, cr fometimes even convert them and ufe them each in the other's room. The fol- lowing are examples.
1. Eminent for imminent. How often do we hear that a man was in eminent danger.
2. Ingenious for ingenuous. How common is it to fay he is an ingenious young man — he is a young man of a very ingenious difpofition, they are both Englifh words. Ingenious fignifies of good capa- city -, ingenuous fignifies fimple, upright, fincere ; ingenuity, however, the word that feems to be derived from ingenuous, is ufed in both fenfes, fometimes for fairnefs, opennefs, candor ; fome- times for capacity or acutenefs of invention. I fhould think this laft, though done by good authors, to be contrary to the analogy of the language, efpecially as we have two words for thefe oppofite ideas regularly derived from the correfpondent ad- jectives, ingenioufnefs and ingenuoufnefs.
3. Three or four times fuccefsfully, iox fucccf. This is a blunder through ignorance, very common among the lower fort of people in England.
4. Intelligible, for intelligent. It was a very in- telligible perfon who told me.
5. Confifiicate, for confifcate. The mod ignorant of the vulgar only ufe this phrafe.
6. Ficlious iox fictitious That is no more than a ficlious ftory. This is ufed by people fomewhat
fup'-rior to thofe who would ufe the former.
7. Veracity for credibility. This is not a blunder in converfuion only, but in fpeaking and writ,
I have fome doubt of the veracity of this fe&, I a certain author. Veracity is the chai
286 THE DRUID.
pcrfon ; truth or credibility, of the ftory told. The lame is the cafe with all, or moft of the words, of fimilar formation, capacity, rapacity, tenacity. Thefe all are applied to the perfon or the difpofition, not to a particular adtion of the one, or effeft of the other. We fay, a man of capacity — this work is a proof of capacity, but not the capacity of this performance \ and fo of the reft.
8. Sufceptive, for fufceptible. I mull acquaint the reader, that after I had marked this word as an ex- ample of the miftakes men fall into from ignorance, I found it in fome Englifh writers, who cannot be called altogether contemptible, and alfo in Johnfon's Di£Honary. As to the laft of thefe, I (hall have occafion to make a remark or two upon that lexicographer under the next clafs, and there- fore (hall fay nothing of it now. As to the other particular, I obferve, that though the word is ufed by fome writers, it is not only contrary to general prac- tice, but contrary to the analogy of the tongue- All the adjedlives ending in ive are of an aftive, and thofe ending in able or ible of a paffive nature, as a£tive, decifive, communicative, Significative, demonftrative, and on the contrary, able, capable, communicable, demonftrable, contemptible.
9. They are fo very duplicit that I am afraid they will refcind from what they have done. Here are two errors in one fentence. Duplicit is an adje&ive made by guefs from duplicity, and refcind is mis- taken, by the likenefs of found, for recede.
10 Detecl for dijecl. A lady, in a certain place at dinner, alked a gentleman if he would be fo good as detecl that piece of meat for her. To thefe I might add a long lift of errors, in which ignorance or or-
THE DRUID. 287
thography makes a vitious pronunciation, and that pronunciation continued by the fame ignorance, makes a vulgar word in place of the true one, of which take one example — A gentleman writes to his friend, that on fuch a day they had a fmart fcrimitch, for Jkirmi/h.
The fixth clafs confifts of cant phrafes, introduced into public fpeaking or compofition. The meaning of cant phrafes, is pretty well known, having been fully explained as long ago as the days of Mr Addifon — They rife occafionally, fometimes, perhaps, from the happy or Angular application of a metaphor or allu- sion, which is therefore repeated and gets into ge- neral ufe, fometimes from the whim or caprice of particular perfons in coining a term. They are in their nature temporary and fometimes local. Thus, it is often faid, a man is taken in, he is bilhed, he is bit, that was a hit indeed, that is not the thing, it was quite the thing. Innumerable others will occur to every reader. Sometimes the cant confifts in the frequent and unneceflary repetition, or improper ap- plication of a word that is otherwife unexceptionable. Thus, when vajl was in repute, a thing was vaftly good, and vaftly bad, vaftly pretty, and vaftly ugly, vaftly great, and vaftly little.
