rco

'

THE WORKS

OF

FRANCIS BACON

THE

WORKS

OP

FRANCIS BACON,

BARON OF VERULAM, VISCOUNT ST. ALBANS, AND
LOKD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND.

anO HniteU

JAMES SPEDDING, M. A.

OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;

ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS, M. A.

LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;
AND

DOUGLAS DENON HEATH,

BARRISTER-AT-LAW J LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

VOLUME V.

NEW YORK:
PUBLISHED BY KURD AND HOUGHTON.

: 3&fbetsftoe JJvess.

1809.

RIVKKSIDE, CAMIIRIDOB:

g T B R E O T Y 1' K I) AND !• It I N T E D BY

II. 0. HOUGIITON.

CONTENTS

THE FIFTH VOLUME.

PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.

PART I. — CONTINUED.

WORKS PUBLISHED, OK DESIGNED FOR PUBLICATION, A3
PARTS OF THE INSTAURATIO MAGNA.

PAQI
SYLVA SYLVARUM — CONTINUED.

SYLVA SYLVARUM 7

TABLE OF THE EXPERIMENTS 165

SCALA INTELLECTUS sive FILUM LABYRINTHI .177
PRODROMI sive ANTICIPATIONES PHILOSOPHIC SECUND^E 182

PART II.

WORKS ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH THE INSTAURA
TIO, BUT NOT MEANT TO BE INCLUDED IN IT.

PREFACE to PART II 187

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM 197

PREFACE to DE FLUXU ET RKFLUXU MARIS, by ROB
ERT LESLIE ELLIS 235

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS . . .247

Vi CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH VOLUifE.

PA«1

PBEFACE to DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS SECUN-
DUM FABULAS CUPIDINIS ET C<ELI, by ROBERT

LESLIE ELLIS 271

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS, ETC 289

NEW ATLANTIS . 347

MAGNALIA NATURAE 415

PART III.

WORKS ORIGINALLY DESIGNED FOR PARTS OF THE IN-
STAURATIO MAGNA, BUT SUPERSEDED OR ABANDONED.

PREFACE to PART III 419

COGITATIONES DE SciENTIA HUMANA . . . .427

NATURAL HISTORY.

CENTURY VIII.

Experiment solitary touching veins of medicinal earth.
701. THERE be minerals and fossils in great variety;
but of veins of earth medicinal, but few ; the chief are,
Terra Lemnia,1 Terra Sigillata communis, and Bolus
Arminus ; whereof Terra Lemnia is the chief. The
virtues of them are, for curing of wounds, stanching
of blood, stopping of fluxes and rheums, and arresting
the spreading of poison, infection, and putrefaction :
and they have of all other simples the perfectest and
purest quality of drying, with little or no mixture of
any other quality. Yet it is true that the Bole-Ar-
minic is the most cold of them, and that Terra Lemnia
is the most hot ; for which cause the island Lemnos,
where it is digged, was in the old fabulo\is ages con
secrated to Vulcan.

Experiment solitary touching the growth of spunges.

702. About the bottom of the Straits2 are gathered
great quantities of spunges, which are gathered from

1 See, for some account of Terra Lemnia, Sandys's Travels, p. 18. (7th
edition).
3 That is, the Hellespont. See Sandys, p. 14.

8 NATURAL HISTORY.

the sides of rocks, being as it were a large but tough
moss. It is the more to be noted, because that there
be but few substances, plant-like, that grow deep with
in the sea ; for they are gathered sometimes fifteen
fathom deep : and when they are laid on shore, they
seem to be of great bulk ; but crushed together, will
be transported in a very small room.

Experiment solitary touching sea-fish put in fresh
waters.

703. It seemeth that fish that are used to the salt
water, do nevertheless delight more in fresh. We see
that salmons and smelts love to get into rivers, though
it be against the stream. At the haven of Constanti
nople you shall have great quantities of fish that come
from the Euxine Sea ; that when they come into the
fresh water, do inebriate and turn up their bellies, so
as you may take them with your hand.1 I doubt there
hath not been sufficient experiment made of putting
sea-fish into fresh-water ponds and pools. It is a thing
of great use and pleasure ; for so you may have them
new at some good distance from the sea : and besides,

1 Sandys, p. 23. Modern experience has confirmed what Sandys here
relates; but there is no reason to suppose that the fish have any enjoyment
in the state of half insensibility which the change to fresh water produces.
The cause is probably to be sought in what appears a priori to be certain, —
namely, the rapid absorption through the gills of fresh water. All the con
ditions appear to be present by which absorption by endosmosis is occa
sioned. The periodical migrations from salt to fresh water, and vice versa,
of certain kinds of fish may perhaps be connected with a change in the
composition of the blood, determining endosmosis or exosmosis through the
gills, and consequently rendering the fish uneasy in its actual position.

Has it ever been suggested that the persevering way in which salmon
ascend rapid streams may result from the unequal velocity of the water at
different depths ? The consequence of this variation would be a sensation
of greater pressure against the lower part of the body than on the upper;
which under certain circumstances may be agreeable.

CENTURY VIII. 9

it may be, the fish will eat the pleasanter, and may fall
to breed. And it is said, that Colchester oysters, which
are put into pits where the sea goeth and cometh, (but
vet so that there is a fresh water coming also to them
when the sea voideth,) become by that means fatter
and more grown.

Experiment solitary touching attraction by similitude
substance.

704. The Turkish bow giveth a very forcible shoot ;
•nsomuch as it hath been known that the arrow hath
pierced a steel target, or a piece of brass of two inches
thick : but that which is more strange, the arrow, if
it be headed with wood, hath been known to pierce
through a piece of wood ,of eight inches thick.1 And
it is certain that we had in use at one time, for sea-
fight, short arrows, which they called sprights, without
any other heads, save wood sharpened ; which were
discharged out of muskets, and would pierce through
the sides of ships where a bullet would not pierce.
But this dependeth upon one of the greatest secrets
in all nature ; which is, that similitude of siibstance
will cause attraction, where the body is wholly freed
from the motion of gravity : for if that were taken
away, lead would draw lead, and gold would draw
gold, and iron would draw iron, without the help
of the loadstone. But this same motion of weight
or oravitv f which is a mere motion of matter, and

O t V

hath no affinity with the form or kind) doth kill the
other motion, except itself be killed by a violent mo
tion ; as in these instances of arrows ; for then the
motion of attraction by similitude of substance be-

i Sandys, p. 50.

10 NATURAL HISTORY.

ginneth to shew itself. But we shall handle thi8
point of nature fully in due place.

Experiment solitary touching certain drinks in Turkey.

705. They have in Turkey and the East certain
confections, which they call servets, which are like to
candied conserves, and are made of sugar and lem
ons, or sugar and citrons, or sugar and violets, and
some other flowers ; and some mixture of amber for
the more delicate persons : and those they dissolve in
water, and thereof make their drink, because they are
forbidden wine by their law.1 But I do much marvel
that no Englishman, or Dutchman, or German, doth
set up brewing in Constantinople ; considering they
have such quantity of barley. For as for the general
sort of men, frugality may be the cause of drinking
water ; for that it is no small saving to pay nothing for
one's drink : but the better sort might well be at the
cost. And yet I wonder the less at it, because I see
France, Italy, or Spain, have not taken into use beer
or ale : which (perhaps) if they did, would better both
their healths and their complexions. It is likely it
would be matter of great gain to any that should
begin it in Turkey.

Experiments in consort touching sweat.'2

706. In bathing in hot water, sweat nevertheless
cometh not in the parts under the water. The cause
is : first, for that sweat is a kind of colliquation, and

1 Sandys, p. 51. He like Bacon suggests the establishment of breweries
at Constantinople.

2 For the statements in this and the next three paragraphs, see Arist
Prob. ii. 2, 3, 4. 16, and 23.

CENTURY VIII. H

that kind of colliquation is not made either by an over-
dry heat, or an over-moist heat : for over-moisture doth
somewhat extinguish the heat ; as we see that even hot
water quencheth fire ; and over-dry heat shutteth the
pores : and therefore men will sooner sweat covered
before the sun or fire, than if they stood naked : and
earthen bottles filled with hot water do provoke, in bed,
a sweat more daintily than brick-bats hot. Secondly,
hot water doth cause evaporation from the skin ; so as
it spendeth the matter in those parts under the water,
before it issueth in sweat. Again, sweat cometh more
plentifully, if the heat be increased by degrees, than if
it be greatest at first, or equal. The cause is, for that
the pores are better opened by a gentle heat than by a
more violent ; and by their opening the sweat issueth
more abundantly. And therefore physicians may do
well, when they provoke sweat in bed by bottles with
a decoction of sudorific herbs in hot water, to make
two degrees of heat in the bottles ; and to lay in the
bed the less heated first, and after half an hour, the
more heated.

707. Sweat is salt in taste ; the cause is, for that
that part of the nourishment which is fresh and sweet,
turneth into blood and flesh ; and the sweat is only
that part which is separate and excerned. Blood also
raw hath some saltness, more than flesh ; because the
assimilation into flesh is not without a little and subtile
excretion from the blood.

708. Sweat cometh forth more out of the upper
parts of the body than the lower ; the reason is, be
cause those parts are more replenished with spirits ;
and the spirits are they that put forth sweat : besides,
they are less fleshy, and sweat issueth (chiefly) out of

12 NATURAL HISTORY.

the parts that are less fleshy, and more dry ; as the
forehead and breast.

709. Men sweat more in sleep than waking ; and
yet sleep doth rather stay other fluxions, than cause
them ; as rheums, looseness of the body, &c. The
cause is, for that in sleep the heat and spirits do
naturally move inwards, and there rest. But when
they are collected once within, the heat becometh
more violent and irritate ; and thereby expelleth
sweat.

710. Cold sweats are (many times) mortal, and
near death ; and always ill, and suspected : as in
great fears, hypochondriacal passions, &c. The cause
is, for that cold sweats come by a relaxation or for
saking of the spirits, whereby the moisture of the
body, which heat did keep firm in the parts, sever-
eth and issueth out.

711. In those diseases which cannot be discharged
by sweat, sweat is ill, and rather to be stayed ; as
in diseases of the lungs, and fluxes of the belly : but
in those diseases which are expelled by sweat, it
easeth and lighteneth ; as in agues, pestilences, &c.
The cause is, for that sweat in the latter sort is
partly critical, and sendeth forth the matter that
offendeth ; but in the former, it either proceedeth
from the labour of the spirits, which sheweth them
oppressed ; or from motion of consent, when nature,
not able to expel the disease where it is seated,
moveth to an expulsion indifferent over all the body.

Experiment solitary touching the glow-worm.

712. The nature of the glow-worm is hitherto not
well observed. Thus much we see ; that they breed

CENTURY VIII. 13

chiefly in the hottest months of summer ; and that they
breed not in champaign, but in bushes and hedges.
Whereby it may be conceived that the spirit of them
is very fine, and not to be refined but by summer
heats : and again, that by reason of the fineness it
doth easily exhale. In Italy, and the hotter coun
tries, there is a fly they call lucciole, that shineth as the
glow-worm doth ; and it may be is the flying glow
worm. But that fly is chiefly upon fens and marshes.
But yet the two former observations hold : for they
are not seen but in the heat of summer ; and sedge, or
other green of the fens, give as good shade as bushes.
It may be the glow-worms of the cold countries ripen
not so far as to be winged.

O

Experiments in consort touching the impassions which
the passions of the mind make upon the body.

713. The passions of the mind work upon the
body the impressions following. Fear causeth pale
ness, trembling, the standing of the hair upright, start
ing, and skriching. The paleness is caused, for that
the blood runneth inward to succour the heart. The
trembling is caused, for that through the flight of the
spirits inward, the outward parts are destituted, and
not sustained. Standing upright of the hair is caused,
for that by shutting of the pores of the skin, the hair
that lieth aslope must needs rise. Starting is both an
apprehension of the thing feared, (and in that kind it
is a motion of shrinking,) and likewise an inquisition,
in the beginning, what the matter should be, (and in
that kind it is a motion of erection) ; and therefore
when a man would listen suddenly to any thing, he
starteth ; for the starting is an erection of the spirits

14 NATURAL HISTORY.

to attend. Skriching is an appetite of expelling that
which suddenly striketh the spirits : for it must be
noted that many motions, though they be unprofitable
to expel that which hurteth, yet they are offers of nat
ure, and cause motions by consent ; as in groaning or
crying upon pain.

714. Grief and pain cause sighing, sobbing, groan
ing, screaming and roaring, tears, distorting of the
face, grinding of the teeth, sweating. Sighing is
caused by the drawing in of a greater quantity of
breath to refresh the heart that labouretli ; like a great
draught when one is thirsty. Sobbing is the same
thing stronger. Groaning, and screaming, and roar
ing, are caused by an appetite of expulsion, as hath
been said : for when the spirits cannot expel the thing
that hurteth, in their strife to do it, by motion of con
sent they expel the voice. And this is when the spirits
yield, and give' over to resist : for if one do constantly
resist pain, he will not groan. Tears are caused by
a contraction of the spirits of the brain ; which con
traction by consequence astringeth the moisture of the
brain, and thereby sendeth tears into the eyes. And
this contraction or compression causeth also wringing
of the hands ; for wringing is a gesture of expression
of moisture. The distorting of the face is caused by
a contention, first to bear and resist, and then to ex
pel ; which maketh the parts knit first, and afterwards
open. Grinding of the teeth is caused likewise by a
gathering and serring of the spirits together to resist ;
which maketh the teeth also to set hard one against
another. Sweating is also a compound motion, by
the labour of the spirits first to resist, and then to
expel.

CENTURY VIII. 15

715. Joy causeth a cheerfulness and vigour in the
eyes, singing, leaping, dancing, and sometimes tears.
All these are the effects of the dilatation and coming
forth of the spirits into the outward parts ; which mak-
eth them more lively and stirring. We know it hath
been seen that excessive sudden joy hath caused pres
ent death, while the spirits did spread so much as they
could not retire again. As for tears, they are the ef
fects of compression of the moisture of the brain, upon
dilatation of the spirits. For compression of the spirits
worketh an expression of the moisture of the brain
by consent, as hath been said in grief. But then in
joy, it worketh it diversely ; viz. by propulsion of
the moisture, when the spirits dilate and occupy more
room.

716. Anger causeth paleness in some, and the going
and coming of the colour in others : also trembling in
some : swelling, foaming at the mouth, stamping, bend
ing of the fist. Paleness, and going and coming of the
colour, are caused by the burning of the spirits about
the heart ; which, to refresh themselves, call in more
spirits from the outward parts. And if the paleness
be alone, without sending forth the colour again, it is
commonly joined with some fear ; but in many there is
no paleness at all, but contrariwise redness about the
cheeks and gills ; which is by the sending forth of the
spirits in an appetite to revenge. Trembling in anger
is likewise by a calling in of the spirits ; and is com
monly when anger is joined with fear. Swelling is
caused, both by a dilatation of the spirits by over-heat
ing, and by a liquefaction or boiling of the humours
thereupon. Foaming at the mouth is from the same
cause, being an ebullition. Stamping, and bending

16 NATURAL HISTORY.

of the fist, are caused by an imagination of the act
of revenge.

717. Light displeasure or dislike causeth shaking of
the head, frowning, and knitting of the brows. These
effects arise from the same causes that trembling and
horror do; namely, from the retiring of the spirits,
but in a less degree. For the shaking of the head
is but a slow and definite trembling ; and is a gest
ure of slight refusal ; and we see also that a dislike
causeth (often) that gesture of the hand which we use
when we refuse a thing, or warn it away. The frown
ing and knitting of the brows is a gathering or serring
of the spirits, to resist in some measure. And we see
also this knitting of the brows will follow upon earnest
studying or cogitation of any thing, though it be with
out dislike.

718. Shame causeth blushing, and casting down of
the eyes. Blushing is the resort of blood to the face ;
which in the passion of shame is the part that labour-
eth most. And although the blushing will be seen in
the whole breast if it be naked, yet that is but in pas
sage to the face. As for the casting down of the eyes,
it proceedeth of the reverence a man beareth to other
men ; whereby, when he is ashamed, he cannot endure
to look firmly upon others : and we see that blushing
and the casting down of the eyes both, are more when
we come before many ; ore Pompeii quid mollius? nun-
quam non coram pluribus erubuit : l and likewise when
we come before great or reverend persons.

719. Pity causeth sometimes tears ; and a flexion
or cast of the eye aside. Tears come from the same
cause that they do in grief: for pity is but grief in

l Seneca, Ep. 11.

CENTURY VIII. 17

another's behalf. The cast of the eye is a gesture of
aversion, or lothness to behold the object of pity.

720. Wonder causeth astonishment, or an iminove-
able posture of the body ; casting up of the eyes to
heaven ; and lifting up of the hands. For astonish
ment, it is caused by the fixing of the mind upon one
object of cogitation, whereby it doth not spatiate and
transcur, as it useth ; for in wonder the spirits fly not,
as in fear ; but only settle, and are made less apt to
move. As for the casting up of the eyes and lifting
up of the hands, it is a kind of appeal to the Deity ;
which is the author, by power and providence, of
strange wonders.

721. Laughing causeth a dilatation of the mouth
and lips ; a continued expulsion of the breath, with the
loud noise, which maketh the interjection of laughing ;
shaking of the breast and sides ; running of the eyes
with water, if it be violent and continued. Wherein
first it is to be understood, that laughing is scarce
(properly) a passion, but hath his source from the in
tellect ; for in laughing there ever precedeth a conceit
of somewhat ridiculous ; and therefore it is proper to
man. Secondly, that the cause of laughing is but a
light touch of the spirits, and not so deep an impres
sion as in other passions. And therefore (that which
hath no affinity with the passions of the mind) it is
moved, and that in great vehemency, only by tickling
some parts of the body : and we see that men even in
a grieved state of mind, yet cannot sometimes forbear
laughing. Thirdly, it is ever joined with some degree
of delight : and therefore exhilaration hath some affin
ity with joy, though it be a much lighter motion : res

VOL. v. 2

18 NATURAL HISTORY.

sevcra eat verum gaudium.1 Fourthly, that the object
of it is deformity, absurdity, shrewd turns, and the
like. Now to speak of the causes of the effects before
mentioned, whereunto these general notes give some
light. For the dilatation of the mouth and lips, con
tinued expulsion of the breath and voice, and shaking
of the breast and sides, they proceed (all) from the
dilatation of the spirits ; especially being sudden. So
likewise, the running of the eyes with water (as hath
been formerly touched, where we spake of the tears of
joy and grief) is an effect of dilatation of the spirits.
And for suddenness, it is a great part of the matter :
for we see, that any shrewd turn that lighteth upon
another, or any deformity, &c. moveth laughter in the
instant ; which after a little time it doth not. So we
cannot laugh at anything after it is stale, but whilst it
is new : and even in tickling, if you tickle the sides
and give warning, or give a hard or continued touch,
it doth not move laughter so much.

722. Lust causeth a flagrancy in the eyes ; and pri-
apism. The cause of both these is, for that in lust
the sight and the touch are the things desired ; and
therefore the spirits resort to those parts which are
most affected. And note well in general, (for that
great use may be made of the observation,) that ever
more the spirits, in all passions, resort most to the parts
that labour most, or are most affected. As in the last
which hath been mentioned, they resort to the eyes
and venereous parts : in fear and anger to the heart :
in shame to the face: and in light dislikes to the
head.

i Seneca, Ep. 23.

CENTURY VIII. 19

Experiments in consort touching drunkenness.

723. It hath been observed by the ancients, and is
yet believed, that the sperm of drunken men is un
fruitful.1 The cause is, for that it is over-moistened,
and wanteth spissitude : and we have a merry saying,
that they that go drunk to bed get daughters.

724. Drunken men are taken with a plain defect
or destitution in voluntary motion. They reel ; they
tremble ; they cannot stand, nor speak strongly. The
cause is, for that the spirits of the wine oppress the
spirits animal, and occupate part of the place where
they are ; and so make them weak to move. And
therefore drunken men are apt to fall asleep : and
opiates and stupefactives (as poppy, henbane, hemlock,
&c.) induce a kind of drunkenness, by the grossness.
of their vapour ; as wine doth by the quantity of the
vapour. Besides, they rob the spirits animal of their
matter, whereby they are nourished : for the spirits
of the wine prey upon it as well as they : and so they
make the spirits less supple and apt to move.

725. Drunken men imagine every thing turneth
round ; they imagine also that things come upon them ;
they see not well things afar off'; those things that
they see near hand they see out of their place ; and
(sometimes) they see things double. The cause of
the imagination that things turn round is, for that
the spirits themselves turn, being compressed by the
vapour of the wine (for any liquid body upon com
pression turneth, as we see in water) ; and it is all
one to the sight, whether the visual spirits move, or

1 For this and most of the statements in the next three paragraphs, see
Arist. Prob. iii. 4, 5, 9, 10, and 12.

20 NATURAL HISTORY.

the object moveth, or the medium moveth. And we
see that long turning round breedeth the same im
agination. The cause of the imagination that things
come upon them is, for that the spirits visual them
selves draw back ; which maketh the object seem to
come on ; and besides, when they see things turn
round and move, fear maketh them think they come
upon them. The cause that they cannot see things
afar off, is the weakness of the spirits ; for in every
megrim or vertigo there is an obtenebration joined
with a semblance of turning round ; which we see
also in the lighter sort of swoonings. The cause of
seeing things out of their place, is the refraction of the
spirits visual ; for the vapour is an unequal medium ;
and it is as the sight of things out of place in water.
The cause of seeing things double, is the swift, and
unquiet motion of the spirits (being oppressed) to and
fro ; for (as was said before) the motion of the spirits
visual, and the motion of tire object, make the same
appearances : and for the swift motion of the object,
we see that if you fillip a lute-string, it sheweth double
or treble.

726. Men are sooner drunk with small draughts
than with great. And again, wine sugared inebri-
ateth less than wine pure. The cause of the for
mer is, for that the wine descendeth not so fast to
the bottom of the stomach, but maketh longer stay
in the upper part of the stomach, and sendeth va
pours faster to the head ; and therefore inebriateth
sooner. And for the same reason, sops in wine (quan
tity for quantity) inebriate more than wine of itself.
The cause of the latter is, for that the sugar doth
inspissate the spirits of the wine, and maketh them

CENTURY VIII. 21

not so easy to resolve into vapour. Nay further, it
is thought to be some remedy against inebriating, if
wine sugared be taken after wine pure. And the
same effect is wrought either by oil or milk, taken
upon much drinking.

Experiment solitary touching the help or hurt of wine,
tJiough moderately used.

727. The use of wine in dry and consumed bodies
is hurtful ; in moist and full bodies it is good. The
cause is, for that the spirits of the wine do prey upon
the dew or radical moisture (as they term it) of the
body, and so deceive the animal spirits. But where '
there is moisture enough, or superfluous, there wine
helpeth to digest and desiccate the moisture.

Experiment solitary touching caterpillars.

728. The caterpillar is one of the most general of
worms, and breedeth of dew and leaves ; for we see
infinite number of caterpillars which breed upon trees
and hedges, by which the leaves of the trees or hedges
are in great part consumed ; as well by their breed
ing out of the leaf, as by their feeding upon the leaf.
They breed in the spring chiefly, because then there is
both dew and leaf. And they breed commonly when
the east winds have much blown ; the cause whereof
is, the dryness of that wind ; for to all vivification
upon putrefaction, it is requisite the matter be not too
moist : and therefore we see they have cobwebs about
them, which is a sign of a slimy dryness ; as we see
upon the ground, whereupon, by dew and sun, cob
webs breed all over. We see also the green cater
pillar breedeth in the inward parts of roses, especially

22 NATURAL HISTORY.

not blown, where the dew sticketh ; but especially
caterpillars, both the greatest and the most, breed upon
cabbages, which have a fat leaf, and apt to putrefy.
The caterpillar, towards the end of summer, waxeth
volatile, and turneth to a butterfly, or perhaps some
other fly. There is a caterpillar that hath a fur or
down upon him, and seemeth to have affinity with
the silk-worm.

Experiment solitary touching the flies cantharides.

729. The flies cantharides are bred of a worm or
caterpillar, but peculiar to certain fruit-trees ; as are
the fig-tree, the pine-tree, and the wild briar ; all
which bear sweet fruit, and fruit that hath a kind of
secret biting or sharpness : for the fig hath a milk in
it that is sweet and corrosive ; the pine-apple hath a
kernel that is strong and abstersive : the fruit of the
briar is said to make children, or those that eat them,
scabbed. And therefore no marvel though cantharides
have such a corrosive and cauterising quality ; ^ for
there is not any other of the insecta, but is bred of a
duller matter. The body of the cantharides is bright
coloured ; and it may be, that the delicate coloured
dragon-flies may have likewise some corrosive quality.

Experiments in consort touching lassitude.

730. Lassitude is remedied by bathing, or anointino-

1 All the species of the genus Cantharis, if not all the family of which
this genus is the type, appear to have more or less the power of irritating
the skin. The one commonly employed, namely Cantharis vesicatoria.
seems to be preferred chiefly because on account of its gregarious habits
it is more easily obtained. That it is only found on fruit-trees is an error.
It is worth remarking, that by pine-apple Bacon means the cone of a pine.
The name was transferred to the fruit of the Anana, in consequence of the
resemblance the latter bears to a fir-cone.

CENTURY VIII. 23

with oil and warm water.1 The cause is, for that all
lassitude is a kind of contusion and compression of the
parts ; and bathing and anointing give a relaxation or
emollition ; and the mixture of oil and water is better
than either of them alone ; because water entereth
better into the pores, and oil after entry soften eth bet
ter. It is found also, that the taking of tobacco doth
help and discharge lassitude. The reason whereof is,
partly because by cheering or comforting of the spirits,
it openeth the parts compressed or contused ; and
chiefly because it refresheth the spirits by the opiate
virtue thereof, and so dischargeth weariness ; as sleep
likewise doth.

731. In going up a hill, the knees will be most
weary; in going down a hill,- the thighs.2 The cause
is, for that in the lift of the feet, when a man goeth
up the hill, the weight of the body beareth most upon
the knees ; and in going down the hill, upon the
thighs.

Experiment solitary touching the casting of the skin
and shell in some creatures.

732. The casting of the skin is by the ancients
compared to the breaking of the secundine, or caul ; 3

1 Arist. Prob. v. 6. So Pindar, Nem. iv. :

TTOVUV KEKpl/lEVUV

larpof • ai 6e aofyal
Moiauv $i>yarfpef uot6ai
•&£?J-av viv diTTo/ievai.
Ovds &ep/j.bv vdup TOGOV
•ye

awaopof.
Id. ib. v. 19. 8 Arist. Hist. Anim. viii. 17.

24 NATURAL HISTORY.

but not rightly : for that were to make every casting
of the skin a new birth : and besides, the secundine is
but a general cover, not shaped according to the parts ;
but the skin is shaped according to the parts. The
creatures that cast their skin are, the snake, the viper,
the grasshopper, the lizard, the silk-worm, &c. Those
that cast their shell are, the lobster, the crab, the era-
fish, the hodmandod l or dodman, the tortoise, &c.
The old skins are found, but the old shells never : so
as it is like they scale off and crumble away by de
grees. And they are known by the extreme tender
ness and softness of the new shell, and sometimes by
the freshness of the colour of it. The cause of the
casting of skin and shell should seem to be, the great
quantity of matter in those creatures that is fit to mak^
skin or shell ; and again, the looseness of the skin or
shell, that sticketh not close to the flesh. For it is
certain that it is the new skin or shell that putteth
off the old : so we see that in deer it is the young
horn that putteth off the old ; and in birds, the young
feathers put off the old : and so birds that have much
matter for their beak, cast their beaks ; the new beak
putting off the old.

1 Shell snail. But of course neither they nor tortoises change their
shells. It would be endless to point out all similar inaccuracies. Thus,
a little further on, it is said that in deer the new horn puts off the old,
whereas it is quite clear that the growth of the new horn does not begin
until the old one is shed; it goes on, in fact, under the skin which some
time afterwards forms over what may be called the stump. This is suffi
ciently obvious; but there is probably an equal error, though not so easily
detected, in what is said with respect to feathers. The truth is, that the
habit of close observation of common phenomena does not appear to have
been much developed by Bacon's way of life.

CENTURY VIII. 25

Experiments in consort touching the postures of the body.1

733. Lying not erect but hollow, which is in the
making of the bed, or with the legs gathered up,
which is in the posture of the body, is the more
wholesome. The reason is, the better comforting of
the stomach, which is by that less pensile : and we
see that in weak stomachs, the laying up of the legs
high, and the knees almost to the mouth, helpeth and
coinforteth. We see also that galley-slaves, iiotwith-
standing their misery otherwise, are commonly fat and
fleshy ; and the reason is, because the stomach is sup
ported somewhat in sitting, and is pensile in standing
or going. And therefore, for prolongation of life, it
is good to choose those exercises where the limbs move
more than the stomach and belly ; as in rowing, and in
sawing being set.

734. Megrims and giddiness are rather when we rise
after long sitting, than while we sit. The cause is, for
that the vapours, which were gathered by sitting, by
the sudden motion fly more up into the head.

735. Leaning long upon any part maketh it numb,
and, as we call it, asleep. The cause is, for that the
compression of the part suffereth not the spirits to have
free access ; and therefore when we come out of it, we
feel a stinging or pricking ; which is the re-entrance
of tho spirits.

Experiment solitary touching pestilential years.

736. It hath been noted that those years are pestilen
tial and unwholesome, when there are great numbers
of frogs,2 flies, locusts, &c. The cause is plain ; for

l Compare Arist. Prob. vi. 3, 4, and 6. 2 Arist. Prob. i. 22.

26 NATURAL HISTORY.

that those creatures being engendered of putrefaction,
when they abound, shew a general disposition of the
year, and constitution of the air, to diseases of putre
faction. And the same prognostic (as hath been said
before) holdeth, if you find worms in oak-apples : for
the constitution of the air appeareth more subtilly in
any of these things, than to the sense of man.

Experiment solitary touching the prognostics of hard
winters.

737. It is an observation amongst country people,
that years of store of haws and heps do commonly por
tend cold winters ; and they ascribe it to God's provi
dence, that (as the Scripture saith) reacheth even to
the falling of a sparrow ; and much more is like to
reach to the preservation of birds in such seasons. The
natural cause also may be the want of heat, and abun
dance of moisture, in the summer precedent ; which
putteth forth those fruits, and must needs leave great
quantity of cold vapours not dissipate ; which causeth
the cold of the winter following.

Experiment solitary touching medicines that condense
and relieve the spirits.

738. They have in Turkey a drink called coffa?
made of a berry of the same name, as black as soot,

1 Sandys, p. 52. The use of coffee was, when Bacon wrote, of compara
tively recent introduction at Constantinople. According to Abd el Kadir
ibn Mahommed (ap. Silvestre de Sacy, Chrestomathie Arabe), who wrote
in the 16th century, it has been used from all antiquity in Abyssinia, and
passed from thence into Aden about the beginning of the 14th century.
From Aden it spread gradually over the Mahommedan world, and reached
Constantinople about the middle of the 16th century. I believe the first
scientific description of the coftee plant is that given by Jussieu, in the
Memoirs of the Academy of Sciences for 1713.

CENTURY VIII. 27

and of a strong scent, but not aromatical ; which they
take, beaten into powder, in water, as hot as they can
drink it : and they take it, and sit at it in their coffa-
houses, which are like our taverns. This drink com-
forteth the brain and heart, and helpeth digestion.
Certainly this berry coffa, the root and leaf betel, the
leaf tobacco, and the tear of poppy (opium), of which
the Turks are great takers (supposing it expelleth all
fear), do all condense the spirits, and make them
strono- and aWer. But it seemeth they were taken

O . O »

after several manners ; for coffa and opium are taken
down, tobacco but in smoke, and betel is but champed
in the mouth with a little lime. It is like there are
more of them, if they were well found out, and well
corrected. Quaere of henbane-seed ; of mandrake ; of
saffron, root and flower ; of folium indum ; of amber-
grise ; of the Assyrian amomum, if it may be had ;
and of the scarlet powder which they call kermez ; and
(generally) of all such things as do inebriate and pro
voke sleep. Note that tobacco is not taken in root or
seed, which are more forcible ever than leaves.

Experiment solitary touching paintings of the body.
739. The Turks have a black powder, made of a
mineral called alcohole, which with a fine long pencil
they lay under their eye-lids ; which doth colour them
black ; whereby the white of the eye is set off more
white.1 With the same powder they colour also the
hairs of their eye-lids, and of their eye-brows, which
they draw into embowed arches. You shall find that
Xenophon maketh mention, that the Medes used to
paint their eyes. The Turks use with the same tinct-

1 Sandys, p. 53.

28 NATURAL HISTORY.

ure to colour the hair of their heads and beards black.
And divers with us that are grown grey, and yet
would appear young, find means to make their hair
black, by combing it (as they say) with a leaden
comb, or the like. As for the Chineses, who are of
an ill complexion (being olivaster), they paint their
cheeks scarlet, especially their king and grandes.1
Generally, barbarous people, that go naked, do not
only paint themselves, but -they pounce and raze their
skin, that the painting may not be taken forth ; and
make it into works. So do the West Indians ; and
so did the ancient Picts and Britons ; so that it seem-
eth men would have the colours of birds' feathers, if
they could tell how ; or at least they will have gay
skins instead of gay clothes.

Experiment solitary touching the use of bathing and
anointing.

740. It is strange that the use of bathing, as a part
of diet, is left. With the Romans and Grecians it was
as usual as eating or sleeping ; and so is it amongst the
Turks at this day : whereas with us it remaineth but
as a 'part of physic. I am of opinion, that the use of
it, as it was with the Romans, was hurtful to health ;

1 1 do not know where Bacon found this. It is not mentioned, I think,
by modern travellers. The Chinese call us red men. It appears from Pliny,
xxxiii. 36., that in early times it was usual in Rome to colour the image of
Jupiter red, or at least its face, and to smear in a similar way the bodies of
those who triumphed. O. K. Miiller connects the two things, regarding
the triumph as a kind of Apotheosis.

[I have retained the original spelling of yrandes ; the double e, which
was no doubt introduced merely to mark the word as a dissyllable, has led
to the misplacing of the accent. The Spanish grande would not. have
changed into the English yrande'e, as we now pronounce it, except through
ignorance. — J. S.]

CENTURY VIII. 29

for that it made the body soft, and easy to waste. For
the Turks it is more proper, because that their drink
ing water, and feeding upon rice, and other food of
small nourishment, maketh their bodies so solid and
hard, as you need not fear that bathing should make
them frothy. Besides the Turks are great sitters, and
seldom walk, whereby they sweat less and need bath
ing more. But yet certain it is that bathing, and
especially anointing, may be so used as it may be a
great help to health and prolongation of life. But
hereof we shall speak in due place, when we come to
handle experiments medicinal.

Experiment solitary touching chamoletting of paper.

741. The Turks have a pretty art of chamoletting
of paper, which is not with us in use.1 They take
divers oiled colours, and put them severally (in drops)
upon water ; and stir the water lightly ; and then wet
their paper (being of some thickness) with it ; and
the paper will be waved and veined, like chamolet
or marble.

Experiment solitary touching cuttle-ink.

742. It is somewhat strange, that the blood of all
birds and beasts and fishes should be of a red colour,
and only the blood of the cuttle should be as black as
ink.2 A man would think, that the cause should be

1 Sandys, p. 56. Beckmann, in speaking of the invention of this art,
mentions the passage in the text; but not being aware of the source of
Bacon's information, asserts that notwithstanding the name Turkish
paper, by which what is now called marbled paper used to be known,
the art of making it was discovered in Germany.

2 That the black fluid of the cuttle-fish is not blood was remarked by
Aristotle, Hist. An. i. 4. The blood of the Invertebrata is most frequently
colourless. It is in some cases red. and often of other colours. The house

30 NATURAL HISTORY.

the high concoction of that blood ; for we see in ordi
nary puddings that the boiling turneth the blood to be
black ; and the cuttle is accounted a delicate meat, and
is much in request.

Experiment solitary touching increase of weight in earth.
743. It is reported of credit, that if you take earth
from land adjoining to the river of Nile, and preserve
it in that manner that it neither come to be wet nor
wasted, and weigh it daily, it will not alter weight
until the seventeenth of June, which is the day when
the river beginneth to rise : and then it will grow more
and more ponderous, till the river cometh to his height.1
Which if it be true, it cannot be caused but by the
air, which then beginneth to condense ; and so turneth
within that small mould into a degree of moisture,"
which produceth weight. So it hath been observed that
tobacco, cut and weighed, and then dried by the fire,
loseth weight ; and after being laid in the open air,
recovereth weight again. And it should seem that as
soon as ever the river beginneth to increase, the whole
body of the air thereabouts suffereth a change : for
(that which is more strange) it is credibly affirmed,
that upon that very day when the river first riseth,
great plagues in Cairo use suddenly to break up.

Experiments in consort touching sleep.
744. Those that are very cold, and especially in
their feet, cannot get to sleep.2 The cause may be,
for that in sleep is required a free respiration, which

fly is commonly believed to have red blood, but the red stain produced
when a fly is crushed is in reality due to the pigment of the eyes.
1 Sandys, p. 77. -2 Arist. Prob. viii. 2.

CENTURY VIII. 31

cold doth shut in and hinder : for we see that in great
colds one can scarce draw his breath. Another cause
may be, for that cold calleth the spirits to succour;
and therefore they cannot so well close and no together
in the head ; which is ever requisite to sleep. And for
the same cause, pain and noise hinder sleep ; and dark
ness (contrariwise)' furthereth sleep.

745. Some noises (whereof we spake in the hundred
and twelfth experiment) help sleep ; as the blowing
of the wind, the trickling of water, humming of bees,
soft singing, reading, &c. The cause is, for that they
move in the spirits a gentle attention ; and whatsoever
moveth attention, without too much labour, stilleth the
natural and discursive motion of the spirits.

746. Sleep nourisheth or at least preserveth bodies
a long time, without other nourishment. Beasts that
sleep in winter (as it is noted in wild bears) during
their sleep wax very fat, though they eat nothing.
Bats have been found in ovens, and other hollow close
places, matted one upon another : and therefore it is
likely that they sleep in the winter time and eat noth
ing. Quaere, whether bees do not sleep all winter, and"
spare their honey ? Butterflies, and other flies, do not
only sleep, but lie as dead all winter ; and yet with a
little heat of sun or fire revive again. A dormouse,
both winter and summer, will sleep some days to
gether, and eat nothing.

Experiments in consort touching teeth and hard sub
stances in the bodies of living creatures.

To restore teeth in age, were magnale naturce.
It may be thought of. But howsoever the nature

32 NATURAL HISTORY.

of the teeth deserveth to be inquired of, as well as
the other parts of living creatures' bodies.

747. There be five parts in the bodies of living
creatures, that are of hard substance ; the skull, the
teeth, the bones, the horns, and the nails. The great-
est quantity of hard substance continued is towards the
head. For there is the skull, of one entire bone ; there
are the teeth ; there are the maxillary bones ; there is
the hard bone that is the instrument of hearing ; and
thence issue the horns ; so that the building of living
creatures' bodies is like the building of a timber house ;
where the walls and other parts have columns and
beams, but the roof is, in the better sort of houses, all
tile or lead or stone. As for birds, they have three
other hard substances proper to them ; the bill, which
is of the like matter with the teeth ; for no birds have
teeth : the shell of the egg : and their quills : for as
for their spur, it is but a nail. But no living creatures
that have shells very hard (as oysters, cockles, mussles,
scallops, crabs, lobsters, era-fish, shrimps, and espe
cially the tortoise,) have bones within them, but only
little gristles.1

748. Bones, after full growth, continue at a stay ;
and so doth the skull : horns, in some creatures, are
cast and renewed : teeth stand at a stay, except their
wearing: as for nails, they grow continually: and bills
and beaks will overgrow, and sometimes be cast ; as in
eagles and parrots.2

1 Here, as in 732., we see that Bacon knew but little of the natural his
tory of the tortoise.

2 Bones, like the soft parts of the body, are renewed throughout life, and
so in many cases are teeth. Cuvier has remarked that the mutual adapta
tion of teeth and the bones with which they are connected is one of the

CENTURY VIII. 33

749. Most of the hard substances fly to the extremes
of the body ; as skull, horns, teeth, nails, and beaks :
only the bones are more inward, and clad with flesh.
As for the entrails, they are all without bones ; save
that a bone is (sometimes) found in the heart of a
stag ; and it may be in some other creature.

750. The skull hath brains, as a kind of marrow,
within it. The back-bone hath one kind of marrow,
which hath an affinity with the brain ; and other bones
of the body have another.1 The jaw-bones have no
marrow severed, but a little pulp of marrow diffused.
Teeth likewise are thought to have a kind of marrow
diffused, which causeth the sense and pain ; but it is
rather sinew : for marrow hath no sense ; no more
than blood. Horn is alike throughout ; and so is the
nail.

751. None other of the hard substances have sense,
but the teeth ; and the teeth have sense, not only of
pain, but of cold.

But we will leave the inquiries of other hard sub
stances unto their several places, and now inquire
only of the teeth.

752. The teeth are, in men, of three kinds : sharp,
as the fore-teeth ; broad, as the back-teeth, which we
call the molar-teeth, or grinders ; and pointed teeth,
or canine, which are between both.2 But there have
been some men that have had their teeth undivided, as
of one whole bone, with some little mark in the place

most admirable parts of the animal economy; the mode of development
of the two structures being wholly dissimilar, teeth growing by secretion,
and bones by intus-susception. V. Cuv. Eloye de Tenon.

1 The marrow of bones is, of course, quite of a different nature from
either brain or the spinal cord.

2 This sentence is copied from Aristotle, De Part. Anim. iii. 1.

VOL. V. 3

34 NATURAL HISTORY.

of the division, as Pyrrhus had.1 Some creatiires have
over-long or out-growing teeth, which we call fangs, or
tusks : as boars, pikes, salmons ; and dogs, though less.
Some living creatures have teeth against teeth, as men
and horses ; and some have teeth, especially their mas
ter-teeth, indented one within another like saws ; as
lions ; and so again have dogs. Some fishes have
divers rows of teeth in the roofs of their mouths ; as
pikes, salmons, trouts, &c. And many more in salt-
waters. Snakes and other serpents have venomous
teeth ; which are sometimes mistaken for their sting.

753. No. beast that hath horns hath upper teeth ;
and no beast that hath teeth above wanteth them be
low : but yet if they be of the same kind, it followeth
not that if the hard matter goeth not into upper teeth,
it will go into horns ; nor yet e converso ; for does,
that have no horns, have no upper teeth.2

754. Horses have, at three years old, a tooth put
forth, which they call the colt's tooth ; and at four
years' old there cometh the mark-tooth, which hath a
hole as big as you may lay a pea 8 within it ; and that
weareth shorter and shorter every year ; till that at
eight years' old the tooth is smooth, and the hole gone :
and then they say, that the mark is out of the horse's
mouth.

755. The teeth of men breed first, when the child is
about a year and a half old : and then they cast them,
and new come about seven years' old. But divers
have backward teeth come forth at twenty, yea, some
at thirty and forty. Queer e of the manner of the com-

1 Plutarch, in Pyrrhus, p. 434.

2 See Arist. De Part. Anim. Hi. 2., and Hist. Animal, ii. 1.
• a pease in the original. — J. S.

CENTURY VIII. 35

ing of them forth. They tell a tale of the old Count
ess of Desmond, who lived till she was seven score
years old, that she did dentire twice or thrice ; casting
her old teeth, and others coming in their place.

756. Teeth are much hurt by sweetmeats ; and by
painting with mercury ; and by things over-hot ; and
by things over-cold ; and by rheums. And the pain
of the teeth is one of the sharpest of pains.

757. Concerning teeth, these things are to be con
sidered. 1. The preserving of them. 2. The keeping
of them white. 3. The drawing of them with least
pain. 4. The staying and easing of the toothache.
5. The binding in of artificial teeth, where teeth have
been strucken out. 6. And last of all, that great one
of restoring teeth in age. The instances that give any
likelihood of restoring teeth in age are, the late coming
of teeth in some ; and the renewing of the beaks in
birds, which are commaterial with teeth. Qucere there
fore more particularly how that cometh. And again,
the renewing of horns. But yet that hath not been
known to have been provoked by art ; therefore let
trial be made whether horns may be procured to grow
in beasts that are not horned, and how ? And whether
they may be procured to come larger than usual ; as to
make an ox or a deer have a greater head of horns ?
And whether the head of a deer, that by age is more
spitted, may be brought again to be more branched ?
for these trials, and the like, will show, whether by art
such hai'd matter can be called and provoked. It may
be tried also whether birds may not have something
done to them when they are young, whereby they may
be made to have , greater or longer bills, or greater
and longer talons ? And whether children may not

86 NATURAL HISTORY.

have some wash or something to make their teeth
better and stronger ? Coral is in use as an help to
the teeth of children.

Experiments in consort touching the generation and
bearing of living creatures in the womb.

758. Some living creatures generate but at certain
seasons of the year ; as deer, sheep, wild coneys, &c.,
and most sorts of birds and fishes : others at any time
of the year; as men, and all domestic creatures, as
horses, hogs, dogs, cats, &C.1 The cause of generation
at all seasons seerneth to be fulness : for generation
is from redundance. This fulness ariseth from two
causes : either from the nature of the creature, if it
be hot and moist and sanguine; or from plenty of
food. For the first, men, horses, dogs, &c. which
breed at all seasons, are full of heat and moisture;
doves are the fullest of heat and moisture amongst
birds, and therefore breed often ; the tame dove al
most continually. But deer are a melancholy dry
creature, as appeareth by their fearfulness, and the
hardness of. their flesh. Sheep are a cold creature,
as appeareth by their mildness, and for that they
seldom drink. Most sort of birds are of a dry sub
stance in comparison of beasts. Fishes are cold. For
the second cause, fulness of food ; men, kine, swine,
dogs, &c. feed full ; and we see that those creatures
which being wild generate seldom, being tame generate
often ; which is from warmth, and fulness of food.
We find that the time of going to rut of deer is in
September; for that they need the whole summer's
feed and grass, to make them fit for generation. And

1 Arist. Prob. x. 49.

CENTURY VIII. 37

if rain come early about the middle of September, they
go to rut somewhat the sooner ; if drought, somewhat
the later. So sheep, in respect of their small heat,
generate about the same time, or somewhat before.
But for the most part, creatures that generate at
certain seasons, generate in the spring ; as birds and
h'shes ; for that the end of the winter, and the heat
and comfort of the spring, prepareth them. There is
also another reason why some creatures generate at
certain seasons: and that is the relation of their time
of bearing to the time of generation ; for no creature
goeth to generate whilst the female is full ; nor whilst
she is busy in sitting, or rearing her young. And
therefore it is found by experience, that if you take
the eggs or young ones out of the nests of birds, they
will fall to generate again, three or four times, one
after another.

759. Of living creatures, some are longer time in

~ O

the womb, and some shorter. Women go commonly
nine months ; the cow and the ewe about six months ; l
does go about nine months ; mares eleven months ;
bitches nine weeks ; elephants are said to go two years;
for the received tradition of ten years is fabulous. For
birds there is double inquiry ; the distance between the
treading or coupling, and the laying of the egg ; and
again, between the egg laid, and the disclosing or
hatching : and amongst birds there is less diversity of
time than amongst other creatures ; yet some there is;
for the hen sitteth but three weeks; the turkey-hen,
goose, and duck, a month: Qucere of others.2 The

1 These statements are very inaccurate. Tessier assigns 282 days in the
former case, and 151 in the latter, as mean periods. See Mem. de I" Ac. des
Sciences. (1817).

2 The pigeon sits about eighteen days, the swan about thirty-three. The

38 NATURAL HISTORY.

cause of the great difference of times amongst living
creatures, is either from the nature of the kind, or
from the constitution of the womb. For the former,
those that are longer in coining to their maturity or
growth are longer in the womb ; as is chiefly seen in
men : and so elephants, which are long in the womb,
are long time in coming to their full growth. But in
most other kinds, the constitution of the womb (that
is, the hardness or dryness thereof,) is concurrent
with the former cause. For the colt hath about four
years of growth ; and so the fawn ; and so the calf.
But whelps, which come to their growth (commonly)
within three quarters of a year, are but nine weeks
in the womb. As for birds, as there is less diversity
amongst them in the time of their bringing forth, so
there is less diversity in the time of their growth ;
most of them coming to their growth within a
twelvemonth.

760. Some creatures bring forth many young ones
at a burthen : as bitches, hares, coneys, &c. Some
(ordinarily) but one ; as women, lionesses, &c.] This
may be caused, either by the quantity of sperm re
quired to the producing one of that kind ; which if
less be required, may admit greater number ; if more,
fewer: or by the partitions and cells of the womb,
which may sever the sperm.

Experiments in consort touching species visible.

761. There is no doubt but light by refraction will
shew greater, as well as things coloured. For like as

turkey-hen about twenty-seven, the duck and goose thirty to thirty-two
days. The hen, as Bacon says, about three weeks. See Tessier and F.
Cuvier, ubi supra,
i Arist, Prob. x. 16.

CENTURY VIII. 39

a shilling in the bottom of the water Avill shew greater;
so will a candle in a lanthorn, in the bottom of the
water. I have heard of a practice, that glow-worms
in glasses were put in the water to make the fish come.
But I am not yet informed whether when a diver
diveth, having his eyes open, and swimmeth upon his
hack; whether (I say) he seeth things in the air
greater or less. For it is manifest that when the eye
Btandeth in the finer medium, and the object is in the
grosser, things shew greater; but contrariwise, when
the eye is placed in the grosser medium, and the object
in the finer, how it worketh I know not.

762. It would be well bolted out, whether great
refractions may not be made upon reflexions, as well
as upon direct beams. For example, we see that, take
an empty bason, put an angel of gold, or what you
will, into it ; then go so far from the bason, till you
cannot see the angel, because it is not in a right line;
then fill the bason with water; and you shall see it
out of his place, because of the reflexion. To proceed
therefore, put a looking-glass into a bason of water; I
suppose you shall not see the image in a right line, or
at equal angles, but aside. I know not whether this
experiment may not be extended so as you mio-ht see
the image, and not the glass ; which for beauty and
strangeness were a fine proof: for then you should see
the image like a spirit in the air. As for example, if
there be a cistern or pool of water, yon shall place over
against it a picture of the devil, or what you will, so
as you do not see the water. Then put a looking-
glass in the water: now if you can see the devil's
picture aside, not seeing the water, it will look like a
devil indeed. They have an old tale in Oxford, that

40 NATURAL HISTORY.

Friar Bacon walked between two steeples : which was
thought to be done by glasses, wl^n he walked upon
the ground.

Experiments in consort touching impulsion and per
cussion.

763. A weighty body put into motion is more easily
impelled, than at first when it resteth.1 The cause is
partly because motion doth discuss the torpor of solid
bodies ; which, beside their motion of gravity, have in
them a natural appetite not to move at all ; and partly
because a body that resteth doth get, by the resistance
of the body upon which it resteth, a stronger compres
sion of parts than it hath of itself: and therefore need-
eth more force to be put in motion. For if a weighty
body be pensile, and hang but by a thread, the per
cussion will make an impulsion very near as easily as
if it were already in motion.

764. A body over-great or over-small, will not be
thrown so far as a body of a middle size : 2 so that (it
seemeth) there must be a commensuration or propor
tion between the body moved and the force, to make
it move well. The cause is, because to the impulsion
there is requisite the force of the body that moveth,
and the resistance of the body that is moved : and if
the body be too great, it yieldeth too little ; and if
it be too small, it resisteth too little.

765. It is common experience, that no weight will
press or cut so strong, being laid upon a body, as fall
ing or strucken from above. It may be the air hath
some part in furthering the percussion ; but the chief
cause I take to be, for that the parts of the body

l Arist, Mech. Qusest. 32. 2 Id. ib. 35.

CENT CRY VIII. 41

moved have, by impulsion or by the motion of gravity
continued, a compression in them as well downwards,
as they have, when they are thrown or shot through
the air, forwards. I conceive also that the quick loose
of that motion preventeth the resistance of the body
below : and priority of the force always is of great
efficacy ; as appeareth in infinite instances.

Experiment solitary touching titillation.

766. Tickling is most in the soles of the feet, and
under the arm-holes, and on the sides. The cause is,
the thinness of the skin in those parts, joined with the
rareness of being touched there. For all tickling is a
light motion of the spirits, which the thinness of the
skin, and suddenness and rareness of touch, do further:
for we see a feather, or a rush, drawn along the lip or
cheek, doth tickle ; whereas a thing more obtuse, or a
touch more hard, doth not. And for suddenness, we see
no man can tickle himself: 1 we see also that the palm
of the hand, though it hath as thin a skin as the other
parts mentioned, yet is not ticklish, because it is ac
customed to be touched. Tickling also causeth laugh
ter. The cause may be the emission of the spirits,
and so of the breath, by a flight from titillation ; for
upon tickling we see there is ever a starting or shrink
ing away of the part to avoid it ; and we see also, that
if you tickle the nostrils with a feather, or straw, it
procureth sneezing : which is a sudden emission of the
spirits, that do likewise expel the moisture. And tic
kling is ever painful, and not well endured.

1 See Arist. Prob. xxxv. 2. and 6. ; and compare Scaliger, Exercit, adv.
Cardanum, 317. 5.

42 NATURAL HISTORY.

Experiment solitary touching the scarcity of rain in
Egypt!

767. It is strange, that the river of Nilus overflowing,
as it doth, the country of Egypt, there should be never
theless little or no rain in that country. The cause must
be either in the nature of the water, or in the nature of
the air, or of both. In the water, it may be ascribed
either unto the long race of the water ; for swift-run
ning waters vapour not so much as standing waters ;
or else to the concoction of the water ; for waters well
concocted vapour not so much as waters raw ; no more
than waters upon the fire do vapour so much after
some time of boiling as at the first. And it is true
that the water of Nilus is sweeter than other waters
in taste : and it is excellent good for the stone, and
hypochondriacal melancholy ; which sheweth it is len-
ifying ; and it runneth through a country of a hot
climate, and flat, without shade either of woods or
hills ; whereby the sun must needs have great power
to concoct it. As for the air, (from whence I conceive
this want of showers cometh chiefly,) the cause must
be, for that the air is of itself thin and thirsty ; and as
soon as ever it getteth any moisture from the water, it
imbibeth and dissipateth it in the whole body of the
air ; and suffereth it not to remain in vapour, whereby
it mi«;ht breed rain.

O

Experiment solitary touching clarification.

768. It hath been touched in the title of percola
tions (namely, such as are inwards), that the whites

l The substance of this and the next paragraph is taken from Sandys,
p. 78.

CENTURY VIII. 43

of ee;o-s and milk do clarify ; and it is certain that in

&O ^

Egypt they prepare and clarify the water of Nile,
by putting it into great jars of stone, and stirring it
about with a few stamped almonds ; wherewith they
also besmear the mouth of the vessel ; and so draw it
off, after it hath rested some time. It were good to
try this clarifying with almonds in new beer or must,
to hasten and perfect the clarifying.

Experiment solitary touching plants without leaves.

769. There be scarce to be found any vegetables
that have branches and no leaves, except you allow
coral for one. But there is also in the deserts of S.
Macario in Egypt, a plant which is long, leafless,
brown of colour, and branched like coral, save that
it closeth at the top. This being set in water within
house, spreadeth and displayeth strangely ; and the
people thereabout have a superstitious belief, that in
the labour of women it helpeth to the easy deliver

ance.1

Experiment solitary touching the materials of glass.

770. The crystalline Venice glass is reported to be
a mixture in equal portions of stones brought from
Pavia by the river Ticinum, and the ashes of a weed,
called by the Arabs kail, which is gathered in a desert
between Alexandria and Rosetta ; and is by the Egyp
tians used first for fuel ; and then they crush the ashes
into lumps like a stone, and so sell them to the Vene
tians for their glass-works.2

1 Sandys, p. 85. The word long is, as we see on referring to Sandys, an
erratum. It ought to be low.

2 Ib. p. 90.

44 NATURAL HISTORY.

Experiment solitary touching prohibition of putrefaction,
and the long conservation of bodies.

771. It is strange, and well to be noted, how long
carcasses have continued uncorrupt, and in their for
mer dimensions ; as appeareth in the mummies of
Egypt ; having lasted, as is conceived, Csome of them)
three thousand years. It is true, they find means to
draw forth the brains, and to take forth the entrails,
which are the parts aptest to corrupt. But that is
nothing to the wonder : for we see what a soft and
corruptible substance the flesh of all the other parts
of the body is. But it should seem that, according
to our observation and axiom in our hundredth ex
periment, putrefaction, which we conceive to be so
natural a period of bodies, is but an accident ; and
that matter maketh not that haste to corruption that
is conceived. And therefore bodies in shining amber,
in quicksilver, in balms (whereof we now speak), in
wax, in honey, in gums, and (it may be) in conserva
tories of snow, &c., are preserved very long. It need
not go for repetition, if we resume again that which
we said in the aforesaid experiments concerning an
nihilation ; namely, that if you provide against three
causes of putrefaction, bodies will not corrupt : the
first is, that the air be excluded ; for that undermineth
the body, and conspireth with the spirit of the body to
dissolve it. The second is, that the body adjacent and
ambient be not commaterial, but merely heterogeneal
towards the body that is to be preserved ; for if nothing
can be received by the one, nothing can issue from the
other ; such are quicksilver and white amber, to herbs
and flies, and such bodies. The third is, that the body

CENTURY VIII. 45

to be preserved be not of that gross that it may cor
rupt within itself, although no part of it issue into the
body adjacent : and therefore it must be rather thin
and small, than of bulk. There is a fourth remedy
also ; which is, that if the body to be preserved be of
bulk, as a corpse is, then the body that incloseth it
must have a virtue to draw forth and dry the moisture
of the inward body ; for else the putrefaction will play
within, though nothing issue forth. I remember Livy
doth relate, that there were found at a time two coffins
of lead in a tomb ; whereof the one contained the body
of King Numa ; it being some four hundred years after
his death ; and the other, his books of sacred rites and
ceremonies, and the discipline of the pontiffs ; and that
in the coffin that had the body, there was nothing at all
to be seen, but a little light cinders about the sides;
but in the coffin that had the books, they were found as
fresh as if they had been but newly written, being writ
ten in parchment, and covered over with watch-candles
of wax three or four fold. By this it seemeth that the
Romans in Numa's time were not so good embalmers
as the Egyptians were ; which was the cause that the
body was utterly consumed. But I find in Plutarch
and others, that when Augustus Caesar visited the
sepulchre of Alexander the Great in Alexandria, he
found the body to keep his dimension ; but withal,
that notwithstanding all the embalming, (which no
doubt was of the best,) the body was so tender, as
Caasar, touching but the nose of it, defaced it.1 Which

1 This story is not mentioned by Plutarch, nor, so far as I am aware, by
any authorities except Suetonius and Dio Cassius. The latter mentions
that Augustus broke off a piece of the nose. See Suet, in Aug. ii. 18., and
Dio Cassius, li. § 16. The opening of Numa's coffin is described by Livy,
fl. 29., who, however, does not say that any cinders were found in it.

46 NATURAL HISTORY.

maketh me find it very strange, that the Egyptian
mummies should be reported to be as hard as stone-
pitch ; J for I find no difference but one, which indeed
may be very material, namely that the ancient Egyp
tian mummies were shrouded in a number of folds of
linen, besmeared with gums, in manner of sear-cloth ;
which it doth not appear was practised upon the body
of Alexander.

Experiment solitary touching the abundance of nitre in
certain sea-shores.

772. Near the castle of Catie, and by the wells of
Assan, in the land of Idumea, a great part of the way
you would think the sea were near at hand, though it
be a good distance off: and it is nothing but the shin
ing of the nitre upon the sea sands ; such abundance
of nitre the shores there do put forth.2

Experiment solitary touching bodies that are borne up
by water.

773. The Dead Sea, which vomiteth up bitumen, is
of that crassitude, as living bodies bound hand and foot
cast into it have been borne up, and not sunk ;3 which
sheweth, that all sinking into water is but an over
weight of the body put into the water in respect of
the water ; so that you may make water so strong and
heavy, of quicksilver (perhaps) or the like, as may
bear up iron ; of which I see no use, but imposture.
We see also that all metals except gold, for the same
reason, swim upon quicksilver.

i Namely, by Sandys, p. 104. 2 Sandys, p. 109.

8 Id. p. 110.

CENTURY VIII. 47

Experiment solitary touching fuel that consumeth little
or nothing.

774. It is reported, that at the foot of a hill near
the Mare Mortuura there is a black stone (whereof
pilgrims make fires) which burneth like a coal, and di-
minisheth not ; but only waxeth brighter and whiter.1
That it should do so is not strange : for we see iron
red hot burneth, and consumeth not ; but the strange
ness is, that it should continue any time so ; for iron,
as soon as it is out of the fire, deadeth straightways.
Certainly it were a thing of great use and profit, if
you could find out fuel that would burn hot, and yet
last long : neither am I altogether incredulous but
there may be such candles as they say are made of
salamander's wool ; being a kind of mineral, which
whiteneth also in the burning, and consumeth not.
The question is this ; flame must be made of some
what ; and commonly it is made of some tangible body
which hath weight: but it is not impossible perhaps
that it should be made of spirit or vapour in a body,
(which spirit or vapour hath no weight,) such as is
the matter of ignis fatuus. But then you will say,
that that vapour also can last but a short time : to
that it may be answered, that by the help of oil, and
wax, and other candle-stuff, the flame may continue,
and the wick not burn.

Experiment solitary ceconomical touching cheap fuel.

775. Sea-coal lasts longer than charcoal ; and char
coal of roots, being coaled into great pieces, lasts longer

1 Sandys, p. 111. But for brighter we oucjht. on the authority of the
in Sandys, to read lighter.

NATURAL HISTORY.

than ordinary charcoal. Turf, and peat, and cow-
sheards, are cheap fuels, and last long. Small-coal,
or briar-coal poured upon charcoal, make them last
longer. Sedge is a cheap fuel to brew or bake with :
the rather because it is good for nothing else. Trial
would be made of some mixture of sea-coal with earth
or chalk ; for if that mixture be,1 as the sea-coal men
use it, privily to make the bulk of the coal greater, it
is deceit ; but if it be used purposely, and be made
known, it is saving.

Experiment solitary touching the gathering of wind for

freshness.

776. It is at this day in use in Gaza, to couch pot-
sheards or vessels of earth in their walls, to gather the
wind from the top, and to pass it down in spouts into
rooms.2 It is a device for freshness in great heats: and
it is said there are some rooms in Italy and Spain for
freshness, and gathering the winds and air, in the heats
of summer; but they be but pennings of the winds
and enlarging them again, and making them rever
berate and go round in circles, rather than this de
vice of spouts in the wall.

Experiment solitary touching the trials of airs.

777. There would be used much diligence in the
choice of some bodies and places, (as it were) for the
tasting of air ; to discover the wholesomeness or un-
wholesomeness, as well of seasons, as of the seats of
dwellings. It is certain that there be some houses,
wherein confitures and pies will gather mould more

1 So in the original. Bacon probably wrote be used. — J. S.

2 Sandys, p. 116.

CENTURY VIII. 49

than in others. And I am persuaded that a piece of
raw flesh or fish will sooner corrupt in some airs than
in others. They be noble experiments that can make
this discovery ; for they serve for a natural divination
of seasons, better than the astronomers can by their
figures: and again, tlu'y teach men where to choose
their dwelling for their better health.

O

Experiment solitary touching increasing of milk in
milch-beasts.

778. There is a kind of stone about Bethlehem,
which they grind to powder and put into water where
of cattle drink ; which maketh them give more milk.1
Surely there would be some better trials made of
mixtures of water in ponds for cattle, to make them
more milch, or to fatten them, or to keep them from
murrain. It may be chalk and nitre are of the best.

Experiment solitary touching sand of the nature of glass.

779. It is reported, that in the valley near the
mountain Carmel in Judea there is a sand, which
of all other hath most affinity with glass;2 insomuch
as other minerals laid in it turn to a glassy sub
stance, without the fire ; and again, glass put into it
turneth into the mother-sand. The thing is verv
strange, if it be true : and it is likeliest to be caused
by some natural furnace, or heat in the earth : and
yet they do not speak of any eruption of flames. It
were good to try in glass-works, whether the crude
materials of glass, mingled with glass already made,
and remolten, do not facilitate the making of glass
with less heat.

1 Sandys, p. 142. 2 id. p. 159.

VOL. v. 4

50 NATURAL HISTORY.

Experiment solitary touching the growth of coral.

780. In the sea, upon the south-west of Sicily, much
coral is found.1 It is a submarine plant. It hath no
leaves : it brancheth only when it is under water ; it is
soft, and green of colour ; but being brought into the
air, it becometh hard and shining red, as we see. It

O '

is said also to have a white berry ; but we find it not
brought over with coral. Belike it is cast away as
nothing worth : inquire better of it, for the discovery
of the nature of the plant.

Experiment solitary touching the gathering of manna.

781. The manna of Calabria is the best, and in
most plenty.2 They gather it from the leaf of the
mulberry-tree ; but not of such mulberry-trees as
grow in the valleys. And manna falleth upon the
leaves by night, as other dews do. It should ~seem
that before those dews come upon trees in the val
leys, they dissipate, and cannot hold out. It should
seem also, the mulberry-leaf itself hath some coagulat
ing virtue, which inspissateth the dew ; for that it is
not found upon other trees : and we see by the silk
worm, which feedeth upon that leaf, what a dainty
smooth juice it hath ; and the leaves also (especially
of the black mulberry) are somewhat bristly, which
may help to preserve the dew. Certainly it were not
amiss to observe a little better the dews that fall upon
trees, or herbs growing on mountains ; for it may be
many dews fall, that spend before they come to the
valleys. And I suppose that he that would gather the
best May-dew for medicine, should gather it from the
hills.

l Sandys, p. 184. 2 j<}. p. 195.

CENTURY VIII. 51

Experiment solitary touching the correcting of wine.

782. It is said they have a manner to prepare their
Greek wines, to keep them from fuming and inebriat
ing, by adding some sulphur or alum : whereof the one
is unctuous, and the other is astringent.1 And certain
it is that those two natures do best repress fumes.
This experiment would be transferred unto other wine
and strong beer, by putting in- some like substances
while they work ; which may make them both to
fume less, and to inflame less.

Experiment solitary touching the materials of wild-fire.

783. It is conceived by some (not improbably) that
the reason why wild-fires (whereof the principal in
gredient is bitumen) do not quench with water, is, for
that the first concretion of bitumen is a mixture of a
fiery and watery substance : so is not sulphur. This
appeareth, for that in the place near Puteoli, which
they call the Court of Vulcan, you shall hear under
the earth a horrible thundering of fire and water con
flicting together ; and there break forth also spouts of
boiling water.2 Now that place yieldeth great quan
tities of bitumen ; whereas ^Etna and Vesuvius, and
the like, which consist upon sulphur, shoot forth smoke,
and ashes, and pumice, but no water. It is reported
also, that bitumen mingled with lime, and pub under
water, will make as it were an artificial rock ; the
substance becometh so hard.

1 Sandys, p. 203. Sandys is speaking of the Greek wines made on the
sides of Vesuvius.

2 Id. p. 210-.

52 NATURAL HISTORY.

Experiment solitary touching plaster growing as hard as
marble.

784. There is a cement compounded of flour, whites
of eggs, and stone powdered, that becometh hard as
marhle : wherewith Piscina Mirabilis, near Cuma, is
said to have the walls plastered.1 And it is certain
and tried, that the powder of loadstone and flint, by
the addition of whites of eggs and gum-dragon, made
into paste, will in a few days harden to the hardness
of a stone.

Experiment solitary touching judgment of the cure in
some ulcers and hurts.

785. It hath been noted by the ancients that in full
or impure bodies, ulcers or hurts in the legs are hard to
cure ; and in the head more easy.2 The cause is, for
that ulcers or hurts in the legs require desiccation,
which by the defluxion of humours to the lower parts
is hindered : whereas hurts and ulcers in the head re
quire it not ; but contrariwise dryness maketh them
more apt to consolidate. And in modern observation,
the like difference hath been found between French
men and Englishmen ; whereof the one's constitution
is more dry, and the other's more moist. And there
fore a hurt of the head is harder to cure in a French
man, and of the leg in an Englishman.

Experiment solitary touching the healthftdness or un-
healthfulness of the southern wind.

786. It hath been noted by the ancients that south
ern winds blowing much without rain, do cause a fever-

* Sandys, p. 231. 2 Arist. Prob. i. 18.

CENTURY VIII. 53

ous disposition of the year ; but with rain, not.1 The
cause is, for that southern winds do of themselves qual
ify the air to be apt to cause fevers ; but when showers
are joined, they do refrigerate in part, and check the
sultry heat of the southern wind. Therefore this
holdeth not in the sea coasts, because the vapour of
the sea, without showers, doth refresh.

Experiment solitary touching wounds.

787. It hath been noted by the ancients, that
wounds which are made with brass heal more easily
than wounds made with iron.2 The cause is, for that
brass hath in itself a sanative virtue ; and so in the
very instant helpeth somewhat : but iron is corrosive
and not sanative. And therefore it were good, that
the instruments which are used by chirurgeons about
wounds were rather of brass than iron.

Experiment solitary touching mortification by cold.

788. In the cold countries, when men's noses and
ears are mortified and (as it were) gangrened with
cold, if they come to a fire they rot off presently.
The cause is, for that the few spirits that remain in
those parts are suddenly drawn forth, and so putre
faction is made complete. But snow put upon them
helpeth : for that it preserveth those spirits that re
main, till they can revive; and besides, snow hath in
it a secret warmth : as the monk proved out of the
text, qui dat nivem sicut lanam, gelu sicut cineres spar-
git ;s whereby he did infer, that snow did warm like
wool, and frost did fret like ashes. Warm water also

1 Arist. Prob. i. 23. 2 Id ib. i. 35.

» Ps. cxlvii. 16.

54 NATURAL HISTORY.

doth good ; because by little and little it openeth the
pores, without any sudden working upon the spirits.
This experiment may be transferred unto the cure of
gangrenes, either coming of themselves, or induced by
too much applying of opiates ; wherein you must
beware of dry heat, and resort to things that are
refrigerant, with an inward warmth and virtue of

o '

cherishing.

Experiment solitary touching weight.

789. Weigh iron and aqua fortis severally ; then
dissolve the iron in the aqua fortis, and weigh the
dissolution; and you shall find it to bear as good
weight as the bodies did severally ; notwithstanding
a good deal of waste by a thick vapour that issueth
during the working ; which sheweth that the opening
of a body doth increase the weight. This was tried
once or twice, but I know not whether there were any
error in the trial.

Experiment solitary touching the super-natation of
bodies.

790. Take of aqua fortis two ounces, of quicksilver
two drachms (for that charge the aqua fortis will
bear) ; the dissolution will not bear a flint as big as
a nutmeg : yet (no doubt) the increasing of the weight
of water will increase his power of bearing; as we see
brine, when it is salt enough, will bear an egg. And
I remember well a physician, that used to give some
mineral baths for the gout, &c. ; and the body, when
it was put into the bath, could not get down so easily
as in ordinary water. But it seerneth the weight of
the quicksilver more than the weight of a stone, doth

CENTURY VIII.

not compense the weight of a stone more than the
weight of the aqua fortis.

Experiment solitary touching the flying of unequal
bodies in the air.

791. Let there be a body of unequal weight (as of
wood and lead, or bone and lead) ; if you throw it
from you with the light end forward, it will turn, and
the weightier end will recover to be forwards ; unless
the body be over-long. The cause is, for that the
more dense body hath a more violent pressure of the
parts from the first impulsion ; which is the cause
(though heretofore not found out, as hath been often
said) of all violent motions ; and when the hinder part
moveth swifter (for that it less endureth pressure of
parts) than the forward part can make way for it, it
must needs be that the body turn over : for (turned)
it can more easily draw forward the lighter part.
Galikeus1 noteth it well, that if an open trough,
wherein water is, be driven faster than the water can
follow, the water gathereth upon an heap towards the
hinder end, where the motion began ; which he sup-
poseth (holding confidently the motion of the earth,)
to be the cause of the ebbing and flowing of the ocean :
because the earth over-runneth the water. Which
theory though it be false, yet the first experiment is
true. As for the inequality of the pressure of parts,
it appeareth manifestly in this : that if you take a body
of stone or iron, and another of wood, of the same
magnitude and shape, and throw them with equal
force, you cannot possibly throw the wood so far as
the stone or iron.

1 See his Dialogi dei Sistemi Massimi.

56 NATURAL HISTORY.

Experiment solitary touching water, that it may lie the
medium of sounds.

792. It is certain (as it hath been formerly in part
touched) that water may be the medium of sounds.
If you dash a stone against a stone in the bottom of
the water, it maketh a sound. So a long pole struck!
upon gravel in the bottom of the water maketh a
sound. Nay, if you should think that the sound com-
eth up by the pole, and not by the water, yoju shall
find that an anchor let down by a rope maketh a
sound : and yet the rope is no solid body whereby the
sound can ascend.

Experiment solitary of the flight of the spirits upon
odious objects.

793. All objects of the senses which are very offen
sive, do cause the spirits to retire : and upon their
flight the parts are (in some degree) destitute ; and so
there is induced in them a trepidation and horror. For
sounds, we see that the grating of a saw, or any very
harsli noise, will set the teeth on edge, and make all
the body shiver. For tastes, we see that in the taking
of a potion, or pills, the head and the neck shake.
For odious smells, the like effect followeth ; which is
less perceived, because there is a remedy at hand by
stopping of the nose ; but in horses, that can use no
such help, we see the smell of a carrion, especially of
a dead horse, maketh them fly away, and take on
almost as if they were mad. For feeling, if you come
out of the sun suddenly into a shade, there followeth
a dullness or shivering in all the body. And even
in sight, which hath (in effect) no odious object,

CENTURY VIII. 57

coming into sudden darkness induceth an offer to
shiver.

Experiment solitary touching the super-reflexion of
echoes.

794. There is in the city of Ticinum1 in Italy, a
church that hath windows only from above : it is in
length an hundred feet, in breadth twenty feet, and in
height near fifty; having a door in the midst. It
reporteth the voice twelve or thirteen times, if you
stand by the close end-wall over against the door.
The echo fadeth, and dieth by little and little, as the
echo at Pont-Charenton doth. And the voice soundeth
as if it came from above the door. And if you stand
at the lower end, or on either side of the door, the
echo holdeth ; but if you stand in the door, or in the
midst just over against the door, not. Note that all
echoes sound better against old walls than new ; be
cause they are more dry and hollow.

Experiment solitary touching the force of imagination
imitating that of the sense.

795. Those effects which are wrought by the per
cussion of the sense, and by things in fact, are produced
likewise in some degree by the imagination. There
fore if a man see another eat sour or acid things which
set the teeth on edge, this object tainteth the imagina
tion ; so that he that seeth the thing done by another,
hath his own teeth also set on edge. So if a man see
another turn swiftly and long, or if he look upon
wheels that turn, himself waxeth turn-sick. So if a

1 That is, Pavia. For an account of the echo there, see Maiolus, Diet
Caniculares.

58 NATURAL HISTORY.

man be upon an high place without rails or good hold,
except he be used to it, he is ready to fall : for imagin
ing a fall, it putteth his spirits into the very action of
a fall. So many upon the seeing of others bleed, or
strangled, or tortured, themselves are ready to faint,
as if they bled, or were in strife.1

Experiment solitary touching preservation of bodies.

796. Take a stock-gilly-flower, and tie it gently
upon a stick and put them both into a stoop-glass full
of quicksilver, so that the flower be covered : then lay
a little weight upon the top of the glass that may keep
the stick down ; and look upon them after four or five
days ; and you shall find the flower fresh, and the stalk
harder and less flexible than it was. If you compare
it with another flower gathered at the same time, it
will be the more manifest. This sheweth that bodies
do preserve excellently in quicksilver ; and not preserve
only, but by the coldness of the quicksilver indurate ;
for the freshness of the flower may be merely conser
vation ; (which is the more to be observed, because the
quicksilver presseth the flower ;) but the stiffness of
the stalk cannot be without induration, from the cold
(as it seemeth) of the quicksilver.

Experiment solitary touching the growth or multiplying
of metals.

797. It is reported by some of the ancients that in
Cyprus there is a kind of iron, that being cut into
little pieces and put into the ground, if it be well
watered, will increase into greater pieces.2 This is

1 Arist. Prob. vii. 7.

2 Arist. Mirab. 43. But it is doubtful whether the pseudo-Aristotle is

CENTURY VIII. 59

certain, and known of old, that lead will multiply and
increase ; as hath been seen in old statua's of stone
which have been put in cellars ; the feet of them being
bound with leaden bands ; where (after a time) there
appeared that the lead did swell ; insomuch as it
hanged upon the stone like warts.

Experiment solitary touching the drowning of the more
base metal in the more precious.

798. I call drowning of metals, -when that the baser
metal is so incorporate with the more rich as it can by
no means be separated again ; which is a kind of ver
sion, though false : as if silver should be inseparably
incorporated with gold ; or copper and lead with silver.
The ancient electrum had in it a fifth of silver to the
gold ; 1 and made a compound metal, as fit for most
uses as gold, and more resplendent, and more qualified
in some other properties ; but then that was easily
separated. This to do privily, or to make the com
pound pass for the rich metal simple, is an adulteration
or counterfeiting : but if it be done avowedly, and
without disguising, it may be a great saving of the
richer metal. I remember to have heard of a man
skilful in metals, that a fifteenth part of silver incor
porate with gold will not be recovered by any water
of separation, except you put a greater quantity of
silver to draw to it the less ; which (he said) is the
last refuge in separations.2 But that is a tedious way,
which no man (almost) will think on. This would

speaking of iron or of brass. The best editions are in favour of the
latter.

1 Pliny, xxxiii. 23.; but compare Hardouin's note. On the subject of
Electrum, see an essay in Buttmann's Mythologus.

a This is called quartation.

60 NATURAL HISTORY.

be better inquired : and the quantity of the fifteenth
turned to a twentieth : and likewise with some little
additional, that may further the intrinsic incorporation.
Note that silver in gold will be detected, by weight
compared with the dimension; but lead in silver (lead
being the weightier metal) will not be detected, if you
take so much the more silver as will countervail the
over-weight of the lead.1

Experiment solitary touching fixation 'of bodies.

799. Gold is the only substance which hath nothing
in it volatile, and yet melteth without much difficulty.
The melting sheweth that it is not jejune, or scarce in
spirit. So that the fixing of it is not want of spirit to
fly out, but the equal spreading of the tangible parts,
and the close coacervation of them : whereby they
have the less appetite, and no means at all to issue
forth. It were good therefore to try, whether glass
remolten do leese any weight ? for the parts in glass
are evenly spread ; but they are not so close as in
gold ; as we see by the easy admission of light, heat,
and cold ; and by the smallness of the weight. There
be other bodies fixed, which have little or no spirit ;
so as there is nothing to fly out ; as we see in the

1 It is strange that Bacon should not have seen that by taking away
more silver you diminish the dimension. The only way in which an alloy
of lead and silver could escape detection by the test used by Archimedes,
or at least by more exact methods of the same kind, would be to make
some part of the work hollow. But if this was Bacon's meaning, he has
not expressed it. It is yet more strange, the intention of the experiment
being to effect a saving of the precious metal, that he should have spoken
as if turning a fifteenth into a twentieth were an improvement. But per
haps he meant to make detection yet more difficult. We may remark
farther, that all gold in common use contains more than a fifteenth of alloy.
The money standard of England, which is above the average of continental
coinages, contains one part of alloy to eleven of fine gold.

CENTURY VIII. 61

stuff whereof copples are made, which they put into
furnaces ; upon which fire worketh not. So that there
are three causes of fixation ; the even spreading both
of the spirits and tangible parts ; the closeness of the
tangible parts ; and the jejuneness or extreme com
minution of spirits : of which three, the two first may
be joined with a nature liquefiable, the last not.

Experiment solitary touching the restless nature of things
in themselves, and their desire to change.

800. It is a profound contemplation in nature, to
consider of the emptiness (as we may call it) or in-
satisfaction of several bodies ; and of their appetite to
take in others. Air taketh in lights, and sounds, and
smells, and vapours ; and it is most manifest that it
doth it with a kind of thirst, as not satisfied with his
own former consistence ; for else it would never re
ceive them in so suddenly and easily. Water and
all liquors do hastily receive dry and more terrestrial
bodies, proportionable : and dry bodies, on the other
side, drink in waters and liquors : so that (as it was
well said by one of the ancients, of earthy and watery
substances) one is a glue to another. Parchment,
skins, cloth, &c., drink in liquors, though themselves
be entire bodies, and not comminuted, as sand and
ashes, nor apparently porous : metals themselves do re
ceive in readily strong-waters ; and strong-waters like
wise do readily pierce into metals and stones : and that
strong-water will touch upon gold, that will not touch
upon silver ; and e converso. And gold, which seem-
eth by the weight to be the closest and most solid
body, doth greedily drink in quicksilver. And it
seemeth that this reception of other bodies is not vio-

62 NATURAL HISTORY.

lent : for it is many times reciprocal, and as it were
with consent. Of the cause of this, and to what
axiom it may be referred, consider attentively : for as
for the pretty assertion, that matter is like a common
strumpet that desireth all forms, it is but a. wandering
notion. Only flame doth not content itself to take
in any other body ; but either to overcome and turn
another body into itself, as by victory ; or itself to
die, and go out.

NATURAL HISTORY.

CENTURY IX.

Experiments in consort touching perception in bodies
insensible, tending to natural divination or subtile
trials.

IT is certain that all bodies whatsoever, though
they have no sense, yet they have perception : for
when one body is applied to another, there is a
kind of election to embrace that which is agreeable,
and to exclude or expel that which is ingrate : and
whether the body be alterant or altered, evermore a
perception precedeth operation ; for else all bodies
would be alike one to another. And sometimes
this perception, in some kind of bodies, is far more
subtile than the sense ; so that the sense is but a
dull thing in comparison of it : we see a weather
glass will find the least difference of the weather
in heat or cold, when men find it not. And this
perception also is sometimes at distance, as well as
upon the touch ; as when the loadstone draweth

64 NATURAL HISTORY.

iron ; or flame fireth naphtha of Babylon, a great
distance off'.1 It is therefore a subject of a very
noble inquiry, to inquire of the more subtile per
ceptions ; for it is anotlier key to open nature, as
well as the sense ; and sometimes better. And
besides, it is a principal means of natural divina
tion ; for that which in these perceptions appeareth
early, in the great effects cometh long after. It is
true also that it serveth to discover that which is
hid, as well as to foretell that which is to come ;
as it is in many subtile trials ; as to try whether
seeds be old or new, the sense cannot inform ; hut
if you boil them in water, the new seeds will sprout
sooner : and so of water, the taste will not discover
the best water; but the speedy consuming of it.
and many other means whicb we have heretofore
set down, will discover it. So in all physiognomy,
the lineaments of the body will discover those nat
ural inclinations of the mind, which dissimulation
will conceal, or discipline will suppress. We shall
therefore now handle only those two perceptions,
which pertain to natural divination and discovery ;
leaving the handling of perception in other things
to be disposed elsewhere. Now it is true that
divination is attained by other means ; as if you
know the causes, if yon know the concomitants,
you may judge of the effect to follow : and the
like may be said of discovery ; but we tie our-

i Pliny, ii. 109.

CENTURY IX. 65

selves here to that divination and discovery chiefly,
which is caused hy an early or subtile perception.
The aptness or propension of air or water to
corrupt or putrefy, (no doubt) is to be found be
fore it break forth into manifest effects of diseases,
blastings, or the like. We will therefore set down
some prognostics of pestilential and unwholesome
years.

801. The wind blowing much from the south with
out rain, and worms in the oak-apple, have been
spoken of before. Also the plenty of frogs, grass
hoppers, flies, and the like creatures bred of putre
faction, doth portend pestilential years.

802. Great and early heats in the spring (and
namely in May) without winds, portend the same;
and generally so do years with little wind or thunder.

803. Great droughts in summer lasting till towards
the end of August, and some gentle showers upon
them, and then some dry weather again, do portend
a pestilent summer the year following : for about the
end of August all the sweetness of the earth, which
goeth into plants or trees, is exhaled (and much mpre
if the August be dry) ; so that nothing then can
breathe forth of the earth but a gross 'vapour, which
is apt to corrupt the air : and that vapour, by the first
showers, if they be gentle, is released, and cometh forth
abundantly. Therefore they that come abroad soon
after those showers, are commonly taken with sickness :
and in Africk, nobody will stir out of doors after the
first showers. But if the showers come vehemently,
then they rather wash and fill the earth, than give it

66 NATURAL HISTORY.

leave to breathe forth presently. But if dry weather
come again, then it fixeth and continueth the corrup
tion of the air, upon the first showers begun ; and
maketh it of ill influence, even to the next summer ;
except a very frosty winter discharge it ; which seldom
succeedetli such droughts.

O

804. The lesser infections, of the small-pox, purple
fevers, agues, in the summer precedent, and hovering
all Avinter, do portend a great pestilence in the summer
following ; for putrefaction doth not rise to his height
at once.

805. It were good to lay a piece of raw flesh or fish
in the open air ; and if it putrefy quickly, it is a sign
of a 'disposition in the air to putrefaction. And be
cause you cannot be informed whether the putrefaction
be quick or late, except you compare this experiment
with the like experiment in another year, it were not
amiss in the same year, and at the same time, to lay
one piece of flesh or fish in the open air, and another
of the same kind and bigness within doors : for I judge,
that if a general disposition be in the air to putrefy,
the flesh or fish will sooner putrefy abroad, where the
air hath more power, than in the house, where it hath
less, being many ways corrected. And this experiment
would be made about the end of March : for that sea
son is likest to discover what the winter hath done,
and what the summer following will do, upon the air.
And because the air (no doubt) receiveth great tinct
ure and infusion from the earth ; it were good to try
that exposing of flesh or fish, both upon a stake of
wood some height above the earth, and upon the flat
of the earth.

806. Take May-dew, and see whether it putrefy

CENTURY IX. 67

quickly or no ; for that likewise may disclose the
quality of the air, and vapour of the earth, more or
less corrupted.

807. A dry March, and a dry May, portend a
wholesome summer, if there be a showering April
betAveen : but otherwise it is a sign of a pestilential
year.

808. As the discovery of the disposition of the air
is good for the prognostics of wholesome and unwhole
some years ; so it is of much more use for the choice
of places to dwell in : at the least, for lodges and
retiring places for health (for mansion-houses respect
provisions as well as health) ; wherein the experiments
above-mentioned may serve.

809. But for the choice of places or seats, it is good
to make trial not only of aptness of air to corrupt, but
also of the moisture and dryness of the air, and the
temper of it in heat or cold ; for that may concern
health diversly. We see that there be some houses
wherein sweet-meats will relent, and baked meats will
mould, more than in others ; and wainscots will also
sweat more ; so that they will almost run with water :
all which (no doubt) are caused chiefly by the moist-
ness of the air in those seats. But because it is better
to know it before a man buildeth his house, than to
find it after, take the experiments following.

. 810. Lay wool; or a spunge, or bread, in the place
you would try, comparing it with some other places ;
and see whether it doth not moisten, and make the
wool, or spunge, &c., more ponderous than the other :
and if it do, you may judge of that place as situate in
a gross and moist air.

811. Because it is certain that in some places, either

68 NATURAL HISTORY.

by the nature of the earth, or by the situation of woods
and hills, the air is more unequal than in others ; and
inequality of air is ever an enemy to .health ; it were
good to take two weather-glasses, matches in all things,
and to set them, for the same hours of one day, in sev
eral places, where no shade is, nor inclosures ; and to
mark when you set them, how far the water cometh ;
and to compare them, when you come again, how the
water standeth then ; and if you find them unequal,
you may be sure that the place where the water is
lowest is in the warmer air, and the other in the
colder. And the greater the inequality' be of the
ascent or descent of the water, the greater is the
inequality of the temper of the air.