It is worth while, in remarking on the ftate of language, to reflect a little on the attack made by Addifon, Steel, Swift, Pope, and Arbuthnot, on many of thefe cant phrafes in their day, fuch bamboozle, pof. rep. mob. &c. Some of them they fuccecded in banifhing from, or rntlu led
from being ever admitted into public difcourfes
Vol. IX. 13 b
^38 THE DRUID.
elegant writing, fuch as bite, bamboozle, &c. fome they banifhed from all po!ite converlation, fuch as pof. rep. plenipo. and fome have kept their ground, have been admitted into the language, an« are freely and gravely ufed by authors of the firft rank, fuch as mob. This was at firft a cant abbreviation of mobile vulgus, and as fuch condemned by the great men above mentioned j but time has now damped it with authority, the memory of its derivation is loft, and when a hiftorian fays an unruly mob was aflem- bled in the ftreets, or he was torn in pieces by the mob, no idea of any thing low and ludicrous is con- veyed to the mind of the reader.
I promifed, under this head, to make a remark upon Johnfon's Dictionary. It is a book of very great value on feveral accounts, yet it may lead ig- norant perfons into many miftakes. He has collec- ted every word, good or bad, that was ever ufed by any Englifh writer •, and though he has, in the larger Dictionary, given his authorities in full, yet that is not fuffkient to diftinguifh them. There are inftan- ces in which this may be the very caufe of wrong judgment. If an author of reputation has com- mitted a fingle error, his authority fliould not be made any ufe of to fan&ify that error — fometimes, alfo, the author's defign is miftaken. In the abridge- ment of that Dictionary, at the word bamboozle, you find added, a low word ; but the authority it Arbutk- not : now would not any man imagine, who was not otherwife informed, that Arbuthnot was a low writer •, whereas, in faft, he ufed that word only to difgrace and put it out of practice. The lexico-*
THE DRUID. 28$
grapher would have a&ed more wifely not to have mentioned the word at all.
It would be very eafy to make a large collection of cant or low phrafes at prefent in ufe, fuch as helter fkelter, topfy turvy, upfide down, the Devil to pay, at fixes and fevens, put to his trumps, flung all in a heap. Every one of thefe has been feen in print, and many of the fame (lamp, as well as heard in converfation.
It is not long fince I read, in a piece published by a fenfible writer in this city, c low methods oijham- ming Abraham? Nov/, pray what is (hamming A- braham ? With fome difficulty I have underftood, that it is a cant phrafe among feamen, for pretend- ing ficknefs when they are well, and other fetches of the fame kind. I (hould be glad to know how ?. foreigner could tranflate this expreflion into his own language.
Under the head of cant phrafes, I would include all proverbial or common fayings introduced into the language, as well as trite and beaten allufions. Of the firft fort are thefe, I want to put the faddle upon the right horfe, the labouring oar lies upon you •, of the fecond, the following, that is only gra- tis dictum, the Supreme Being by his almighty^/, I will not pay any regard to his ipfe dixit. All thefe are taken from printed pieces, fome of them by au- thors not contemptible; the lad of them, his ipfc dixit, is of the moft frequent ufe, and yet is the moll pedantic and puerile of the whole. I con- clude with ob ferving, that a cant phrafe, if it do not die by the way, has three ftages in i* is, firft, a cant phrafe •, fecondly, a vulg.irilm -, third- Bb 2
29O THE DRUID.
ly, an idiom of the language. Some expire in one or other of the two firit ftages ; but if they outlive thefe, they are eftabliihed for ever. I have given an example of this above, in the word mcb ; and I think topfy turvy and upfulc down have very nearly attained the fame privilege.
The feventh clafs confifts of perfonal blunders^ that is to fay, effects of ignorance, and want of precifion as an author, which are properly his own, and not reducible to any of the heads above mentioned. I fhall give an example or two of this kind, becaufe it will make the meaning of the former claffes more clear. The examples follow.