812. The predictions likewise of cold and long win
ters, and hot and dry summers, are good to be known ;
as well for the discovery of the causes, as for divers
provisions. That of plenty of haws, and heps, and
briar-berries, hath been spoken of before. If wainscot,
or stone, that have used to sweat, be more dry in the
beginning of winter ; or the drops of the eaves of
houses come more slowly down than they use ; it por-
tendeth a hard and frosty winter. The cause is, for
that it sheweth an inclination of the air to dry weather ;
which in winter is ever joined with frost.

813. Generally a moist and a cool summer portend-
eth a hard winter. The cause is, for that the vapours
of the earth are not dissipated in the summer by the
sun ; and so they rebound upon the winter.

814. A hot and dry summer and autumn, and es
pecially if the heat and drought extend far into Sep
tember, portendeth an open beginning of winter; and
colds to succeed, toward the latter part of the winter

CENTURY IX. 69

and the beginning; of the spring: for till then the

O o 1 O

former heat and drought bear the sway, and the va
pours are not sufficiently multiplied.

815. An open and warm winter portendeth a hot
and dry summer ; for the vapours disperse into the
winter showers ; whereas cold and frost keepeth them
in, and t/ansporteth them into the late spring and
summer following.

816. Birds that use to change countries at certain
seasons, if they come earlier, do shew the temper
ature of weather, according to that country whence
they came : as the winter-birds, (namely, woodcocks,
feldfares, &c.) if they come earlier, and out of the
northern countries, with us shew cold winters. And
if it be in the same country, then they shew a temper
ature of season like unto that season in which they
come : as swallows, bats, cuckoos, &c., that come
towards summer, if they come early, shew a hot sum
mer to follow.

817. The prognostics, more immediate, of weather
to follow soon after, are more certain than those of
seasons. The resounding of the sea upon the shore ;
and the murmur of winds in the woods, without ap
parent wind ; shew wind to follow : for such winds
breathing chiefly out of the earth, are not at the first
perceived, except they be pent by water or wood. And
therefore a murmur out of caves likewise portendeth
as much.1

818. The upper regions of the air perceive the
collection of the matter of tempests and winds, before
the air here below : and therefore the obscuring of the
smaller stars is a sign of tempests following. And of

1 Most of these prognostics are mentioned by Pliny.

70 NATURAL HISTORY.

this kind you shall find a number of instances in our
inquisition De Ventis.

819. Great mountains have a perception of the dis
position of the air to tempests, sooner than the valleys
or plains below : and therefore they say in Wales,
when certain hills have their night-caps on, they mean
mischief. The cause is, for that tempests, which are
for the most part bred above in the middle region (as
they call it), are soonest perceived to collect in the
places next it.

820. The air, and fire, have subtile perceptions of
wind rising, before men find it. We see the trembling
of a candle will discover a wind that otherwise we do
not feel ; and the flexuous burning of flames doth shew
the air beginneth to be unquiet ; and so do coals of fire
by casting off the ashes more than they use. The
cause is, for that no wind at the first, till it hath struck
and driven the air, is apparent to the sense ; but flame
is easier to move than air : and for the ashes, it is no
marvel, though wind unperceived shake them off"; for
we usually try which way the wind bloweth, by cast
ing up grass, or chaff, or such light things into the air.

821. When wind expireth from under the sea, as it
causeth some resounding of the water (whereof we
spake before), so it causeth some light motions of bub
bles, and white circles of froth. The cause is, for that
the wind cannot be perceived by the sense, until there
be an eruption of a great quantity from under the
water ; and so it getteth into a body : whereas in the
first putting up it cometh in little portions.

822. We spake of the ashes that coals cast off; and
of grass and chaff carried by the wind : so any light
thing that moveth when we find no wind, sheweth a

CENTURY IX. 71

wind at hand ; as when feathers, or down of thistles,
fly to and fro in the air.

For prognostics of weather from living- creatures,
it is to be noted that creatures that live in the open
air (sub dio] must needs have a quicker impression
from the air, than men that live most within doors ;
and especially birds who live in the air freest and
clearest ; and are aptest by their voice to tell tales
what they find, and likewise by the motion of their
flight to express the same.

823. Water-fowls, (as sea-gulls, moor-hens, &c.)
when they flock and fly together from the sea towards
the shores ; and contrariwise, land-birds, (as crows,
swallows, &c.) when they fly from the land to the
waters, and beat the waters with their wino-s : do fore-

c?> "

shew rain and wind. The cause is, pleasure that both
kinds take in the moistness and density of the air ; and
so desire to be in motion and upon the wing, whither
soever they would otherwise go ; for it is no marvel,
that water-fowl do joy most in that air which is likest
water ; and land-birds also, many of them, delight in
bathing, and moist air. For the same reason also,
many birds do prune l their feathers ; and geese do
gaggle ; and crows seem to call upon rain : all which
is but the comfort they seem to receive in the relenting
of the air.

824. The heron, when she soareth high, (so as
sometimes she is seen to pass over a cloud,) sheweth
winds : but kites flying aloft shew fair and dry weath
er. The cause may be, for that they both mount most

1 Proine in the original. — J. S.

72 NATURAL HISTORY.

into the air of that temper wherein they delight : and
the heron, being a water-fowl, taketh pleasure in the
air that is condensed ; and besides, being but heavy of
wing, needeth the hejp of the grosser air. But the
kite affecteth not so much the grossness of the air, as
the cold and freshness thereof: for being a bird of prey,
and therefore hot, she delighteth in the fresh air ; and
(many times) flieth against the wind, as trouts and
salmons swim against the stream. And yet it is truu
also, that all birds find an ease in the depth of the air,
as swimmers do in a deep water. And therefore when
they are aloft, they can uphold themselves with their
wings spread, scarce moving them.

825. Fishes, when they play towards the top of the
water, do commonly foretell rain. The cause is, for
that a fish, hating the dry, will not approach the air
till it groweth moist ; and when it is dry, will fly it,
and swim lower.

826. Beasts do take^ comfort (generally) in a moist
air ; and it maketh them eat their meat better ; and
therefore sheep will get up betimes in the morning to
feed, against rain : and cattle, and deer, and coneys,
will feed hard before rain ; and a heifer will put up his
nose and snuff in the air, against rain.

827. The trefoil, against rain, swelleth in the stalk ;
and so standeth more upright : for by wet, stalks do
erect, and leaves bow down. There is a small red
flower in the stubble-fields, which country people call
the wincopipe ; which if it open in the morning, you
may be sure of a fair day to follow.

828. Even in men, aches and hurts and corns do
engrieve, either towards rain or towards frost : for the
one maketh the humours more to abound ; and the

CENTURY IX. 73

other maketh them sharper. So we see both extremes
bring the gout.

829. Worms, vermin, &c., do foreshew likewise
rain : for earthworms will come forth, and moles will
cast up more, and fleas bite more, against rain.

830. Solid bodies likewise foreshew rain. As stones
and wainscot, when they sweat : and boxes and pegs
of wood, when they draw and wind hard ; though the
former be but from an outward cause ; for that the
stone or wainscot turneth and beateth back the air
against itself; but the latter is an inward swelling of
the body of the wood itself.

Experiment solitary touching the nature of appetite in
the stomach.

831. Appetite is moved chiefly by things that are
cold and dry : the cause is, for that cold is a kind of
indigence of nature, and calleth upon supply ; and so
is dryness : and therefore all sour things (as vinegar,
juice of lemons, oil of vitriol, &c.) provoke appetite.
And the disease which they call appetitus caninus, con-
sisteth in the matter of an acid and glassy phlegm in
the mouth of the stomach. Appetite is also moved by
sour thino-s : for that sour things induce a contraction

cT1 * ™

in the nerves placed in the mouth of the stomach ;
which is a great cause of appetite. As for the cause
why onions, and salt, and pepper, in baked meats,
move appetite, it is by vellication of those nerves ; for
motion whetteth. As for wormwood, olives, capers,
and others of that kind, which participate of bitterness,
they move appetite by abstersion. So as there be four
principal causes of appetite ; the refrigeration of the
stomach, joined with some dryness ; contraction ; velli-

74 NATURAL HISTORY.

cation ; and abstersion ; besides hunger, which is an
emptiness : and yet over-fasting doth (many times)
cause the appetite to cease ; for that want of meat
maketh the stomach draw humours, and such humours
as are light and choleric, which quench appetite most.

Experiment solitary touching sweetness of odour from
the rainbotv.

832. It hath been observed by the ancients, that
where a rainbow seemeth to hang over or to touch,
there breatheth forth a sweet smell.1 The cause is, for
that this happeneth but in certain matters which have
in themselves some sweetness ; which the gentle dew
of the rainbow doth draw forth : and the like do soft
showers ; for they also make the grounds sweet : but
none are so delicate as the dew of the rainbow where it
falleth. It may be also that the water itself hath some
sweetness ; for the rainbow consisteth of a glomeration
of small drops, which cannot possibly fall but from the
air that is very low ; and therefore may hold the very
sweetness of the herbs and flowers, as a distilled water;
for rain, and other dew, that fall from high, cannot
preserve the smell, being dissipated in the drawing up :
neither do we know whether some water itself may not
have some degree of sweetness. It is true that we find
it sensibly in no pool, river, nor fountain ; but good
earth, newly turned up, hath a freshness and good
scent ; which water, if it be not too equal, (for equal
objects never move the sense,) may also have. Cer
tain it is, that bay-salt, which is but a kind of water
congealed, will sometimes smell like violets.

1 Arist. Prob. xii. 2.

CENTURY IX. 75

Experiment solitary touching sweet smells.

833. To sweet smells heat is requisite, to concoct
the matter ; and some moisture, to spread the breath
of them. For heat, we see that woods and spices are
more odorate in the hot countries than in the cold : for
moisture, we see that things too much dried lose their
sweetness : and flowers growing, smell better in a
mornincr or evening than at noon. Some sweet smells

O O

are destroyed by approach to the fire ; as violets, wall
flowers, gilly-flowers, pinks ; and generally all flowers
that have cool and delicate spirits. Some continue
both on the fire, and from the fire ; as rose-water, &c.
Some do scarce come forth, or at least not so pleas
antly, as by means of the fire ; as juniper, sweet gums,
&c., and all smells that are enclosed in a fast body:
but (generally) those smells are the most grateful,
where the deoree of heat is small ; or where the

~

strength of the smell is allayed ; for these things do
rather woo the sense, than satiate it. And therefore
the smell of violets and roses exceedeth in sweetness
that of spices and gums; and the strongest sort of
smells are best in a weft afar off.

Experiment solitary touching the corporeal substance of
smells.

834. It is certain that no smell issueth but with
emission of some corporeal substance ; not as it is in
light and colours, and in sounds. For we see plainly
that smell doth spread nothing that distance that the
other do. It is true that some woods of oranges, and
heaths of rosemary, will smell a great way into the sea,
perhaps twenty miles ; but what is that, since a peal

76 NATURAL HISTORY.

of ordnance will do as much, which moveth in a small
compass ? whereas those woods and heaths are of vast
spaces ; besides, we see that smells do adhere to hard
bodies ; as in perfuming of gloves, &c. ; which show-
eth them corporeal ; and do last a great while, which
sounds and light do not.

Experiment solitary touching fetid and fragrant
odours.

835. The excrements of most creatures smell ill ;
chiefly to the same creature that voideth them : for we
see, besides that of man, that pigeons and horses thrive
best, if their houses and stables be kept sweet : and so
of cage birds : and the cat burieth that which she void
eth : and it holdeth chiefly in those beasts which feed
upon flesh. Dogs (almost) only of beasts delight in
fetid odours ; which showeth there is somewhat in their
sense of smell differing from the smells of other beasts.
But the cause why excrements smell ill, is manifest ;
for that the body itself rejecteth them ; much more the
spirits : and we see that those excrements that are of
the first digestion, smell the worst ; as the excrements
from the belly ; those that are from the second digestion
less ill ; as urine : and those that are from the third, yet
less ; for sweat is not so bad as the other two ; especially
of some persons, that are full of heat. Likewise most
putrefactions are of an odious smell : for they smell
either- fetid or mouldy. The cause may be, for that
putrefaction doth bring forth such a consistence, as is
most contrary to the consistence of the body whilst it
is sound : for it is a mere dissolution of that form.
Besides, there is another reason, which is profound :
and it is, that the objects that please any of the senses

CENTURY IX. 77

have all some equality, and (as it were) order, in their
composition ; but where those are wanting, the ob
ject is ever ingrate. So mixture of manv disagreeing

v O O

colours is ever unpleasant to the eye : mixture of dis
cordant sounds is unpleasant to the ear : mixture or
hotch-potch of many tastes is unpleasant to the taste :
harshness and raggedness of bodies is unpleasant to
the touch : now it is certain that all putrefaction, be
ing a dissolution of the first form, is a mere confusion
and unformed mixture of the part. Nevertheless it is
strange, and seemeth to cross the former observation,
that some putrefactions and excrements do yield excel
lent odours ; as civet and musk ; and, as some think,
ambergrise : for divers take it, though unprobably, to
come from the sperm of fish : and the moss we spake
of from apple trees is little better than an excretion.
The reason may be, for that there passeth in the ex
crements, and remaineth in the putrefactions, some
good spirits ; especially where they proceed from creat
ures that are very hot. But it may be also joined
with a further cause, which is more subtile ; and it is,
that the senses love not to be over-pleased, but to have
a commixture of somewhat that is in itself inn-rate.

t

Certainly we see how discords in music, falling upon
concords, make the sweetest strains : and we see again
what strange tastes delight the taste ; as red herrings,
caviary, parmesan, &c. And it may be the same hold-
eth in smells : for those kind of smells that we have
mentioned are all strong, and do pull and vellicate the
sense. And we find also, that places where men urine,
commonly have some smell of violets : and urine, if
one hath eaten nutmeg, hath so too.

78 NATURAL HISTORY.

The slothful, general, and indefinite contempla
tions and notions of the elements and their conju
gations ; of the influences of heaven ; of heat, cold,
moisture, drought; qualities active, passive; and the
like; have swallowed up the true passages, and pro
cesses, and affects, and consistencies of matter and
natural bodies. Therefore they are to be set aside,
being but notional and ill limited ; and definite ax
ioms are to be drawn out of measured instances :
and so ascent 1 to be made to the more general ax
ioms, by scale. And of these kinds of processes
of natures and characters of matter, we will now
set down some instances.

Experiment solitary touching the causes of putrefaction.

836. All putrefactions come chiefly from the inward
spirits of the body ; and partly also from the ambient
body, be it air, liquor, or whatsoever else. And this
last by two means : either by ingress of the substance
of the ambient body into the body putrefied ; or by
excitation and solicitation of the body putrefied, and
the parts thereof, by the body ambient. As for the
received opinion, that putrefaction is caused either by
cold or peregrine and preternatural heat, it is but
nugation. : for cold, in things inanimate, is the greatest
enemy that is to putrefaction ; though it extinguished!
vivification, which ever consisteth in spirits attenuate,
which the cold doth congeal and coagulate. And as
for the • peregrine heat, it is thus far true; that if the

1 Assent in the original; a misprint, no doubt; or the mistake of aa
amanuensis writing from dictation. — J. S.

CENTURY IX. 79

proportion of the adventive heat be greatly predomi
nant to the natural heat and spirits of the body, it
tendeth to dissolution, or notable alteration. But this
is wrought by emission, or suppression, or suffocation,
of the native spirits ; and also by the disordination and
discomposture of the tangible parts ; and other pas
sages of nature ; and not by a conflict of heats.

Experiment solitary touching bodies unperfectly mixed.

837. In versions, or main alterations of bodies, there
is a medium between the body as it is at first, and
the body resulting ; which medium is corpus imperfecte
mistum, and is transitory, and not durable ; as mists,
smokes, vapours, chvlus in the stomach, living creat
ures in the first vivification : and the middle action,
which produceth such imperfect bodies, is fitly called
(by some of the ancients) inquination,1 or inconcoc-
tion, which is a kind of putrefaction ; for the parts
are in confusion, till they settle one way or other.

Experiment solitary touching concoction and crudity.

838. The word concoction, or digestion, is chiefly
taken into use from living creatures and their organs ;
and from thence extended to liquors and fruits, &c.
Therefore they speak of meat concocted ; urine and
excrements concocted ; and the four digestions, (in the
stomach, in the liver, in the arteries and nerves, and
in the several parts of the body,) are likewise called
concoctions ; and they are all made to be the works of
heat : all which notions are but ignorant catches of a

O

1 //oAwCTif, Arist. Meteor, iv. 3. But fio^vvmf is only one kind of in-
coneoction, namely that which is opposed to hjjrjaif or elixation. The
whole train of thought, from 836. to 846. inclusive, shows that these para
graphs were suggested by the fourth book of the Meteorologies.

80 NATURAL HISTORY.

few things which are most obvious to men's observa-

O

tions. The constantest notion of concoction is, that it
should signify the degrees of alteration of one body
into another, from crudity to perfect concoction ; which
is the ultimity of that action or process ; and while the
body to be converted and altered is too strong for the
efficient that should convert or alter it, (whereby it
resisteth and holdeth fast in some degree the first form
or consistence,) it is (all that while) crude and incon-
coct ; and the process is to be called crudity and in-
concoction. It is true that concoction is in great part
the work of heat ; but not the work of heat alone : for
all things that further the conversion or alteration (as
rest, mixture of a body already concocted, &c.) are
also means to concoction. 'And there are of concoc
tion two periods ; the one assimilation, or absolute con
version and subaction ; the other maturation : where
of the former is most conspicuous in the bodies of
livino1 creatures ; in which there is an absolute con-

t~> *

version and assimilation of the nourishment into the
body ; and likewise in the bodies of plants ; and again
in metals, where there is a full transmutation. The
other (which is maturation) is seen in liquors and
fruits ; wherein there is not desired, nor pretended,
an utter conversion, but only an alteration to that
form which is most sought for man's use ; as in clari
fying of drinks, ripening of fruits, &c. But note that
there be two kinds of absolute conversions ; the one is,
when a body is converted into another body, which
was before ; as when nourishments turned into flesh :
that is it which we call assimilation. The other is,
when the conversion is into a body merely new, and
which was not before ; as if silver should be turned

CENTURY IX. 81

to gold, or iron to copper : and this conversion is
better called, for distinction's sake, transmutation.

Experiment solitary touching alterations which may be
called majors.

839. There are also divers other great alterations of
matter and bodies, besides those that tend to concoc
tion and maturation ; for whatsoever doth so alter a
body, as it returneth not again to that it was, may be
called alteratio major ; as when meat is boiled, or
roasted, or fried, &c. ; or when bread and meat are
baked ; or when cheese is made of curds, or butter
of cream, or coals of wood, or bricks of earth ; and a
number of others. But to apply notions philosophical
to plebeian terms ; or to say, where the notions cannot
fitly be reconciled, that there wanteth a term or no
menclature for it (as the ancients used) ; they be but
shifts of ignorance ; for knowledge will be ever a wan
dering and indigested thing, if it be but a commixture
of a few notions that are at hand and occur, and not
excited from sufficient number of instances, and those
well collated.

The consistencies of bodies are very divers : *
dense, rare ; tangible, pneumatical ; volatile, fixed ;
determinate, not determinate ; hard, soft ; cleav
ing, not cleaving1 ; congealable, not congealable ;
liquefiable, not liquefiable ; fragile, tough ; flexible,
inflexible ; tractile, or to be drawn forth in length,
intractile ; porous, solid ; equal and smooth, un
equal ; venous and fibrous and with grains, entire ;

1 Compare the list in the De Augmzntis [Vol. II. p. 281.].

VOL. V. 6

82 NATURAL HISTORY.

and divers others ; all which to refer to heat, and
cold, and moisture, and drought, is a compendious
and inutile speculation. But of these see princi
pally our Abecedarian Naturae ; and otherwise
sparsim in this our Sylva Sylvarum: nevertheless,
in some good part, we shall handle divers of them
now presently.

Experiment solitary touching bodies liquefiable, and not
liquefiable.

840. Liquefiable, and not liquefiable, proceed from
these causes : liquefaction is ever caused by the deten
tion of the spirits, which play within the body and
open it. Therefore such bodies as are more turgid of
spirit, or that have their spirits more straitly impris
oned, or again that hold them better pleased and con
tent, are liquefiable : for these three dispositions of
bodies do arrest the emission of the spirits. An ex
ample of the first two properties is in metals ; and of
the last in grease, pitch, sulphur, butter, wax, &c.
The disposition not to liquefy proceedeth from the
easy emission of the spirits, whereby the grosser parts
contract ; and therefore bodies jejune of spirits, or
which part with their spirits more willingly, are not
liquefiable ; as wood, clay, free-stone, &c. But yet
even many of those bodies that will not melt, or will
hardly melt, will notwithstanding soften : as iron in
the forge ; and a stick bathed in hot ashes, which
thereby becometh more flexible. Moreover there are
gome bodies which do liquefy or dissolve by fire ; as
metals, wax, &c. ; and other bodies which dissolve in
water; as salt, sugar, &c. The cause of the former

CENTURY IX. 83

proceedeth from the dilatation of the spirits by heat :
the cause of the latter proceedeth from the opening of
the tangible parts, which desire to receive the liquor.
Again, there are some bodies that dissolve with both ;
as gum, &c. And those be such bodies, as on the one
side have good store of spirit ; and on the other side,
have the tangible parts indigent of moisture ; for the
former helpeth to the dilating of the spirits by the fire ;
and the latter stimulateth the parts to receive the liquor.

Experiment solitary touching bodies fragile and tough.

841. Of bodies, some are fragile ; and some are
tough, and not fragile : and in the breaking, some
fragile bodies break but where the force is ; some
shatter and fly in many pieces. Of fragility, the
cause is an impotency to be extended ; and therefore
stone is more fragile than metal ; and so fictile earth
is more fragile than crude earth ; and dry wood than
green. And the cause of this unaptness to extension
is the small quantity of spirits, (for it is the spirit that
furthereth the extension or dilatation of bodies,) and it
is ever concomitant with porosity, and with dryness in
the tangible parts : contrariwise, tough bodies have
more spirit, and fewer pores, and moister tangible
parts : therefore we see that parchment or leather
will stretch, paper will not ; woollen cloth will ten
ter, linen scarcely.

Experiment solitary touching the two kinds of pneumat-
icals in bodies.

842. All solid bodies consist of parts of two several
natures ; pneumatical and tangible ; and it is well to
be noted, that the pneumatical substance is in some

84 NATURAL HISTORY.

bodies the native spirit of the body ; and in some other,
plain air that is gotten in ; as in bodies desiccate by
heat or age : for in them, when the native spirit goeth
forth, and the moisture with it, the air with time get-
teth into the pores. And those bodies are ever the
more fragile ; for the native spirit is more yielding and
extensive (especially to follow the parts) than air.
The native spirits also admit great diversity ; as hot,
cold, active, dull, &c., whence proceed most of the
virtues and qualities (as we call them) of bodies :
but the air intermixed is without virtues, and maketh
things insipid, and without any extimulation.

Experiment solitary touching concretion and dissolution
of bodies.

843. The concretion of bodies is (commonly) solved
by the contrary ; as ice, which is congealed by cold, is
dissolved by heat ; salt and sugar, which are excocted
by heat, are dissolved by cold and moisture.1 The
cause is, for that these operations are rather returns to
their former nature, than alterations ; so that the con
trary cureth. As for oil, it doth neither easily congeal
with cold, nor thicken with heat. The cause of both
effects, though they be produced by contrary efficients,
seemeth to be the same ; and that is, because the spirit
of the oil by either means exhaleth little ; for the cold
keepeth it in ; and the heat (except it be vehement)
doth not call.it forth. As for cold, though it take hold
of the tangible parts, yet as to the spirits, it doth rather
make them swell than congeal them : as when ice is
congealed in a cup, the ice will swell instead of con
tracting, and sometimes rift.

I Arist. Meteor, iv. 5.

CENTURY IX. 85

Experiment solitary touching hard and soft bodies.

844. Of bodies, some (we see) are hard, and some
soft : the hardness is caused (chiefly) by the jejune-
ness of the spirits, and their imparity with the tangible
parts : both which, if they be in a greater degree,
maketh them not orrly hard, but fragile, and less en
during of pressure ; as steel, stone, glass, dry wood,
&c. Softness cometh (contrariwise) by the greater
quantity of spirits, (which ever helpeth to induce yield
ing and cession,) and by the more equal spreading of
the -tangible parts, which thereby are more sliding and
following : as in gold, lead, wax, &c. But note that
soft bodies (as we use the word) are of two kinds ; the
one, that easily giveth place to another body, but alter-
eth not bulk, by rising in other places : and therefore
we see that wax, if you put any thing into it, doth not
rise in bulk, but only giveth place ; for you may not
think, that in printing of wax, the wax riseth up at
all ; but only the depressed part giveth place, and the
other remaineth as it was. The other, that altereth
bulk in the cession ; as water, or other liquors, if you
put a stone or any thing into them, they give place
indeed easily, but then they rise all over ; which is a
false cession; for it. is in place, and not in body.

Experiment solitary touching bodies ductile and tensile.

845. All bodies ductile and tensile (as metals, that
will be drawn into wires ; wool and tow, that will be
drawn into yarn or thread,) have in them the appetite
of not, discontinuing, strong ; which maketh them fol
low the force that pulleth them out ; and yet so as not
to discontinue or forsake their own body. Viscous

86 NATURAL HISTORY.

bodies likewise, as pitch, wax, bird-lime, cheese toasted,
will draw forth and rope. But the difference between
bodies fibrous and bodies viscous is plain : for all wool,
and tow, and cotton, and silk (especially raw silk)
have, besides their desire of continuance, in regard of
the tenuity of their thread, a greediness of 'moisture ;
and by moisture to join and incorporate with other
thread ; especially if there be a little wreathing ; as
appeareth by the twisting of thread, and the prac
tice of twirling about of spindles. And we see also
that sold and silver thread cannot be made without

o

twisting.

Experiment solitary touching other passions of matter,
and characters of bodies.

846. The differences of impressible and not impres
sible ; figurable and not figurable ; mouldable and not
mouldable ; scissile and not scissile ; and many other
passions of matter,1 are plebeian notions, applied unto
the instruments and uses which men ordinarily prac
tise ; but they are all but the effects of some of these
causes following, which we will enumerate without

o7

applying them, because that would be too long.
The first is the cession or not cession of bodies into
a smaller space or room, keeping the outward bulk,
and not flying up. The second is the stronger or
weaker appetite in bodies to continuity, and to fly dis
continuity. The third is the disposition of bodies to
contract, or not contract : and again, to extend, or not
extend. The fourth is the small quantity or great
quantity of the pneumatical in bodies. The fifth is
the nature of the pneumatical, whether it be native

1 See Aristotle's list, Meteor, iv. 8.

CENTURY IX. 87

spirit of the body, or common air. The sixth is the
nature of the native spirits in the .body, whether they
be active and eager, or dull and gentle. The seventh
is the emission or detention of the spirits in bodies.
The eighth is the dilatation, or contraction of the spirits
in bodies, while they are detained. The ninth is the
collocation of the spirits in bodies ; whether the collo
cation be equal or unequal ; and again, whether the
spirits be coacervate or diffused. The tenth is the
density or rarity of the tangible parts. The eleventh
is the equality or inequality of the tangible parts. The
twelfth is the digestion or crudity of the tangible parts.
The thirteenth is the nature of the matter, whether
sulphureous or mercurial, watery or oily, dry and
terrestrial, or moist and liquid; which natures of sul
phureous and mercurial, seem to be natures radical and
principal. The fourteenth is the placing of the tan
gible parts in length, or transverse (as it is in the warp
and the woof of textiles) ; more inward1 or more out
ward, &c. The fifteenth is the porosity or imporosity
betwixt the tangible parts, and the greatness or small-
ness of the pores. The sixteenth is the collocation and
posture of the pores. There may be more causes ; but
these do occur for the present.

Experiment solitary touching induration by sympathy.

847. Take lead and melt it, and in the midst of it,
when it beginneth to congeal, make a little dint or
hole, and put quicksilver wrapped in a piece of linen
into that hole, and the quicksilver will fix, and run
no more, and endure the hammer. This is a noble
instance of induration, by consent of one body with
another, and motion of excitation to imitate ; for to

88 NATURAL HISTORY.

ascribe it only to the vapour of lead, is less probable.
Qucere whether the. fixing may be in such a degree, as
it will be figured like other metals? For if so, you
may make works of it for some purposes, so they come
not near the fire.

Experiment solitary touching "honey and sugar.

848. Sugar hath put down the use of honey ; inso
much as we have lost those observations and prepara
tions of honey which the ancients had, when it was
more in price. First, it seemeth that there was in old
time tree-honey, as well as bee-honey ; which was the
tear or blood issuing from the tree : insomuch as one
of the ancients relateth, that in Trebisond there was
honey issuing from the box-trees which made men
mad.1 Again, in ancient time there was a kind of
honey which, either of the own nature or by art,
would grow as hard as sugar, and was not so luscious
as ours. They had also a wine of honey, which they
made thus. They crushed the honey into a great
quantity of water, and then strained the liquor ; af
ter, they boiled it in a copper to the half; then they
poured it into earthen vessels for a small time ; and
after tunned it into vessels of wood, and kept it for
many years. They have also at this day, in Russia
and those northern countries, mead simple, which
(well made and seasoned) is a good wholesome drink,
and very clear. They use also in Wales a compound
drink of mead, with herbs and spices. But meanwhile
it were good, in recompence of that we have lost in

i Arist. Mirab. 17. The honey was made from box ; that is, apparently,
by bees which fed on the box flower. There is no authority for saying
that it issued from the box tree.

CENTURY IX. 8S

honey, there were brought in use a sugar-mead, (for so
we may call it) though without any mixture at all of
honey ; and to brew it, and keep it stale, as they use
mead : for certainly, though it would not be so abster
sive, and opening, and solutive a drink as mead : yet it
will be more grateful to the stomach, and more leni
tive, and fit to be used in sharp diseases : for we see
that the use of sugar in beer and ale hath good effects
in such cases.1

Experiment solitary touching the finer sort of base
metals.

849. It is reported by the ancients, that there was a
kind of steel in some places, which would polish almost
as white and bright as silver.2 And that there was
in India a kind of brass which (being polished) could
scarce be discerned from gold. This was in the nat
ural ure : 3 but I am doubtful, whether men have suf
ficiently refined metals, which we count base ; as
whether iron, brass, or tin be refined to the height ?
But when they come to such a fineness as serveth the
ordinary use, they try no further.

Experiment solitary touching cements and quarries.

850. There have been found certain cements under
earth that are very soft ; and yet, taken forth into the
sun, harden as hard as marble : there are also ordinary
quarries in Somersetshire, which in the quarry cut soft

1 The sugar-wine which Bacon here recommends is well known in Span
ish America, where it is called guarapo. With respect to the wine made
of honey, see Pliny, xiv. 20.

2 Arist. Mirab. 48. and 49. But the writer speaks of iron, — not of
Bteel.

8 So in the original. — J. S.

90 NATURAL HISTORY.

to any bigness, and in the building prove firm and
hard.

Experiment solitary touching the altering of the colour
of hairs and feathers.

851. Living creatures (generally) do change their
hair with age, turning to be grey and white : as is seen
in men, though some earlier, some later; in horses that
are dappled, and turn white ; in old squirrels that turn
grisly ; and many others. So do some birds ; as cyg
nets from grey turn white ; hawks from brown turn
more white. And some birds there be that upon their
moulting do turn colour ; as robin-red-breasts, after
their moulting, grow to be red again by degrees ; so
do goldfinches upon the head. The cause is, for that
moisture doth (chiefly) colour hair and feathers ; and
dryness turneth them grey and white : now hair in
age waxeth drier ; so do feathers. As for feathers,
after moulting, they are young feathers, and so all
one as the feathers of young birds. So the beard is
younger than the hair of the head, and doth (for the
most part) wax hoar later. Out of this ground a man
may devise the means of altering the colour of birds,
and the retardation of hoar hairs. But of this see in
the fifth experiment.

Experiment solitary touching the differences of living
creatures, male and female.

852. The difference between male and female, in
some creatures, is not to be discerned, otherwise than
in the parts of generation : as in horses and mares,
dogs and bitches, doves he and she, and others. But
some differ in magnitude, and that diversly ; for in

CENTURY IX. 91

most the male is the greater ; as in man, pheasants,
peacocks, turkeys, and the like : and in some few, as
in hawks, the female. Some differ in the hair and
feathers, both in the quantity, crispation, and colours
of them ; as he-lions are hirsute, and have great manes :
the shes are smooth like cats. Bulls are more crisp
upon the forehead than cows ; the peacock, and pheas
ant-cock, and goldfinch-cock, have glorious and fine
colours ; the hens have not. Generally, the hes in
birds have the fairest feathers. Some differ in divers
features : as bucks have horns, does none ; rams have
more wreathed horns than ewes ; cocks have great
combs and spurs, hens little or none ; boars have great
fangs, sows much less ; the turkey-cock hath great and
swelling gills, the hen hath less : men have generally
deeper and stronger voices than women. Some differ
in faculty ; as the cocks amongst singing-birds are the
best singers. The chief cause of all these (no doubt)
is, for that the males have more strength of heat than
the females ; which appeareth manifestly in this, that
all young creatures males l are like females ; and so
are eunuchs, and gelt creatures of all kinds, liker fe
males. Now heat causeth greatness of growth, gen
erally, where there is moisture enough to work upon :
but if there be found in any creature (which is seen
rarely) an over-great heat in proportion to the moist
ure, in them the female is the greater ; as in hawks
and sparrows. And if the heat be balanced with the
moisture, then there is no difference to be seen between
male and female ; as in the instances of horses and
dogs. We see also that the horns of oxen and cows,

1 That is, young male creatures. So we have merchants strangers, let
ters patents, &c. — /. S.

92 NATURAL HISTORY.

i
for the most part, are larger than the bulls ; which is

caused by abundance of moisture, which in the horns
of the bull faileth. Again, heat causeth pilosity and
crispation ; and so likewise beards in men. It also
expelleth finer moisture, which want of heat cannot
expel ; and that is the cause of the beauty and variety
of feathers. Again, heat doth put forth many excres
cences, and much solid matter, which want of heat
cannot do : and this is the cause of horns, and of the
greatness of them ; and of the greatness of the combs
and spurs of cocks, gills of turkey-cocks, and fangs of
boars. Heat also dilateth the pipes and organs, which
causeth the deepness of the voice. Again, heat re-
fineth the spirits, and that causeth the cock singing-
bird to excel the hen.

Experiment solitary touching the comparative magnitude
of living creatures.

853. There be fishes greater than any beasts ; as
the whale is far greater than the elephant : and beasts
are (generally) greater than birds. For fishes, the
cause may be, that because they live not in the air,
they have not their moisture drawn and soaked by the
air and sun-beams. Also they rest always in a man
ner, and are supported by the water ; whereas mo
tion and labour do consume. As for the greatness
of beasts more than of. birds, it is caused, for that
beasts stay longer time in the womb than birds, and
there nourish and grow ; whereas in birds, after the
egg laid, thei'e is no further growth or nourishment
from the female ; for the sitting doth vivify, and not
nourish.

CENTURY IX. 93

Experiment solitary touching exossation of fruits.

854. We have partly touched before the means of
producing fruits without cores or stones. And this
we add further, that the cause must be abundance of
moisture ; for that the core and stone are made of a
dry sap : and we see that it i£ possible to make a tree
put forth only in blossom, without fruit ; as in cherries
with double flowers ; much more into fruit without
stone or cores. It is reported, that a scion of an apple,
grafted upon a colewort-stalk, sendeth forth a great
apple without a core. It is not unlikely that if the in
ward pith of a tree were taken out, so that the juice
came only by the bark, it would work the effect. For
it hath been observed that in pollards, if the water get
in on the top, and they become hollow, they put forth
the more. We add also, that it is delivered for certain
by some, that if the scion be grafted the small end
downwards, it will make fruit have little or no cores
and stones.

Experiment solitary touching the melioration of tobacco.

855. Tobacco is a thing of great price, if it be in
request : for an acre of it will be worth (as is affirmed)
two hundred pounds by the year towards charge.1
The charge of making the ground and otherwise is
great, but nothing to the profit. But the English to
bacco hath small credit, as being too dull and earthy :
nay, the Virginian tobacco, though that be in a hotter
climate, can get no credit for the same cause : so that

1 In France the average yield of a hectare of tobacco was, in 1841, 1185
kilogrammes (Boussingault, Economic Rurale, vol. i. p. 435.), which ia
about equivalent to 1058 pounds the acre. At this rate the price in Bacon's
time must have been about 3s. Qd. a pound.

94 NATURAL HISTORY.

a trial to make tobacco more aromatical, and better
concocted, here in England, were a thing of great
profit. Some have gone about to do it by drench
ing the English tobacco in a decoction or infusion of
Indian tobacco ; but those are but sophistications and
toys ; for nothing that is once perfect, and hath run
his race, can receive much amendment. You must
ever resort to the beginnings of things for melioration.
The way of maturation of tobacco must, as in other
plants, be from the heat either of the earth or of the
sun : we see some leading of this in musk-melons ;
which are sown upon a hot-bed, dunged below, upon
a bank turned upon the south sun, to give heat by
reflexion ; laid upon tiles, which increaseth the heat ;
and covered with straw to keep them from cold. They
remove them also, which addeth some life : and by
these helps • they become as good in England, as in
Italy or Provence. These, and the like means, may
be tried in tobacco. Inquire also of the steeping of
roots in some such liquor as may give them vigour to
put forth strong.

Experiment solitary touching several heats working the
same effects.

856. Heat of the sun for the maturation of fruits ;
yea, and the heat of vivification of living creatures ;
are both represented and supplied by the heat of fire ;
and likewise the heats of the sun, and life, are repre
sented one by the other. Trees set upon the backs of
chimneys do ripen fruit sooner. Vines that have been
drawn in at the window of a kitchen, have sent forth
grapes ripe a month at least before others. Stoves at
the back of walls bring forth oranges here with us.

CENTURY IX. 95

Eggs, as is reported by some, have been hatched in the
warmth of an oven. It is reported by the ancients,
that the ostrich1 layeth her eggs under sand, where
the heat of the sun discloseth them.2

Experiment solitary toucJiin > swelling and dilatation
in .boiling.

857. Barley in the boiling swelleth not much ;
wheat swelleth more ; 3 rice extremely ; insomuch as a
quarter of a pint (unboiled) will arise to a pint boiled.
The cause (no doubt) is, for that the more close and
compact the body is, the more it will dilate : now bar
ley is the most hollow ; wheat more solid than that ;
and rice most solid of all. It may be also that some
bodies have a kind of lentour, and more depertible na
ture than others ; as we see it evident in coloration ;
for a small quantity of saffron will tinct more than a
very great quantity of brasil or wine.

Experiment solitary touching the dulcoration of fruits.

858. Fruit groweth sweet by rolling, or pressing
them gently with the hand ; as rolling pears, damas
cenes, &c. : by rottenness ; as medlars, services, sloes,
heps, &c. : by time ; as apples, wardens, pomegranates,

1 Estrich in the original. — J. S.

2 Conrad Gesner, who is very learned in all writers on natural history,
refers for this statement to Albertus Magnus, who gives no ancient author
ity for it, and I have not been able to find any. The notion that the ostrich
hatches her eggs by looking at them, Gesner quotes from Cielius Rhodigi-
nus. See his Hist. Animal, iii. p. 711. As she is commonly taxed with
want of -solicitude about her otfspring, it is worth mentioning that JKIian
speaks of a cruel method of catching the ostrich; namely, putting a cheval
de frise of spikes round her nest, on which she impales herself in endeav
ouring to return to her young.

8 A.rist. Prob. xxi. 22.

96 NATURAL HISTORY.

&c. : by certain special maturations ; as by laying them
in hay, straw, &c. : and by fire ; as in roasting, stew
ing, baking, &c. The cause of the sweetness by roll
ing and pressing, is emollition, which they properly
induce ; as in beating of stock-fish, flesh, &c. : by rot
tenness, is for that the spirits of the fruit by putrefac
tion gather heat, and thereby digest the harder part ;
for in all putrefactions there is a degree of heat : by
time and keeping, is because the spirits of the body do
ever feed upon the tangible parts, and attenuate them :
by several maturations is, by some degree of heat : and
by fire is, because it is the proper work of heat to re
fine and to incorporate ; and all souiTiess consisteth in
some grossriess of the body ; and all incorporation doth
make the mixture of the body more equal in all the
parts ; which ever induceth a milder taste.

Experiment solitary touching flesh edible and not edible.
859. Of fleshes, some are edible ; some, except it
be in famine, not. For those that are not edible, the
cause is, for that they have commonly too much bitter
ness of taste ; and therefore those creatures which are
fierce and choleric ^re not edible ; as lions, wolves,
squirrels, dogs, foxes, horses, &c. As for kine, sheep,
goats, deer, swine, coneys, hares, &c., we see they are
mild and fearful. Yet it is true 'that horses, which are
beasts of courage, have been and are eaten by some
nations ; as the Scythians were called Hippophagi ;
and the Chineses eat horse-flesh at this day ; and some
gluttons have used to have colts'-flesh baked. In birds,
such as are carnivorae, and birds of prey, are commonly
no good meat ; but the reason is rather the choleric
nature of those birds, than their feeding upon flesh :

CENTURY IX. 97

for puets, gulls, shovellers, ducks, do feed upon flesh,
and yet are good meat ; and we see that those birds
which are of prey, or feed upon flesh, are good meat
when they are very young ; as hawks, rooks out of the
nest, owls, &c. Man's flesh is not eaten. The reasons
ai'e three : first, because men in humanity do abhor it :
secondly, because no living creature that dieth of itself
is good to eat : and therefore the cannibals themselves
eat no man's-flesh of those that die of themselves, but
of such as are slain : the third is, because there must
be generally some disparity between the nourishment
and the body nourished ; and they must not be over-
near, or like : yet we see that in great weaknesses and
consumptions, men have been sustained with woman's
milk ; and Ficinus fondly (as I conceive) adviseth, for
the prolongation of life, that a vein be opened in the
arm of some wholesome young man, and the blood to
be sucked.1 It is said that witches do greedily eat
man's flesh ; which if it be true, besides a devilish
appetite in them, it is likely to proceed for that man's
flesh may send up high and pleasing vapours, which
may stir the imagination ; and witches' felicity is
chiefly in imagination, as hath been said.

Experiment solitary touching the salamander.

860. There is an ancient received tradition of the
salamander, that it liveth in the fire, and hath force
also to extinguish the fire. It must have two things, if
it be true, to this operation : the one a very close skin,
whereby flame, which in the midst is not so hot, can
not enter ; for we see that if the palm of the hand be
anointed thick with white of egg, and then aqua vitae

1 Ficinus, De vita producenda, ii. 11.

VOL. V. 1

98 NATURAL HISTORY.

be poured upon it and inflamed, yet one may endure
the flame a pretty while. The other is some extreme
cold and quenching virtue in the body of that creature,
which choketh the fire. We see that milk quencheth
wild-fire better than water, because it entereth better.

Experiment solitary touching the contrary operations of
time upon fruits and liquors.

861. Time doth change fruit, (as apples, pears,
pomegranates, &c.) from more sour to more sweet :
but contrariwise liquors, (even those that are of the
juice of fruit,) from more sweet to more sour ; as
wort, must, new verjuice, &c. The cause is, the con
gregation of the spirits together : for in both kinds the
spirit is attenuated by time ; but in the first kind it is
more diffused, and more mastered by the grosser parts,
which the spirits do but digest ; but in drinks the spir
its do reign, and finding less opposition of the parts,
become themselves more strong ; which causeth also
more strength in the liquor ; such as if the spirits be
of the hotter sort, the liquor becometh apt to burn :
but in time it causeth likewise, when the higher spirits
are evaporated, more sourness.

Experiment solitary touching bloivs and bruises.

862. It hath been observed by the ancients that
plates of metal, and especially of brass, applied pres
ently to a blow, will keep it down from swelling.1 The
cause is repercussion, without humectation or entrance
of any body : for the plate hath only a virtual cold,
which doth not search into the hurt ; whereas all plais-
ters and ointments do enter. Surely the cause that

i Arist. Prob. ix. 10.