1. i The members of a popular government fhould be continually availed of the fituation and condition of every part. The author of this did not know that avail is neither an active nor paffive, but a reciprocal verb \ a man is faid to avail himj elf of 'any thing, but not to avail others, or be availed by them.
2. ' A degree of difTentions and oppofitions under fome circumftances, and a political lethargy under others impend certain ruin to a free ftate.' Here a neuter verb is made an active one. I have before given fome examples in which this is done commonly, but in the prefent cafe it belongs to this author alone.
3. i I fhould have let your performance fink into filent difdain? A performance may fall into con- tempt, or fink into oblivion, or be treated with dif- dain, but to make it fink into Jilcnt difdain, is a very crude exprefiion indeed.
4. He is a man of moil accomplijloed abilities. A
THE DRUID. 291
man may be faid to be of diftinguifhed abilities or great accomplifhments, but accomplijbed abilities is wholly new.
5. ' I have a total objection againft this mea- fure.' I fuppofe the gentleman meant, that he ob- jected to the whole, and every part of it. It was only an irregular marriage of the adjective to the wrong fubitantive.
6. ' An axiom as well eftablifhed as any Euclid ever demonftrated.' Now, it happens that Euclid, notwithftanding his great love of demonftration, never demonftrated axioms, but took them for granted.
I hope the reader will forgive me for not refer- ring to the treatifes from which thefe examples are taken. They were in general anonymous ; and as it is probable many of the authors are alive, and may be of further ufe to their country, fo being wholly unknown to me, without the leaft degree of envy or malevolence, I mean not to injure but im- prove them.
FINIS.
Bb3
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
A
Robert Anderfon, Efq. Accountant, Edinburgh
Rev. Mr Aitchifon, Leith
Mr John Anderfon, Merchant. Edin.
Mr Robert Anderfon, Merchant, Edin.
Mr Anthony, Edin.
Mr James Anderfon, Surgeon, Edin.
Mr Tho. Alexander, Student, Edin.
Mrs Arrol, Merchant, Edin.
Mr Robert Aitkin, Burntifland
Matthew Adam, Weaver, Paifley
Mifs Alexander, Glafgow
B The Rev. Geo. Baird, D. D. Principal of the College,
and one of the minifters of the High Church, Edin. Rev. Mr Buchannan, Canongate, Edin. Rev. David Black, Edin. Rev. James Burns, Brechin Rev. Mr Begg, New Monkland Rev. Kenneth Bayne, Greenock Mr Adam Brooks, Merchant, Edin. Mr Robert Bland, Merchant Dumfries Mr Brown, Preacher, Belfaft Mr James Brown, Teacher, Leith Mr David Brewfter, Preacher Mr John Baxter, Builder, Edinburgh Mrs Baillie, Glafgow Mr Peter Blair, Manufacturer, Paifley Mr A. Boyd, Timber Merchant Paifley Mr Robert Barclay, Merchant, Paifley Mr James Brand, Dinwiddie mains
294 SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
Mr William Burns, Manufacturer, Paifley
Mr J.\mes Blair, Paifley
Mr Walter Bruce, Cabinetmaker, Leith
Mr Alexander Brown, Bookfeller, Aberdeen, 12 Copies
Mr George Brown, Bookfeller, Perth, 2 Copies
Mr William Blackwood, Bookfeller, Edin. 2 Copies
Mr Allan Barr, Manufacturer, Edin.
Mr James Blair, Merchant, Belfaft, 6 Copies
Rev. Mr A. Bayne, Eaftbarns
Rev. Richard Black, Perth
Mr John Brown, Preacher, Glafgow
Rev. John Brown, Biggar
Mr Robertfon Buchanan, Glafgow
Rev. Dr Balfour, Glafgow
Mr Barr, Glafgow
Mr Buchanan, Glafgow
James Bonnar, Efq. Excife, Edin,
Matthew Brown, Efq. Paifley
Mr William Bleziland, Manufacturer, Paifley
John Blair, Farmer, Erfkine by Paifley
Robert Blair, Farmer, Inchinnen
James Blair, Farmer, Killmalcolm
Hugh Blair, Farmer, Houfton
Rev. David Black, Dunfermline
C
Francis Carter, M. D. Liverpool
Charles Cunningham, Efq. Linlithgow
Rev. Mr Colquhoun, Leith
Mrs Bailie Coulter, Edin.