CENTURY IX. 99

blows and bruises induce swellings is, for that the
spirits resorting to succour the part that laboureth,
draw also the humours with them ; for we see that it
is not the repulse and the return of the humour in the
part strucken that causeth it ; for that gouts and tooth
aches cause swelling, where there is no percussion
at all.

Experiment solitary touching the orrice root.

863. The nature of the orrice root is almost singu
lar ; for there are but few odoriferous roots ; and in
those that are in any degree sweet, it is but the same
sweetness with the wood or leaf: but the orrice is not
sweet in the leaf: neither is the flower anything so
sweet as the root. The root seemeth to have a tender
dainty heat ; which when it cometh above ground to
the sun and the air, vanisheth : for it is a great mol-
lifier : and hath a smell like a violet.

Experiment solitary touching the compression of liquors.

864. It hath been observed by the ancients that a
great vessel full, drawn into bottles, and then the liq
uor put again into the vessel, will not fill the vessel
again so full as it was, but that it may take in more
liquor : and that this holdeth more in wine than in
water.1 The cause may be trivial ; namely, by the
expence of the liquor, in regard some may stick to
the sides of the bottles : but there may be a cause
more subtile ; which is, that the liquor in the vessel is
not so much compressed as in the bottle ; because in
the vessel the liquor meeteth with liquor chiefly ; but

1 Arist. Prob. xxv. 8. For the statements in the next two paragraphs,
see the third and eighteenth problems in the same section.

100 NATURAL HISTORY.

in the bottles a small quantity of liquor meeteth with
the sides of the bottles, which compress it so that it
doth not open again.

Experiment solitary touching the working of water upon
air contiguous.

865. Water being contiguous with air, cooleth it,
but moisteneth it not, except it vapour. The cause
is, for that heat and cold have a virtual transition, with
out communication of substance ; but moisture not :
and to all madefaction there is required an imbibition :
but where the bodies are of such several levity and
gravity as they mingle not, there can follow no imbibi
tion. And therefore oil likewise lieth at the top of the
water, without commixture : and a drop of water run
ning swiftly over a straw, or smooth body, wetteth not.

Experiment solitary touching the nature of air.

866. Star-light nights, yea, and bright moonshine
nights, are colder than cloudy nights. The cause is,
the dryness and fineness of the air, which thereby be-
cometh more piercing and sharp ; and therefore great
continents are colder than islands : and as for the
moon, though itself inclineth the air to moisture, yet
when it shineth bright, it argueth the air is dry.
Also close air is warmer than open air ; which (it
may be) is, for that the true cause of cold is an ex
piration from the globe of the earth, which in open
places is stronger ; and again, air itself, if it be not
altered by that expiration, is not without some secret
degree of heat ; as it is not likewise without some
secret degree of light ; for otherwise cats and owls
could not see in the night, but that air hath a little

CENTURY IX. 101

light, proportionable to the visual spirits of those
creatures.

Experiments in consort touching the eyes and sight.1

867. The eyes do move one and the same way ; for
when one eye moveth to the nostril, the other moveth
from the nostril. The cause is motion of consent,
which in the spirits and parts spiritual is strong. But
yet use will induce the contrary : for some can squint
when they will ; and the common tradition is, that if
children' be set upon a table with a candle behind them,
both eyes will move outwards, as affecting to see the
light, and so induce squinting.

868. We see more exquisitely with one eye shut,
than with both open. The cause is, for that the
spirits visual unite themselves more, and so become
stronger. For you may see by looking in a glass,
that when you shut one eye, the pupil of the other
eye that is open dilateth.

869. The eyes, if the sight meet not in one angle,
see things double. The cause is, for that seeing two
things, and seeing one thing twice, worketh the same
effect ; and therefore a little pellet held between two
fino-ers laid across, seemeth double.

O '

870. Pore-blind men see best in the dimmer lights ;
and likewise have their sight stronger near hand, than
those that are not pore-blind ; and can read and write
smaller letters. The cause is, for that the spirits visual,
in those that are pore-blind, are thinner and rarer than
in Others ; and therefore the greater light disperseth
them. For the same cause they need contracting ; but

i The statements in these paragraphs, to 872. inclusive, are taken from
Arist. Prob. xxxi. 7. 2. 11. 15. 26. 29. and 3.

102 NATURAL HISTORY.

being contracted, are more strong than the visual spirits
of ordinary eyes are ; as when we see through a level
the sight is the stronger ; and so is it when you gathei
the eye-lids somewhat close; and it is commonly seen
in those that are pore-blind, that they do much gather
the eye-lids together. But old men, when they would
see to read, put the paper somewhat afar off; the cause
is, for that old men's spirits visual, contrary to those of
pore-blind men, unite not but when the object is at
some good distance from their eyes.

871. Men see better, when their eyes are over
against the sun or a candle, if they put their hand
a little before their eyes. The reason is, for that the
glaring of the sun or the candle doth weaken the eye;
whereas the light circurnfused is enough for the per
ception. For we see that an over-light maketh the
eyes dazzle ; insomuch as perpetual looking against the
sun would cause blindness. Again, if men come out
of a great light into a dark room ; and contrariwise,
if they come out of a dark room into a light room :
they seem to have a mist before their eyes, and see
worse than they shall do after they have stayed a little
.while either in the light or in the dark. The cause is,
for that the spirits visual are, upon a sudden change,
disturbed and put out of order ; and till they be recol
lected, do not perform their function well. For when
they are much dilated by light, they cannot contract
suddenly ; and when they are much contracted by
darkness, they cannot dilate suddenly. And excess
of both these (that is, of the dilatation and contrac
tion of the spirits visual), if it be long, destroyeth the
eye. For as long looking against the sun or fire
hurteth the eye by dilatation ; so curious painting in

CENTURY IX. 103

small volumes, and reading of small letters, do hurt
the eye by contraction.

872. It hath been observed that in anger the eyes
wax red ; and in blushing, not the eyes, but the ears,
and the parts behind them. The cause is, for that in
anger the spirits ascend and wax eager ; which is most
easily seen in the eyes, because they are translucid ;
though withal it maketh both the cheeks and the gills
red ; but in blushing, it is true the spirits ascend like
wise to succour both the eyes and the face, which are
the parts that labour ; but then they are repulsed by
the eyes, for that the eyes, in shame, do put back the
spirits that ascend to them, as unwilling to look abroad:
for no man in that passion doth look strongly, but de
jectedly ; and that repulsion from the eyes diverteth
the spirits and heat more to the ears, and the parts
by them.

873. The objects of the sight may cause a great
pleasure and delight in the spirits, but no pain or great
offence ; except it be by memory, as hath been said.
The glimpses and beams of diamonds that strike the
eye ; Indian feathers, that have glorious colours ; the
coming into a fair garden ; the coming into a fair room
richly furnished ; a beautiful person ; and the like ; do
delight and exhilarate the spirits much. The reason
why it holdeth not in the offence is, for that the ajght
is the most spiritual of the senses ; whereby it hath
no object gross enough to offend it. But the cause
(chiefly) is, for that there be no active objects to offend
the eye. For harmonical sounds and discordant sounds
are both active and positive : so are sweet smells and
stinks : so are bitter and sweet in tastes : so are over-
hot and over-cold in touch : but blackness and dark-

104 NATURAL HISTORY.

ness are indeed but privatives ; and therefore have
little or no activity. Somewhat they do contristate,
but very little.

Experiment solitary touching the colour of the sea or
other water.

874. Water of the sea, or otherwise, looketh blacker
when it is moved, and whiter when it resteth.1 The
cause is, for that by means of the motion, the beams
of light pass not straight, and therefore must be dark
ened : whereas, when it- resteth, the beams do pass
straight. Besides, splendour hath a degree of white
ness ; especially if there be a little repercussion : for
a looking-glass with the steel behind, looketh whiter

o o *

than glass simple. This experiment deserveth to be
driven further, in trying by what means motion may
hinder sight.

Experiment solitary touching shell-fish.

875. Shell-fish- have been by some of the ancients
compared and sorted with the insecta ; 2 but I see no
reason why they should ; for they have male and fe
male as other fish have : neither are they bred of pu
trefaction ; especially such as do move. Nevertheless
it is certain that oystei's and cockles and mussles, which
move not, have no discriminate sex. Qucere, in what
time, and how they are bred ? It seemeth that shells
of oysters are bred where none were before ; and it is
tried, that the great horse-mussle with the fine shell,

1 Arist. Prob. xxiii. 23.

2 I believe Aristotle is alluded to. He divides the Exsanguia into four
classes, of which shell-fisli form one, and insects another. See Arist. De
Part. Animal, iv. 5. 1. ; and compare Cardan, De Rer. Variet.

CENTURY IX. 105

that breedeth in ponds, hath bred within thirty years:
but then, which is strange, it hath been tried, that they
do not only gape and shut as the oysters do, but re
move from one place to another.

Experiment solitary touching the right side and the left.

876. The senses are alike strong both on the right
side and on the left ; but the limbs on the right side
are stronger.1 The cause may be, for that the brain,
which is the instrument of sense, is alike on both sides ;
but motion and abilities of moving are somewhat holp-
en from the liver, which lieth on the right side. It
may be also, for that the senses are put in exercise in
differently on both sides from the time of our birth ;
but the limbs are used most on the right side, whereby
custom helpeth ; for we see that some are left-handed ;
which are such as have used the left hand most.

Experiment solitary touching frictions.21

877. Frictions make the parts more fleshy and full ;
as we see both in men, and in currying of horses, &c.
The cause is, for that they draw greater quantity of
spirits and blood to the parts : and again, because they
draw the aliment more forcibly from within : and
again, because they relax the pores, and so make
better passage for the spirits, blood, and aliment :
lastly, because they dissipate and digest any inutile
or excrementitious moisture which lieth in the flesh ;
all which help assimilation. Frictions also do more
fill and impinguate the body, than exercise. The
cause is, for that in frictions the inward parts are at

1 Arist. Prob. xxxi. 13. Hippocrates asserts the contrary.

2 See Arist. Prob. xxxvii. 3. and 6.

106 NATURAL HISTORY.

rest ; which in exercise are beaten (many times) too
much : and for the same reason (as we have noted
heretofore) galley-slaves are fat and fleshy, because
they stir the limbs more, and the inward parts less.

Experiment solitary touching globes appearing flat at
distance.

878. All globes afar off appear flat.1 The cause is,
for that distance, being a secondary object of sight, is
not otherwise discerned than by more or less light :
which disparity when it cannot be discerned, all seem-
eth one : as it is (generally) in objects not distinctly
discerned ; for so letters, if they be so far off as they
cannot be discerned, shew but as a duskish paper ; and
all engravings and embossings (afar off) appear plain.

Experiment solitary touching shadows.

879. The utmost parts of shadows seem ever to
tremble.2 The cause is, for that the little motes
which we see in the sun do ever stir, though there be

' O

no wind ; and therefore those moving, in the meet
ing of the light and the shadow, from the light to the
shadow, and from the shadow to the light, do shew
the shadow to move, because the medium moveth.

Experiment solitary touching the rolling and breaking
of the seas.

880. Shallow and narrow seas break more than deep

1 Aristotle (Prob. xvi. 7.) remarks this in the case of the sun and moon
That a luminous globe appears uniformly bright, shows that the intensity
with which light radiates varies as the sine of the angle its direction makes
with a normal to the radiating surface. Were this not the case, the bright
ness would increase indefinitely from the centre towards the circumference.

2 Arist. Prob. xvi. 12.

CENTURY IX. 107

and large.1 The cause is, for that, the impulsion be
ing the same in both, where there is greater quantity
of water, and likewise space enough, there the water
rolleth and moveth, both more slowly and with a sloper
rise and fall : but where there is less water, and less
space, and the water dasheth more against the bottom,
there it moveth more swiftly, and more in precipice;
for in the breaking of the waves there is ever a
precipice.

Experiment solitary touching the dulcoration of salt
water.

881. It hath been observed by the ancients that salt
water boiled, or boiled and cooled again, is more po
table than of itself raw : and yet the taste of salt in
distillations by fire riseth not ; for the distilled water
will be fresh. The cause may be, for that the salt part
of the water doth partly rise into a kind of scum, on
the top, and partly goeth into a sediment in the bot
tom ; and so is rather a separation than an evaporation.
But it is too gross to rise into a vapour : and so is a
bitter taste likewise ; for simple distilled waters, of
wormwood and the like, are not bitter.

Experiment solitary touching the return of saltness in
pits upon the sea-shore.

882. It hath been set down before, that pits upon
the sea-shore turn into fresh water, by percolation of
the salt through the sand : but it is further noted by
some of the ancients that in some places of Africk,

1 Arist. Prob. xxiii. 1. And see the eighteenth, twentieth, and twenty-
first problems of the same section for the statements in the next three
oaragraphs.

108 NATURAL HISTORY.

after a time, the water in euch pits will become brack
ish again. The cause is, for that after a time the very
sands through which the salt water passeth become
salt ; and so the strainer itself is tincted with salt.
The remedy therefore is, to dig still new pits, when
the old wax brackish ; as if you would change your
strainer.

Experiment solitary touching attraction ty similitude of
substance.

883. It hath been observed by the ancients that salt
water will dissolve salt put into it, in less time than
fresh water will dissolve it. The cause may be, for
that the salt in the precedent water doth, by similitude
of substance, draw the salt new put in unto it ; where
by it diffuseth in the liquor more speedily. This is a
noble experiment, if it be true ; for it sheweth means
of more quick and easy infusions ; and it is likewise a
good instance of attraction by similitude of substance.
Try it with sugar put into water formerly sugared,
and into other water unsugared.

~

Experiment solitary touching attraction.

884. Put sugar into wine, part of it above, part
under the wine ; and you shall find (that which may
seem strange) the sugar above the wine will soften
and dissolve sooner than that within the wine. The
cause is, for that the wine entereth that part of the
sugar which is under the wine by simple infusion or
spreading ; but that part above the wine is likewise
forced by sucking ; for all spungy bodies expel the
air and draw in liquor, if it be contiguous : as we
see it also in spunges put part above the water. It

CENTURY IX. 100

is worthy the inquiry, to see how you may make more
accurate infusions by help of attraction.

Experiment solitary touching heat under earth.

885. \\rater in wells is warmer in winter than in
summer ; and so air in caves. The cause is, for that
in the hither parts, under the earth, there is a degree
of some heat (as app'eareth in sulphureous veins, &c.) ;
which shut close in (as in winter) is the more ; but if
it perspire (as it doth in summer), it is the less.

Experiment solitary touching flying in the air.

886. It is reported that amongst the Leucadians, in
ancient time, upon a superstition, they did use to pre
cipitate a man from a high cliff into the sea ; tying
about him with strings, at some distance, many great
fowls ; and fixing unto his body divers feathers, spread,
to break the fall.1 Certainly many birds of good wing
(as kites, and the like,) would bear up a good weight
as they fly ; and spreading of feathers thin, and close
and in great breadth, will likewise bear up a great
weight ; being even laid, without tilting upon the
sides. The further extension of this experiment for
flying may be thought upon.

Experiment solitary touching the dye of scarlet.

887. There is in some places, (namely in Cepbalo-
nia) a little shrub which they call holy-oak, or dwarf-
oak ; upon the leaves whereof there riseth a tumour
like a blister ; which they gather, and rub out of it a
certain red dust, that converteth (after a while) into

1 This story is mentioned by Sandys, p. 4,

110 NATURAL. HISTORY.

worms, which they kill with wine, (as is reported,)
when they begin to quicken : with this dust they
dye scarlet.1

Experiment solitary touching maleficiating.

888. In Zant it is very ordinary to make men impo
tent to accompany with their wives. . The like is prac
tised in Gascony ; where it is called nouer Veguillette.
It is practised always upon the wedding-day. And in
Zant the mothers themselves do it, by way of preven
tion ; because thereby they hinder other charms, and
can undo their own.2 It is a thing the civil law taketh
knowledge of; and therefore is of no light regard.

Experiment solitary touching the rise of water by means
of flame.

889. It is a common experiment, but the cause is
mistaken. Take a pot, (or better a glass, because
therein you may see the motion,) and set a candle
lighted in the bottom of a bason of water ; and turn
the mouth of the pot or glass over the candle ; and it
will make the water rise. They ascribe it to the draw
ing of heat ; which is not true : for it appeareth plainly
to be but a motion of neze, which they call ne detur
vacuum ; and it proceedeth thus. The flame of the
candle, as soon as it is covered, being suffocated by the
close air, lesseneth by little and little : during which
time there is some little ascent of water, but not much :
for the flame occupying less and less room, as it lessen
eth, the water succeedeth. But upon the instant of
the candle's going out, there is a sudden rise of a great
deal of water: for that the body of the flame filleth no

1 Sandys, ubi supra. 2 Id. p. 6.

CENTURY IX. HI

more place, and so the air and the water succeed. It
worketh the same effect, if instead of water you put
flour or sand into the bason : which sheweth that it is
not the flame's drawing the liquor, as nourishment ; as
it is supposed ; for all bodies are alike unto it ; as it is
ever in motion of nexe ; insomuch as I have seen the
glass, being held by the hand, hath lifted up the bason
and all ; the motion of nexe did so clasp the bottom
of the bason. That experiment, when the bason was
lifted up, was made with oil, and not with water : nev
ertheless this is true, that at the very first setting of
the mouth of the glass upon the bottom of the bason,
it draweth up the water a little, and then standeth at a
stay, almost till the candle's going out, as was said.
This may shew some attraction at first : but of this we
will speak more, when we handle attractions by heat.

Experiments in consort touching the influences of the
moon.

Of the power of the celestial bodies, and what
more secret influences they have besides the two
manifest influences of heat and light, we shall speak
when we handle experiments touching- the celestial
bodies : meanwhile we will give some directions for
more certain trials of the virtue and influences of
the moon ; which is our nearest neighbour.

The influences of the moon (most observedj are
four. The drawing forth of heat ; the inducing
of putrefaction ; the increase of moisture ; the ex
citing of the motions of spirits.

890. For the drawing forth of heat, we have for-

112 NATURAL HISTORY.

merly prescribed to take water warm, and to set part
of it against the moon-beams, and part of it with a
screen between ; and to see whether that which stand-
eth exposed to the beams will not cool sooner. But
because this is but a small interposition, (though in the
sun we see a small shade doth much,) it were good to
try it when the moon shineth, and when the moon
shineth not at all ; and with water warm in a glass
bottle, as well as in a dish ; and with cinders ; and
with iron red-hot, &c.

891. For the inducing of putrefaction, it were good
to try it with flesh or fish exposed to the moon-beams,
and again exposed to the air when the moon shineth
not, for the like time ; to see whether will corrupt
sooner : and try, it also with capon, or some other fowl,
laid abroad, to see whether it will mortify and become
tender sooner ; try it also with dead flies, or dead
worms, having a little water cast upon them, to see
whether will putrefy sooner. Try it also with an
apple or orange, having holes made in their tops, to
see whether will rot or mould sooner. Try it also
with Holland cheese, having wine put into it, whether
will breed mites sooner or greater.

892. For the increase of moisture, the opinion, re
ceived is that seeds will grow soonest ; and hair, and
nails, and hedges, and herbs cut, &c., will grow
soonest ; if they be set or cut in the increase of the
moon. Also that brains in rabbits, woodcocks, calves,
&c., are fullest in the full of the moon : and so of
marrow in the bones ; and so of oysters and cockles,
which of all the rest are the easiest tried, if you have
them in pits.

893. Take some seeds, or roots, (as onions, &c.)

CENTURY IX. 113

and set some of them immediately after the change ;
and others of the same kind immediately after the full :
let them be as like as can be ; the earth also the same
as near as may be ; and therefore best in pots : let the
pots also stand where no rain or sun may come to
them, lest the difference of the weather confound the
experiment : and then see in what time the seeds set
in the increase of the moon come to a certain height ;
and how they differ from those that are set in the
decrease of the moon.

894. It is like that the brain of man waxeth moister
and fuller upon the full of the moon ; and therefore it
were good for those that have moist brains, and are
great drinkers, to take fume of lignum aloes, rosemary,
frankincense, &c., about the full of the moon. It is
like also, that the humours in men's bodies increase
and decrease as the moon doth ; and therefore, it were
good to purge some day or two after the full ; for that
then the humours will not replenish so soon again.

895. As for the exciting of the motion of the spirits,
you must note that the growth of hedges, herbs, hair,
&c. is caused from the moon, by exciting of the spirits
as well as by increase of the moisture. But for spirits
in particular, the great instance is in lunacies.

896. There may be other secret effects of the influ
ence of the moon, which are not yet brought into ob
servation. It may be, that if it so fall out that the
wind be north, or north-east, in the full of the moon,
it increaseth cold ; and if south, or south-west, it dis-
poseth the air for a good while to warmth and rain ;
which would be observed.

897. It may be, that children and young cattle that
are brought forth in the full of the moon, are stronger

114 NATURAL HISTORY.

and larger than those that are brought forth in the
wane ; and those also which are begotten in the full
of the moon : so that it might be good husbandry to
put rams and bulls to their female somewhat before the
full of the moon. It may be also, that the eggs laid in
the full of the moon breed the better bird ; and a num
ber of the like effects which may be brought into ob
servation. Queer e. also, whether great thunders and
earthquakes be not most in the full of the moon.

Experiment solitary touching vinegar.

898. The turning of wine to vinegar is a kind of
putrefaction : and in making of vinegar, they use to
set vessels of wine over against the noon-sun ; which
calleth out the more oily spirits, and leaveth the liquor
more sour and hard. We see also, that burnt wine is
more hard and astringent than wine unburnt. It is
said that cider, in navigations under the line, ripen-
eth, when wine or beer soureth. It were good to set
a rundlet of verjuice over against the sun in summer,
as they do vinegar, to see whether it will ripen and
sweeten.

Experiment solitary touching creatures that sleep all
winter.

899. There be divers creatures that sleep all win
ter ; as the bear, the hedge-hog, the bat, the bee, &c.
These all wax fat when they sleep, and egest not.
The cause of their fattening during their sleeping time,
may be the want of assimilating ; for whatsoever as-
similateth not to flesh, turneth either to sweat or fat.
These creatures, for part of their sleeping time, have
been observed not to stir at all ; and for the other part,

CENTURY IX. 115

to stir, but not to remove. And they get warm and
close places to sleep in. When the Flemings wintered
in Nova Zembla,1 the bears about the middle of No
vember went to sleep ; and then the foxes began to
come forth, which durst not before. It is noted by
some of the ancients, that the she-bear breedeth, and
lieth in with her young, during that time of rest ; and
that a bear big with young hath seldom been seen.2

Experiment solitary touching the generating of creatures
by emulation and by putrefaction.

900. Some living creatures are procreated by copu
lation between male and female ; some by putrefac
tion : and of those which come by putrefaction, many
do (nevertheless) afterwards procreate by copulation.
For the cause of both generations : first, it is most cer
tain that the cause of all vivification is a gentle and
proportionable heat, working upon a glutinous and
yielding substance : for the heat doth bring forth spirit
in that substance ; and the substance being glutinous
produceth two effects ; the one, that the spirit is de
tained, and cannot break forth ; the other, that the
matter being gentle and yielding, is driven forwards
by the motion of the spirits, after some swelling, into
shape and members. Therefore all sperm, all men-
struons substance, all matter whereof creatures are
produced by putrefaction, have evermore a closeness,
lentonr, and sequacity. It seemeth therefore, that the
generation by sperm only, and by putrefaction, have

1 In 1596-97. The bears disappeared after sunset, but there was no
other reason for supposing that they became dormant.

2 Arist. Hist. Animal, vi. 30., and viii. 17.

116 NATURAL HISTORY.

two different causes. The first is, for that creatures
which have a definite and exact shape (as those have
which are procreated by copulation,) cannot be pro
duced by a weak and casual heat ; nor out of matter
which is not exactly prepared according to the species.
The second is, for that there is a greater time required
for maturation of perfect creatures : for if the time re
quired in vivification be of any length, then the spirit
will exhale before the creature be mature ; except it be
enclosed in a place where it may have continuance of
the heat, access of some nourishment to maintain it,
and closeness that may keep it from exhaling : and
such places are the wombs and matrices of the.fe-'
males.1 And therefore all creatures made of putrefac
tion are of more uncertain shape ; and are made in
shorter time ; and need not so perfect an inclosure,
though some closeness be commonly required. As for
the Heathen opinion, which was, that upon great mu
tations of the world, perfect creatures were first engen
dered of concretion ; as well as frogs, and worms, and
flies, and such like, are now ; 2 we know it to be vain :
but if any such thing should be admitted, discoursing
according to sense, it cannot be, except you admit a
chaos first, and commixture of heaven and earth. For
the frame of the world, once in order, cannot effect it
by any excess or casualty.

1 Compare Telesius, De Rerum Natura, vi.
a Plut. De Placitis Philos. v. 19.

NATURAL HISTORY.

CENTURY X.

Experiments in consort touching transmission and influx
of immateriate virtues, and the force of imagination.

THE philosophy of Pythagoras (which was full
of superstition) did first plant a monstrous imagina
tion ; which afterwards was, by the school of Plato
and others, watered and nourished. It was, that
the world was one entire perfect living creature;
insomuch as Apollonius of Tyana, a Pythagorean
prophet, affirmed that the ebbing and flowing of the
sea was the respiration of the world, drawing in
water as breath, and putting it forth again.1 They
went on and inferred, that if the world were a living
creature, it had a soul and spirit ; which also they
held, calling it spiritus mundi, the spirit or soul of
the world : by which they did not intend God (for
they did admit of a deity besides), but only the soul
or essential form of the universe. This foundation
being laid, they might build upon it what they

1 Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. v. 1.

118 NATURAL HISTORY.

would; for in a living creature, though never so
great, (as for example, in a great whale,) the sense
and the affects of any one part of the body instantly
make a transcursion throughout the whole body : so
that by this they did insinuate, that no distance of
place, nor want or indisposition of matter, could
hinder magical operations ; but that (for example)
we might here in Europe have sense and feeling of
that which was done in China; and likewise we
might work any effect without and against matter ;
and this not holpen by the co-operation of angels or
spirits, but only by the unity and harmony of nat
ure. There were some also that stayed not here ;
but went further, and held that if the spirit of man
(whom they call the microcosm) do give a fit touch
to the spirit of the world by strong imaginations
and beliefs, it might command nature; for Para
celsus, and some darksome authors of magic, do
ascribe to imagination exalted, the power of miracle-
working faith. With these vast and bottomless
follies men have been (in part) entertained.

But we, that hold firm to the works of God, and
to the sense, which is God's lamp, (lucerna Dei
spiraculum hominis,) will inquire with all sobriety
and severity, whether there be to be found in the
footsteps of nature any such transmission and influx
of immateriate virtues ; and what the force of im
agination is, either upon the body imaginant or upon
another body ; wherein it will be like that labour of

CENTURY X. 119

Hercules in purging- the stable of Augeas, to sepa
rate from superstitious and magical arts and obser
vations, any thing that is clean and pure natural, and
not to be either contemned or condemned. And
although we shall have occasion to speak of this in
more places than one, yet we will now make some
entrance thereinto.

Experiments in consort, monitory, touching transmission
of spirits and the force of imagination.

901. Men are to be admonished that they do not
withdraw credit from the operations by transmission of
spirits and force of imagination, because the effects fail
sometimes. For as in infection and contagion from
body to body (as the plague and the like) it is most
certain that the infection is received (many times) by
the body passive, but yet is by the strength and good
disposition thereof repulsed and wrought out, before it
be formed into a disease ; so much more in impressions
from mind to mind, or from spirit to spirit, the impres
sion taketh, but is encountered and overcome by the
mind and spirit, which is passive, before it work any
manifest effect. And therefore they work most upon
weak minds and spirits ; as those of women, sick per
sons, superstitious and fearful persons, children and
young creatures.

Nescio quis teneros oculus mihi fascinat agnos.1

The poet speaketh not of sheep, but of lambs. As for
the weakness of the power of them upon kings and
magistrates, it may be ascribed (besides the main,

l Virg. Eclog. iii. 103.

120 NATURAL HISTORY.

which is the protection of God over those that execute
Ins place) to the weakness of the imagination of the
imaginant: for it is hard for a witch or a sorcerer to
put on a helief that they can hurt such persons.

902. Men are to be admonished, on the other side,
that they do not easily give place and credit to these
operations, because they succeed many times. For the
cause of this success is oft to be truly ascribed unto the
force of affection and imagination upon the body agent ;
and then by a secondary means it may work upon a
divers body : as for example, if a man carry a planet's
seal, or a ring, or some part of a beast, believing
strongly that it will help him to obtain his love, or to
keep him from danger of hurt in fight, or to prevail in
a suit, &c., it may make him more active and indus
trious, and again more confident and persisting, than
otherwise he would be. Now the great effects that
may come of industry and perseverance (especially in
civil business) who knoweth not ? For we see auda
city doth almost bind and mate the weaker sort of
minds ; and the state of human actions is so variable,
that to try things oft, and never to give over, doth
wonders : therefore it were a mere fallacy and mis
taking to ascribe that to the force of imagination upon
another body, which is but the force of imagination
upon the proper body ; for there is no doubt but that
imagination and vehement affection work greatly upon
the body of the imaginant ; as we shall shew in due
place.

903. Men are to be admonished that, as they are
not to mistake the causes of these operations, so much
less they are to mistake the fact or effect ; and rashly
to take that for done which is not done. And there-

CENTUEY X. 121

fore, as divers wise judges have prescribed ami cau
tioned, men may not too rashly believe the confessions
of witches, nor yet the evidence against them. For the
witches themselves are imaginative, and believe oft-
times they do that which they do not : and people are
credulous in that point, and ready to impute accidents
and natural operations to witchcraft. It is worthy the
observing, that both in ancient and late times (as in
the Thessalian witches, and the meetings of witches
that have been recorded by so many late confessions)
the great wonders which they tell, of carrying in the
air, transforming themselves into other bodies, &c., are
still reported to be wrought, not by incantations or
ceremonies, but by ointments, and anointing themselves
all over. This may justly move a man to think that
these fables are the effects of imagination : for it is cer
tain that ointments do all (if they be laid on any thino-
thick) by stopping of the pores, shut in the vapours,
and send them to the head extremely. And for the
particular ingredients of those magical ointments, it is
like they are opiate and soporiferous. For anointing
of the forehead, neck, feet, back-bone, we know is used
for procuring dead sleeps : and if any man say that this
effect would be better done by inward potions ; answer
may be made, that the medicines which go to the oint
ments are so strong, that if they were used inwards
they would kill those that use them : and therefore
they work potently, though outwards.

We will divide the several kinds of the opera
tions by transmission of spirits and imagination;
which will give no small light to the experiments
that follow. All operations by transmission of

122 NATURAL HISTORY.

spirits and imagination, have this ; that they work
at distance, and not at touch ; and they are these,
being distinguished.

904. The first is the transmission or emission of the
thinner and more airy parts of bodies ; as in odours and
infections ; and this is, of all the rest, the most corpo
real. But you must remember withal, that there be a
number of those emissions, both wholesome and un
wholesome, that give no smell at all : for the plague,
many times, when it is taken, giveth no scent at all :
and there be many good and healthful airs, that do ap
pear by habitation and other proofs, that differ not in
smell from otKer airs. And under this head you may
place all imbibitions of air, where the substance is mate
rial, odour-like ; whereof some nevertheless are strange,
and very suddenly diffused ; as the alteration which the
air receiveth in Egypt, almost immediately, upon the
rising of the river of Nilus, whereof we have spoken.

905. The second is the transmission or emission of
those things that we call spiritual species: as visibles
and sounds ; the one whereof we have handled, and the
other we shall handle in due place. These move swiftly,
and at great distance ; but then they require a medium
well disposed, and their transmission is easily stopped.

906. The third is the emissions which cause attrac
tion of certain bodies at distance ; wherein though the
loadstone be commonly placed in the first rank, yet we
think good to except it, and refer it to another head :
but the drawing of amber and jet, and other electric
bodies ; and the attraction in gold of the spirit of
quicksilver, at distance ; and the attraction of heat at
distance ; and that of fire to naphtha ; and that of some

CENTURY X. 123

herbs to water, though at distance ; and divers others ;
we shall handle, but yet not under this present title,
but under the title of attraction in general.

907. The fourth is the emission of spirits, and im-
materiate powers and virtues, in those things which
work by the universal configuration and sympathy of
the world ; not by forms, or celestial influxes (as is
vainly taught and received), but by the primitive
nature of matter, and the seeds of things. Of this
kind is (as we yet suppose) the working of the load
stone, which is by consent with the globe of the earth :
of this kind is the motion of gravity, which is by con
sent of dense bodies with the globe of the earth : of
this kind is some disposition of bodies to rotation, and
particularly from east to west : of which kind we con
ceive the main float and refloat of the sea is, which is
by consent of. the universe, as part of the diurnal mo
tion. These immateriate virtues have this property
differing from others ; that the diversity of the medium
hindereth them not ; but they pass through all medi
ums ; yet at determinate distances. And of these we
shall speak, as they are incident to several titles.

908. The fifth is the emissions of spirits ; and this
is the principal in our intention to handle now in this
place ; namely, the operation of the spirits of the mind
uf man upon other spirits : and this is of a double nat
ure; the operations of the affections, if they be vehe
ment; and the operation of the imagination, if it bo
strong. But these two are so coupled, as we shall
handle them together : for when an envious or amorous
aspect doth infect the spirits of another, there is joined
both affection and imagination.

909. The sixth is the influxes of the heavenlv bodies,

124 NATURAL HISTORY.

besides those two manifest ones, of heat and light. But

7 O

these we will handle, where we handle the celestial
bodies and motions.

910.1 The seventh is the operations of sympathy ;
which the writers of natural magic have brought into
an art or precept : and it is this ; that if you desire to
super-induce any virtue or disposition upon a person,
yon should take the living creature in which that vir
tue is most eminent and in perfection : of that creature
you must take the parts wherein that virtue chiefly is
collocate : again, you must take those parts in the time
and act when that virtue is most in exercise : and then
you must apply it to that part of man wherein that
virtue chiefly consisteth. As if you would super
induce courage and fortitude, take a lion or a cock :
and take the heart, tooth, or paw of the lion ; or the
heart or spur of the cock : take those parts immediately
after the lion or the cock have been in fight : and let

O

them be worn on a man's heart or wrist. Of these
and such like sympathies, we shall speak under this
present title.

911. The eighth and last is an emission of immate-
riate virtues ; such as we are a little doubtful to pro
pound, it is so prodigious, but that it is so constantly-
avouched by many : and we have set it down as a law
to ourselves, to examine things to the bottom ; and not
to receive upon credit, or reject upon improbabilities,
until there hath passed a due examination. This is,
the sympathy of individuals ; for as there is a sym
pathy of species, so (it may be) there is a sympathy
of individuals : that is, that in things, or the parts
of things, that have been once contiguous or entire,

1 Compare Porta, Nat. Mag. i. 12.

GEM TORY X. 125

there should remain a transmission of virtue from
the one to the other : as between the weapon and the
wound. Whereupon is blazed abroad the operation of
unguentum teli : and so of a piece of lard, or stick of
elder, &c., that if part of it be consumed or putrefied, it
will work upon the other part severed. Now we will
pursue the instances themselves.

.Experiments in consort touching emission of spirits in
vapour or exhalation, odour-like.

912. The plague is many times taken without mani
fest sense, as hath been said. And they report that,
where it is found, it hath a scent of the smell of a mel
low apple ; and (as some say) of May-flowers : and it
is also received that smells of flowers that are mellow
and luscious, are ill for the plague ; as white lilies,
cowslips, and hyacinths.

913. The plague is not easily received by such as
continually are about them that have the plague ; as
keepers of the sick, and physicians : nor again by
such as take antidotes, either inward, (as mithridate ;
juniper-berries ; rue, leaf and seed, &c.,) or outward,
(as angelica, zedoary, and the like, in the mouth ; tar,
galbanum, and the like, in perfume) ; nor again by old
people, and such as are of a dry and cold complexion.
On the other side, the plague taketh soonest hold of
those that come out of a fresh air, and of those that are
tasting, and of children ; and it is likewise noted to go
in a blood, more than to a stranger.

914. The most pernicious infection, next the plague,
is the smell of the jail, when prisoners have been long
and close and nastily kept ; whereof we have had in
our time experience twice or thrice ; when both the

126 NATURAL HISTORY.

judges that sat upon the jail, and numbers of those
that attended the business or were present, sickened
upon it, and died. Therefore it were good wisdom,
that in such cases the jail were aired before they be
brought forth.1

915. Out of question, if such foul smells be made by
art and by the hand, they consist chiefly of man's flesh
or sweat putrefied ; for they are not those stinks which
the nostrils straight abhor and expel, that are most per
nicious ; but such airs as have some similitude with
man's body ; and so insinuate themselves, and betray
the spirits. There may be great danger in using such
compositions, in great meetings of people within houses ;
as in churches, at arraignments, at plays and solemni
ties, and the like : for poisoning of air is no less dan
gerous than poisoning of water, which hath been used
by the Turks in the wars, and was used by Emmanuel
Comnenus towards the Christians, when they passed
through his country to the Holy Land.2 And these
ernpoisonments of air are the more dangerous in meet
ings of people, because the much breath of people doth
further the reception of the infection ; and therefore,
where any such thing is feared, it were good those
public places were perfumed, before the assemblies.

916. The empoisonment of particular persons by
odours, hath been reported to be in perfumed gloves,
or the like : and it is like they mingle the poison that

1 A memorable instance of what Bacon here mentions took place in 1750,
in consequence of a neglected state of Newgate.

2 I have not been able to find any authority for this statement. All the
original historians of the second Crusade speak of the treachery of Com
nenus, but no one charges him with having poisoned the wells. Nicetas
affirms that in order to poison the Crusaders, lime was put into the flour
with which they were supplied. He does not, however, assert that this was
done by the emperor's direction.

CENTURY X. 127

is deadly, with some smells that are sweet, which also
maketh it the sooner received. Plagues also have been
raised by anointings of the chinks of doors, and the
like ; l not so much by the touch, as for that it is com
mon for men, when they find any thing wet upon their
fingers, to put them to their nose ; which men there
fore should take heed how they do. The best is, that
these compositions of infectious airs cannot be made
without danger of death to them that make them.
But then again, they may have some antidotes to
save themselves ; so that men ought not to be secure
of it.

917. There have been in divers countries great
plagues, by the putrefaction of great swarms of grass
hoppers and locusts, when they have been dead and
cast upon heaps.

918. It happeneth oft in mines, that there are damps
which kill, either by suffocation, or by the poisonous
nature of the mineral : and those that deal much in
refining, or other works about metals and minerals,
have their brains hurt and stupefied by the metalline
vapours. Amongst which it is noted that the spirits
of quicksilver either fly to the skull, teeth, or bones ;
insomuch as gilders use to have a piece of gold in
their mouth, to draw the spirits of quicksilver ; which
gold afterwards they find to be whitened. There are
also certain lakes and pits, such as that of Avernus,

1 See on this subject Manzoni's Storia delln Colonna wfame. In 1630
many persons at Milan were tortured and put to death in consequence of a
popular belief that the plague, which raged in that year, had been raised
in the manner mentioned in the text. For an earlier instance of the same
belief, see Wierus De Prtestiyiis Dceinonum. It seems to be of recent ori
gin, as, although the Jews were charged with producing the great plague
of the fourteenth century, I have not met with any mention of their having
been supposed to do so by poisonous anointings.

128 NATURAL HISTORY.

that poison birds (as is said) which fly over them or
men that stay too long about them.

919. The vapour of charcoal, or sea-coal, in a close
room, hath killed many ; and it is the more dangerous,
because it cometh without any ill smell, but stealeth
on by little and little, inducing only a faintness, -with
out any manifest strangling. When the Dutchmen
wintered at Nova Zembla, and that they could gather
no more sticks, they fell to make fire of some sea-
coal they had, wherewith (at first) they were much
refreshed ; but a little after they had sat * about the
fire, there grew a general silence and lothness to
speak amongst them ; and immediately after, one of
the weakest of the company fell down in a swoon ;
whereupon they doubting what it was, opened their
door to let in air, and so saved themselves. The effect
(no doubt) is wrought by the inspissation of the air ;
and so of the breath and spirits. The like ensueth in
rooms newly plastered, if a fire be made in them ;
whereof no less man than the Emperor Jovinianus
died.2

920. Vide the experiment 803.. touching the infec
tious nature of the air, upon the first showers after
long drought.

921. It hath come to pass that some apothecaries,
upon stamping of coloquintida, have been put into a
great scouring by the vapour only.

922. It hath been a practice to burn a pepper they

1 Sit in the original. — J. S.

2 Ammianus Marcellinus mentions three causes which had been assigned
for the death of Jovianus, whom Bacon calls Jovinianus, — one being a tu
mour in the head arising from exposure to a large fire. It does not seem
therefore that he was suffocated. (Ammianus Marcel, xxv. sub fin.) I
may remark that there appears to be no good foundation for the common
anecdote that Philip the Third of Spain died from a similar cause.

CENTURY X. 129

call Ginny-pepper ; l which hath such a strong spirit,
that it provoketh a continual sneezing in those that are
in the room.

923. It is an ancient tradition that blear-eyes infect
sound eyes ; and that a menstruous woman looking
upon a glass, doth rust it:2 nay, they have an opin
ion which seemeth fabulous ; that menstruous women
going over a field or garden, do corn and herbs good
by killing the worms.3

924. The tradition is no less ancient, that the bas
ilisk killeth by aspect ; and that the wolf, if he see a
man first, by aspect striketh a man hoarse.4

925. Perfumes convenient do dry and strengthen
the brain, and stay rheums and defluxions ; as we find
in fume of rosemary dried, and lignum aloes, and cala
mus, taken at the mouth and nostrils: and no doubt
there be other perfumes that do moisten and refresh,
and are fit to be used in burning agues, consump
tions, and too much wakefulness : such as are rose-
water, vinegar, lemon-pills, violets, the leaves of vines
sprinkled with a little rose-water, &c.

926. They do use in sudden faintings and swoonings
to put a handkerchief with rose-water, or a little vine
gar, to the nose ; which gathereth together again the
spirits, which are upon point to resolve and fall away.

927. Tobacco comforteth the spirits, and dischargeth
weariness; which it worketh partly by opening; but
chiefly by the opiate virtue, which condenseth the spir
its. It were good therefore to try the taking of fumes
by pipes (as they do in tobacco) of other things ; as

1 Guiana pepper, i. e. red pepper? Guinea pigs ought, it is said, to be
called Guiana pigs. They are natives, not of Africa, but of America.

2 Arist. Prob. vii. 4., and De Insomniis, 2.

8 Pliny, xxviii. 23. * Ib- viii. 33. and 34.

VOL. v. 9

130 NATUEAL HISTORY.

well to dry and comfort, as for other intentions. I
wish trial be made of the drying fume of rosemary,
and lignum aloes, before-mentioned, in pipe ; and so of
nutmeg, and folium indum, &c.

928. The following of the plough hath been ap
proved for refreshing the spirits and procuring appe
tite ; l but to do it in the ploughing for wheat or rye, is
not so good; because the earth hath spent her sweet
breath in vegetables put forth in summer. It is better
therefore to do it when you sow barley. But because
ploughing is tied to seasons, it is best to take the air of
the earth new turned up, by digging with the spade, or
standing by him that diggeth. Gentlewomen may do
themselves much good by kneeling upon a cushion and
weeding. And these things you may practise in the
best seasons ; which is ever the early spring, before the
earth putteth forth the vegetables ; and in the sweetest
earth you can choose. It would be done also when the
dew is a little off the ground, lest the vapour be too
moist. I knew a great man that lived long, who had a
clean clod of earth brought to him every morning as
he sate in his bed : and he would hold his head over it
a good pretty while. I commend also, sometimes, in
digging of new earth, to pour in some Malmsey or
Greek 2 wine ; that the vapour of the earth and wine
together may comfort the spirits the more; provided
always it be not taken for a heathen sacrifice, or liba
tion to the earth.

1 It is difficult to say to what the good effect, if it exists, is to be ascribed ;
as the air contained in the interstices of vegetable mould contains much
more than the usual proportion of carbonic acid gas, and a smaller propor
tion of oxygen.

2 The name Malmsey has been given to wine grown in various places,
but the original Malmsey came from Malvisia in the Morea. Malmsey is
of course a corruption from Malvisia.

CENTURY X. 131

929. They have, in physic, use of pomanders, and
knots of powders, for drying of rheums, comforting of
the heart, provoking of sleep, &c. For though those
things be not so strong as perfumes, yet you may have
them continually in your hand ; whereas perfumes you
can take but at times ; and besides, there be divers
things that breathe better of themselves, than when
they come to the fire ; as nigella romana, the seed of
melanthium, amomum, &c.

930. There be two things which (inwardly used) do
cool and condense the spirits ; and I wish the same
to be tried outwardly in vapours. The one is nitre,
which I would have dissolved in Malmsey, or Greek
wine, and so the smell of the wine taken ; or if you
would have it more forcible, pour of it upon a fire-pan,
well heated, as they do rose-water and vinegar. The
other is the distilled water of wild poppy, which I wish
to be mingled, at half, with rose-water, and so taken
with some mixture of a few cloves in a perfuming-pan.
The like would be done with the distilled water of saf
fron flowers.

931. Smells of musk, and amber, and civet, are
thought to further venereous appetite ; which they
may do by the refreshing and calling forth of the
spirits.

932. Incense and nidorous smells (such as were of
sacrifices) were thought to- intoxicate the brain, and to
dispose men to devotion : which they may do by a kind
of sadness, and contristation of the spirits ; and partly
also by heating and exalting them. We see that
amongst the Jews the principal perfume of the sanct
uary was forbidden all common uses.1

1 Exodus, xxx. 37.

132 NATURAL HISTORY.

933. There be some perfumes prescribed by the
writers of natural magic, which procure pleasant
dreams; and some others (as they say) that procure
prophetical dreams ; as the seeds of flax, fleawort,
&c.

934. It is certain that odours do, in a small degree,
nourish ; especially the odour of wine : and we see
men a hungered do love to smell hot bread. It is
related that Democritus, when he lay a dying, heard a
woman in the house complain that she should be kept
from being at a feast and solemnity, (which she much
desired to see,) because there would be a corpse in the
house ; whereupon he caused loaves of new bread to be
sent for, and opened them, and poured a little wine into
them ; and so kept himself alive with the odour of them,
till the feast was past.1 I knew a gentleman that would
fast (sometimes) three or four, yea five days, without
meat, bread, or drink ; but the same man used to have
continually a great wisp of herbs that he smelled on :
and amongst those herbs, some esculent herbs of strong
scent; as onions, garlic, leeks, and the like.

935. They do use, for the accident of the mother,2
to burn feathers and other things of ill odour ; and
by those ill smells the rising of the mother is put
down.

936. There be airs which the physicians advise
their patients to remove unto, in consumptions or upon
recovery of long sicknesses : which (commonly) aro
plain champaigns, but grazing, and not overgrown

1 See for this story Diogenes Laertius, ix. 343.

2 Id est, hysteria. The use of the word mother in this sense appears to
have arisen from a mistranslation of the Italian or Spanish madre. which
represents the Latin matrix, as well as mater. Mother of pearl has prob
ably a similar origin.

CENTURY X. 133

with heath or the like ; or else timber-shades, as in
forests and the like. It is noted also, that groves *
of bays do forbid pestilent airs ; which was account
ed a great cause of the wholesome air of Antiochia.
There be also some soils that put forth odorate herbs
of themselves ; as wild thyme, wild marjoram, penny
royal, camomile ; and in which the briar-roses smell
almost like musk-roses ; which no doubt are signs
that do discover an excellent air.

937. It were good for men to think of having
healthful air in their houses; which will never be if
the rooms be low-roofed, or full of windows and doors ;
for the one maketh the air close, and not fresh ; and
the other maketh it exceeding unequal ; which is a
great enemy to health. The windows also should
not be high up to the roof, (which is in use for beauty
and magnificence,) but low. Also stone-walls are
not wholesome ; but timber is more wholesome ; and
especially brick. Nay, it hath been used by some
with great success to make their walls thick, and to
put a lay of chalk between the bricks, to take away
all dampishness.

Experiment solitary touching the emissions of spiritual
species which affect the senses.

938. These emissions (as we said before) are han
dled, and ought to be handled, by themselves under
their proper titles ; that is, visibles and audibles, each
apart: in this place it shall suffice to give some general
observations common to both. First, they seem to be
incorporeal. Secondly, they work swiftly. Thirdly,
they work at large distances. Fourthly, in curious
varieties. Fifthly, they are not effective of any thing,

134 NATURAL HISTORY.

nor leave no work behind them ; but are energies
merely: for their working upon mirrors, and places
of echo, doth not alter anything in those bodies : but
it is the same action with the original, only reper-
cussed. And as for the shaking of windows, or rare
fying the air by great noises ; and the heat caused by
burning-glasses ; they are rather concomitants of the
audible and visible species, than the effects of them.
Sixthly, they seem to be of so tender and weak a
nature, as they affect only such a rare and attenu
ate substance as is the spirit of living creatures.

Experiments in consort touching emission of immateriate
virtues from the minds and spirits of men, either by
affections, or by imaginations, or by other impressions. '

939. It is mentioned in some stories, that where
children have been exposed, or taken away young
from their parents, and that afterwards they have
approached to their parents' presence, the parents
(though they have not known them) have had a
secret joy or other alteration thereupon.

940. There was an Egyptian soothsayer, that made
Antonius believe that his genius (which otherwise was
brave and confident) was, in the presence of Octavia-
nus Cffisar, poor and cowardly : and therefore he ad
vised him to absent himself as much as he could, and
remove far from him. This soothsayer was thought to
be suborned by Cleopatra, to make him live in Egypt,
and other remote places from Rome.1 Howsoever the

xconceit of a predominant or mastering spirit of one
man over another is ancient, and received still, even
in vulgar opinion.

1 Plut. in Ant. p. 930.

CENTURY X. 135

941. There are conceits that some men, that are of
an ill and melancholy nature, do incline the company
into which they come to be sad and ill-disposed ; and
contrariwise, that others, that are of a jovial nature,
do dispose the company to be merry and cheerful.
And again, that some men are lucky to be kept com
pany with and employed ; and others unlucky. Cer
tainly it is agreeable to reason, that there are at the
least some light effluxions from spirit to spirit, when
men afe in presence one with another, as well as
from body to body.

942. It hath been observed that old men who have
loved young company and been conversant continually
with them, have been of long life ; their spirits (as it
seemeth) being recreated by such company. Such
were the ancient sophists and rhetoricians ; which
ever had young auditors and disciples ; as Gorgias,
Protagoras, Isocrates, &c., who lived till they were
an hundred years old. And so likewise did many
of the grammarians and school-masters ; such as was
Orbilius,1 &c.

943. Audacity and confidence doth, in civil busi
ness, so great effects, as a man may reasonably doubt
that, besides the very daring and earnestness and per
sisting and importunity, there should be some secret
binding and stooping of other men's spirits to such
persons.

944. The affections (no doubt) do make the spirits
more powerful and active ; and especially those affec
tions which draw the spirits into the eyes : which are
two: love, and envy, which is called oculus mains. As
for love, the Platonists (some of them) go so far as to

1 Sueton. De Illust. Grammat. c. 9.

136 NATURAL HISTORY.

hold that the spirit of the lover doth pass into the
spirits of the person loved ; 1 which causeth the de
sire of return into the body whence it was emitted :
whereupon followeth that appetite of contact and con
junction which is in lovers. And this is observed like
wise, that the aspects that procure love, are not gaz-
ings, but sudden glances and dartings of the eye. As
for envy, that emitteth some malign and poisonous
spirit, which taketh hold of the spirit of another ;
and is likewise of greatest force when the cast of the
eye is oblique. It hath been noted also, that it is most
dangerous when an envious eye is cast upon persons in
glory and triumph and joy : the reason whereof is, for
that at such times the spirits come forth most into the
outward parts, and so meet the percussion of the en-
vioxis eye more at hand : and therefore it hath been
noted, that after great triumphs, men have been ill-
disposed for some days following. We see the opinion
of fascination is ancient, for both effects : of procuring
love, and sickness caused by envy : and fascination is
ever by the eye. But yet if there be any such infec
tion from spirit to spirit, there is no doubt but that it
worketh by presence, and not by the eye alone ; yet
most forcibly by the eye.

945. Fear and shame are likewise infective ; for we
see that the starting of one will make another ready to
start : and when one man is out of countenance in a
company, others do likewise blush in his behalf.

Now we will speak of the force of imagination

l Tr)v tyvxrjv, 'A-yuduva (pihuv, im xe'iktaw ea^ov •
jjh&e -yap r) T^.r/fj.uv we tiiafiqoofievrj .

PLATO, ap. Aul. Gelliura.

CENTURY X. 137

upon other bodies, and of the means to exalt and
strengthen it. Imagination in this place I under
stand to be, the representation of an individual
thought. Imagination, is of three kinds : the first
joined with belief of that which is to come: the
second joined with memory of that which is past :
and the third is of things present, or as if they were
present ; for I comprehend in this, imaginations
feigned and at pleasure; as if one should imagine
such a man to be in the vestments of a Pope, or to
have wings. I single out, for this time, that which
is with faith or belief of that which is to come.
The inquisition of this subject in our way (which
is by induction) is wonderful hard : for the things
that are reported are full of fables; and new ex
periments can hardly be made but with extreme
caution, for the reason which we will hereafter
declare.

The power of imagination is in three kinds : the
first upon the body of the imaginant, including like
wise the child in the mother's womb ; the second is,
the power of it upon dead bodies, as plants, wood,
stone, metal, &c. ; the third is, the power of it upon
the spirits of men and living creatures : and with
this last we will only meddle.

The problem therefore is, whether a man con
stantly and strongly believing that such a thing
shall be, (as that such an one will love him, or
that such an one will grant him his request, or that

138 NATURAL HISTORY.

such an one shall recover a sickness, or the like,) it
doth help any thing to the effecting- of the thing it
self. And here again we must warily distinguish;
for it is not meant (as hath been partly said before)
that it should help by making a man more stout, or
more industrious ; (in which kind constant belief
doth much;) but merely by a secret operation, or
binding, or changing the spirit of another : and in
this it is hard (as we began to say) to make any
new experiment ; for I cannot command myself to
believe what I will, and so no trial can be made.
Nay, it is worse ; for whatsoever a man imagineth
doubtingly, or with fear, must needs do hurt, if
imagination have any power at all ; for a man
represented that oftener that he feareth, than the
contrary.

The help therefore is, for a man to work by an
other, in whom he may create belief, and not by
himself; until himself have found by experience,
that imagination doth prevail; for then experience
worketh in himself belief; if the belief that such a
thing shall be, be joined with a belief that his im
agination may procure it.

946. For example : I related one time to a man that
was curious and vain enough in these things, that I
saw a kind of juggler, that had a pair of cards, and
would tell a man what card he thought. This pre
tended learned man told me it was a mistaking in me ;
"for," said he, "it was not the knowledge of the man's

CENTURY X. 139

thought, (for that is proper to God,) but it was the en
forcing of a thought upon him, and binding his imag
ination by a stronger, that he could think no other
card." And thereupon he asked me a question or two,
which I thought he did but cunningly, knowing before
what used to be the feats of the juggler. " Sir," said
he, " do you remember whether he told the card the
man thought, himself, or bade another to tell it ? "
I answered (as was true) that he bade another tell
it. Whereunto he said, "So I . thought : for," said
he, " himself could not have put on so strong an imag
ination ; but by telling the other the card (who be
lieved that the juggler was some strange man, and
could do strange things) that other man caught' a
strong imagination." I hearkened unto him, thinking
for a vanity he spoke prettily. Then he asked me an
other question : saith he, " Do you remember, whether
he bade the man think the card first, and afterwards
told the other man in his ear, what he should think ;
or else that he did whisper first in the man's ear that
should tell the card, telling that such a man should
think such a card, and after bade the man think a
card ? " I told him, as was true, that he did first
whisper the man in the ear, that such a man should
think such a card. Upon this the learned man did
much exult and please himself, saying ; " Lo, you
may see that my opinion is right : for if the man had
thought first, his thought had been fixed ; but the
other imagining first, bound his thought." Which
though it did somewhat sink with me, yet I made it
lighter than I thought, and said, " I thought it was
confederacy between the juggler and the two ser
vants : " though indeed I had no reason so to think ;

140 NATURAL HISTORY.

for they were both my father's servants, and lie had
never played in the house before.1 The juggler also
did cause a garter to be held up, and took upon him to
know that such an one should point in such a place of
the garter ; as it should be near so many inches to the
longer end, and so many to the shorter ; and still he
did it, by first telling the imaginer, and after bidding
the actor think.

Having told this relation, not for the weight
thereof, but because it doth handsomely open the
nature of the question, I return to that 1 said ; that
experiments of imagination must be practised by
others, and not by a man's self. For there be three
means to fortify belief : the first is experience ; the
second is reason; and the third is authority: and
that of these which is far the most potent, is au
thority ; for belief upon reason or experience will
stagger.

947. For authority, it is of two kinds ; belief in an
art, and belief in a man. And for things of belief in
an art, a man may exercise them by himself; but for
belief in a man, it must be by another. Therefore if a
man believe in astrology, and find a figure prosperous ;
or believe in natural magic, and that a ring with such
a stone, or such a piece of a living creature, carried,

1 The psychology, if it may be so called, of juggling is an exceedingly
curious matter. The common explanation of tricks of the kind of that
described in the text, — namely, that the juggler forces a particular card
on the person who is to choose, and that the latter remains unconscious of
the compulsion put upon him, is, I suppose, correct. Bacon speaks only
of thinking of a card, not of drawing one from the. pack; but as the jug
gler had with him a pair (or pack) of cards, it may be presumed that the
thought was manifested in an overt act. So, too, in the garter trick.

CENTURY X. 1.41

will do good ; it may help his imagination ; but the
belief in a man is far the more active. But howso
ever, all authority must be out of a man's self, turned
(as was said) either upon an art, or upon a man ; and
where authority is from one man to another, there the
second must be ignorant, and not learned, or full of
thoughts ; and such are (for the most part) all witches
and superstitious persons ; whose beliefs, tied to their
teachers and traditions, are no whit controlled either
by reason or experience ; and upon the same reason,
in magic, they use (for the most part) boys and young
people ; whose spirits easiliest take belief and imagi
nation.

Now to fortify imagination, there be three ways :
the authority whence the belief is derived ; means
to quicken and corroborate the imagination ; and
means to repeat it and refresh it.

948. For the authority, we have already spoken.
As for the second, namely the means to quicken and
corroborate the imagination ; we see what hath been
used in magic (if there be in those practices any thing
that is purely natural) ; as vestments ; characters ;
words ; seals ; some parts of plants, or living creat
ures ; stones ; choice of the hour ; gestures and mo
tions ; also incenses and odours ; choice of society,
which increaseth imagination ; diets and preparations
for some time before. And for words, there have been
ever used either barbarous words, of no sense, lest they
should disturb the imagination ; or words of similitude,
that may second and feed the imagination : and this
was ever as well in heathen charms as in charms of

142 NATURAL HISTORY.

latter times. There are used also Scripture words ;
for that the belief that religious texts and words have

O

power, may strengthen the imagination. And for the
same reason, Hebrew words (which amongst us is
counted the holy tongue, and the words more mys
tical) are often used.

949. For the refreshing of the imagination (which
was the third means of exalting it), we see the prac
tices of magic : as in images of wax, and the like, that
should melt by little and little ; or some other things
buried in muck, that should putrefy by little and little ;
or the like : for so oft as the imaginant doth think of
those things, so oft doth he represent to his imagination
the effect of that he desireth.

950. If there be any power in imagination, it is less
credible that it should be so incorporeal and immate-
riate a virtue, as to work at great distances, or through
all mediums, or upon all bodies ; but that the distance
must be competent, the medium not adverse, and the
body apt and proportionate. Therefore if there be
any operation upon bodies in absence by nature, it is
like to be conveyed from man to man, as fame is ; as
if a witch by imagination should hurt any afar off, it
cannot be naturally, but by working upon the spirit of
some that cometh to the witch ; and from that party
upon the imagination pf another ; and so upon an
other ; till it come to one that hath resort to the party
intended ; and so by him to the party intended him
self. And although they speak, that it sufficeth to
take a point, or a piece of the garment, or the name
of the party, or the like ; yet there is less credit to
be given to those things, except it be by working of
evil spirits.

CENTURY X. 143

The experiments which may certainly demon
strate the power of imagination upon other bodies,
are few or none : for the experiments of witchcraft
are no clear proofs ; for that they may be by a tacit
operation of malign spirits. We shall therefore be
forced in this inquiry to resort to new experiments ;
wherein we can give only directions of trials, and
not any positive experiments. And if any man
think that we ought to have stayed till we had
made experiment of some of them ourselves, (as we
do commonly in other titles,) the truth is, that these
effects of imagination upon other bodies have so lit
tle credit with us, as we shall try them at leisure :
but in the mean time we will lead others the way.

951. When you work by the imagination of another,
it is necessary that he by whom you work have a pre
cedent opinion of you that you can do strange things,
or that you are a man of art, as they call it ; for else
the simple affirmation to another that this or that shall
be, can work but a weak impression in his imagination.

952. It were good, because you cannot discern fully
of the strength of imagination in one man more than
another, that you did use the imagination of more than
one ; that so you may light upon a strong one. As
if a physician should tell three or four of his patients'
servants, that their master shall surely recover.

953. The imagination of one that you shall use
(such is the variety of men's minds) cannot be always
alike constant and strong ; and if the success follow
not speedily, it will faint and leese strength. To

144 NATURAL HISTORY.

remedy this, you must pretend to him whose imagi
nation you use, several degrees of means by which to
operate ; as to prescribe him that every three days, if
he find not the success apparent, he do use another
root, or part of a beast, or ring, &c., as being of more
force ; and if that fail, another ; and if that, another ;
till seven times. Also you must prescribe a good large
time for the effect you promise ; as if you should tell a
servant of a sick man that his master shall recover, but
it will be fourteen days ere he findeth it apparently,
&c. All this to entertain the imagination, that it
waver less.

954. It is certain that potions, or things taken into
the body ; incenses and perfumes taken at the nostrils ;
and ointments of some parts ; do (naturally) work
upon the imagination of him that taketh them. And
therefore it must needs greatly cooperate with the im
agination of him whom you use, if you prescribe him,
before he do use the receipt for the work which he de-
sireth, that he do take such a pill, or a spoonful of
liquor ; or burn such an incense ; or anoint his tem
ples, or the soles of his feet, with such an ointment or
oil : and you must choose, for the composition of such
pill, perfume, or ointment, such ingredients as do make
the spirits a little more gross or muddy ; whereby the
imagination will fix the better.

955. The body passive and to be wrought upon, (I
mean not of the imaginant,) is better wrought upon (as
hath been partly touched) at some times than at oth
ers : as if you should prescribe a servant about a sick
person (whom you have possessed that his master shall
recover) when his master is fast asleep, to use such
a root, or such a root. For imagination is like to

CENTURY X. 145

work better upon sleeping men than men awake ; aa
we shall shew when we handle dreams.

956. We find in the art of memory, that images
visible work better than other conceits : as if you
would remember the word philosophy, you shall more
surely do it by imagining that such a man (for men
are best places) is reading upon Aristotle's Physics ;
than if you should imagine him to say, I^ll go study
philosophy. And therefore this observation would be
translated to the subject we now speak of: for the
more lustrous the imagination is, it filleth and fixeth

~ '

the better. And therefore I conceive that you shall,
in that experiment (whereof we spake before) of bind
ing of thoughts, less fail, if you tell one that such an
one shall .name one of twenty men, than if it were
one of twenty cards. The experiment of binding of
thoughts would be diversified and tried to the full :
and you are to note whether it hit for the most part,
though not always.

957. It is good to consider upon what things imag
ination hath most force : and the rule (as I conceive)
is, that it hath most force upon things that have the
lightest and easiest motions. And therefore above all,
upon the spirits of men ; and in them, upon such af
fections as move lightest ; as upon procuring of love ;
binding of lust, which is ever with imagination ; upon
men in fear ; or men in irresolution ; and the like.
Whatsoever is of this kind would be thoroughly in
quired. Trials likewise would be made upon plants,
and that diligently : as if you should tell a man, that
such a tree would die this year ; and will him at these
and these times to go unto it, to see how it thriveth.
As for inanimate things, it is true that the motions of

VOL. V. 10

146 NATURAL HISTORY.

shuffling of cards, or casting of dice, are very light
motions : and there is a folly very usual, that game
sters imagine, that some that stand by them bring them
ill luck. There would be trial also made of holding a

O

ring by a thread in a glass, and telling him that hold-
eth it, before, that it shall strike so many times against
the side of the glass, and no more ; or of holding a

O ' * O

key between two men's fingers, without a charm ; and
to tell those that hold it that at such a name it shall
go off their fingers ; for these two are extreme light
motions. And howsoever I have no opinion of these
things, yet so much I conceive to be true ; that strong
imagination hath more force upon things living, or that
have been living, than things merely inanimate : and
more force likewise upon light and subtile motions,
than upon motions vehement or ponderous.

958. It is an usual observation, that if the body of
one murthered be brought before the murtherer, the
wounds will bleed afresh. Some do affirm, that the
dead body, upon the presence of the murtherer, hath
opened the eyes ; and that there have been such like
motions, as well where the party murthered hath been
strangled or drowned, as where they have been killed
by wounds. It may be that this participated of a
miracle, by God's just judgment, who usually bring-
eth murthers to light : but if it be natural, it must
be referred to imagination.

959. The tying of the point upon the day of mar
riage, to make men impotent towards their wives,
which (as we have formerly touched) is so frequent in
Zant and Gascony, if it be natural, must be referred
to the imagination of him that tieth the point. I con
ceive it to have the less affinity with witchcraft, be-

CENTURY X. 147

cause not peculiar persons only, (such as witches are,)
but any body may do it.

Experiments in consort touching the secret virtue of
sympathy and antipathy.

960. There be many things that work upon the
spirits of man by secret sympathy and antipathy : the
virtues of precious stones, worn, have been anciently
and generally received, and curiously assigned to work
several effects. So much is true ; that stones have in
them fine spirits, as appeareth by their splendour ; and
therefore they may work by consent upon the spirits
of men, to comfort and exhilarate them. Those that
are the best for that effect, are the diamond, the em
erald, the jacinth oriental, and the gold stone, which is
the yellow topaz. As for their particular proprieties,
there is no credit to be given to them. But it is
manifest that light, above all things, excelleth in com
forting the spirits of men : and it is very probable that
light varied doth the same effect, with more novelty.
And this is one of the causes why precious stones com
fort. And therefore it were good to have tincted Ian-
thorns, or tincted screens, of glass coloured into green,
blue, carnation, crimson, purple, &c., and to use them
with candles in the night. So likewise to have round
glasses, not only of glass coloured through, but with
colours laid between crystals, with handles to hold
in one's hand. Prisms are also comfortable things.
They have of Paris-work, looking-glasses bordered
with broad borders of small crystal, and great coun
terfeit precious stones, of all colours, that are most glo
rious and pleasant to behold ; especially in the night.
The pictures of Indian feathers are likewise comfort-

148 NATURAL HISTORY.

able and pleasant to behold. . So also fair and clear
pools do greatly comfort the eyes and spirits ; espe
cially when the sun is not glaring, but overcast ; or
when the moon shineth.

961. There be divers sorts of bracelets fit to com
fort the spirits ; and they be of three intentions ; re
frigerant, corroborant, and aperient. For refrigerant,
1 wish them to be of pearl, or of coral, as is used ; and
it hath been noted that coral, if the party that weareth
it be ill disposed, will wax pale ; which I believe to be
true, because otherwise distemper of heat will make
coral lose colour. 1 commend also beads, or little
plates of lapis lazuli ; and beads of nitre, either alone
or with some cordial mixture.

962. For corroboration and confortation, take such
bodies as are of astringent quality, without manifest
cold. I commend bead-amber ; which is full of astric-
tion, but yet is unctuous, and not cold ; and is con
ceived to impinguate those that wear such beads ; I
commend also beads of hartshorn and ivory, which
are of the like nature ; also orange beads ; also beads
of lignum aloes, macerated first in rose-water, and
dried.

963. For opening, I commend beads, or pieces of
the roots of cardans benedictus : also of the roots
of piony the male ; and of orrice ; and of calamus
aromaticus ; and of rue.

964. The cramp (no doubt) cometh of contraction
of sinews ; which is manifest, in that it cometh either
by cold or dryness ; as after consumptions, and long
agues ; for cold and dryness do (both of them) con
tract and corrugate. We see also that chafing a little
above the place in pain, easeth the cramp ; which is

CENTURY X. 149

wrought by the dilatation of the contracted sinews by
heat. There are in use for the prevention of the
cramp, two things ; the one rings of sea-horse teeth
worn upon the fingers ; the other bands of green peri
winkle (the herb) tied about the calf of the leg, or the
thigh, &c., where the cramp .useth to come. I do find
this the more strange, because neither of these have
any relaxing virtue, but rather the contrary. I judge
therefore that their working is rather upon the spirits
within the nerves, to make them strive less, than upon
the bodily substance of the nerves.

965. I would have trial made of two- other kinds of
bracelets, for comforting the heart and spirits : the one
of the trochisch of vipers, made into little pieces of
beads ; for since they do great good inwards (espe
cially for pestilent agues), it is like they will be effect
ual outwards, where they may be applied in greater
quantity. There would be trochisch likewise made
of snakes ; whose flesh dried is thought to have a very
opening and cordial virtue. The other is, of beads
made of the scarlet powder which they call kermes ;
which is the principal ingredient in their cordial con
fection alkermes : the beads would be made up with
ambergrise, and some pomander.

966. It hath been long received, and confirmed by
divers trials, that the root of the male-piony dried, tied
to the neck, doth help the falling sickness ; and like
wise the incubus, which we call the mare.1 The cause
of both these diseases, and especially of the epilepsy
from the stomach, is the grossness of the vapours

1 Cardan (De Subtil, xviii. p. 641.) affirms that peony thus applied is
good against gout, but he does not mention the falling sickness. But com
pare the same writer, De Rer. Varitt. p. 172.

150 NATURAL HISTORY.

which rise and enter into the cells of the brain : and
therefore the working is by extreme and subtile at
tenuation ; which that simple hath. I judge the like
to be in castoreum, musk, rue-seed, agnus castus
seed, &c.

967* There is a stone^ which they call the blood
stone, which worn is thought to be good for them that
bleed at the nose : which (no doubt) is by astriction
and cooling of the spirits.1 Quaere, if the stone taken
out of the toad's head be not of the like virtue ; for the
toad loveth shade and coolness.

968. Light may be taken from the experiment of the
horse-tooth ring, and the garland of periwinkle, how
that those things which assuage the strife of the spirits,
do help diseases, contrary to the intention desired : for
in the curing of the cramp, the intention is to relax the
sinews ; but the contraction of the spirits, that they
strive less, is the best help : so to procure easy travails
of women, the intention is to bring down the child;
but the best help is, to stay the coining down too fast :
whereunto they say the toad-stone likewise helpeth. So
in pestilent fevers, the intention is to expel the infection
by sweat and evaporation : but the best means to do it
is by nitre, disascordium, and other cool things, which
do for a time arrest the expulsion, till nature can do
it more quietly. For as one saith prettily : In the
quenching of the flame of a pestilent ague, nature is like
people that come to quench the fire of a house ; which are
so busy, as one of them letteth another. Surely it is an
excellent axiom, and of manifold use, that whatsoever
appeaseth the contention of spirits, furthereth their
action.

i See Joyful News, &c., p. 18.

CENTURY X. 151

969. The writers of natural magic commend the
wearing of the spoil of a snake, for preserving of
health. I doubt it is but a conceit ; for that the
snake is thought to renew her youth by casting her
spoil. They might as well take the beak of an eagle,
or a piece of a hart's horn, because those renew.

970. It hath been anciently received, (for Pericles
the Athenian used it,) and it is yet in use, to wear
little bladders of quicksilver, or tablets of arsenic, as
preservatives against the plague : not as they conceive,
for any comfort they yield to the spirits, but for that
being poisons themselves, they draw the venom to
them from the spirits.1

971. Vide the experiments 95, 96, and 97, touching
the several sympathies and antipathies for medicinal
use.

972. It is said that the guts or skin of a wolf, being
applied to the belly, do cure the colic.2 It is true, that
the wolf is a beast of great edacity and digestion ; and
so, it may be, the parts of him comfort the bowels.

1 I do not know where this is related of Pericles. Mercurialis, in his De
Venenis et Morbis renenosis, ii. 9. (Venice, 1583), speaks of it as a recent
invention, so that he at least did not believe that 1'ericles had employed it.
Mercurialis was eminently learned in medical literature, so that his silence
on this point deserves notice. Straussius affirms that Carpi, who died in
]550, is the first writer who mentions the practice, but that it appears to
have been common in Turkey at an earlier time. See Straussius, fyrist. ud
Com.it. Diybfeiim (Kenelm Digby), in the The'itrum Sy input!/ eti cum, p. 136.,
and for a full account of all arsenical and other amulets Isbrand de Die-
merbroeck, De Peste, ii. 11., who refers to a great number of writers. I
may add to those he has mentioned, Caesalpinus, De Rebus Metallicis, i. 30.,
and Septalius, De Ptste. [Bacon was perhaps thinking of the charm which
Pericles wore about his neck when he was ill of the plague; which is
mentioned by Plutarch, on the authority of Theophrastus. — J. S.\

2 Cardan, De Subtil, xviii. p. 639. Almost all the statements in the suc
ceeding paragraphs, to 980. inclusive, are taken from Cardan. See the De
Subtil, p. 639. to p. 641.

152 NATURAL HISTORY.

973. We see scare-crows are set up to keep birds
from corn and fruit. It is reported by some that the
head of a wolf, whole, dried, and hanged up in a dove-
house, will scare away vermin ; such as are weasels,
polecats, and the like. It may be the head of a dog
will do as much ; for those vermin with us, know dogs
better than wolves.

974. The brains of some creatures (when their heads
are roasted) taken in wine, are said to strengthen the
memory ; as the brains of hares, brains of hens, brains
of deers, &c. And it seemeth to be incident to the
brains of those creatures that are fearful.1

975. The ointment that witches use is reported to
be made of the fat of children digged out of their

~~

graves ; of the juices of smallage, wolf-bane, and
cinque-foil, mingled with the meal of fine wheat. But
I suppose that the soporiferous medicines are likest to
do it ; which are henbane, hemlock, mandrake, moon-
shade, tobacco, opium, saffron, poplar-leaves, &c.

976. It is reported by some that the affections of
beasts, when they are in strength, do add some virtue
unto inanimate things ; as that the skin of a sheep
devoured by a wolf, moveth itching ; that a stone
bitten by a dog in anger, being thrown at him,
drunk in powder, provoketh choler.

977. It hath been observed that the diet of women
with child -doth work much upon the infant ; as if the
mother eat quinces much, and coriander-seed, (the na
ture of both which is to repress and stay vapours that

1 It seems difficult to understand why the brain of one animal should
have more effect than that of another, but as phosphorus appears to exist
in a peculiar state in the brain, it is quite possible that in cases in which a
failure of memory arises from deficient nutrition of the organ (assuming
that there are such cases), the diet mentioned in the text might be useful

CENTURY X. 153

ascend to the brain,) it will make the child ingenious ;
and on the contrary side, if the mother eat (much)
onions or beans, or such vaporous food ; or drink wine
or strong drink immoderately ; or fast much ; or be
given to much musing ; (all which send or draw va
pours to the head ;) it endangereth the child to become
lunatic, or of imperfect memory : and I make the same
judgment of tobacco often taken by the mother.

978. The writers of natural magic report that the
heart of an ape, worn near the heart, comforteth the
heart, and increaseth audacity. It is true that the ape
is a merry and bold beast. And that the same heart
likewise of an ape, applied to the neck or head, helpeth
the wit ; and is good for the falling sickness : the ape
also is a witty beast, and hath a dry brain ; which may
be some cause of attenuation of vapours in the head.
Yet it is said to move dreams also. It may be the
heart of a man would do more, but that it is more
against men's minds to use it; except it be in such as
wear the reliques of saints.

979. The flesh of a hedge-hog, dressed and eaten, is
said to be a great drier: it is true that the juice of
a hedge-hog must needs be harsh and dry, because it
putteth forth so many prickles : for plants also that are
full of prickles are generally dry ; as briars, thorns,
berberries ; and therefore the ashes of a hedge-hog are
said to be a great desiccative of fistulas.

O

980. Mummy hath great force in stanching of blood;
which, as it may be ascribed to the mixture of balms
that are glutinous ; so it may also partake of a secret
propriety; in that the blood draweth man's flesh. And
it is approved that the moss which groweth upon the
skull of a dead man unburied, will stanch blood po-

154 NATURAL HISTORY.

tently : and so do the dregs, or powder of blood,
severed from the water, and dried.

981. It hath been practised, to make white swal
lows, by anointing of the eggs with oil.1 Which effect

«' ~O

may be produced by the stopping of the pores of the
shell, and making the juice, that putteth forth the
feathers afterwards, more penurious. And it may
be, the anointing of the eggs will be as effectual as
the anointing of the body ; of which vide the ex
periment 93.

982. It is reported that the white of an egg, or
blood, mingled with salt-water, doth gather the salt-
ness, and maketh the water sweeter. This may be
by adhesion ; as in the sixth experiment of clarifica
tion : it may be also, that blood, and the white of
an egg, (which is the matter of a living creature,)
have some sympathy with salt : for all life hath a
sympathy with salt. We see that salt laid to a cut
finger healeth it ; so as it seemeth salt draweth blood,
as well as blood draweth salt.

983. It hath been anciently received that the sea-
hare hath an antipathy with the lungs, (if it cometh
near the body,) and erodeth them. Whereof the cause
is conceived to be, a quality it hath of heating the
breath and spirits ; as cantharides have upon the wa
tery parts of the body, as urine and hydropical water.
And it is a good rule, that whatsoever hath an opera
tion upon certain kinds of matters, that, in man's body,
worketh most upon those parts wherein that kind of
matter aboundeth.

984. Generally, that which is dead, or corrupted, or
excerned, hath antipathy with the same thing when it

1 Cardan, De Rerum Varietate, xvi. 90. p. 311.

CENTURY X. 155

is alive, and when it is sound ; l and with those parts
which do excern : as a carcase of man is most infec
tious and odious to man ; a carrion of an horse to< an
horse, &c. ; purulent matter of wounds, and ulcers,
carbuncles, pocks, scabs, leprosy, to sound flesh ; and
the excrement of every species to that creature that
excerneth them. But the excrements are less perni
cious than the corruptions.

985. It is a common experience, that dogs know the
dog-killer ; when, as in times of infection, some petty
fellow is sent out to kill the dogs ; and that, though
they have never seen him before, yet they will all come
forth, and bark, and fly at him.

986. The relations touching the force of imagination
and the secret instincts of nature, are so uncertain, as
they require a great deal of examination ere we con
clude upon them. I would have it first throughly in
quired, whether there be any secret passages of sympa
thy between persons of near blood ; as parents, children,
brothers, sisters, nurse-children, husbands, wives, &c.
There be many reports in history, that upon the death
of persons of such nearness, men have had an inward
feeling of it. I myself remember, that being in Paris,
and my father dying in London, two or three days be
fore my father's death I had a dream, which I told to
divers English gentlemen, that my father's house in
the country was plastered all over with black mortar.
There is an opinion abroad, (whether idle or no I can
not say,) that loving and kind husbands have a sense
of their wives breeding child, by some accident in their
own body.

1 "Horret enim omne simile maxime simile cum corruptum est." — Car*
dan, De Subtil, p. 641.

156 NATURAL HISTORY.

987. Next to those that are near in blood, there may
be the like passage and instincts of nature between great
friends and enemies : and sometimes the revealing is

O

unto another person, and not to the party himself. I
remember Philippus Comminens (a grave writer) re-
porteth, that the Archbishop of Vienna (a reverend
prelate) said one day after mass to King Lewis the
eleventh of France: Sir, your mortal enemy is dead;
what time Charles Duke of Burgundy was slain at the
battle of Granson against the Switzers.1 Some trial
also would be made, whether pact or agreement do any
thing ; as if two friends should agree, that such a day
in every week, they, being in far distant places, should
pray one for another, or should put on a ring or tablet
one for another's sake ; whether if one of them should
break their vow and promise, the other should have
any feeling of it in absence.

988. If there be any force in imaginations and af
fections of singular persons, it is probable the force is
much more in the joint imaginations and affections of
multitudes : as if a victory should be won or lost in

1 Charles the Bold was not killed at Granson, but at Nancy; nor is the
story told by Philippe de Comines. We have no authority for it but that
of the anonymous author of an account of Angelo Caltho, Archbishop of
Vienne. to whom Comines inscribed his memoirs. This account is pre
fixed to several editions of them, and first, I believe, to that which Sauvage
published in 1605. In truth, Comines' silence is, as Bayle remarks, almost
conclusive against the story, and it is remarkable that Bacon should have
ascribed it to him, as Sauvage, whose edition Bacon probablv used, notes
in the margin that it is odd that Comines should have omitted so singular
an incident. Caltho is called Cato in Madlle. Dupont's edition of Comines.
He was a native of Tarento, and was a long time in the service of the
Duke of Burgund^v, whom he deserted after the defeat at Granson. A
similar story is told with respect to Richard Cceur de Lion, — that his death
was announced at Rome on the day it happened, by a bishop whom he had
deprived of his see. " Telum Limogiae," said the bishop, interrupting him
self while he was performing mass, "occidit Leonem Anglise."

CENTURY X. 157

remote parts, whether is there not some sense thereof
in the people whom it cpncerneth ; because of the great
joy or grief that many men are possessed with at once ?
Pius Quintus, at the very time when that memorable
victory was won by the Christians against the Turks,
at the naval battle of Lepanto, being then hearing of
causes in the consistory, brake off suddenly, and said to
those about him, It is now more time we should give
thanks to Grod for the great victory he has granted us
against the Turks : it is true that victory had a sym
pathy with his spirit; for it was merely his work to
conclude that league.1 It may be that revelation was
divine : but what shall we say then to a number of ex
amples amongst the Grecians and Romans ? where the
people being in theatres at plays, have had news of
victories and overthrows, some few days befortf any
messenger could come.

It is true that that may hold in these things,
which is the general root of superstition ; namely,
that men observe when things hit, and not when
they miss ; and commit to memory the one, and
forget and pass over the other. But touching
divination, and the misgiving of minds, we shall
speak more when we handle in general the nature
of minds, and souls, and spirits.

989. We have given formerly some rules of imagi-

1 This story rests upon better authority than most stories of the same
kind. Catena tells it in his Life of Pius V., published in 1586, only four
teen years after the battle. The Pope was not engaged in hearing causes,
but in transacting affairs of state with his minister Bussoti. See Catena,
Vita di Pio V. p. 195. Cardinal de Perron mentions it as a thing which
•verybody at Rome knew to be true.

158 NATURAL HISTORY.

nation ; and touching the fortifying of the same. We
have set down also some few instances and directions,
of the force of imagination upon beasts, birds, &c. ;
upon plants ; and upon inanimate bodies : wherein you
must still observe, that your trials be upon subtile and
lio-ht motions, and not the contrary ; for you will sooner
by imagination bind a bird from singing than from eating
or flying ; and I leave it to every man to choose experi
ments which himself thinketh most commodious ; giving
now but a few examples of every of the three kinds.

990. Use some imaginant, (observing the rules for
merly prescribed,) for binding of a bird from singing ;
and the like of a dog from barking. Try also the
imagination of some, whom you shall accommodate
with things to fortify it, in cock-fights, to make one
cock more hardy and the other more cowardly. It
would be tried also in flying of hawks ; or in coursing
of a deer, or hart, with grey-hounds ; or in horse
races ; and the like comparative motions ; for you may
sooner by imagination quicken or slack a motion, than
raise or cease it ; as it is easier to make a dog go
slower, than to make him stand still that he may not
run.

991. In plants also, you may try the force of imagi
nation upon the lighter sort of motions : as upon the
sudden fading, or lively coming up of herbs ; or upon
their bending one way or other ; or upon their closing
and opening, &c.

992. For inanimate things, you may try the force
of imagination upon staying the working of beer when
the barm is put in ; or upon the coming of butter or
cheese, after the churning,1 or the rennet be put in.

1 cherming in the original. — J. S.

CENTURY X- 159

993. It is an ancient tradition every where alleged,
for example of secret proprieties and influxes, that the
torpedo marina, if it be touched with a long stick, doth
stupefy the hand of him that toucheth it. It is one
degree of working at distance, to work by the continu
ance of a fit medium ; as sound will be conveyed to the
ear by striking upon a bow-string, if the horn of the
bow be held to the ear.

994. The writers of natural magic do attribute much
to the virtues that come from the parts of living creat
ures ; so as they be taken from them, the creatures
remaining still alive : * as if the creature still living did
infuse some immateriate virtue and vigour into the part
severed. So much may be true ; that any part taken
from a living creature newly slain, may be of greater
force than if it were taken from the like creature dying
of itself, because it is fuller of spirit.

995. Trial would be made of the like parts of indi
viduals in plants and living creatures ; as to cut off a
stock of a tree, and to lay that which you cut off to
putrefy, to see whether it will decay the rest of the
stock : or if you should cut off part of the tail or leg
of a dog or a cat, and lay it to putrefy, and so see
whether it will fester, or keep from healing, the part
which remaineth.

996. It is received, that it helpeth to continue love,
if one wear a ring, or a bracelet, of the hair of the
party beloved. But that may be by the exciting of
the imagination : and perhaps a glove, or other like
favour, may as well do it.

997. The sympathy of individuals, that have been
entire, or have touched, is of all others the most in-

1 Porta, Natural Magic, i. 14.

160 NATURAL HISTORY.

credible ; yet according unto our faithful manner of
examination of nature, we will make some little men
tion of it. The taking away of warts, by rubbing
them with somewhat that afterwards is put to waste
and consume, is a common experiment ; and I do ap
prehend it the rather, because of mine own experience.
I had, from my childhood, a wart upon one of my fin
gers : afterwards, when I was about sixteen years old,
being then at Paris, there grew upon both my hands
a number of warts (at the least an hundred) in a
month's space. The English ambassador's lady, who
was a woman far from superstition, told me one day,
she would help me away with my warts : whereupon
she got a piece of lard, with the skin on, and rubbed
the warts all over with the fat side ; and amongst the
rest, that wart which I had had from my childhood :
then she nailed the piece of lard, with the fat towards
the sun, upon a post of her chamber windoAv, which
was to the south. The success was, that within five
weeks' space all the warts went quite away : and that
wart which I had so long endured, for company. But
, at the rest I did little marvel, because they came in a
short time, and might go away in a short time again :
but the going away of that which had stayed so long,
doth yet stick with me. They say the like is done by
rubbing of warts with a green elder stick, and then
burying the stick to rot in muck. It would be tried
with corns and wens, and such other excrescences. I
would have it also tried with some parts of living crea
tures that are nearest the nature of excrescences ; as
the combs of cocks, the spurs of cocks, the horns of
beasts, &c. And I would have it tried both ways ; both
by rubbing those parts with lard, or elder, as before ;

CENTURY X. 161

and by cutting off some piece of those parts, and laying
it to consume ; to see whether it will work any effect
towards the consumption of that part which was once
joined with it.