Bailie James Carlyle, Paifley
Mr John Clapperton, Merchant, Edin.
Mrs Chryftie, Edin.
Mr John Campbell, preacher
Mr John Cummin, Dyer, Edin#
Mr Robert Crawford, preachc*
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. M
Mr John Clark, Builder, Edin.
Mr Hugh Cameron, Merchant, Greenock
Mr R. Carfwell, Manufacturer, Paifley
Mr G. Carfwell, Manufacturer, Paifley
Mr William Campbell, Lockerby, 2 Copies
Mr Cheap, Paifley
Mr George Caldwell, Bookfeller, Paifley
Dr Cleghorn, Glafgow
Mr Thomas Carlile, Houfton
Mr Campbell, Bookfeller, Paifley, 3 Copies
Mr Campbell Teacher, Paifley
Mr D. Cowan, Paper, maker, Edin.
Mr Gavin Cuthbertfon, Bookfeller, Paifley
Mr Clark, near Falkirk
Rev. Robert Culbertfon, Leith
D
Mr Charles Dick, Elgin
Rev. David Dickfon, Weft Church, Edin.
Rev. James Donaldfon, Edin.
Mr W. Dymock, Writer, Edin.
Mr James Dcdds, Upholfterer, Edin.
Mr Alexander Davidfon, Merchant
Mr J. Davidibn, Tanner, Dumbarton
Mr H. Dunbar, Merchant, Edin.
Mr Dewar, York place
Mr J. Drummond, Manufacturer, Edin.
Divinity Hall, Edin.
Divinity Hall, Whitburn
Divinity Hall, Selkirk
Rev. Mr Douglas, Stewarton
Rev. D. Dickfon, one of the minilters of E
Meff Denham and Dick, Bookfellers, Edin. 2 Copies
Mr Alex. Duncanfon, fhipowner, Alloa
Rev. Thos. Davidfon, D. D. one of the n
536 SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
E
Mrs Janet Ellifon
Robert Edmondfon, Efq. Boarhills
Rev. Mr Ellis, Saltcoats
Rev. Mr Eafton, Hamilton
F
Admiral Sir W. G. Fairfax, North Caftle Street, Edin.
James Forreft, Efq. of Commifton
Rev. Profeffor Finlayfon, Edin,
Rev. Dr Fleming, Kirkcaldy
Mr J. Frafer, Merchant, Leith
Mr George Forreft, Brewer, Edin.
Mr Daniel Frafer, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr Alexander Finlay, Engraver, Glafgow
Mr William Fergufon, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr Jofeph Fowler, Paifley
Rev. Mr Forbes, Tarbat
Mr James Ferrie, Kirkintulloch
Mr Jofeph Fletcher, Chefter
Rev. Mr Fleming, Neilfton
Rev. Mr French, Kilbride
Rev. Mr Fleming, Weft Calder
Mr [ohn Ford, Bookfeller, Kirkcaldy, 2 Copies
Mr Robert Fergufon, near Moffat
G
Archibald Gibfon, Efq. W. S. Rev. Chriftopher Greig, Dunfermline Rev. Mr Gray, Path-head Rev. Mr Gregor, Bucclivie Mr James Grieve, Merchant, Edin. Mr George Gibfon, Merchant, Leith Mr Thomas Gray, Student, Edin. Mr Charles Gray, Edin. Mr John Graham, Balftack
SUBSCRIBERS' NA.ME^ ft*?
Mr Tho. Gladftanes, Merchant, Leith
Mr Robert Galloway, Baker, Glafgow
Mr James Galloway, Baker, Glafgow
Mr Nathan Galloway, Baker, Glafgow
Mr John Grant, Hofier, Glafgow
Mr William Glafs, Uphoifterer, Edia.
Mr Walter Graham, Preacher
Mr Gordon, Preacher of the Gofpel
Rev. Mr L. Glafs, Midholm
Rev. Mr James Gray, Brechin,
Rev. Mr Graham, Glafgow
Rev. Mr Gardner, Both m 11
MefT. Guthrie and Tait, Edin* 6 Copies
Mils Gibfon, Edin.
H Tho. Henderfon, Efq. Dean of Guild, Edin. Jofhua Heywood, Eiq. Glafgow Rev. Andrew Hunter, D. D. Profeffor of Divinity, and
one of the Minifters of the Tron Church, Edin. Rev. Mr Hall, Edin. Mr James Hill, Preacher, Haddington Mifs Heron, St Andrew's Square, Edin. Mr W. Harley, Merchant, Glafgow Mr William Haftings, Student, Edin. Mr Alexander Haftings, Edin. Mr Peter Hewit, Baker, Edin. Mr James Haldane, Merchant, Edin. Mifs Helen Henderfon, Leith Mr Andrew Hutchefon, Town clerk, Burntiiland Mr Hamilton, M Her, Glafgow Mr Hall, Dumbarton, Mr Tho. Hutchifon, Glazier, Paifley Mr John Henderfon, Merchant, Paifley Mr Archibald Henderfon, Student of Divinity, Crail
293 SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES
Mr James Halliday, Dyfter, parifh of Hutton
Rev. Mr Harper, Lanark
Rev. Mr Hannah, Strikeathrough
Mr Henry, Preacher, Stevenfon-manfe
Mrs Andrew Hamilton, George's Square, E'din.
Mr P. Hill, Bookfeller, Edin.
Rev. Mr Henderfon, Hawick
Mr James Hatrick, Camlachie
Mr John Henderfon, Student, Paifley
Mr Tho. Hurft, Merchant, Leith
I Rev. Mr Ireland, Leith, 2 Copies Rev. Mr. Johnfton, Moffat Mr John Johnfton, Student, Edin. Mr John Johnfton, Baker, Leith Mr Robert Jamiefon, Baker, Glafgow Rev. Mr Inglis, Port Glafgow Mr Walter Johnfton, Merchant, Banks hill, Lcckerby
K James Kerr, Efq. Greenock Rev. Mr Keith, Fab. Rev. Mr Kay, Kinclaven Mr John Kelly, Student, Edin. Mr W. Knight, Aberdeen, 6 Copies J. King, Efq. Jonfton Mrs King, of Maybank
L
Ewan Liddle, Efq. Springfield
Mr Jofeph Livingftone, Merchant, Edin.
Mr James Laing, Farmer, Dumbarton
Mr Thomas Leechman, Baker, Paifley
Mr Laurie, Student of Divinity
Mr Laidlow, Preacher of the Gofpel
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 29*
Mr Lockhart, Parliament Square Edin. Mr James Love, Pauley Rev. Mr W. Lauder, Earlfton Rev. Mr Livingfton, Cambufnethen Rev. Mr Laurie, Abernethy Rev. Mr Lindfay, Auchinlck
M Sir H. Moncrieff, Wellwood, Bart. D. D. one of the
Minifters of the Weft Church, Edinburgh John Mair, Efq. Glafgow A. Murray, Efq. of Ayton William Murray, Efq. of Pomaife Rev. Mr Macknight, Edinburgh Rev. Mr Mitchell, late of Montrofe Rev. Mr M'Lauchlan, Edinburgh Rev. John M'Diarmid, Paifley Rev. John Mackenzie, Glafgow
Rev. George Muirhead, Dyfart
Rev. Mr M'Bride Kilmore
Mrs Captain Mackintyre, Dumbarton
Mifs M'Pherfon, Frederic Street, Rdinbun
Mr Andrew M'Kean, Writing- Defter, ditto
Mr W. Muir, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr M'Dougal, Merchant, ditto