998. It is constantly received and avouched, that
the anointing of the weapon that maketh the wound,
will heal the wound itself. In this experiment, upon
the relation of men of credit, (though myself, as yet,
am not fully inclined to believe if,) you shall note the
points following. First, the ointment wherewith this
is done is made of divers ingredients ; whereof the
strangest and hardest to come by, are the moss upon
the skull of a dead man unburied, and the fats of a
boar and a bear killed in the act of generation. These
two last I could easily suspect to be prescribed as a
starting-hole ; that if the experiment proved not, it
might be pretended that the beasts were not killed in
the due time : for as for the moss, it is certain there is
great quantity of it in Ireland, upon slain bodies, laid
on heaps unburied. The other ingredients are, the
blood-stone in powder, and some other things, which
seem to have a virtue to stanch blood ; as also the moss
hath. And the description of the whole ointment is
•to be found in the chemical dispensatory of Crollius.1
Secondly, the same kind of ointment applied to the
hurt itself worketh not the effect ; but only applied to
the weapon. Thirdly, (which I like well,) they do
not observe the confecting of the ointment under any
certain constellation ; which commonly is the excuse
of magical medicines Avhen they fail, that they were

1 See his Basilica Chymica, p. 400. In the edition I have seen, that of
1643, nothing is said as to the time of killing the bear and the boar. On
the subject of " unguenta armaria," see a collection of tracts in the Thea-
tiitm Sympatheticum.

VOL. V. 11

162 NATURAL HISTORY.

not made under a fit figure of heaven. Fourthly, it
may be applied to the weapon, though the party hurt
be at great distance. Fifthly, it seemeth the imagina
tion of the party to be cured is not needful to concur ;
for it may be done without the knowledge of the party
wounded : and thus much hath been tried, that the
ointment (for experiment's sake) hath been wiped off
the weapon, without the knowledge of the party hurt,
and presently the party hurt hath been in great rage
of pain, till the weapon was re-anointed. Sixthly, it
is affirmed that if you cannot get the weapon, yet if
you put an instrument of iron or Avood, resembling
the weapon, into the wound, whereby it bleedeth, the
anointing of that instrument will serve and work the
effect. This I doubt should be a device to keep this
strange form of cure in request and use ; because many
times you cannot come by the weapon itself. Seventh
ly, the wound must be at first washed clean with white
wine, or the party's own water; and then bound up
close in fine linen, and no more dressing renewed till it
be whole. Eighthly, the sword itself must be wrapped
up close, as far as the ointment goeth, that it taketh
no wind. Ninthly, the ointment, if you wipe it off
from the sword and keep it, will serve again ; and
rather increase in virtue than diminish. Tenthly, it
will cure in far shorter time than ointments of wounds
commonly do. Lastly, it will cure a beast, as well as
a man ; which I like best of all the rest, because it sub-
jecteth the matter to an easy trial.

Experiment solitary touching secret proprieties.

999. I would have men know, that though I repre
hend the easy passing over of the causes of things, by

CENTURY X. 163

ascribing them to secret and hidden virtues and pro
prieties ; (for this hath arrested and laid asleep all true
inquiry and indications ;) yet I do not understand but
that in the practical part of knowledge, much will be
left to experience and probation, whereunto indication
cannot so fully reach : and this not only in specie, but
in individuo. So in physic, if you will cure the jaun
dice,1 it is not enough to say that the medicine must
not be cooling ; for that will hinder the opening which
the disease requireth : that it must not be hot ; for that
will exasperate choler: that it must go to the gall ; for
there is the obstruction which causeth the disease, &c.
But you must receive from experience, that powder of
Chamgepitys, or the like, drunk in beer, is good for the
jaundice.2 So again, a wise physician doth not con
tinue still the same medicine to a patient ; but he will
vary, if the first medicine doth not apparently succeed :
for of those remedies that are good for the jaundice,
stone, agues, &c., that will do .good in one body which
will not do good in another ; according to the corre
spondence the medicine hath to the individual body.

^Experiment solitary touching the general sympathy of
men's spirits.

1000. The delight which men have in popularity,
fame, honour, submission and subjection of other men's
minds, wills, or affections, (although these things may
lie desired for other ends,) seemeth to be a thing in
itself, without contemplation of consequence, grateful
and agreeable to the nature of man. This thing
(surely) is not without some signification, as if all
spirits and souls of men came forth out of one divine

ljaundies in the original. — J. 8. ' 2 See Pliny, xxiv. 20.

164 NATURAL HISTORY.

limbus ; else why should men be so much affected with
that which others think or say ? The best temper of
minds desireth good name and true honour: the lighter,
popularity and applause : the more depraved, subjection
and tyranny ; as is seen in great conquerors and troub-
lers of the world ; and yet more in arch-heretics ; for
the introducing of iiew doctrines is likewise an affec
tation of tyranny over the understandings and beliefs
of men.

A TABLE OF THE EXPERIMENTS *

CENTURY Vin.

Page

Of Veins of Earth Medicinal .... 7

Of Spunges ....... 7

Of Sea-fish in Fresh Waters ... .8

Of Attraction by Similitude of Substance . . .9

Of Certain Drinks in Turkey . • . .10

Of Sweat . . . . . . .10

Of the Glow-worm . . . . . .12

Of the Impressions upon the Body from several Passions of
the Mind ....... 13

Of Drunkenness . . . . . .19

Of the Hurt or Help of Wine, taken moderately . .21

Of Caterpillars . . . . . .21

Of the Flies Cantharides . . . . .22

Of Lassitude ....... 22

Of Casting the Skin, and Shell, in some Creatures . . 23

Of the Postures of the Body . . . .25

Of Pestilential Years . . . . .25

Of some Prognostics of Hard Winters . . .26

Of certain Medicines that Condense and Relieve the Spirits 26
Of Paintings of the Body . . . . .27

Of the Use of Bathing and Anointing . . .28

Of Chamoletting of Paper . . . . .29

Of Cuttle Ink ...... 29

Of Earth increasing in Weight . . . .30

Of Sleep ....... 30

* For the first part of this Table see the end of vol. iv. of this edition.

166 NATURAL HISTORY.

Pag.

Of Teeth, and Hard Substances in the Bodies of Living

Creatures . . . . . . .31

Of the Generation and Bearing of Living Creatures in the

Womb . . . . . . .36

Of Species Visible . . . . . .38

Of Impulsion and Percussion . . . .40

Of Titillation . . . . . .41

Of Scarcity of Rain in Egypt . . . .42

Of Clarification . . . . . .42

Of Plants without Leaves . . . . .43

Of the Materials of Glass . . . . .43

Of Prohibition of Putrefaction, and the long Conservation

of Bodies .... 44

Of Abundance of Nitre in certain Sea-shores . . 46

Of Bodies borne up by Water . .46

Of Fuel consuming little or nothing . . .47
Of Cheap Fuel ...... 47

Of Gathering of Wind for Freshness . . .48

Of Trials of Airs .... 48

Of Increasing Milk in Milch Beasts . . . .49

Of Sand of the Nature of Glass . . . .49

Of the Growth of Coral . . . . .50

Of the Gathering of Manna . . . . .50

Of the Correcting of Wines . . . . . 51

Of Bitumen, one of the Materials of Wild-fire . . 51

Of Plaster growing as hard as Marble . . .52

Of the Cure of some Ulcers and Hurts . . .52
Of the Healthfulness or Unhealthfulness of the Southern

Wind . . .- . .52

Of Wounds Made with Brass, and with Iron . . 53

Of Mortification by Cold . . . . .53

Of Weight ....... 54

Of Super-natation of Bodies . . . .54

Of the Flying of Unequal Bodies in the Air . . 55

Of Water, that it may be the Medium of Sounds . . 56

Of the Flight of the Spirits upon Odious Objects . . 56

Of the Super-reflexion of Echoes . . . .57

Of the Force of Imagination imitating that of the Sense . 57

TABLE OF THE EXPERIMENTS. 167

Pag«

Of Preservation of Bodies ... .58

Of the Growth or Multiplying of Metals . . .5%
Of the Drowning the more Base Metal in the more Pre
cious . . . . . . .59

Of Fixation of Bodies . . . . .60

Of the Restless Nature of Things in themselves, and their

Desire to Change . . . . . 61 —

CENTURY IX

Of Perception in Bodies Insensible, tending to Natural Divi
nation and Subtile Trials . . . . .63
Of the Causes of Appetite in the Stomach . . .73
Of Sweetness of Odour from the Rainbow . . .74
Of Sweet Smells . .' . . .. .75
Of the Corporeal Substance of Smells . . .75
Of Fetid and Fragrant Odours . . . .76
Of the Causes of Putrefaction . . .78
Of Bodies imperfectly Mixed ... . .79
Of Concoction and Crudity . . . . .79
Of Alterations, which may be called Majors . .81
Of Bodies Liquefiable, and not Liquefiable . . .82
Of Bodies Fragile and Tough . . . .83
Of the two Kinds of Pneumaticals in Bodies . . 83
Of Concretion and Dissolution of Bodies . . .84
Of Bodies Hard and Soft ... .85
Of Bodies Ductile and Tensile . . . .85
Of several Passions of Matter, and Characters of Bodies . 86
Of Induration by Sympathy . . . . .87
Of Honey and Sugar . . .88
Of the Finer sort of Base Metals . . 89
Of Certain Cements and Quarries . . . .89
Of the Altering of Colours in Hairs and Feathers . . 90
Of the Differences of Living Creatures, Male and Female . 90
Of the Comparative Magnitude of Living Creatures . 92
Of Producing Fruit without Core or Stone . . 93
Of the Melioration of Tobacco . . .93
Of several Heats working the same Effects . . .94
Of Swelling and Dilatation in Boiling . . 95

168 NATURAL HISTORY

Pag«

Of the Dulcoration of Fruits . . . .95

Of Flesh Edible and not Edible . . . .96

Of the Salamander . . . . . 97 —

Of the Contrary Operations of Time on Fruits and Liquors 98

Of Blows and Bruises . . . . .98

Of the Orrice Root . . . . . .99

Of the Compression of Liquors . . . .99

Of the Working of Water upon Air Contiguous . . 100

Of the Nature of Air . . . . . 100 -

Of the Eyes and Sight . . . . .101

Of the Colour of the Sea or other Water . . . 104

Of Shell-fish 104

Of the Right Side and the Left . . . . 105 -

Of Frictions . . . . . . .105

Of Globes appearing flat at Distance . . . 106

Of Shadows . . . . . . .106

Of the Rolling and Breaking of the Seas . . . 106

Of the Dulcoration of Salt Water . . . .107

Of the Return of Saltness in Pits by the Se/i-shore . .107

Of Attraction by Similitude of Substance . . .108

Of Attraction . . . . . . 108 -

Of Heat under Earth . . . . .109

Of Flying in the Air . . . . . 109 -

Of the Scarlet Dye . . . . . ,109

Of Maleficiating . . . . . .110

Of the Rise of Liquors or Powders by Means of Flame . 110

Of the Influences of the Moon . . .• Ill -

Of Vinegar . . . . . . .114

Of Creatures that Sleep all WTinter . . . 114
Of the Generating of Creatures by Copulation, and by Pu
trefaction . . . . . . . 115 ^.

CENTURY X.

Of the Transmission and Influx of Immateriate Virtues, and

the Force of Imagination . . . . .117

Of the Emission of Spirits in Vapour, or Exhalation, Odour-
like ...... .125

Of Emissions of Spiritual Species which affect the Senses . 183

TABLE OF THE EXPERIMENTS. 169

Page
Of Emission of Immateriate Virtues, from the Minds and

Spirits of Men, by Affections, Imagination, or other Im-

1 04.
pressions .

Of the Secret Virtue of Sympathy and Antipathy .

Of Secret Virtues and Proprieties .

Of the General Sympathy of Men's Spirits . . 163

SCALA INTELLECTS.

PREFACE

SCALA INTELLECTUS AND PBODEOII.

THE two following pieces (which complete the first
part of the Philosophical Works) were first published
by Gruter in 1653. They are not included in Dr.
Rawley's Opuscula (1658), nor mentioned in his list
of Bacon's later writings. As to the date of their
composition, I can find no grounds even for a guess.
Either of them might apparently have been written at
any time after the plan of the Instauratio in its six
parts had been once conceived. Gruter. places them
among what he calls Impetus Philosophici ; which
merely means that they came to him as loose sheets
without any direction under what title to arrange
them. There can be no doubt however that they
were intended as prefaces to the fourth and fifth parts
of the Instauratio respectively ; nor is there any rea
son to suppose that they had been either abandoned
or superseded. Being unable therefore to follow the
order of composition, I follow the order of matter,
and put them here where they were meant ultimately
to stand.

With these prefaces the collection of works pub
lished or designed for publication as parts of the In-

174 PREFACE TO THE SCALA INTELLECTUS

stauratio Magna must close. Of the fourth part not
even any fragment has come down to us, unless the
Inquisitio legitima de Mbtu, sive Filum LabyrintM, be
taken for one. But though this was undoubtedly in
tended to be " verae et legitimae de rebus inquisitionis
exemplar" — and such it was the business of the fourth
part to exhibit, — I rather think that it was designed
originally for the second part (as the example in which
the new method was to be set forth), and that the
Inquisitio de Formd Calidi was substituted for it. I
have preferred therefore to place it among the works
abandoned or superseded.

With regard to the fifth part however, I am not so
confident that Mr. Ellis is right in refusing a place in
it to the De Fluxu et Refluxu, the Thema CceK, the
De Principiis atque Originibus, and the Cogitationes de
Naturd Rerum ; all which he classes as " occasional
writings, not belonging to the circuit of the Instaura-
tio" It is true that they were written long before the
publication of the Nbvum Organum, and that they do
not come within the circuit of Bacon's work on the
Interpretation of Nature as originally projected. That
work (to judge by the title, which has fortunately been
preserved) was to be distributed into three books, the
first to prepare the mind, the second to explain the
method, the third to exhibit the results of the method
applied. It must therefore have been designed to cov
er the ground occupied by the second and sixth parts
of the Instauratio, and perhaps also that occupied by
the third and fourth ; but could not have been meant
to contain anything answering to the first and fifth.
My own impression however is, that one of Bacon's
objects in enlarging the design was to make a place

AND PRODROMI. 175

in the great structure for occasional writings of this
kind, which could not have properly come into any
of those three books originally planned. The addi
tion of the third and fourth parts indeed, — that is, the
assigning of a separate part to the Phenomena Uni-
versi, and a separate parf to the /Scala Intellects, —
may be regarded as a development merely of the orig
inal idea ; for the exposition of the new method could
not be complete without at least one perfect exam
ple of an inquiry legitimately conducted through all
the processes and ending in the discovery of the form ;
nor could such an example be exhibited without a
specimen of the " historia naturalis et experimentalis
qua? sit in ordine ad condendam philosophiara," in
reference at least to that one subject. But the matter
to be contained in the first and fifth was avowedly
extraneous to the main design ; and the addition of
these is most easily accounted for by supposing that in
prefixing the first, Bacon meant to make a place for
the Advancement of Learning and for a variety of mis
cellaneous works not bearing on natural philosophy ;
and in interpolating the fifth, for sundry philosophical
speculations which his studies had suggested to him,
and which he regarded as guesses worth preserving ;
though, being no better than " anticipationes mentis,"
— conclusions derived through an imperfect logical
machinery from imperfect knowledge, — they were to
be looked upon as provisional only, and by no means
as specimens of the PhilosopMa Secunda.

If there be any truth in this conjecture, the pieces
which I have mentioned have a fair claim to a place
among the Prodromi, and might follow the preface.
In deference however to Mr. Ellis's judgment I have

176 PREFACE TO THE SCALA INTELLECTUS, ETC.

placed them in a class by themselves. If any reader
prefers to regard them as belonging to the Instauratio,
he has only to pass to the next volume,* overlook the
titlepage, and read on.

This collection of the fragments of the Great In-
siauration as Bacon left it dould hardly however have
been concluded more appropriately than with the t\\o
short' pieces which follow ; in which we see the vision
which suggested the enterprise, the grounds of reason
which seemed to justify it as sober and practicable, the
hope which sustained and the spirit which regulated it,
still as fresh as when he started ; but the end as far off
as ever, and all the laborious preparations for the fu
ture harvest breaking off abruptly in a reiteration of
the exhortations, warnings, and promises, with which
they were commenced.

Atque opere in medio defixa reliquit aratra!

J. S.

* In this edition these pieces, except Thema Cadi, are contained in this
volume.

SCALA INTELLECTUS

FILUM LABYEINTHI.

DIFFICTLIS sane foret repreliensio eorum quibus jiihil
sciri placnit, si decretum durum interpretatione mol-
liore correxissent. Si quis enim asserat, hoc ipsum
scire, recte acceptum, esse per causas scire ; causarum
autem cognitionem gliscere, et serie et veluti catena
perpetua ad notissima naturae scandere, adeo ut par-
ticularium rerum cognitio, absque exacta universas
naturae compreherisione, proprie non absolvatur ; non
facile invenias quod sano cum judicio contradici pos-
sit. Nam et veram alicujus rei scieatiam haberi
posse anteqiiam mens in causarum explicatione plane
consistat, minus consentaneum ; et perfectam universi
cognitionem humanae naturae attribuere atque asserere,
temerarium fortasse quiddam atque impotentis cujus-
dam animi censeri possit. Verum illi contra, nulla
hujusmodi usi interpretatione aut moderatione, sen-
suum oracula prorsus profanare non veriti sunt ;
quod cum summa rerum desperatione conjunctum
est. Quod si verum omnino dicendum sit ; etiamsi
ab hac calumnia abstinuissent, tamen haec ipsa lis

VOL. V. 12

178 SCALA INTELLECTUS

intempestive et contentiose mota videatur ; cum citra
istam quam intelligere videntur ipsissimam veritatem
tantus humanae industrial pateat campus, ut sit res
praspostera et quasi mentis commotas et perturbatre,
de extremis obtinendis solicitum tantas in medio sitas
utilitates prsetermittere. Nam utcunque per veri et
probabilis distinctionem, scientiaa certitudinem destru-
ere, usum retinere, videri volunt ; atque, quoad ac-
tivam partem, delectum rermn illaasum relinquere ;
tamen, sublata ex animis hominum veritatia exqui-
rendae spe, proculdubio nervos inquisitioni humanae
inciderunt, et promiscua quaerendi licentia, inveniendi
negotium in exercitationem quandam ingenii et dis-
putationis verterunt. Veruntamen negare plane non
possumus, quin si qua nobis cum antiquis intercedat
societas, ea cum hoc genere philosophise maxime con-
juncta sit ; cum multa ab illis de sensuum variation-
ibus et judicii humani infirmitate et de cohibendo et
sustinendo assensu prudenter dicta et animadversa
probemus ; quibus etiam innumera alia, quae eodem
pertinent, adjungere possemus ; adeo ut inter nos
et illos hoc tan turn intersit, quod illi nil vere sciri
posse prorsus, nos nil vere sciri posse ea qua adhuc
gens humana ingressa est via, statuamus. Neque
vero hujus societatis nos pudet. Si enim in hunc
coetum recipiantur non solum ii qui sententia et pla-
cito hoc tenent et opinantur, sed et illi qui idem ant
forma ipsa interrogandi et objiciendi pra3 se ferunt,
aut conquerendo de rerum obscuritate et indignando
fatentur et quasi clamant, aut secreto animo agitant
et raris et occultis vocibus veluti insusurrant, invenias
in hoc numero viros ex antiquis longe maximos, et

SIVE FILUM LABYRINTHI. 179

contemplationum principes, in quorum consortium in-
cludi neminem poeniteat. Pronuntiandi enim confi-
dentiam fortasse unus aut alter ex antiquis usurpavit;
neque tamen invaluit ea ipsa, nisi baud ita pridem
barbaris seculis ; nunc autem factione quadam, atque
consuetudine et incuria, retinetur. Sed tamen rursus
in hac de qua diximus societate facile quis perspexe-
rit, nos erga illos viros initiis opinionum conjunctos,
exitu in immensum divisos esse. Etsi enim primo
non multum dissentire videamur, quod illi incompe-
tentiam humani intellectus simpliciter, nos sub modo
asseramus ; nihilominus hue res redit, ut illi, nullum
huic malo remedium invenientes aut sperantes, nego-
tium deserant ; et sensus certitudinem invadendo, sci-
entiam ab imis fundamentis evertant : nos, novam
•viam afferentes, turn sensus turn mentis errores regere
et restituere conemur. Itaque illi, jactam arbitrati
aleam, ad ingenii quandam peregrinationem liberam
et amoenam se vertunt : nobis ex opinione nostra dif-
ficilis et remota obvenit provincia, qua? ut generi hu-
mano felix et fausta sit perpetuo precamur. Itaque
initia viarum secundo libro descripsimus ; easdem ipsi
continue ingressi,1 tertio Phenomena Universi et His-
toriam tractavimus ; in quo certe sylvas naturas, et va-
riatione infinita experimentorum veluti foliis opacas et
obscuras, et observationum subtilitate veluti virgultis
et vepribus implicatas, penetravimus et prasterivimus.
Atque nunc ad magis aperta fortasse sed tamen ad
magis ardua pervenimus, ex sylvis scilicet ad radices
montium. Nam ab bistoria ad universalia certo at-

1 The original has a full stop after ingressi. I have followed the example
of M. Bouillet in substituting a comma. — J. 8.

180 SCALA INTELLECTUS

que constant! tramite (licet via nova et intentata)
ducemus. Atque certe non male in vias contempla-
tionum conveniret illud celebre et decantatum apud
antiques bivium vitse activse ; ex quo via altera, pri
me ingressu plana et facilis, ducebat ad prserupta et
impervia ; altera, a principio ardua et suspensa, in
plana desinebat.1 Nam eodem prorsus modo, qui jam
inde a prima inquisitione immobilia qu^dam in sci-
entiis principia prensabit, quibus acquiescens caetera
veluti per otium expediat ; ilium, si modo perrexerit
nee riimium sibi placens aut displicens ab inquisitione
destiterit, prioris vise fortuna manet. Qui autem
judicium cohibere, et gradatim adscendere, et reram
veluti montium juga, unum primo, deinde alterum
ac rursus alterum, superare, cum patientia vera et
indefessa sustinuerit ; ille ad summitates et vertices
naturae mature perveniet, ubi et static serena et pul-
cherrimus rerum prospectus et descensus molli clivo
ducens ad omnes practicas. Itaque consilium nos
trum est, verae et legitimas de rebus inquisitionis, ut
in secundo libro praecepta, ita hie exemplaria propon-
ere et describere pro varietate subjectorum ; idque ea
forma, quam cum veritate summum consensum ha-
bere putamus, atque ut probatam et electam tradi-
mus. Neque tamen, more apud homines recepto,
omnibus hujus formulas partibus necessitatem quan-
dam attribuimus, tanquam unicae essent et inviolab-
iles. Neque enim hominum industriam et felici-
tatem veluti ad columnam alligandas existimamus.
Atque nihil officit, quo minus ii qui otio magis
abundant, aut a difficultatibus quas primo experien-
i Hesiod. Oper. 287.

SIVE FILUM LABYRINTHI. 181

tern sequi necesse est liberi jam erunt, rem monstra-
tarn in potius perducant. Quin contra, artem veram
adolescere statuimus.1

1 So in the original. Possibly the manuscript was imperfect at the
end, and the sentence completed by conjecture: for this can hardly be
what Bacon wrote. The aphorism is repeated in many places, and al
ways in the form artem inveniendi cum inventis adolescere. See the end
of the first book of the Novum Organum. — J. S.

PRODROMI

8IVK

ANTICIPATIONS PHILOSOPHIC SECUNM.

PIUEFATIO.

EXISTIMAMUS eum et amantis civis et viri pruden-
tis personam bene simul sustinuisse, qui interrogatus
an optimas leges suis civibus dedisset, optimas certe,
dixit, ex iis quas illi accepturi fuissent.1 Atque certe
quibus non tantum bene cogitasse satis est (quod non
multo secus est ac bene somniasse) nisi obtineant
quoque et rem ad effectum perducant, iis non optima
utique, sed ex iis quas probari verisimile est potissi-
ma, quandoque eligenda sunt. Nobis vero, licet Hu-
manam Rempublicam, patriam communem, summo
prosequamur amore, tamen legislatoria ilia ratione et
delectu uti liberum non est. Neque enim leges in-
tellectui aut rebus damus ad arbitrium nostrum, sed
tanquam scribae fideles ab ipsius naturae voce latas et
prolatas excipimus et describimus. Itaque sive illse
placeant, sive per opinionum suffragia antiquentur,
fides nostra omnino exsolvenda est. Neque tamen
spem abjecimus, quin sint atque exoriantur apud pos-
teros nonnulli, qui optima qnajque capere et conco-

i Diog. Laert. in Sol.

PRODROMI. 183

quere possint, et quibus ea perficere et colere curaB
erit. Itaque ad ilia ipsa tendere, atque fontes rerum
et utilitatum aperire, et viarum indicia undique con-
quirere (invocata Numinis ope), nunquam dum in
vivis erimus desistemus. lidem nos, de eo quod ad
omnes pertinere et in commune prodesse possit soli-
citi, dum ad majora > contendimus, minora non asper-
namur (cum ilia remota, haec parata esse soleant),
nee potiora (ut arbitramur) afferentes, idcirco veteri-
bus ac receptis, quominus ilia apud plurimos raleant,
intercedimus ; quinetiam ea ipsa et aucta et emen-
data et in tyonore esse cupimus. Neque enim homines
aut omnes aut omnino aut statim a receptis et credi-
tis abducere conamur. Sed quemadmodum sagitta
aut missile fertur certe in processu, sed tamen inte
rim conversiones suas perpetuo expedit, progrediendo
et nihilominus rotando ; ita et nos, dum ad ulteriora
rapimur, in receptis et cognitis volvimur et circumferi-
mur. Quamobrem nos quoque rationis ipsius com-
munis et demonstrationum vulgarium (abdicato licet
imperio earum) honesta opera utimur ; atque ea quae
nobis secundum eas inventa et judicata sunt, quaeque
plurimum et veritatis et utilitatis habere possunt, pari
cum caeteris jure pro[)ouemus. Sed tamen neque per
hoc iis qua? de rationis nativa? et demonstrationum
veterum incompetentia dicta sunt derogatum quid-
quam intelligimus. Quin base potius adjunximus ad
tempus, et in gratiam eorum qui justa excusatione
aut virium aut occupationum retardati contempla-
tiones suas intra veteres scientiarum plagas et pro-
vincias, aut saltern earum confinia contermina, sistere
volent. Eadem iis qui veram naturae interpretationem
secundum indicia nostra accedent, eamque molientur,

184 PRODROMI.

loco diverticulorum aut tabernaculorum in via preebi-
torum ad solatium et levamentum esse queant; atque
interim humanas fortunas aliqua ex parte juvare, et
mentes cogitationibus quas paulo arctiorem cognatio-
Nnem habeant cum natura perfundere. Id vero ex
facilitate aliqua nostra, aut ejus fiducia, miniine omi-
namur. Verum nobis dubium non est, si quis medi-
ocris licet ingenii, sed tamen animi maturus, idola
mentis sua3 deponere atque inquisitionem de integro
sibi decernere atque inter vera historiae naturalis at
que ejus calculos attente et diligenter et libere ver-
sari velit et possit ; quin ille ipse, quisquis sit, longe
altius in naturam penetraturus sit ex sese, et propriis
et genuinis mentis viribus, denique ex meris Antici-
pationibus suis, quam per omnigenam authorum lec-
tionem, aut meditationem abstractam infinitam, aut
disputationes assiduas et repetitas ; etsi machinas non
admoverit, nee interpretandi formam secutus fuerit.
Quare et simile quippiam nobis usu venire posse non
diffidimus ; praesertim cum accedat interpretandi ex-
perimentum et exercitatio, quam ipsum habitum men
tis corrigere et mutare probabile est. Neque tamen
haec in earn partem accipi volumus, ac si fidem quam
antiquorum placitis denegavimus nostris adhiberi postu-
lemus. Quin contra testamur et profitemur, nos ipsos
istis quae jam proponemus, qualiacunque ea sint, teneri
minime velle, ut omnia Philosophise nostrae Secundae
et Inductivae tamquam Integra serventur. Cogitata
autem ipsa spargere, non methodo revincire, visum est.
Haec enim forma pubescentibus tamquam a stirpe de
integro scientiis debetur ; atque ejus est, qui non ar-
tem constituere ex connexis, sed inquisitionem liberam
instituere in singulis, in pnesentia tantum velit.

PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.

PAKT H.

WORKS ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH THE INSTAURATIO
MAGNA, BUT NOT MEANT TO BE INCLUDED IN IT ;

ARRANGED
ACCORDING TO THE ORDER IN WHICH THEY WERE WRITTEN.

Ista enim nos tanquam in Hmine Historiaa Naturalis stantes prospicimus, quae
quanto inagis quis se immerserit in Historiam Naturalem tanto fortasse probabit
magis. Attamen testamur iterum nos hie teneri nolle. In his enim, ut in aliis,
certi vise nostrae sumus, certi sedis nostrse non sumus. — Thema Call, 1612.

PREFACE.

ALL the works except one which belong to this part,
and several of the most interesting among those which
follow in the next, were published by Isaac Gruter in
1653 ; and since in explaining the arrangement which
I have adopted I shall often have to refer to the vol
ume in which they first apppeared, it will be well to
give a particular account of it at once.

Bacon, in his last will, — after bequeathing his col
lection of speeches and letters to Bishop Williams and
Sir Humphrey May, as being privy councillors, — com
mended the rest of his papers to the care of Sir John
Constable and Mr. Bosvile. " Also I desire my exec
utors, especially my brother Constable, and also Mr.
Bosvile, presently after my decease, to take into their
hands all my papers whatsoever, which are either in
cabinets, boxes, or presses, and them to seal up till
they may at their leisure peruse them."

What care, or whether any, was presently taken of
these papers, I cannot learn. But it is probable that
for fourteen months after Bacon's death, they remained
locked up ; — for so long it was before any one had
authority to act ; the executors named in the will
refusing or delaying to assume their office, and letters
of administration being granted on the 13th of July,

188 PREFACE.

1627, to Sir Robert Rich and Mr. Thomas Meautys,
two of the creditors ; — and that then, or not long
after, they were placed in the hands of Mr. Bosvile.
This Mr. Bosvile, better known as Sir William Bos-
well, was sent, soon after Bacon's death, to the Hague ;
where he resided for several years as agent with the
States of the United Provinces. He was knighted on
the 18th of May, 1633, and died I believe in 1647.
Whether all Bacon's remaining manuscripts were sent
to him, or only a portion of them, is not known.
What we know is that, among those which were sent,
there were many philosophical pieces written in Latin ;
that he consulted Isaac Gruter about them ; and that
the result was a 12mo volume printed by Elzevir at
Amsterdam in the year 1653, entitled Francisci Baconi
de Verulamio Scripta in Naturali et Universali Philo-
sopliid, and containing these pieces following : —

1. A Prayer, headed Temporis Partus Masculus, sive

Instauratio magna imperil humani in universum.
The same in substance, and almost the same in
expression, as the prayer which is introduced
towards the end of the Preface to the Instauratio
(Vol. I. p. 208.) : placed here by itself on the
blank side of the title-leaf, as if it were a motto
to the volume — an office for which the heading
makes it altogether inappropriate.

2. Oogitata et Visa; to which is added a Latin trans

lation of Sir Thomas Bodley's letter to Bacon
concerning that work. (p. 62.)

3. Descriptio G-lobi Intellectualis. (p. 75.)

4. Thema Oceli. (p. 154.)

PREFACE. 189

5. De Fluxu et Itefluxu Maris. (p. 178.)

6. De Principiis atque Originibus secundum Fabulas

Cupidinis et Coeli, $c. (p. 208.)

These are all printed as separate pieces ; each carry
ing its own title along the top of its own pages.

Then follow, under a general running title of Impe
tus Philosophies : —

7. Indicia Vera de Interpretatione Naturce. (p. 285.)

Merely the Pnefatio to the Novum Organum,
already printed in the first volume of this edi
tion, p. 233.

8. Partis Instaurationis Seeundce Delineatio et Argu-

mentum. (p. 293.) Printed as if it were a sequel
to the last, the two forming one piece ; which
originally perhaps they did.

9. Phenomena Universi, sive Historia Naturalis ad

condendam Philosophiam. (p. 323.) A fragment,
consisting of a preface intended for the third part
of the Instauratio, and a rudiment of the His
toria Demi et Ran, with which it seems that
Bacon then intended to begin his collection of
histories.

10. Scala Intellectus, sive Filiim Labyrinthi. (p. 379.)
A preface intended for the fourth part of the In
stauratio. Already printed. Supra p. 177.

11. Prodromi sive Anticipationes Philosophice Seeundce.

(p. 385.) The preface intended for the fifth part
of the Instauratio. Already printed. Supra p. 182.

12. Oogitationes de Naturd Rerum. (p. 389.) The

190 PREFACE

piece with which in the present edition Part II.
begins : infra p. 203.

13. A Preface, entitled Frandscus Bacon Lectori, (p.
431.) A first draught probably of the preface
to the fourth part of the Instauratio.

14. Filum Labyrintlii, sive Inquisitio legitima de Motu.

(p. 435.) A skeleton of an enquiry conducted
upon the true method ; that is to say, a complete
list of the titles of the several processes of an in
vestigation into the Form of Motion ; followed by
some general remarks, which may have been de
signed for the conclusion of the work which Ba
con had in contemplation when he wrote the Cogi-
tata et Visa, and intended to set forth the new
method in an example.

15. Franc. Baconi Aphorismi et Consilia, de auxiliis
mentis et accensione luminis naturalis. (p. 448.)

16. De Interpretatione Natures Sentential XII. (p. 451.)

This and the preceding are rudiments of the No-
vum Organum.

17. Tradendi Modus legitimus. (p. 458.) This consists
of two chapters ; of which the first is the same as
the first chapter of the Temporis Partus Masculus;
the second another form of the Redargutio Philo-
sophiarum. They are printed here (probably by
mistake) as if they were a sequel to the Sententice
XII., with which they do not appear to be con
nected.

18. De Interpretatione Naturae Prooemium. (p. 479.)

This has been intended for a preface to the In-

PREFACE. 191

stauratio, in some of its forms ; probably to the
Temporis Partus Masculus.

19. Francisci Baconi Topica Inquisitionis de Luce et
Lumine. (p. 485.) Another copy, with a few
slight variations, of the paper which has been al
ready printed (Vol. IV. p. 133.) from Dr. Kaw-
ley's copy.

Of these nineteen pieces, the last thirteen are (as I
have said) distinguished from the others by a general
running title of Impetus Philosophici ; the 2nd, 3rd,
4th, 5th, and 6th carrying each its own title on the
top of its own pages ; and to the whole volume is pre
fixed an address from Gruter to the reader, which con
tains all the information that is to be had about it ;
and which I must transcribe at length, the meaning
being in some places so obscure that I can only
guess at it.

LECTORI S. ISAACTTS GRUTERUS.

QU^E tibi damus Amice Lector, ad Universalem et Natu-
ralem Philosophiam spectantia, ex Manuscriptis Codicibus,
quos accurate recensuerat et varie emendarat author, me
amanuense apographa sunt. Sola Bodlei epistola, qua? ad
examen vocat Gogitala et Visa, per me ex Anglico facta
Latina est, atque ex opere epistolarurn Baconi, quas tali idio-
mate circumferuntur, hue translata ob materiae cognationem.
Titulus quern frons libri praefert et totum complectitur opus-
culi in varias dissertationes secti argumentum, ab ipso Veru-
lamio est ; quern singular exhibent pagina? ex rerum tracta-
tarum serie distinctum, a me, ut minus confunderet quaerentem
Lectoi'em indiculi defectus. Quicquid sequitur, ab eo loco
cujus inscriptio est in ipso contextu Indicia vera de interpre-

192 PREFACE.

tatione naturce usque ad finem, donavi eo nomine Impetus
Philosophici, quod ex familiaribus Viri magni colloquiis
notassern, cum de istis chartis mecum ageret. Non aliter
enim appellare solebat quicquid prioribus per titulos suos
separatis connecteretur; ne quis imperfectum statim sus-
picetur quod deferveseente Impetu non videt trahere syrma
prolixaa tractationis. Omnia autem baec inedita (nisi quod
in editis paucissimis rara exstent quarundam ex his rnedi-
lationum vestigia) debes, Amice Lector, Nobilissimo Guil
Boswello, ad quern ex ipsius Baconi legato pervenerant, cum
aliis in politico et morali genere elaboratis, quae nunc ex
dono TOV fjuaKapirov penes me servantur non diu premenda.
Boswello inquam, viro nobilitate. prudentia insigni, varia
eruditione, humanitate summa, el Oratori olim apud Batavos
Anglo ; cujus sancta mihi memoria est. Vale et conatibus
nostris fave, qui mox plura daturi sumus Baconiana latine
versa, maximam partem inedita ; et o-uAAoy^v adornamus
epistolarum quas vir eminentissimus Hugo Grotius scripsit
ad Belgas, Germanos, Italos, Suecos, Danos, Gallis exceptis,
quas Clarissimus Sarravius Senator Parisiensis edidit. Ro-
gantur'itaque in quorum manus base inciderint, ut, si quid
ejus notse habent, aut sciunt unde haberi queat, ad typo-
graphum transmittant, et significent, casteris jam collectis
aggregandum.

From this statement we learn, first, that all the
pieces in the volume are genuine, having been copied
by Gruter from original manuscripts, bearing marks
of revision and correction by Bacon himself; which
manuscripts Gruter received directly from Sir William
Boswell, to whom they had come directly from the
executors ; secondly, that Gruter had then in his pos
session, "non diu premenda," certain other writings
of Bacon's (in Latin apparently) relating to morals
and politics, which had come to Boswell along with

PREFACE. 193

these ; and thirdly, that he had in his hands (but
whether derived from the same source or not \ve
cannot say) some pieces written by Bacon in Eng
lish, and most of them unpublished ; and that of
these he intended shortly to bring out a Latin trans
lation.

With regard to the works contained in this volume,
he seems to have had no further information to give.
He has confined himself to the simple office of tran
scriber. The order in which they are arranged tells
nothing either as to nature or date ; and the running
titles, which are his own device, seem to imply a dis
tinction which, being untrue, can only introduce con
fusion. By assigning separate running titles to some
of the pieces and printing all the rest under one gen
eral running title of Impetus Philosophid, any one
would suppose that he meant to distinguish the first
as in some way different in character from the last, —
to separate the complete from the incomplete, for in
stance, the solid from the slight, or the deliberate and
final judgment from the experimental and rudimen
tary essay ; — whereas there is in fact no such dif
ference to be found between the two : there being
pieces among the last as complete in themselves as any
among the first, and pieces among the first as incom
plete as any among the last. And if I rightly un
derstand Gruter's own explanation of his motive in
making the distinction, — namely, lest the reader
should impute the imperfection of the pieces to the
fault of the editor instead of the defervescens impetus
of the author, — it would even seem that he supposed
the Descriptio Globi Intellectually and the De Principiis
et Originibus to be complete ; which he could not pos-

13

194 PREFACE.

sibly have done if he had read them with his mind
as well as with his eyes.

The fact probably is that the five pieces which stand
first under separate titles — the priora per titulos suos
separata — were found copied out in a book ; and that
the rest, — " quicquid prioribus, &c. connecteretur," —
were in separate papers, tied up with it. We happen
to know from the Commentarius Solutus that in the
year 1608 this was the way in which Bacon's manu
scripts were actually arranged, — that among his Libri
Gompositionum was one entitled Scripta in Naturali et
Universali Philosophid, and that all his books " had
pertaining to them fragments and loose papers of like
nature with the books ; and those likewise were bun
dled or laid up with the books." These last I pre
sume it was, or such as these, that were called Impe
tus Pliilosophici by the " Vir Magnus " (that is, by
Boswell, — for Bacon cannot be meant) with whom
Gruter conferred about the papers : a description
convenient enough for the purpose of distinguishing
in a box of manuscripts the loose from the bound-up
pieces, but worse than useless when introduced, espe
cially with such imperfect explanation, into a printed
book. In the present edition, the plan of which makes
it necessary to separate and disperse the several pieces
collected by Gruter under this title, the title itself is
of course dispensed with. But if the reader wishes to
know which of Bacon's posthumous writings he had
taken pains to preserve by having them transcribed
into a book, and which he had merely kept by him
in loose bundles, — a point which it may sometimes
be of use to ascertain, — he will find in the table of
contents which I have just given all the information

PREFACE. 195

on the subject that can be extracted from Gruter's
volume.

The duty of transcriber Gruter appears to have per
formed tolerably well ; there are but a few places in
which the text is manifestly corrupt ; but since he has
attempted nothing more, it is to be regretted that he
has left us without any information as to the fate of
the original manuscripts ; not one of which, I believe,
is known to be in existence. There is not one of them
which would not be well worth examining, if it could
be found ; not only for the correction of the text, but
because some interesting questions as to date might
possibly be cleared up by help of the interlineations
and alterations.

Another question well worth asking is, what became
of those moral and political pieces which Gruter had
received from Boswell, and had by him in 1653, and
intended to publish ? I cannot hear that he ever
did publish anything answering the description ; and
unless lie transferred them to* Dr. Rawley to be in
cluded in the Opuscula (1658), which does contain
a few things of the kind, they remain to be ac
counted for.

The unpublished English pieces, of which he an
nounces his intention to bring out a Latin trans
lation (an intention which I cannot learn that he
ever fulfilled), may have been only copies of those
which were published by Dr. Rawley in 1657. These
were afterwards translated into Latin by S. J. Ar
nold, and included (see Acta Eruditorum, vol. xiii.
anno 1694, p. 400.) in an edition of Bacon's Op
era Omnia which was published at Leipsic in that
year.

196 PREFACE.

In 1695 they were reprinted at Amsterdam by H.
Wetstenius in a separate volume ; with the title Fran-
cisci Baconi, £c., Opuscula historico-politica, Anglice
olim conscripta, et nuper Latinitate donata d Simone
Joanne Arnoldo, Ecdesice Sonnenbrugemis Inspectore.

J. S.

COGITATIONES

DE

NATUUA RE RUM.

PKEFACE

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

THIS piece was printed by Gruter among the Impe
tus Philosophici ; from which we may probably con
clude that it had not been transcribed into the volume
of Scripta in Naturali et Universali Philosophid : l but
that is all. There is nothing to determine the date of
composition, unless it be the absence of any allusion to
the new star in Ophiuchus in the place where the new
star in Cassiopeia is mentioned. See note, § x. The
value of the argument will be more easily understood
by comparing the passage in question' with a passage
of the same import in a work, obviously later, where
both these stars are mentioned together. In both cases
the question under discussion is the immutability of the
heavens. In the Cogitationes de Natard Rerum, of
which the date is unknown, we find, "... mutationes
in regionibus coelestibus fieri, ex cometis quibusdam
satis liquet ; iis dico qui certam et constantem config-
urationem cum stellis fixis servarunt ; qualis fuit ille
qui in Cassiopea nostra astate apparuit." This star
in Cassiopeia appeared in 1572. But another of the
same kind, and no less remarkable, appeared in Sep-
1 See above, p. 194.

200 PREFACE TO

tember 1604. It is said to have been brighter, when
first seen, than Jupiter;1 and though its brightness di
minished afterwards, it was distinctly visible for more
than a year. It attracted so much attention as to be
made the subject of three lectures of a popular char
acter, given by Galileo to crowded audiences ; and it
is difficult to believe either that Bacon did not know
of it (he being then 44 years old, and busy at the time
with the Advancement of Learning, and quite under
standing the significance of the phenomenon ;) or that,
if he did, he could have forgotten to mention it when
speaking of the other. Accordingly, in the Descriptio
Globi Intellectualis, which we know to have been writ
ten about the year 1612, the passage which I have just
quoted appears in a new form. " Id enim [sc. admi-
randas in coelo accidere mutationes atque insolentias]
perspicitur in cometis sublimioribus, iis nimirum qui et
figuram stellar induerunt absque coma, neque solum ex
doctrina parallaxium supra lunam collocati esse pro-
bantur, sed configurationem etiam certain et constan-
tem cum stellis fixis habuerunt, et stationes suas ser-
varunt, neque errones fuerunt ; quales astas nostra non
semel vidit ; primo in Cassiopea, iterum non ita pridem
in OphvucJw."

That when Bacon wrote the tenth Cogitatio he had
not heard of the appearance of this second new star,
may be assumed with considerable confidence. The
only question is whether such a phenomenon could
have been long known to the astronomers of his time,
without his hearing of it ; of which I can only say
that it seems unlikely, and that, in the absence of all

1 Maestlin. quoted in the Life of Galileo, Library of Useful Knowledge
p. 16.

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 201

evidence to the contrary, the presumption must be that
these Cogitationes were composed before 1605. That
they were composed before the appearance of the new
star in Cygnus, cannot be so safely inferred. That
star was much less conspicuous ; and it is a fact that
Galileo himself, treating this very same argument,
mentions both the others without making any allu
sion to it. See Dial, dei Massimi Sistemi, p. 59. ed.
Flor. 1842.

The notes to this piece are Mr. Ellis's.

J. S.

COGITATIO I.

De sectione corporum, continuo, et vacua.

DOCTRINA Democriti de atomis aut vera est, aut ad
demonstrationem utiliter adhibetur. Non l facile enim
est naturae subtilitatem genuinara, et qualis in rebus
ipsis invenitur, aut cogitatione complecti aut verbis
exprimere, nisi supponatur atomus. Accipitur autem
duobus sensibus atomus, non multum inter se diversis.
Aut enim accipitur pro corporum sectionis sive fractio-
nis termino ultimo sive portione minima ; aut pro cor-
pore quod vacuo caret. Quod ad primum attinet, haec
duo posita tuto et certo statui possunt. Alterum, inve-
niri in rebus dispertitionem et comminutionem, longe
ea quae sub adspectum cadit subtiliorem. Alterurn,
earn tamen infinitam non esse, nee perpetuo divisibi-
lem. Si qxiis enim diligenter attendat, reperiet rerum
minutias in corporibus continuatis, eas quae in cor-
poribus fractis et discontinuatis inveniuntur subtilitate
longe vincere. Videmus enim parum croci in aqua
infusum et agitatum, puta dolium aquaa ita inficere, ut
ab alia aqua pura etiam visu distingui possit. Quae
certe dispertitio croci per aquam, subtilitatem exquisi-
tissimi pulveris superat. Quod manifestum fiet, si tan-

1 Nam in Gruter's copy. — J. S.

204 COGITATION ES DE NATURA RERUM.

tundem pulveris ligni Brasilii, vel balaustiorum, vel
alicujus rei optime coloratse (quoe tamen croci lento-
rem ad se in liquoribus aperiendum et incorporandum
non habeat) immisceas. Itaque ridiculum erat, ato-
mos pro parvis illis corpusculis quse sub radiis solis
conspiciuntur accipere. Ea enim pulveris instar sunt ;
atomum autem, ut ipse Democritus aiebat, nemo un-
quam vidit, aut videre possit. Sed ista rerum disper-
titio in odoribus multo magis mirabilem se ostendit.

O

Etenim si parum croci dolium aquae colore, at parum
zibethi coenaculum amplum odore, imbuere et inficere
potest, et subinde aliud, et rursus aliud. Neque quis-
quam sibi fingat, odores, luminis more aut etiam ca-
loris et frigoris, absque communicatione substantial
difFundi ; cum notare possit, odores etiam rebus soli-
dis, lignis, metallis, adhaerescere, idque ad tempus non
exiguum ; posse etiam frictione, lavatione, ab iisdern
discuti et purgari. Verum in hisce et similibus, quod
processus infinitus non sit, nemo sanus contradixerit ;
cum intra spatia et limites, et corporum quantitates,
hujusmodi dispertitio sive diffusio coliibeatur : ut in
exemplis antedictis evidentissimum est. Quod ad se-
cundum sensum atomi attinet, quod vacuum prsesup-
ponit, atomumque ex privatione vacui definit ; bona
et seria diligentia Heronis fuit, quse1 vacuum coacer-
vatum necavit, vacuum commistum asseruit.2 Cum

O *

enim perpetuum corporum nexum cerneret, neque in-
veniri prorsus aut assignari spatium aliquod quod cor-
pore vacet ; et multo magis, cum corpora gravia et
ponderosa sursum ferri, et naturas suas quoquo modo
deponere et violare potius quam divulsionem absolu-

1 So in Gruter's copy. — J. S.

a See note on Nov. Org. n. 48. [Vol. I. p. 513.]

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 205

tarn a corpore contiguo patiantur, videret ; naturain a
vacuo majoris not*, sive coacervato, abhorrere prorsus
statuit. Contra, cum eandem corporis materiam con-
trahi, et coarctari, et rursus aperiri et dilatari perspi-
ceret, et spatia inrequalia, interdum inajora interdum
minora, occupare et complere ; non vidit quomodo
liujusmodi ingressus et egressus corpornm in locis suis
fieri possit, nisi propter vacuum admistum, minus vi
delicet corpore compresso, plus relaxato. Necesse enim
esse, contractionem istam per unum ex his tribus mo-
dis fieri ; aut eo quern diximus, nempe quod vacuum
pro ratione contractionis excludatur ; aut quod aliud
aliquod corpus prius intermixtum exprimatur ; aut
quod sit quondam naturalis (qualis qualis ea sit) cor-
porum condensatio et rarefactio. Atque quod ad cor
poris tenuioris expressionem attinet, ista ratio nullum
exitum habere videtur. Nam verum est, spongias, et
hujusmodi porosa, expresso acre contrahi. De acre
ipso autem manifestum est per plurima experimenta,
eum1 spatio notabili contrahi posse. Num ergo et
ipsius aeris subtiliorem partem exprimi putandum est?
et deinceps hujusmodi partis aliam, et sic in infinitum?
Nam adversissimum tali opinioni est, quod quo tenu-
iora corpora sint, eo majorem contractionem sustine-
ant ; cum contra fieri oporteret, si contractio per ex
pressionem partis tenuioris fieret. Atque de illo altero
modo, corpora scilicet eadem, nee alias mutata, tamen
magis et minus in raritate aut densitate recipere, non
multum laborandum est. Positivum enim quiddam
videtur esse, et ratione surda et inexplicata niti, qua-
lia sunt fere Aristotelis pronuntiata. Restat itaque
tertius ille modus, qui vacuum supponit. Quod si
i cum in Gruter's copy. — J. S.

206 COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

illud quis objiciat : durum videri, et fere incredibile,
ut vacuum admistum sit, cum corpus ubique reperia-
tur ; is si exempla quae modo adduximus, aquas croco,
vel aeris odoribus infecti, ammo sedatiore consideret,
facile perspiciet nullam partem posse assignari aquaa
ubi crocus non sit, et tamen manifestum esse ex com-
paratione croci et aquae antequam miscerentur, corpus
aquas corpus croci multis numeris excedere. Quod
si id in diversis corporibus invenitur, multo magis in
corpore et vacuo hoc fieri putandum est. Verum in
ea parte, Heronis, utpote hominis mechanici, contem-
platio, ilia Democriti, philosophi clarissimi, inferior
fuit : quod Hero, quia hie apud nos in nostro isto
orbe vacuum coacervatum non reperit, ideo illud sim-
pliciter negavit. Nil enim impedit, quominus in re-
gionibus astheris, ubi proculdubio majores sunt corpo-
rum expansiones, etiam vacuum coacervatum sit. In
iis autem inquisitionibus et similibus semel monitum
sit, ne quis propter tantam nature subtilitatem con-
fundatur et diffidat. Cogitet enim et unitates et
summas rerum ex aequo supputationi submitti. Tarn
facile enim quis mille annos dixerit aut cogitarit,1
quam mille momenta ; cum tamen anni a multis mo-
mentis constituantur. Neque rursus existimet aliquis,
haec potius speculationis curiosae esse, quam ad opera
et usum referri. Videre enim est omnes fere pbilos-
ophos et alios qui in experientia et rebus particulari-
bus sedulo versati sunt et naturam ad vivum dissec-
uerunt, in hujusmodi inquisitiones incidere, licet eas
feliciter non peragant. Neque alia subest causa po-
tentior et verior, ob quam philosophia quam habemus
efFectuum sit sterilis, nisi quod verborum et notionum

1 cogitaret in Gruter's edition. — J. S.

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 207

vulgarium subtilitates captavit ; naturae subtilitatem
non persecuta est, nee inquirere constituit.

ii.
De cegualitate ac incequalitate Atomorum sive Seminum.

PYTHAGOR..E inventa et placita talia ex majore parte
fuere, quae ad ordinem potius quendam religiosorum
fundandum, quam ad scholam in philosophia aperien-
dam, accommodata essent ; quod et eventus compro-
bavit. Ea enim disciplina plus in haeresi Manichaeo-
rum et superstitione Mahumeti quam apud philosophos
valuit et floruit. Opinio tamen ejus, mundum ex
numeris constare, eo sensu accipi potest, ut ad natu-
ra3 principia penetret. Duplex enim est, atque adeo
esse potest, opinio de atomis sive re rum seminibus :
una Democriti, quse atomis inaaqualitatem et figuram,
et per figuram situm, attribuit ; altera fortasse Pythag
oras, quae eas omnino pares et similes esse asseruit.1
Qui enim sequalitatem atomis assignat, is omnia in
numeris necessario ponit ; qui autem reliqua attributa
admittit, is naturas primitivas atomorum singularium
prseter numeros sive rationes coitionum adhibet. Ac-
tiva autem quaestio quae huic speculativas respondet
eamque determinare potest, ea est quam etiam De-
mocritus adducit ; utrum omnia ex omnibus fieri pos-
sint.2 Quod cum ille a ratione alienum putasset,

1 It is possible that Bacon may have been led to suggest this view of the
Pythagorean philosophy by a passage in Stoba3us, Edog. i. 16. It is there
said that Ecphantus, a Pythagorean of Syracuse, took as first principles
atoms and vacuum, raf yap IIvi?a/op<«af fjavadaf ovrof Trpwrof uTre^yvaTO
ou/jaTiKaf. But as metaphysical conceptions have, so to speak, a natural
tendency to assume a merely physical character, the idea of a parallel be
tween Democritus and Pythagoras may, it is not improbable, have occurred
to him independently of this or any similar passage.

2 See Lucretius, i. 784.

208 COGITATIONES DE NATURA. RERUM.

atomorum divcrsitatem tenuit. Nobis vero ea quaes-
tio non bene instituta nee quasstionem priorem prem-
ere videtur, si de transmutations immediata corpo-
rum intelligatur. Verum utrura etiam per debitos
circuitus et mutationes medias universa non transeant,
ea demum quaestio legitima est. Dubium enim non
est, semina rerum, licet sint paria, postquam se in
certas turmas et nodos conjecerint, corporum dissi-
milium naturam omnino induere, donee eaedem turmaa
aut nodi dissolvantur ; adeo ut compositorum natura
et affectus transmutationi immediatae non minori im-
pedimento ac obici, quam simplicium, esse possit.
Verum Democritus in corporum principiis investigan-
dis acutus ; in motuum autem principiis examinandis
sibi impar et imperitus deprehenditur ; quod etiam
commune vitium omnium philosophorum fuit. At-
que hujus de qua loquimur inquisitionis de prirna
conditione seminum sive atomorum utilitas, nescimus
an non sit omnino maxima ; ut quae sit actus et po-
tentiae suprema regula, et spei et operum vera mode-
ratrix. Etiam alia inquisitio inde fluit, cujus utilitas
complexu minor, sed rebus et operibus propior est.
Ea est de separatione et alteratione ; hoc est, quid
per separationem fiat, et quid alia ratione. Familia-
ris enim est animo humano error, qui etiam a cliym-
istarum philosophia magnum robur et incrementum
accepit ; ut ea separationi deputentur, quae alio spec-
tent. Exempli gratia; cum aqua in vaporem transit,
facile quis opinetur partem aquae subtiliorem emitti,
crassiorem subsistere ; ut in ligno videre est, ubi pars
in flamma et fumo evolat, pars in cinere manet. Sim
ile quiddam et in aqua fieri quis putet, licet non tarn
manifesto. Quamvis enim tota aqua quandoque ebul-

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 209

lire et consumi videatur, tamen faeces quasdam ejus,
tanquam cinerem, vasi adhserescere posse. Verum et
ista ratio cogitationem fallit. Certissimum enim est,
totum corpus aquae in ae'rem posse mutari, et si quid
vasi adhasrescat, id non ex delectu et separatione par
tis crassioris, sed forte ut aliqua pars (licet pari om-
nino cum ea qua? evolat substantia) situ vas tetigerit,
evenire ; idque exemplo argenti vivi elucescit, quod
totum fit volatile, et rursus totum absque diminutione
vel tantilla consistit. Etiam in oleo lampadum et sevo
candelarum, totum a pingui fit volatile, nee aliqua fit
incineratio; nam fuligo post flammam, non ante flam-
mam, gignitur; et flammae cadaver, non olei aut sevi
sedimentum est. Atque hoc aditum quendam ad De-
mocriti opinionem de diversitate seminum sive ato-
morum labefactandam praebet. Aditum, inquam, in
natura; nam in opinione aditus ille est multo mollior
et blandior, quod philosophia vulgaris materiam suam
commentitiam ad omnes formas asquam et communem
fingit.

in.

De negligentia veterum in inquisitione de Motu ct
Moventibus rerum Principiis.

INQUISITIONEM de Natura in Motu contemplando
,et examinando maxime collocare, ejus est qui opera
spectet. Quieta autem rerum principia contemplari
aut comminisci, eorum est qui sermones serere et dis-
putationes alere velint. Quieta autem voco principia,
qua? docent ex quibus res conflentur et consistant, non
autem qua vi et via coalescant. Neque enim ad agen
dum et potestatem sive operationem humanam arnpli-
ficandam suflScit, aut magnopere attinet, nosse ex quibus

14

210 COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

res constant, si modes et vias mutationum et transfor-
mationum ignores. Nam sumpto exemplo a mechanics
(a quarum2 phantasia celebres ill* de principiis rerum
inquisitiones fluxisse videntur), an forte qui simplicia
theriacam ingredientia novit, is pro certo thenacam
componere potest ? Aut qui sacchan, vitri, panm,
materialia recte descripta apud se habet, num propterea
artem qua3 . ad eorum prseparationem et effectionerr
pertinet tenere videtur? Atque in hujusmodi tamen
principiis mortuis investigandis et exammandis hor
num speculationes pracipue occupata sunt ; ac si qui;
cadaveris nature anatomiam inspicere, non naturae yiv
facultates et virtutes inquirere, sibi proponat et destmet.
De moventibus autum rentm principiis sermo fere in
transitu habetur ; ut omnem admirationem superet, si
intueamur quam negligenter et dissolute res omnni
maxima et utilissima inquiratur et tractetur. Etemm
si cooitationem de iis quaa dicuntur paulisper suscipia-
mus; num stimulus material per privationem? num
efformatio materi* ad ideam? num aggregate particu-
larum similium? num agitatio fortuita atomorum in
vacuo? num Iis et amicitia? num cceli et terras imprea
siones reciprocal? num elementorum commercmm per
qualitates symbolizantes ? 3 num influxus coelestium?
num sympathia et antipathia rerum? num occult;
specific* virtutes et proprietates ? num fatum, fortuna,
necessitas? num, inquam, hujusmodi generaha, qua3
aliud sunt quam spectra et simulachra in superficie rerum,

1 This word is obviously a wrong reading for medicis.

2 Read quorum.

8 Those elements are said to symbolize, or to be allied, which have
primary quality in common. Thus air symbolizes with fire, inasmuch aa
both are hot; and with water, inasmuch as like water it is moist In the
preceding clauses Bacon alludes successively to Aristotle, Plato, Anaxag-
jrae, Democritus, Empedocles, and Parmemdes.

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 211

veluti in aquis, natantia et ludentia, humanum genus
beabunt aut opes humanas efficient auctiores ? Ista enim
phantasiam implent, vel inflant potius ; sed nil prorsus
ad operum effectionem, corporum mutationem, aut mot-
uum regimen faciunt. Atque rursus, de motu naturali
et violento, de motu ex seipso et aliunde, de terminis
motuum, argutari et subtilitates captare ; et base quoque
nil admodum de corpore naturae stringunt ; sed potius
in cortice describuntur. Itaque his missis, vel ad popu-
lares sermones damnatis et relegatis, illi demum rerum
appetitus et inclinationes investigandae sunt, a quibus
ista, quam videmus, tanta effectuum et mutationum
varietas in operibus et naturae et artis conflatur et
emergit. Atque tentandum ut naturas, veluti Proteo,
vincula injiciamus. Sunt enim genera motuum recte
inventa et discreta, vera Protei vincula. Nam prout
motuum, id est, incitationum et cohibitionum, stimuli
et nodi adhibentur, ad illud sequitur materiae ipsius con-
versio et transform atio.

IV.

De divisione vulgari Motus, quod sit inutilis^ et minus
acuta.

DIVISIO Motus recepta in philosophia popularis videtur
et absque fundamento, ut quse rem per effectus tantum
dividit ; atque ad hoc, ut per causas sciamus, nihil con-
ducit. Nam generatio, corruptio, augmentatio, diminutio,
alteratio, latio ad locum, nil aliud quam opera et effectus
motuum sunt ; 1 qui cum ad manifestam rerum muta-

1 From this enumeration it seems that Bacon was not aware that genera
tion nnd corruption were not regarded by Aristotle as kinds of motion. But
see Arist. Physic, v. 1. There are, according to Aristotle, three kinds of
tcivrjaif or motion, corresponding to the three categories which admit of
contrariety; namely, noaov, TroZov, and irov. To the first corresponds in-

212 COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

tionem pervenerunt quae popular! notse subjacet, turn
demum hisce nominibus (pingui satis contemplatione)
insigniuntur. Neque enim dubitamus quin hoc sibi
velint : cum corpora per motum (cujuscunque sit gene
ris) eo usque processerint ut formam novam teneant
vel veterem ponant (quod veluti periodus quaedam est,
et justi spatii confectio), id motum generations et cor-
1-uptionis nominari ; sin autem, manente forma, quanti-
tatem tantummodo et dimensionem novam adipiscan-
tur, id motum augmentationis et diminutionis dici ; sin,1
manente etiam mole et claustris sive circumscriptione,
tamen qualitate, actionibus, et passionibus mutentur,
id motum alterations appellari ; sin, manente utique et
forma et mole et quantitate, locum et nil aliud mutent,
id per motum lationis significari. Verum haec omnia,
acutius et diligentius inspicienti, mensura motus sunt,
et periodi sive curricula quaedam motuum, et veluti
pensa ; non verae differentiae ; cum quid factum sit
designent, at rationem facti vix innuant. Itaque hu-
jusmodi vocabula docendi gratia sunt necessaria, et
dialecticis rationibus accommodata, naturalis autem
scientiae egentissima. Omnes enim isti motus com-
positi sunt, et decompositi, et multipliciter compositi ;
cum perite contemplantibus ad simpliciora penetran-
dum sit. Nam principia, fontes, causae, et formae mot
uum, id est omnigenae materiae appetitus et passiones,
philosophiae debentur ; ac deinceps motuum impressi-
ones sive impulsiones ; fraena et reluctationes ; viae et
obstructiones ; alternationes et mixtures ; circuitus et
catenae ; denique universus motuum processus. Neque

crement or decrement; to the second, alteration; and to the third, local
motion.

1 [sic in Gruter's edition ; which,] as M. Bouillet has observed, ought to
be tin.

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 213

enira disputationes animosag, aut sermones probabiles,
aut contemplationes vagae, aut denique placita speciosa,
multum juvant. Sed id agendum, ut modis debitis, et
ministerio naturae convenienti, motum quemcunque in
materia susceptibili excitare, cohibere, intendere, remit-
tere, multiplicare, ac sopire et sistere possimus ; atque
inde corporum conservationes, mutationes, et transfor-
mationes praestare. Maxime autem ii motus sunt in-
quirendi, qui simplices, primitivi, et fundamentales
sunt, ex quibus reliqui conflantur. Certissimum enim
est, quanto simpliciores motus invenientur, tanto magis
humanam potestatem amplificari, et a specialibus et
praeparatis materiis liberari, et in nova opera invales-
cere. Et certe quemadmodum verba sive vocabula
omnium linguarum, immensa varietate, e paucis literis
simplicibus componuntur ; pari ratione universes rerum
actiones et virtutes a paucis motuum simplicium naturis
et originibus constituuntur. T\irpe autem fuerit hornin-
ibus, propriae vocis tintinnabula tarn accurate explo-
rasse, ad naturae autem vocem tarn illiterates esse ; et
more prisci seculi (antequam literae inventae essent)
sonos tantum composites et voces dignoscere, elementa
et literas non distinguere.

v.1

De Quanto Materice certo, et quod* mutatio fiat absque
interitu.

OMNIA mutari, et nil vere interire, ac summam
materiae prorsus eandem manere, satis constat. Atque

1 A manuscript in the British Museum (Add. 4258.), — for a full account
of which see my Preface to the Cogitationes de Scientia Humana, the first
piece in the third Part, — contains the fifth, sixth, seventh, and tenth of
these Cogitationes. It has a few different readings, which I will point out
here, though they are almost all mistakes. — J. S.

2 quas in MS.

214 COGITATIONES DE NATURA REKUM.

ut omnipotentia Dei opus erat, ut aliquid crearetur e
nihilo ; ita et similis omnipotentia requiritur, ut aliquid
redigatur in nihilum. Id sive per destitutionem virtutis
conservatricis sive per actum dissolutionis fiat, nihil ad
rem : tantum necesse est, ut decretum intercedat Crea-
toris. Hoc posito, ne cogitatio abstrahatur aut materia
aliqua fictitia intelligatur, etiam illud significamus ; earn
a nobis introduci materiam, atque ea n at ura investitam,
nt vere dici possit, huic corpori plus materise adesse, illi
autem (licet eandem mensuram expleant) minus. Ex
empli gratia, plumbo plus, aquae minus, aeri multo
minus : neque hoc solum indefinite et ratione incerta et
surda, sed praecise ; adeo ut calculos haec res pati possit,
veluti plus duplo, triple, et similiter. Itaque si quis
dicat aerem ex aqua fieri posse aut rursus aquam ex
aere, audiam ; si vero dicat similem mensuram aquae
in similem mensuram aeris verti posse, non audiam ;
idem enim est ac si dixisset aliquid posse redigi in
nihilum. Similiter e converso, si dicat datam men
suram aeris (exempli gratia vesicam content! certi
aeris plenam) in similem mensuram aquae verti posse,
idem est ac si dicat aliquid fieri posse ex nihilo. Ex
his itaque positis, tria praecepta sive consilia ad usum
derivare jam visum est ; ut homines peritius, et propter
peritiam felicius, cum natura negotientur. Primum
hujusmodi est, ut homines frequenter naturam de
rationibus suis reddendis interpellent ; hoc est, cum
corpus aliquod quod prius sensui manifestum erat
aufugisse et disparuisse videant, ut non prius rationes
admittant1 aut liquident, quam demonstratum eis fuerit
quo tandem corpus illud migraverit, et ad quae recep-
tum sit. Hoc, ut mine sunt res, negligentissime fit,

1 non admittant in MS.

COGITATION ES DE NATURA RERUM. 215

et contemplatio plerumque cum aspectu desinit ; adeo ut
flammas, rei vulgatissimae, receptum homines non norint ;
quandoquidem earn in corpus aeris mutari falsissimum
sit. Secundum hujusmodi, ut cum homines 1 considerent
necessitatem naturae prorsus adamantinam qua3 materiae
inest, ut se sustentet nee in nihilum cedat aut solvatur,
illi rursus nullum genus vexationis et agitationis ma
teriae praetermittant, si ultimas ejus operationes et ob-
stinationes detegere atque educere velint. Atque hoc
consilium non admodum artificiosum certe videri possit ;
quis negat? sed utile tamen quiddam videtur, neque
nihil in eo est. Veruntamen, si placet, etiam nunc
parum observationis huic rei adspergamus. Itaque sic
habeto.2 Maximum certe homini, sive operanti sive
experienti, impediment um occurrit, quod materiae mas-
sam certain absque diminutione aut accessione servare,
et premere et subigere vix licet ; sed separatione facta
ultima vis eluditur. Separatio autem duplex intervenit,
aut quod pars materiae evolet, ut in decoctione : aut
saltern quod secessio fit, ut in flore lactis. Intentio
itaque mutationis corporum profundae et intimaa non
alia est, quam si materia omnino debitis modis vexetur ;
sed tamen istae dua3 separationes nihilominus interim
prohibeantur. Turn enim materia vere constringitur,
ubi fugae omnis via intercipitur. Tertium denique
hujusmodi, ut homines cum corporum alterationes in
eadem materia3 massa, neque aucta neque diminuta,
fieri videant, primum eo errore phantasiam liberent,
qui alte haaret ; alterationem nempe tantummodo per
separationem fieri ; deinde ut sedulo et perite distinguere
incipiant de alterationibus, quando ad separationem
referri debeant ; quando ad disordinationem tantum,

1 homines cum in MS. 2 habete in MS.

216 COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

et variam positionem partium absque alia separatione ',
quando ad utramque. Neque enim (credo) cum pyrum
immaturum et acerbum manibus l fortius attrectamus,
contundimus, et subigimus, unde illud dulcedinem ac-
quirit ; aut cum succinum vel gemma in pulverem sub-
tilissimum redacta colorem deponunt ; materiae pars
notabilis deperditur ; sed tantum partes corporis in
nova positione constituuntur. Restat ut errorem quen-
dam ex opinionibus hominum evellamus, cujus ea vis
est, ut si fides ei adhibeatur,2 aliqua ex his quas diximus
pro desperatis haberi possint. Vulgaris enim opinio
est, rerum spiritus, cum ad intensiorem quendam gra-
dum tenuitatis per calorem evecti8 sunt, etiam in vasis
solidissimis (puta argenti, vitri), per occultos eorundem
poros et meatus evolare ; 4 quod minus verum est.
Neque enim aer aut spiritus, licet accedente calore
rarefactus, non flamma ipsa, tarn libenter se comminuit,
ut per hujusmodi poros exitum sibi quaerere aut facere
sustineat. Verum ut nee aqua per rimam valde par-
vam, ita nee aer per hujusmodi poros effluit. Nam ut
aer aqua longe tenuior, ita et tales pori rimis conspicuis
longe subtiliores sunt; neque opus haberet5 sub vase
operto suffocari, si hujusmodi perspirationes illi ullo
modo pra3sto essent aut competerent. Exemplum
autem quod adducunt miserum est, vel potius miseran-
dum ; ut sunt pleraeque contemplationes vulgaris philo
sophise, cum ad particularia ventum est.6 Aiunt enim,
si charta inflammata in poculum mittatur, et subito os
poculi super vas aquas convertatur, aquam sursum
trahi ; propterea quod postquam flamma, et aer per

1 per manus in MS. 2 exhibeatur in MS.

8 evectce in MS. 4 evolari in Gruter's edition. — J. 8.

* haberet flamma in MS. 6 sit in MS.

COGITATION ES DE NATURA RERUM. 217

flammam rarefactus, quae spatii ali quantum impleve-
rant, per poros vasis exhalaverint, restare ut corpus
aliquod succedat. Idem in ventosis fieri, quae carnes
trahunt. Atque de successione aquae vel carnis bene
sentiunt ; de causa quae praecedit, imperitissime. Neque
enim est aliqua corporis emissio, quas spatium praebet,
sed sola corporis contractio. Corpus enim in quod
flamma recidit, longe minus spatium complet, quam
flamrna antequam exstingueretur. Hinc fit illud inane,
quod successionem desiderat. Atque in ventosis hoc
evidentissimum est. Nam cum eas fortius trahere
volunt, spongia aquae frigidae infusa illas tangunt, ut
per frigus aer interior condensetur, et se in minus
spatium colligat. Itaque demimus certe hominibus
earn solicitudinem, ne de spirituum tain facili evola-
tione laborent : cum et illi spiritus, quos saepe deside-
rant, odorum, saporum, similium, non semper1 extra
septa evolent,2 sed intra confundantur ; 3 hoc certis-
simum est.

VI.

De Quiete Apparente, et Consistently et Fluore.

QUOD quaedam quiescere videantur et motu privari,
id secundum totum aut integrum recte videtur, secun-
dum partes autem hominum opinionem fallit. Quies
enim simplex et absoluta, et in partibus et in toto,4
nulla est ; sed quae esse putatur, per motuum impedi
menta, cohibitiones, et gequilibria efficitur. Exempli
gratia, cum in vasis 5 in fundo perforatis, quibus hortos
irrigamus, aqua (si os vasis obturetur) ex foraminibus
illis non effluit, id per motum retrahentem non per
naturam quiescentem fieri perspicuum est. Aqua enim

1 temper om. MS. 2 evolant in MS. 8 confunduntur in MS.

* et in partibus et in toto om. MS. 5 vasibus in MS.

218 COGITATIONES DE NATUKA RERUM.

tarn coTitendit descendere, quam si actu suo potiatur ;
sed cum in summitate vasis non sit quod succedat,
aqua in irao ab aqua in summo retrahitur et vim
patitur. Si quis enim alterum infirmiorem in lucta
teneat, ut se movere non possit, atque ille nitatur ta-
men l sedulo, non propterea minor est motus reniten-
tiae, quia non prasvalet, et a motu fortiori ligatur. Hoc
autem quod dicimus de falsa quiete, et in rebus innu-
nieris utile cognitu est, et non minimum lucis prasbet
in inquisitione naturae solidi et2 liquidi, sive consisten-
tiae et fluoris. Solida enim videntur in positione sua
manere et quiescere, liquida autem moveri et confundi.
Neque enim columna ex aqua, aut alia effigies exstrui
potest, ut de3 ligno vel lapide. Itaque in promptu
est opinari, partes aquas superiores contendere (motu,
quern appellant, naturali) ut defluant ; partes autem
ligni non item. Atqui hoc verum non est ; cum idem
insit motus partibus ligni quae in summo collocantur,
ut deorsum ferantur, qui aquas ; idque in actum per-
duceretur, nisi ligaretur et retraheretur iste motus a
motu potiore. Is autem est certe appetitus continui-
tatis, sive separationis fuga ; qua; et ipsa tarn aqua?
quam ligno competit, sed in ligno est motu gravitatis
fortior, in aqua debilior. Nam quod ex hujusmodi
motu etiam quse liquida sunt participent, id manifestum
est. Videmus enim in bullis aquae, ad separationem
evitandam, aquam se in pelliculas conjicere, in hemis-
phaerii formam confictas. Videmus etiam in stillicidiis,
aquam ut aquas continuetur, in filum exile se producere
et attenuare, quoad sequens aqua suppetat ; sin autem
deficiat aqua ad continuationem, turn se in guttas ro-

1 So the MS. In Gruter's edit, tamen comes after propterea.

a vel in MS. 8 e< in MS.

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 219

tundas recipere, quarum diameter filo illo priore sit
multo major.1 Simili modo videmus, aquam comminu-
tionem magis exquisitam segre pati, cum ex foramini-
bus et rimis (si subtiliores sint) natural! suo pondere
absque concussione non effluat. Quare constat appe-
titum continuitatis etiam liquidis inesse, sed debilem.
At contra in rebus solidis viget, et motui naturali sive
gravitati praedominatur. Si quis enim existimet, in
columna ligni vel lapidis superiores partes non diffluere
cupere, sed se in eodem plane statu sustinere ; is facile
se corriget, si consideret columnam, sive similia, si alti-
tudo ejus ad latitudinem basis non sit proportionata,
sed modum excedat, stare non posse, sed devexo pon
dere ferri ; adeo ut structuris praealtis necesse sit ut ad
pyramidis formam inclinent, et sint versus summitatem
angustiores. Qualis autem sit ea natura quae appe-
titum istum continuitatis intendat aut remittat, non
facile inquirenti occurret. Illud fortasse suggeretur,
partes solidorum esse magis densas et compactas ; liq-
uidorum 2 magis raras et solutas ; aut liquidis subesse
spiritum, quod fluoris sit principium, qui in solidis de-
sit ; et hujusmodi. Sed neutrum horum veritati con-
sonum est. Manifestum enim est, nivem et ceram,
quae secari et fingi et impressiones recipere possunt,
argento vivo aut plumbo liquefacto longe esse rariora,
ut in ratione ponderum evincitur. Quod si quis adhuc
insistat, fieri posse ut nix aut cera, licet sit (in toto)
argento vivo rarior, tamen habere possit partes magis
clausas et compactas ; verum quia sit corpus spongio-
sum et cava multa et aerem recipiat, ideo in summa
effici leviorern ; ut in pumice fit, qui cum pro ratione
molis sit fortasse ligno levior, tamen si utrumque in

l diametrum and majus in MS. 2 liquorum in MS.

220 COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

pulverem redigatur, pulverem pumicis pulvere ligni
futurum graviorem, quia cavitates illae non amplius
adsint ; haec bene notata et objecta sunt. Sed quid ad
nivem et ceram colliquatam dicent, ubi jam cavitates
expletas sunt ; vel quid ad gummi corpora, mastichen,
et similia, quae cavitates istas manifestos non habent, et
tamen sunt pluribus liquoribus leviora ? Quod autera
de spiritu afferunt, per cujus vim et impetum res flu-
ant ; id certe primo intuitu probabile est, et notioni-
bus communibus familiare ; reipsa autem durius est et
magis erroneum ; cum verse rationi non solum non in-
nitatur, sed fere opponatur. Spiritus enim ille, quern
dicunt, revera (quod mirum fortasse dictu) consisten-
tiam inducit, non fluorem. Quod et optime in instan-
tia nivis cernitur, quse cum ex aqua et aere composi-
tum corpus sit, cumque et.aqua et aer seorsim fluant, in
mixtura tamen consistentiam adipiscitur. Quod si quis
objiciat, id evenire posse ex condensatione aquese partis
per frigus, et non ab interpositione aeris ; is se corriget,
si animadvertat etiam spumam corpus simile nivi esse,
quod tamen a frigore nullo modo condensetur. Sin
adhuc urgeat, et in spuma praacedere l condensationem,
non a frigore, sed tamen ab agitatione et percussione ;
is pueros consulat, qui ex levi aura per fistulam sive
calamum inspirata, et aqua (ob parum saponis ad-
mixtum) paulo tenaciore, miram et tamtam bullarum
structuram conficiunt. Res autem sic se habet ; cor
pora ad tactum corporis amici sive similis se solvere et
laxare ; ad tactum autem corporis dissentientis se strin-
gere et sustinere. Itaque appositionem corporis alieni
esse consistentige causam. Sic videmus oleum aquae
admistum, ut fit in unguentis, liquiditatem, quse et in

1 M. Bouillet reads procedere, which is doubtless right.

COGITATIONES DE XATURA RERUM. 221

aqua et in oleo antea vigebat, quadantenus exuere.
Contra videmus, papyrum aqua madefactam se solvere,
et consistentiam (quie ob aerem antea in poris admis-
tum valida erat) deponere ; oleo vero madefactam,
minus ; quia oleum papyro minus consentiat. Idem
quoque in saccharo videmus, et similibus, quas ad
aquam vel vinum intromittenda se laxant, neque so-
lum cum liquores illis incumbunt, sed eosdem quoque
*ugunt et sursum trahunt.1

VII.

De consensu corporum, quce sensu prcedita sunt, et quce
sensu carent.

PASSIONES corporum, quas sensu dotantur, et qua3
sensu carent, magnum consensum habent ; nisi quod
in corpore sensibili accedat spiritus. Nam pupilla oculi
speculo sive aquis gequiparatur ; et simili natura imag
ines lucis et rerum visibilium excipit et reddit. Or-
ganuin autem auditus obici intra locum cavernosum2
conforme est, a quo vox et sonus optime resultat.
Attractiones autem rerum inanimatarum, et rursus
horrores sive fuga? (eas dico, qua? ex proprietate faint)
in animalibus, olfactui atque odoribus gratis et odiosis
conveniunt. Tactus autem ratio et gustus, omnem
quse in corporibus inanimatis accidere possit aut vio-
lentiam aut contra insinuationem almam et amicam, ac
universas earundem passionum figuras, veluti vates aut
interpres exprimit. Nam compressiones, extensiones,
erosiones, separationes, et similia, in corporibus mor-

1 The following sentence is added in the MS. : " Eadem est et spongi-
arum ratio. Quin et metalla dum per calorem liquefiant, majorem partium
Bequalitatem deposita naturali congelatione obtinent." — 7. S.

2 toco cavernoso in MS.

222 COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

tuis in processu latent, nee nisi post effectum mani-
festum percipiuntur. In animalibus autem cum sensu
doloris secundum diversa genera aut characteres vio-
lentise peraguntur, permeante per orania spiritu. At-
que ab hoc principio deducitur cognitio, num forte
alicui animantium adsit alius quispiam sensus, prae-
ter eos qui notantur ; et quot et quales sensus in
universe animantium genere esse possint. Ex pas-
sionibus enim materiae rite distinctis sequetur nu-
merus sensuum, si modo organa competant et accedat
spiritus.

VIII.

De Motu Violento, quod sit fuga et discursatio partium
rei propter pressuram, licet minime visibilis.

MOTUS violentus (quern vocant) per quern missilia,
ut lapides, sagittse, globi ferrei, et similia per aerem
volant, fere omnium motuum est vulgatissimus. At-
que in hujus tamen observatione et inquisitione miram
et supinatn negligentiam hominum notare licet. Neque
parvo detrimento in motus istius natura et potestate in-
vestiganda offenditur ; cum ad infinita sit utilis, et tor-
mentis, machinis, et universae rei mechanics, sit instar
animse et vitse. Plurimi autem se perfunctos inquisi
tione putant, si motum ilium violentum esse pronun-
tient, et a naturali distinguant. Atque is sane est
Aristotelis et scholae ejus mos proprius et disciplina,
curare ut habeant homines quod pronuntient, non quod
sentiant ; et docere quomodo aliquis affirmando aut
negando se expedire, non cogitando se explicare et
sibi satisfacere possit. Alii paulo attentius, arrepto illo
posito duo corpora in UNO loco esse non posse, restare

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 223

aiunt ut quod fortius sit impellat, debilius cedat ; earn
cessionem sive fugam, si minor adhibeatur vis, non
ultra durare quam prima impulsio continuetur ; ut in
protrusione ; si autem major, etiam remote corpora im-
pellente ad tempus vigere, donee sensim remittatur ; ut
in jactu. Atque hi rursus, alio ejusdem scholae more
inveterate, primordia rei eaptant, de processu et exitu
non solliciti ; tanquam prima quasque csetera trahant ;
quo fit ut immatura quadam impatientia contempla-
tionem abrumpant. Nam ad id quod corpora sub
ipsum ictum cedant, aliquid afferunt ; sed postquam
corpus impellens jam remotum sit, adeo ut necessi-
tas ilia confusionis corporum jam plane cessaverit, cur
postea motus continuetur, nihil dicunt, nee seipsi satis
capiunt. Alii autem magis diligentes l et in inquisi-
tione perseverantes, cum vim aeris in vends et simili-
bus quse vel arbores et turres dejicere possit animad-
vertissent, opinati sunt earn vim quae hujusmodi missilia
post primam impulsionem deducat et comitetur aeri
debere attribui, pone corpus quod movetur collecto et
ingruenti ; cujus impetu corpus tanquam navis in
gurgite aquarum vehatur. Atque hi certe rem non
deserunt, atque contemplationem ad exitum perdu-
cunt ; sed tamen a veritate aberrant. Res autem vere
in hunc modum se habet. Prsecipuus motus partibus

1 See Fracastorius, De Sympath. tt Antipath. c. 4., to whom Bacon refers
in the Nov. Org. fn. 36., Vol. I. p. 447.] That the medium through which
a body is projected is the cause of its continuing to move after it has parted
from that which projects it, had however been taught by Aristotle. See
the Physics, viii. 10. ; a passage which, though the theory of projectiles
contained in it is altogether false, yet shows that Aristotle had formed a
distinct though incomplete conception of the propagation of motion through
any medium. Aristotle's view seems not to have been rightly understood
by his commentators. See Brandis's Scholia, p. 451., at bottom; and com
pare Cardan, De Subtil, ii., and Vanini, Dialogi, xi.

224 COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM.

ipsius corporis, quod volat, inesse videtur : qui, cum
visu. ob nimiain subtilitatem non percipiatur, homines
non satis attendentes, sed levi observatione rein trans-
mittentes, latet. Accuratius autem scrutanti manifeste
constat, corpora quae duriora sunt pressionis esse im-
patientissima, et ejusdem veluti sensum acutissimum
habere ; adeo ut quam minimum a natural? positione
depulsa, magna pernicitate nitantur ut liberentur et in
pristinum statum restituantur. Quod ut fiat, partes
singular, facto principio a parte pulsata, se invicem non
secus ac vis externa protrudunt ac urgent ; l et fit con-
tinua et intensissima (licet minime visibilis) partium
trepidatio et commotio. Atque hoc videmus fieri in
exemplo vitri, sacchari, et hujusmodi rerum fragilium ;
quaa si mucrone aut ferro acuto secentur aut dividan-
tur, protinus in aliis partibus, a tractu mucronis re-
motis, quasi in instanti disrurnpuntur. Quod evidenter
demonstrat communicationem motus pressure in partes
succedentes. Qui motus cum per omnia moliatur et
ubique tentet, ea parte confractionem inducit qua ex
prajcedente corporis dispositione minus fortis erat com-
pactio. Neque tarnen ipse motus, quando per omnia
turbat et percurrit, sub aspectum venit, donee aperta
fiat effractio sive continuitatis solutio. Rursus vide
mus, si forte filum ferreum, aut bacillum, aut durior
pars calami (vel hujusmodi corpora, quse flexibilia qui-
dem sunt, non absque aliqua renitentia) inter pollicem
et indiceni per extrema sua curventur et stringantur,
ea statirn prosilire. Cujus motus causa manifeste
deprehenditur non esse in extremis corporis partibus,
qua3 digitis stringuntur, sed in medio, quod vim pati-
tnr ; ad cujus relevationem motus ille se expedit. In
1 vigent in Gruter's edition. — J. S.

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 225

hoc autem exemplo plane liquet, causam illam motus
quam adducunt de impulsione aeris excludi. Neque
enim nlla fit percussio, qua3 aerem immittat. Atque
hoc etiam lev! illo experimento evincitur, cum pruni
nucleum recentem et lubricura premimus, digitosque
paulatim adducimus, atque hac ratione emittimus.
Nam et in hoc quoque exemplo compressio ilia vice
percussionis est. Evidentissimus autern hujusce motus
effectus cernitur, in perpetuis conversionibus sive rota-
tionibus corporum missilium dum volant. Siquidem
ea procedunt utique, sed progressum suum faciunt in
lineis spiralibus, hoc est procedendo et rotando. Atque
certe is motus spiralis, cum tarn sit rapidus, et nihilomi-
nus tam expeditus, et rebus quodammodo familiaris,
nobis dubitationem movit, num forte ex altiore prin-
cipio non penderet. Sed existimamus non aliam cau
sam huic rei subesse, quam eandem quam nunc trac-
tamus. Namque pressura corporis affatim motum in
partibus sive minutiis ejus excitat, ut se quacunque via
expediant et liberent. Itaque corpus non solum in
linea recta agitur et provolat, sed undequaque experi-
tur, atque ideo se rotat ; utroque enim modo ad se lax-
andum nonnihil proficit. Atque in rebus solidis subtile
quiddam et abditum ; in mollibus evidens et quasi pal-
pabile est. Nam ut cera vel plumbum, et hujusmodi
mollia, malleo percussa cedunt, non tantum in direc-
tum, sed et in latera undequaque : eodem modo et cor
pora dura sive renitentia fugiunt et in recta linea et in
circuitu. Cessio enim corporalis in mollibus, et localis
in duris', ratione conveniunt ; atque in corporis mollis
efformatione, corporis duri passio, cum fugit et volat,
optime conspicitur. Interim nemo existimet nos prae-
ter motum istum (qui caput rei est) non etiam aliquas
VOL. v. 15

226 COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERDM.

partes aeri devehenti tribuere, qui motum principalem
adjuvare, impedire, flectere, regere possit. Nam et
ejus rei potestas est non parva. Atque haec motus
violent! sive mechanic! (qui adhuc latuit) explicatio,
veluti fons quidam practices est.

IX.

De causa motus in tormentis igneis, quod ex parte tan-
tum, nee ea potiore, inquisita sit.