Mr T. Mitchell, Merchant, ditto
Mr Duncan M'Pherfon, Preacher
Mr William M'Pherfon, ditto
Mr Walter Munro, ditto
Mr Peter M'Laran, ditto
Mr A. M'Ritchie, Confectioner, Ed
Mr Geo. Murray, Confectioner, ditto
Mr Alex. M'Ailum, Vintner, ditto
Mr Andrew Miller, Writer, ditto
Mr James Mill, Merchant, ditto Vol. IX. C
300 SUBSCRIBERS'NAMES.
Mr Robert Menzies, Shipbuilder, Leith
Mr William Miller, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr William McGregor, Agent*, ditto
Mr William M'Kenrick, ditto
Mr Duncan M'Dougal, Merchant, ditto
Mr Tho. Mitchell, Ropemaker, ditto
Mr Peter M'Allum, Merchant, Greenock
Mr J. M-Linton, Merchant, Dumbarton
Mr James M'Farlane, Teacher, Paifley
Mr Robert Menzies, Diftiller, ditto
Mr William M'Hayne, Clerk, ditto
Mr W. Montgomery, Teacher, ditto
Mr J. M-Farlane, Spirir Dealer, ditto
Mr Peter Murray, Farmer, Libberton
Mrs Manfon, George Street, Edin.
Mr T. Mair, Infurance Office, ditto
Mr George Mather, George Inn, ditto
Mr Millar, Farmer, Loanhead
Rev. Mr Menzies, Logierait
Mr Moffat, Town's Hofpital, Glafgow
Mr Robert M'Lean, Paifley
Rev. Dr M'Gill, Glafgow
Rev. Mr M'Ewan, Badernock
Mr John M* Arthur, Student, Glafgow
Benjamin Mathie, Efq. Glafgow
Mr James M'Kinzie, ditto
Mr James Morrifon, Teacher, ditto
Rev. Mr Mackinlay, Kilmarnock
Rev. Mr M'Farlane, Biggar
Mr James M'Laren, Bookfeller, Stirling
Mr M'Gregor, Paifley
Mr Donald M'Grugor, Grocer, ditto
Mr John Muir, Writer, ditto
Mr John M'Gavin Manufacturer, Paifley
Rev. John Macfarlane, Waterback
SUBS CRIB ERS' NAMES. 301
Mr James Mochrie, Colmonell
N Mr John Newland, Student, Edin. Mr Robert Neil, Cefs Office, ditto Mr James Niven, Leith
O Rev. James Oliphant, Dumbarton Mr T. Ovenftone, Upholfterer, Ed in. Mr Will. Orr, Manufacturer, Paifley Mr Robert Ogle, Bookfeller, London,
25 Copies Mr Maurice Ogle, Bookfeller, Glafgow, 50 Copies
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John Pitcairn, Efq. Edinburgh
Alex. Pitcairn, Efq. ditto
Robert Pitcairn, Efq. ditto
Rev. Mr Peddie, ditto
Rev. xVIr Pringle, Newcaftle
Mr Robert Philp, Merchant, Leith
Mrs Purves, York Place, Edinburgh
Mr Daniel Paterfon, Builder, Edin.
Mr James Porteous, Preacher, ditto
Mr Rob. Penn, Cabinetmaker, ditto
Mr Patrick Peacock, Teacher, Paifley
Mr James Paterfon, Preacher at Carfinday
Mrs Parker, Blochiron
Mr Geo. Peattie, Bookfeller, Leith
Mr Patrick Peacock, Teacher, ditto
Mr John Paterfon, Aberdeen,
R Rev. Mr Robertfon, one of the mi Rev. Mr Richardfon, Kirkconnel C c 3
i
302 SUBSCRIBERS' NAM ES
Rev. Jonathan Rankine, Paifley
Rev. Mr Ritchie, Aftiilftoneford
Rev. Mr Rofs, late of Amfterdam, 2 Copies
Mr James Reid, Merchant, Edinburgh
Mr John Rofs, Preacher, ditto
Mr James RufTel, Student of Divinity
Mr Henry Rankine, Teacher, Leith
Mr James Roger, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr John Rankin, Bookfeller, Falkirk, 3 Copies
Mrs A. Robertfon, Glafgow
Rev. Dr Ranken, ditto
Rev. Dr Rutherford, Muirkirk
Rev. Mr Robertfon Kilmarnock
Rev. Mr Robertfon, S'amannan
Mr James Ramfay, Baker, Paifley
Rev. Mr Reid, Paifley
S Sir John Stirling, of Glorat, Baronet Col. William Simpfon, Kincraig Rev. Mr Saville, Edinburgh Rev. Mr Struthers, ditto Rev. John Scott, D. D. Greenock Mr J. Sommerville, Student, Edin. Mr W. Sibbald, Town's Surveyor, ditto Mr P. Scott, Infurance Broker, ditto Mr Smith, Haddin's Court, ditto Mr Will. Stevenfon, Merchant, ditto Mr James Stewart, Student Mr Daniel S:ewart Shoemaker, ditto Mr Wood Sinclair, Cooper, Leith Mr T. Shoolbread, Hair-drefler, ditto Mr L. Simons, Surgeon, Burntiiland Mr Rob. Service, Wright, Dumbarton Mr Robert Stewart, Teacher, Paifley
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 80S
Mr W. Smith, Lafwadc
Mr W. Somerville, Shaws of Tinwald, 13 Copies
Mr John Scott, Farmer Balboothie
Mr John Stiven, Bookfeller, Glafgow, 2 Copies
Mr John Scales, Writer, ditto
Mr William Scott, Bookfeller, Greenock
Mr James Smith, Kilbride
Mr R. Somers, Preacher, St Ninians
Mr Rob. Shirreft, Merchant, Leith
Mr James Steele, Bookfeller, Glafgow
Mr Robert Stewart, Student, Paifley
Mr Matthew Sprowl, Bleacher
Rev. Mr Smart, Paifley
Baiilie Robert Spiers, Paifley
T
David Thomfon, Efq. Edinburgh
Rev. Dr Thomfon, one of the minifters of Edinburgh
Rev. W. Thomfon, Hutchefon Town, near Gla\
Rev. James Thomfon, Port Glafgow
Mr Will. Trotter, Upholfterer, ditto
Mr James Thomfon, Perfumer, ditto
Mr Will. Thorburn, Merchant, Leith
Mr John Thomfon, Burr.tifland
Mr W. Thomfon, Merchant, GI«:;
Mr R. Turnbull, Watchmaker, C:
Mr K. Treafurer, Edi*:.
Rev. Mr Peter Taylor, Ceres
Mr W. Thomfon, Wright, Edin.
Rev. Mr Thomfon, Camock
Rev. Mr Thomfon, Leeds
Mr J. Thomfon, Clifton, by K
Mr LTrie, Glafgow
804 SUBSCRIBERS' NAM El
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Rev. Mr Watfort, Biggar
Rev. Mr. Wemyfs, Burntifland
Rev. Mr Watfon, Glafgow
Rev. Mr Willifon, Forgandenny
Mr C. Watfon, Cabinetmaker, Edinburgh
Mr Thomas Wardlaw, Hofier, ditto
Mr J. Wilfon, Teacher of Elocution
Mr J. Waugh, Manufacturer, Sciennes
Mr Alexander Weir, Student
Mr J. Watfon, Manufacturer, Glafgow
Mr James Wright, Merchant, Paifley
Mr James White, Merchant, ditto
Mr James Walkingfhaw, Writer, ditto
Mr James Wayle, Manufacturer, ditto
Mr T. Williams, Bookfeller, London, 25 Copies
Mr W. Whyte, Bookfeller, Beith, 2 Copies
Mr John Wyld, Glafgow
Rev. Mr Wilfon, Cumnock
Mr Wilfon. Merchant, Strathaven
Mr Will. Whyte, Bookfeller, Edin. 2 Copies
Rev. Mr Walker, Coileflie
Rev. Mr-Williamfon, Whitehaven
Mr James Wayle, Weaver, ditto
Mr John Whyte, Candlemaker, Edin.
Y
Mr John Young, Upholfterer, Edin.
Mr William Young, Burntifland
Mr John Young, ditto
Mr Young, Glafgow
Mr Tho, Young, Molfhaugh
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