TORMENTORUM igneorum causa, et motus tarn po-
tentis et nobilis explicatio, manca est, et ex parte
potiore deficit. Aiunt enim pulverem tormentarium,
postquam in flammam conversus sit et extenuatus, se
dilatare et majus spatium occupare : unde sequi, — ne
duo corpora in uno loco sint, aut dimensionum pene-
tratio fiat, aut forma elementi destruatur, aut situs par-
tium p raster naturam totius sit (haec enim dicuntur),
— corporis quod obstat expulsionem vel effractionem.
Neque nihil est, quod dicunt. Nam et iste appetitus,
et materias passio, et1 hujusmodi motus pars aliqua.
Sed nihilominus in hoc peccant, quod ad necessitatem
istam corporis dilatandi rem prsepropera cogitatione
deducunt, neque quod natura prius est distincte con-
siderant. Nam ut corpus pulveris, postquam in flam-
mam mutatus est, majorem locum occupet, necessitatem
sane habet ; ut autem corpus pulveris inflammetur, id-
que tarn rapide, id simili necessitate non constringitur ;
sed ex pnccedente motuum conflictu et comparatione
pendet. Nam dubium non est, quin corpus illud soli-
dum et grave, quod per hujusmodi motum extruditur
vel removetur, antequam cedat, sedulo obnitatur ; et
1 M. Bouillet reads est.

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 227

si forte robustius sit, victoria potiatur ; id est, ut non
flarnma globum expellat, sed globus flammam sufFocet.
Itaque si loco pulveris tormentarii, sulphurem vel ca-
phuram vel similia accipias, quas flammam et ipsa cito
corripiunt, et (quia corporum compactio inflammation!
impedimento est) ea in grana pulveris, admista cineris
juniperi vel alicujus ligni maxime combustilis aliqua
portione, efformes ; tamen (si nitrum absit) motus iste
rapidus et potens non sequitur : sed motus ad inflanv
mationem a niole corporis renitentis impeditur et con-
stringitur, nee se explicat aut ad effectum pertingit.
Rei autem veritas sic se babet. Motum istum, de quo
quaeritur, geminatum et compositum reperias. Nam
prseter motum inflammationis, qui in sulphurea pul
veris parte maxime viget, subest alius magis fortis et
violentus. Is fit a spiritu crudo et aqueo, qui ex nitro
maxime, et nonnihil a car bone salicis concipitur, qui
et ipse expanditur certe (ut vapores subdito calore
solent), sed una etiam (quod caput rei est) impetu
rapidissimo a calore et inflammatione fugit et erum-
pit, atque per hoc etiam inflammation! vias relaxat et
aperit. Hujusce motus rudimenta et in crepitationibus
aridorum foliorum lauri vel liederae cernimus, cum in
ignem mittuntur ; et magis etiam in sale, qui ad rei
inquisitse naturam propius accedit. Simile etiam quid-
tlam et in sevo candelarum madido et in flatulentis
ligni \ iridis flammis sa3pe videmus. Maxime autem
eminet iste motus in argento vivo, quod corpus maxime
crudum, et instar aqua? mineralis est ; cujus vires (si
ab igne vexetur, et ab exitu probibeatur) non multo
pulveris tormentarii viribus inferiores sunt. Itaque
boc exemplo monendi homines sunt et rogandi, no in
causarum inquisitione unum aliquod arripiant, et facile

228 COGITATIONES DE MATURA RERUM.

pronuntient ; sed circuraspiciant, et contemplationes

suas fortius et altius figant.

x.

Dt- dissimilitudine coclestium et sublunarium quoad ceter-
nitatem et mutabilitatem ; quod non sit verificata.

QUOD receptum est, universitatem naturae veluti per
globes recte dividi et distingui ; ut alia sit ratio coeles-
tium, alia sublunarium ; id non absque causa intro-
ductuin videtur, si in hac opinione modus adhibeatur.
Dubium enim non est, quin regiones sub orbe lunari
positae et supra, una cum corporibus quse sub eisdem
spatiis continentur, inultis et magnis rebus differant.
Neque tamen hoc certius est quam illud, corporibus
utriusque globi inesse communes inclinationes, passi-
ones, et motus. Itaque unitatem naturae sequi debe-
inus, et ista distinguere potius quam discerpere, nee
contemplationem frangere. Sed quod ulterius recep
tum est, — coelestia mutationes non subire ; sublunaria
A'ero aut elementaria, quue vocant, iisdem obnoxia esse ;
et materiam horum instar meretricis esse, novas formaa
perpetuo appetentem ; illorum autem instar matrons,
stabili et intemerato connubio gaudentem ; — popularis
opiuio videtur esse, et infirma, et ex apparentia et su-
perstitione orta. Videtur autem nobis haec sententia
ex utraque parte labilis et sine fundamento. Nam
neque coelo ea competit aeternitas quam fingunt, nee
rursus terras ea mutabilitas. Nam, quod ad coelum at-
tinet, non ea nitendum est ratione, mutationes ibidem
non fieri, quia sub aspectum non veniunt. Aspectum
enim frustrat et corporis subtilitas et loci distantia.
Nam varise inveniuntur aeris mutationes, ut in aestu,

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RKliTM. • 229

frigore, odoribus, sonis, manifestuin est, qua? sub visum
non cadunt. Neque rursus (credo), si oculus in cir-
culo lunse positus esset, a tan to intervallo quas hie apud
nos fiunt, et qui in superficie terraa obveniunt motus et
rautationes machinarum, animalium, plantarum, et liu-
jusmodi, (quae pusillas alicujus festucae dimensionem,
ob distantiam, non aequant,) cernere posset. In cor-
poribus autera quae tantas molis et magnitudmis sunt,
ut ob dimensionum suarum amplitudinem spatia distan-
tiarum vincere atque ad aspectum pervenire possunt,1
mutationes in regionibus coelestibus fieri, ex cometis
quibusdam satis liquet ; iis dico, qui 2 certam et con-
stantera configurationem cum stellis fixis servarunt ;
qualis fuit ilia, quae3 in Cassiopea nostra aetate ap-
paruit.4 Quod autem ad terram attinet ; postquam ad
interiora ejus, relicta ea quas in superficie et partibus
proximis invenitur incrustatione et mixtura, penetra-
turn est, videtur et ibi quoque similis ei quae in ccelo
supponitur perpetuitas existere. Proculdubio enim est,
si in profundo terra pateretur mutationes, consequen-
tiam earum mutationum, etiam in nostra regione, quam
calcamus, majores casus fuisse parituram quam fieri
videmus. Sane terras motus plerique, et eruptiones
aquarum, vel eructationes ignium, non ex profundo
admodum, sed prope, insurgunt ; cum parvum aliquod

i M. Bouillet reads possint. '2 qua in MS.

3 So in the original. It should apparently be itte, qui, — ./. 8.

* The star which appeared in Ophiuchus in 1604 is generally mentioned
by Galileo in conjunction with the one in Cassiopeia (which appeared in
1572), as evidence against the doctrine of the immutability of the heavens.
It seems, therefore, that the Cogifationes were written before or not long
after 1604, especially as in the Descriptio Globi Mellectualis the two stars
are mentioned together. But a similar argument would show that they
were written before or soon after 1600, as the new star in Cygnus is not
mentioned. [On this last point see the preface p. 201. — J. S.]

230 COGIT ATI ONES DE NATURA RERUM.

spatium in superficie occupent. Quanto enim latiorem
regionem et tractum hujusmodi accidentia in facie
terrae occupant, tanto magis radices sive origines eorura
ad viscera terras penetrare putandum est. Itaque ma-
jores terras motus (majores, inquam, ambitu, non vio-
lentia) qui rarius eveniunt, recte cometis ejus generis
de quo diximus aequiparari possunt ; qui et ipsi infre-
quentes sunt ; ut illud maneat quod initio diximus,
inter coelum et terrain, quatenus ad constantiam et
mutationem, non multum interesse. Si quern autem
aequabilitas et certitudo motus in corporibus coelestibus
apparens movet, veluti aeternitatis comes individuus ;
praesto est oceanus, qui in asstu suo baud multo mi-
norem constantiam ostendat.1 Postremo, si quis adhuc
instet, negari tamen non posse quin in ipsa superficie
orbis terrarum et partibus proximis infinitas fiant muta-
tiones, in coelo non item ; huic ita responsum volumus :
nee nos base per omnia asquare ; et tamen si regiones
(quas vocant) superiorem et mediam ae'ris pro super
ficie aut interiore tunica coeli accipiamus, quemadmo-
dum spatium istud apud nos, quo animalia, plantae, et
mineralia continentur, pro superficie vel exteriore tu
nica terra? accipimus, et ibi quoque varias et multiformes
generationes et mutationes inveniri.2 Itaque tumultus
fere omnis, et conflictus, et perturbatio, in confiniis
tantum coeli et terras locum liabere videtur. Ut in
rebus civilibus fit; in quibus illud frequenter usu venit,
nt duorum regnorum fines continuis incursionibus et
violentiis infestentur, dum interiores utriusque regni
provincia? secura pace atque alta quiete fruuntur.
Nemo autem, si recte attenderit, religionem hie oppo-
nat. Nam etbnica jactantia solummodo prasrogativa

1 ostentat in MS. 2 invenire in MS.

COGITATIONES DE NATURA RERUM. 231

ista coelum materiatum donavit, ut sit incorriiptibile.
Scripturge autem Sacrae seternitatem et corruptionem
coelo et terras ex aequo, licet gloriam et venerationem
disparem, attribuunt. Nam si legatur, solem et lunam
Jideles et ceternos in coelo testes esse ; legitur etiam, gen-
erationes migrare, terrain autem in ceternum manere.
Quod autem utrumque transitorium sit, uno oraculo
continetur, nempe coelum et terram pertransire, verbum
autem Domini non pertransire. Neque haec nos novi
placiti studio diximus, sed quod ista rerum et regio-
num conficta divortia et discrimina, ultra quam veritas
patitur, magno impedimento ad veram philosophiam et
naturaa contemplationem fore, baud ignari sed exemplo
edocti, providemus.

DE

FLUXU ET KEFLUXU MARTS

PREFACE

TO THE

DE FLUXU ET KEFLUXU IAEIS.
BY ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS.

IT was a natural result of the progress of maritime
discovery in the sixteenth century, that much was
thought and written on the subject of the tides. The
reports continually brought home touching the ebb and
flow of the sea on far distant shores, not only excited
curiosity, but also showed how little the philosophers
of antiquity had known of the phenomena which they
attempted to explain. Men who dwelt on the shores
of an inland sea, and whose range of observation
scarcely extended beyond the Pillars of Hercules, were
in truth not likely to recognise any of the general laws
by which these phenomena are governed. Their au
thority accordingly in this matter was of necessity set
aside ; and a number of hypotheses were proposed in
order to explain the newly discovered fai^s. Of these
speculations an interesting account is given in the
twenty-eighth book of the Pancosmia of Patricius. It
is not, however, complete ; no mention being made of

236 PREFACE TO THE

the hypothesis of Caesalpinus, which is in itself a
curious one, and which clearly suowested to Galileo his

•/ OO

own explanation of the cause of the tides. Otto Cas-
mann, the preface to whose Problemata Marina is
dated in 1596, gives a good deal of information on
the same subject, some of which however seems to
be simply copied from Patricius ; but he mentions
Caesalpinus, whom, as I have said, Patricius omits.
Patricius, it may be remarked, is a scrupulously or
thodox philosopher, and dedicates his work to Greg
ory XIV. with many expressions of reverence and
submission.

It is perhaps on this account that he has said nothing
of Caesalpinus, whose works wrere " improbatae lec-
tionis " and who seeks to explain the tides, and also
certain astronomical phenomena, by denying the ortho
dox doctrine of the earth's immobility.

The earliest modern writer whom Patricius men
tions is Frederick Chrysogonus, whose work on the tides
must have been published in 1527. To his account of
the phenomena little, according to Patricius, was added
by subsequent writers ; nor are his statements contra
dicted by- the reports of seafaring men, who however
mention certain matters of detail which he had omitted.
Of seamen Patricius particularly mentions Peter of
Medina and Nicolaus Sagrus, the latter with especial
commendation. From Sagrus (but probably through
Patricius) Bacon derived some of the statements of the
following tract ; those, namely, which relate to the
progress of the tide-wave from the Straits of Gibraltar
to Gravelines. On the day of new moon, according to
Sagrus, there is high water along the coast from Tarifa
to Rota at an hour and a half after midnight. After

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARKS. 237

mentioning several intermediate places, he says that
along the coast of Normandy as far as Calais and Nieu-

i/

port there is high water at nine, and after a not very
distinct statement as to the time of high water in the
middle of the channel, goes on to state that from Calais
to Gravelines the water is high off shore (in derota) at
an hour and a half after midnight, that is at the same

o '

time as at Rota, and at Zealand at the same time as on
the coast of 'Portugal. These statements are scarcely
sufficiently accurate to make it worth while to compare
them with modern observations ; but it is necessary to
remark that Sagrus, though he mentions it as a re
markable circumstance that the time of hio-h water

O

should be the same at Gravelines and at Rota, does
not mean to assert that there is any discontinuity in
the progress of the tide along the shores of France and
the Netherlands. The tide gets progressivelv later and
later until we come to a place where there is high water
about one in the afternoon, and therefore also high
water about half-past one after the succeeding mid
night. In order to compare Gravelines and Rota, he
takes (but without mentioning that he does so) two
different tide-waves, — the statement with reference to
Gravelines appearing to relate to a later wave than the
other. Bacon however does not appear to have under
stood this ; and consequently, after saying that the hour
of high water becomes later and later from the Straits
of Gibraltar to the coast of Normandy, proceeds thus :
— " Hucusque ordinatim ; ad Gravelingam vero, verso
prorsus ordine, idque inagno saltu, quasi ad eandem
horam cum ostio freti Herculei." This notion of a
reversal of the order of the tides as we proceed along
the French and Dutch coast is not justified either by

238 PREFACE TO THE

Sagrus's statements or by the phenomena to which
they relate.1

Sagrus is probably the first writer who remarks that
the time of high water is not always the same as that
of slack water. " Et illud adnotat Sagrus," says Pa-
tricius, " non minus minim " (he has been speaking
of the coincidence as to the time of hiffli water be-

O

tween the Dutch and Portuguese coasts) " si a Selan-
dia quis ad caput Anglias Dobla [Dover?] naviget,
mare plenum erit a medinoctio tertia quidem hora, sed
eodem itinere, fluxus aqua3 obvius fiet per horas duas
cum dimidia donee flaccescat, quod nautae dicunt aquam
fieri stancam." Patricius rightly compares this with
the phenomenon observed at Venice, namely that when
the water has already sunk half a foot at the entrance
of the harbour it is still rising in the harbour itself.

With respect to theories of the cause of the tides, it
may be observed that a connexion of some kind or
other between the tides and the moon has at all times
been popularly recognised. But the conception which
was formed as to the nature of this connexion lono-con-

O

tinued vague and indefinite ; and in Bacon's time those
who speculated on the subject were disposed to reject
it altogether. One theory, that of Telesius and Pa
tricius, compares the sea to the water in a caldron ;
that is to say it rises and tends to boil over when its
natural heat is called forth under the influence of the
sun, moon, and stars, and then after a while subsides.
But why should this alternate rise and fall have a
definite period of six hours? Patricius calmly an-

1 I have given Sagrus's statements in extenso in a note on the passage in
the text. He seems to have forgotten that Nieuport is farther from Calais
than Gravelines.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. 239

swers, " nimirum quia omnis motus fit in tempore,"
and that there is no better reason for asking the ques
tion than for asking why certain other motions have
periods of seven or fourteen days, of six months or
twelve.

Another theory, which was propounded by Sfon-
dratus, in a tract published in 1590, and entitled
Causa dEstus Marts, explains the reciprocating motion
of ebb and flow [as owing] to the effect produced by
the continent of America. The water under the in
fluence of the sun moves in accordance with the motion
of the heavens from east to west. But it is reflected
and made to regurgitate eastward by impinging on the
coast of America, which was supposed to extend in
definitely southward (Cape Horn was not discovered
until [1615]) and which permits only a portion of it
to pass through the Straits of Magellan. Between this
theory, of which Patricius speaks contemptuously and
without mentioning the name of its author, and that
which J. C. Scaliger had put forth in the Exercitationes
adversum Cardanum, 52., there is no essential differ
ence, though Scaliger ascribes the general westward
motion of the ocean to its sympathy with the moon.
But in both theories the change of direction of the
motion is ascribed to the action of the coast of Amer
ica ; and both were doubtless suggested by the current
which flows from east to west through the Straits of
Magellan.

Bacon himself, as we perceive from the following
tract, was inclined to adopt the same view. He com
pares the Straits of Dover with those of Magellan, and
conceives that the German Ocean exhibits on a small
scale the same phenomena of a stream tending in one

240 PREFACE TO THE

direction, and compelled to regurgitate in the opposite
one by the obstacles which it meets with, as the great
Atlantic. This at least appears to be the import of
the expressions of which he makes use. That the
period of the revolution of the waters round the earth
is greater than twenty-four hours, appeared to Bacon
to be in entire accordance with the retardation of the
diurnal motion of the planets. All the inferior orbs
lag behind the starry heaven, and that of the moon
most of all ; wherefore the moon's diurnal period is
more nearly the same as that of the waters than any
other.

In these views there is an absolute confusion be
tween the bodily motion of water as in a current,
and the propagation of an undulation ; a confusion
not unnatural, seeing that to conceive the motion of
an undulation apart from that of the matter of which
it is composed is by no means easy. Scaliger how
ever might have learned from Cardan, notwithstand
ing the arrogance with which he treats him, to dis
tinguish between them. For Cardan, after saying
that high water follows the moon, inquires why the
motion of the flood current is so much slower than
the moon's. He answers : " Causa est, quod non tota
aqua, nee una pars lunam sequitur, sed proximae in
proximas transfer untur, velut si quis carnem com-
primens tumorem elevet, caro quidem parum loco
movebitur, celerrime tamen tumor per totum crus
transferetur." l

It became necessary, when the flood current was
confounded with the motion of the tide wave, to as
sign a cause for the reciprocating motion of ebb and

i De Subtilit. ii. p. 408.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. 241

flow ; and this cause was sought for in the configura
tion of land and sea.

It seems as if Aristotle, if he had developed any
theory of the tides, would have had recourse to some
similar explanation. Thus Strabo says, (I quote from
Xylander's translation,) " Jam Aristotelem Posidonius
ait aestuum marinorum qui fiunt in Hispania causas non
recte ascribere litori et Mauritania " (by litori is prob
ably meant the coast of Spain itself), " dicentem mare
ideo reciprocare, quia extrema terrarum sublimia sint et
aspera, qua3 et fluctum duriter excipiant et in Hispa-
niam repercutiant, cum pleraque litora sint humilia et
arenas tumulis constent."1 With this passage is to be
compared what Aristotle says in the commencement of
the second book of the Meteorologies, from which it ap
pears to have been his opinion that the seas within the
Pillars of Hercules flow continually outwards in conse
quence of differences of level, and that where the sea is
girt in by straits its motion becomes visible in the form
of a reciprocating libration : Sta TO raXavrfveo-Oai SeCpo
Ka/ceio-e. This obscure expression is taken to relate to
the tides, and probably does so. It suggested to Ca3sal-
pinus his theory of their cause. At least he quotes it,
and dilates on its meaning ; and when the ebb and flow
of the sea is conceived of as a libration, it is easily in
ferred that this libration ought to be ascribed not di
rectly to the fluid itself but to that on which it rests.
And this notion of the libration of the earth connected
itself with his views of astronomy. For in order to

1 Strabo, iii. p. 153. It is worth remarking that this passage is quoted
by Ideler in his edition of the Meteorologies, i. p. 501., in a way which
makes it quite unintelligible, some words having been accidentally
omitted.

VOL. v. 16

242 PREFACE TO THE

get rid of the necessity of supposing the existence of a
ninth and tenth heaven, — the former to explain the
precession of the equinoxes, and the latter the imag
inary phenomenon of their trepidation, — he ascribed
the motion by which these phenomena are produced to
the earth itself. The cause of this motion he sought
in the action of the ambient air on the earth's surface.
To explain trepidation, the earth's motion was supposed
to be in some measure libratory and irregular ; and by
being so it produced the tides.1

From the theory of Cassalpinus we pass naturally to
that of Galileo, seeing that in both the tides are ex
plained by the unequal motion of the earth. Galileo's
theory was first propounded in a letter to Cardinal Or-
sino, dated 1616. He remarks that the libratory mo
tion " che alcuno ha attribuito alia Terra," (alluding
of course to CsBsalpinus,) is in several respects not such
as to save the phenomena, and maintains that the true
cause is to be sought in the combination of the earth's
motion in its orbit with its rotation on its own axis.
In consequence of this combination, the velocity of
any point of the earth's surface varies, going through
its different values in the space of twenty-four hours.
The waters of the sea, not accommodating themselves
to this varying velocity, ebb and flow at any place as
their velocity is less or greater than that of their bed.
The boldness of the assertions by which Galileo sup
ports this theory is remarkable : thus he affirms that
the ebb and flow is always from west to east, and vice
versa" ; and that the notion that, speaking generally,
the interval between high water and low is six hours
" £ stata un' ingannevole opinione la quale ha poi fatto

1 QuaBStiones Peripat. iii. 4. and 5.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. 243

favoleggiare gli scrittori con molte vane fantasie." No
refutation of a theory which altogether misrepresents
the facts which it proposes to explain could ever have
been needed ; but the advance of mechanical science
has long since made it easy to show that no reciprocat
ing motion of the waters of the sea could be produced
in the manner described by Galileo.

Bacon does not mention Galileo's theory in the pres
ent tract, which was therefore probably written before
or not long after 1616. But in the Novum Organum
[11. 46.] it is mentioned and condemned ; one ground
of censure being that it proceeds on the untenable hy
pothesis of the earth's motion, and the other that the
phenomena are misrepresented.

Bacon, both in this tract and in the Novum Orga
num, ascribes the tides in the Atlantic to a derivative
motion of the waters, caused by the obstacles which
the form of the continents of the old and new worlds
oppose 'to its general westerly movement. It is thus
that he meets the objection which would arise from the
circumstance that there is high water at the same time
on corresponding points of the shores of Europe and
America. This notion of a derivative tide is absolutely
necessary in the detailed explanation of the phenom
ena, and I am not aware that any one had previously
suggested it, at least in the distinct form in which Ba
con puts it. He admits that, if the tides of the Pacific
synchronise with those of the Atlantic, his theory that
the tides depend on a progressive motion of the ocean
must be given [up] . If it be high water on the shores
of Peru and China at the same hours as on those of
Florida and Europe, there are no shores left on which
there can then be low water. For the important ob-

244 PKKFACE TO THE

servation that the hours of high water correspond,
speaking roughly, on the European and American
coasts, Bacon quotes in the De Fluxu et Refluxu Marls
no authority ; but in the Novum Organum he ascribes it
to Acosta and others. But it is very remarkable that
Acosta does not say what Bacon makes him say, name
ly that the times of high water are the same on the
coast of Florida and that of Europe, and that he does
say what Bacon admits would be fatal to his theory,
namely that there is high water at the same time in
the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. In his Natural His
tory of the Indies, iii. 14., he speaks of the tides, and
of the two theories by which they had been explained.
There are some, he says, who affirm that the ebb and
flow of the sea resembles a caldron of water moved to
and fro, the water rising on one side when it falls on

7 O

the other, and reciprocally ; while others liken it to the
boiling over of a pot, which rises and falls on all sides
at once. The second view is in his judgment the true
one. He says that he had inquired from a certain
pilot, Hernandez Lamero,1 who had sailed through
the Straits of Magellan about the year 1579, how he
had found the tides there, and particularly if the tide
of the South Sea or Pacific flowed when that of the
North Sea or Atlantic ebbed, and vice versa". Lamero
made answer that it was not so, that both tides ebb and
flow together, and that they meet about seventy leagues
from the Atlantic, and thirty from the South Sea.
With this statement Acosta is altogether satisfied ; and
so far from trying to compare the time of high water
on the opposite shores of the Atlantic, he remarks that
but for the Straits of Magellan it would be impossible

1 See Acosta, iii. 11.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. 245

to determine experimentally which of the two theo
ries he has mentioned is the true one ; as only angels
could make observations on both sides of the ocean at
once, the eyes of men not reaching far enough to do
so, and the distance being too great to be crossed by
man in the time of a single tide.

DE FLUXU ET REFLTJXU MARIS.

CONTEMPLATIO de causis fluxus et refluxus maris, ab
antiquis tentata et cleinde omissa, junioribus repetita, et
tamen varietate opinionum magis labefactata quam dis-
cussa, vulgo levi cohjectura refer tur ad lunam, ob con-
sensum nonnullum mot us ejusdem cum motu luna\
Attamen diligentius perscrutanti vestigia quaedam ver-
itatis se ostendunt, quae ad certiora deducere possint.
Itaque ne confusius agatur, primo distinguendi sunt
motus maris, qui licet satis inconsiderate multiplicen-
tur a nonnullis, inveniuntur revera tantum quinque ;
quorum unus tanquam anornalus est, reliqui constan-
tes. Primus ponatur motus ille vagus et varius (quos
appellant) currentium. Secundus motus magnus oce-
ani sexhorarius, per quern aquas ad littora accedunt
et recedunt alternatim bis in die, non exacte, sed cum
differentia tali quaa period um constituat menstruam.
Tertius motus ipse menstruus, qui nil aliud est quam
restitutio motus (ejus quern diximus) cliurni ad ea-
dern tempora. Quartus motus semimenstruus, per
quern fluxus habent incrementa in noviluniis et pleni-
luniis, magis quam in dimidiis. Quintus motus se-
mestris, per quern fluxus habent incrementa auctiora
et insignia in sequinoctiis. Atque de secundo illo
motu magno oceani sexhorario sive diurno, nobis in

248 DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

prsesentia sermo est praecipue et ex intentione ; de
reliquis solummodo in transitu, et quatenus faciant ad
hujusce motus explicationem. Primo igitur, quod ad
motum currentium attinet, dubium n'on est quin pro
eo ac aquae vel ab angustiis premuntur, vel a liberis
spatiis laxantuv, vel in magis declivia festinant ac vel-
uti effunduntur, vel in eminentiora incurrunt ac in-
scendunt, vel fundo labuntur sequabili, vel fundi sulcis
et insequalitatibus perturbantur, vel in alios currentes
incidunt atque cum illis se miscent et compatinntur,
vel etiam a ventis agitantur, prassertim anniversariis
sive statariis, qui sub anni certas tempestates redeunt,
aquas ex his et similibus causis impetus et gurgites
suos variare, tarn consecutione ipsius motus atque la-
tione quam velocitate sive mensura motus, atque inde
constituere eos quos vocant currentes. Itaque in mar-
ibus, turn profunditas fossas sive canalis atque inter-
positaa voragines et rupes submarinae, turn curvitates
littorum, et terrarum prominentias, sinus, fauces, insulas
multis modis locataa, et similia, plurima possunt, at
que agunt prorsus aquas earumque meatus et gurgites
in omnes partes, et versus orientem et versus occiden-
tem, austrum versus similiter et septentriones, atque
quaquaversum, prout obices illi aut spatia libera et
declivia sita sint et invicem configurentur. Segre-
getur igitur motus iste aquarum particulars et quasi
fortuitus, ne forte ille in inquisitione quam prosequi-
mur obturbet. Neminem enim par est constituere et
fundare abnegationem eorum quae mox dicentur de
motibus oceani naturalibus et catholicis, opponendo
motum istum currentium, veluti cum tbesibus illis
minime convenientem. Sunt enim currentes merae
compressiones aquarum, aut liberationes a compres-

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARTS. 249

sione : suntque, ut diximus, particulares et respectivi,
prout locantur aquae et terras, aut etiam incumbunt
venti. Atque hoc quod diximus eo magis memoria
tenendum est atque diligenter advertendum, quia mo-
tus ille universalis oceani, de quo nunc agitur, adeo
mitis est et mollis, ut a compulsionibus currentium
omnino dometur et in ordinem redigatur, cedatque, et
ad eorum violentiam agatur et regatur. Id autem ita
se liabere ex eo perspicuum est vel maxime, quod mo-
tus simplex fluxus et refluxus maris in pelagi medio,
pra3sertim per maria lata et exporrecta, non sentiatur,
sed ad littora tantum. Itaque nihil minim si sub cur-
rentibus (utpote viribus inferior) lateat et quasi destru-
atur, nisi quod ille ipse motus, ubi currentes secundi
fuerint, eorum impetum nonnihil juvet atque incitet ;
contra ubi adversi, modicum f'renet. Misso igitur motu
currentium, pergendum est ad motus illos quatuor
constantes, sexhorarium, menstruum, semimenstruum, et
semestrem ; quorum solus sexhorarius videtur fluxus
maris agere et ciere, menstruus vero videtur tantum-
modo motum ilium determinare et restituere, semi-
menstruus autem et semestris eundem augere et in-
tendere. Etenim fluxus et refluxus aquarum qui
littora maris ad certa spatia inundat et destituit, et
horis variis variat et vi ac copia aquarum, unde reli-
qui illi tres motus se dant conspiciendos. Itaque de
illo ipso rnotu fluxus et refluxus sigillatim ac proprie
(ut instituimus) videndurn. Atque primo illud dari
prorsus necesse est : motum liunc de quo inquirimus
unum ex duobus istis esse, vel motum sublationis et
demissionis aquarum, vel motum progressus. Motum
autem sublationis et demissionis talem esse intelligi-
mus, qualis invenitur in aqua bullienti, quas in calda-

250 DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARTS.

rio attollitur et mrsum residet. At motum progressus
talem, qualis invenitur in aqua vecta in pelvi, quae
unum latus deserit, cum ad latus oppositum advolvi-
tur. Quod vero motus iste neutiquam sit primi gen-
ens, occurrit illud inprimis, quod in diversis mundi
partibus variant aestus secundum tempora ; ut fiant in
aliquibus locis fluxus et augmenta aquarum, cum alibi
sint ad eas horas refluxus et decrementa. Debuerant
autem aquas, si illae non progrederentur de loco in
locum sed ex profundo ebullirent, ubique1 simul se at-
tollere, atque rursus simul se recipere. Videmus enim
duos illos alios motus, semestrem et semimenstruurn,
per universum orbem terra rum simul perfungi atque
operari. Fluxus enim sub aequinoctiis ubique augentur ;
non in aliis partibus sub asquinoctiis, in aliis sub tropi-
cis; atque similis est ratio motus semimenstrui. Ubi
que enim terrarum invalescunt aquae in noviluniis,
nullibi in dimidiis. Itaque videntur revera aquae in
duobus illis motibus plane attolli et demitti, et veluti
pati apogaeum et perigaeum, quemadmodum coelestia.
Atque in fluxu et refluxu maris, de quo sermo est,
contra fit : quod motus in progressu certissimum sig-
num est. Praeterea si fluxus aquarum ponatur esse
sublatio, attendendum paulo diligentius quomodo ista
sublatio fieri possit. Aut enim fiet tumor ab aucto
quanto aquarum, aut ab extensione sive rarefactione
aquarum in eodem quanto, aut per sublationem sim-
plicem in eodem quanto atque eodem corpore. At
que tertium illud prorsus abjiciendum. Si enim aqua,
qualis est, attollatur, ex hoc relinquatur necessario
inane inter terram atque ima aquas, cum non sit cor
pus quod succedat. Quod si sit nova moles aquae,

1 ibique in the original. — J. S.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. 251

necesse est earn emanare atque scaturire e terra. Sin
vero sit extensio tantum, id fiet vel per solutionem in
magis rarura, vel appetitum appropinquandi ad aliud
corpus quod aquas veluti evocet et attrahat et in sub-
limius tollat. Atque certe ista aquarum sive ebullitio,
sive rarefactio, sive conspiratio cum alio quopiam cor-
pore ex superioribus, non incredibilis videri possit in
mediocri quantitate, atque adhibito etiam bono tem-
poris spatio, in quo hujusmodi tumores sive augmenta
se colligere et cumulare possint. Itaque excessus ille
aquarum qui inter asstum ordinarium atque aestum il
ium largiorem semimenstruum aut etiam ilium alterum
profusissimum semestrem notari possit, cum nee mole
excessus inter fluxum et refluxum asquiparetur atque
habeat etiam bene magnum intervallum temporis ad
incrementa ilia sensim facienda, nihil habeat alienum
a ratione. Ut vero tanta erumpat moles aquarum,
qua3 excessum ilium qui invenitur inter ipsum fluxum
et refluxum salvet ; atque hoc fiat tanta celeritate,
videlicet bis in die, ac si terra, secundum vanitatem
illarn Apollonii,1 respiraret, atque aquas per singulas
sex horas efflaret, ac deinde absorberet ; incommodum
maximum. Neque moveatur quispiam levi experimen-
to, quod putei nonnulli in aliquibus locis memorentur
consensum habere cum fluxu et refluxu maris ; unde
suspicari quis possit, aquas in cavis terrse conclusas si-
militer ebullire ) in quo casu tumor ille ad motum prog-
ressivum aquarum referri commode non possit. Faci-
lis enim est responsio, posse fluxum maris accessione
sua multa loca cava ac laxa terra3 obturare atque op-
plere, atque aquas subterraneas vertere, etiam aerem
conclusum reverberare, qui serie continuata hujusmodi

1 Philos. Vit. Apoll Tyan. [See Syiva Sylvarum, supra p. 117. — J. £}

252 DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

puteorum aquas trudendo attollere possit. Itaque hoc
in omnibus puteis minime fit, nee in multis adeo ; quod
fieri debuit, si universa massa aquarum naturam ha-
beret ebullientem per vices, et cum aestu maris con-
sensionem. Sed contra raro admodum fit, ut instar
miraculi fere habeatur ; quia scilicet hujusmodi laxa-
menta et spiracula quae a puteis ad mare pertingunt
absque obturatione aut impedimento raro admodum in-
veniantur. Neque abs re est memorare quod referunt
nonnulli, in fodinis profundis, non procul a mari sitis,
aerem incrassari et suffocationem minari ad tempora
fluxus maris ; ex quo manifestum videri possit non
aquas ebullire (nullae cum cernuntur), sed aerem ret-
roverti. At certe aliud urget experimentum non con-
temnendum, sed magni ponderis, cui responsio omnino
debetur ; hoc est, quod diligenter observatum sit, id-
que non fortuito notatum sed de industria inquisitum
atque repertum, aquas ad littora adversa Europe et
Floridas iisdem horis ab utroque littore refluere, neque
deserere littus Europae cum advolvantur ad littora Flor-
idae, more aquae (ut supra diximus) agitatae in pelvi,
sed plane simul ad utrumque littus attolli et demitti.1
Verum hujus objectionis solutio perspicue apparebit in
iis quae mox dicentur de cursu et progressu oceani.
Summa aiitem rei talis est, quod aqua? a mari Indico
profectas, et ab objectu terrarum veteris et novi orbis
impeditae, truduntur per mare Atlanticum ab Austro
in Boream ; ut non mirum sit eas ad utrumque littus
simul ex aequo appellere, ut aquae solent quas contru-
duntur a mari in ostia et canales fluminum, in quibus
evidentissimum est motum maris esse progressivum

i See the note on ATor. Onj. n. 36., where Acosta's name is mentioned
in connexion with this statement. [See also the preface; supra p. 244.]

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. 253

quatenus ad flumina, et tamen littora adversa simul
inundare. Verum id pro more nostro ingenue fate-
mur, idque homines attendere et meminisse volumus :
si per experientiam inveniatur fluxus inaris iisdem tem-
poribus ad littora Peruvias atque China? affluere quibus
fluunt ad littora prnsfata Europe et Floridae, opinionem
hanc nostram, quod fluxus et refluxus maris sit motus
progressives, ahjudicandam esse. Si enim per littora
adversa tarn maris Australis quam maris Atlantici fiat
fluxus ad eadem tempora, non relinquuntur in universe
alia littora per qua? refluxus ad eadem ilia tempora sa-
tisfaciat. Verum de hoc judicio faciendo per experien
tiam (cui causam subrnisimus) loquimur tanquam securi.
Existimarnus enim plane, si summa hujus rei per uni-
versum terrarum orbem nobis cognita foret, satis aequis
conditionibus istud foedus transigi, nempe ut ad horam
aliquam certam fiat refluxus in aliquibus partibus orbis,
quantum fiat fluxus in aliis. Quamobrem ex iis quae
diximus, statuatur tandem motus iste fluxus et refluxus
esse progressivus.

Sequitur jam inquisitio ex qua causa, et per quern
consensum rerum, oriatur atque exhibeatur iste motus
fluxus et refluxus. Omnes enim majores motus (si
sunt iidem regulares et constantes) solitarii aut (ut
astronomorum vocabulo utamur) ferini l non sunt, sed
habent in rerum natura cum quibus consentiant. Ita-
que motus illi, tarn semimenstruus incrementi quam
menstruus restitutionis, convenire videntur cum motu
Iuna3. Semimenstruus vero ille sive asquinoctialis cum
motu solis. Etiam sublationes et demissiones aquarum
cum apogaeis et perigaais coelestium. Neque tamen con-
i See Vol. I. p. 402. note 1. — J. S.

254 DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

tinuo sequetur (idque homines advertere volumus),
quas periodis et curriculo temporis aut etiam modo
lationis conveniunt, ea natura esse subordinata, atque
alterum alter! pro causa esse. Nam non eo usque
progredimur, ut affirmemus motus lunse aut solis pro
causis poni motuum infe riorum qui ad illos sunt anal-
ogi, aut solem et lunam (ut vulgo loquuntur) domin-
ium habere super illos motus maris, (licet hujusmodi
cogitationes facile mentibus hominum illabantur ob
venerationem coelestium) ; sed et in illo ipso motu
semimenstruo (si recte advertatur) mirum et novum
prorsus fuerit obsequii genus, ut aestus sub noviluniis
et pleniluniis eadem patiantur, cum luna patiatur con-
traria; et multa alia adduci possint qua? hujusmodi
dominationum phantasias destruant, et eo potius rem
deducant, ut ex materiae passionibus catholicis et primis
rerum coagmentationibus consensus illi oriantur, non
quasi alterum ab altero regatur, sed quod utrumque ab
iisdem o'riginibus et concausis emanet. Veruntamen

O

(utcunque) manet illud quod diximus, naturam con-
sensu gaudere, nee fere aliquid monodicum1 aut soli-
tarium admittere. Itaque videndum de motu fluxus et
refluxus maris sexhorario, cum quibus aliis motibus ille
convenire aut consentire reperiatur. Atque inquiren-
dum primo de luna, quomodo iste motus cum luna
rationes aut naturam misceat. Id vero fieri omnino
non videmus, praeterquam in restitutione menstrua :
nullo modo enim congruit curriculum sexhorarium (id
quod nunc inquiritur) cum curriculo menstruo ; neque
rursus fluxus maris passiones lunas quascumque sequi
deprehenduntur. Sive enim luna sit aucta lumine sive
diminuta, sive ilia sit sub terra sive super terrain, sive

l mmadicum. See Vol. I. p. 253. note 3. — J. S.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. 255

ilia elevetur super horizontem altius aut depressius, sive
ilia ponatur in meridiano aut alibi, in nulla prorsus
harum consentiunt fluxus atque refluxus.

Itaque, missa lima, de aliis consensibus inquiramus.
Atque ex omnibus motibus coelestibus constat, motum
diurnum maxime curtum esse, et minimo temporis in-
tervallo (spatio videlicet viginti quatuor horarum) con-
fici. Itaque consentaneum est, motum istum de quo
inquirimus (qui adhuc tribus partibus diurno brevior
est) proxime ad eum motum referri qui est ex coeles
tibus brevissimus ; sed hoc rem minus premit. Illud
vero longe magis nos movet, quod ita sit iste motus dis-
pertitus ut ad diurni motus rationes respondeat ; ut
licet motus aquarum sit motu diurno. quasi innumeris
partibus tardior, tamen sit commensurabilis. Etenim
spatium sexhorarium est diurni motus quadrans, quod
spatium (ut diximus) in motu isto maris invenitur cum
ea differentia quse coincidat in mensuram motus lunae.
Itaque hoc nobis penitus insedit ac fere instar oraculi
est, motum istum ex eodem genere esse cum motu
diurno. Hoc igitur usi fundamento pergemus inquir-
ere reliqua ; atque rem omnem triplici inquisitione
absolvi posse statuimus. Quarum prima est, an motus
ille diurnus terminis coeli contineatur, aut delabatur et
se insinuet ad inferiora ? Secunda est, an maria regu-
lariter ferantur ab oriente in occidentem, quemadmo-
dum et coelum ? Tertia, unde et quomodo fiat recipro-
catio ilia sexhoraria aestuum, quae incidit in quadrantem
motus diurni, cum differentia incidente in rationes
motus lunae? Itaque quod ad primam inquisitionem
attinet, arbitramur motum rotationis sive conversionis
ab oriente in occidentem esse motum non proprie coe-
lestem, sed plane cosmicum, atque motum in fluoribus

256 DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

magnis primarium, qui usque a summo coelo ad imas
aquas inveniatur, inclinatione eadem, incitatione autem
(id est, velocitate et tarditate) longe diversa ; ita tamen
ut ordine minime perturbato minuatur celeritate quo
propius corpora accedunt ad globum terras. Videtur
autem primo probabile argumenturn sumi posse, quod
motus iste non terminetur cum coelo, qula per tantam
cceli profunditatem, quanta interjicitur inter coelum
stellatum et lunam (quod spatium multo amplius est
quam a luna ad terram), valeat atque vigeat iste mo
tus, cum debitis decrementis suis ; ut verisimile non sit
naturam istiusmodi consensum, per tanta spatia con-
tinuatum et gradatim se remittentem, subito deponere.
Quod autem res ita se habeat in coelestibus, evincitur
ex duobus, quge aliter sequentur, incommodis. Cum
enim manifestum sit ad sensum planetas diurnum mo-
tum peragere, nisi ponatur motus iste tanquam natu-
ralis ac proprius in planetis omnibus, confugiendum
necessario est vel ad raptum primi mobilis, quod naturae
prorsus adversatur, aut ad rotationem terra?, quod etiam
satis licenter excogitatum est, quoad rationes physicas.
Itaque in coelo ita se res habet. Postquam autem a
coelo discessum est, cernitur porro iste motus eviden-
tissime in cometis humilioribus, qui, cum inferiores
orbe lunae sint, tamen ab oriente in occidentem evi-
denter rotant. Licet enim habeant motus suos solita-
rios et irregulares, tamen in illis ipsis conficiendis inte
rim communicant l cum motu aetheris et ad eandem
conversionem feruntur; tropicis vero non continentur
fere, nee habent regulares spiras, sed excurrunt quan-
doque versus polos, sed nihilominus in consecution.e ab

1 [communicandis in the original.] M. Bouillet's reading is communicant
which is doubtless right.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS. 257

oriente in occidentem rotant. Atque hujusmodi motus
iste licet magna acceperit decrementa (cum quo pro-
pius descendatur versus terram, eo et minoribus cir-
culis conversio fiat, et nihilominus tardius), validus
tamen utique manet, ut magna spatia brevi tempore
vincere queat. Circumvolvuntur enim hujusmodi co-
metae circa universum ambitum et terrae et aeris infe-
rioris spatio viginti quatuor horarum, cum horae unius
aut alterius excessu. At postquam ad eas regiones
descensu continuato perventum sit, in quas terra agit
non solum communicatione naturas et virtutis suaa
(quse motum circularem reprimit et sedat), sed etiam
immissione material! particularum substantia3 suae per
vapores et halitus crassos, iste motus immensum hebes-
cit, et fere corruit, sed non propterea prorsus exinan-
itur aut cessat, sed manet languidus et tanquam latens.
Etenim jam in confesso esse coepit, navigantibus intra
tropicos, ubi libero sequore motus aeris percipitur op-
time, et aer ipse (veluti et coelum) majoribus circu-
lis ideoque velocius rotat, spirare auram perpetuam et
jtigem ab oriente in occidentem ; adeo ut qui Zephyro
uti volunt, eum extra tropicos ssepius quaerant et pro-
curent.1 Itaque non extinguitur iste motus etiam in
acre infimo, sed piger jam devenit et obscurus, ut extra
tropicos vix sentiatur. Et tamen etiam extra tropicos
in nostra Europa in mari, coelo sereno et tranquillo,
observatur aura quaedam solisequa, quas ex eodem gen-
ere est; etiam suspicari licet, quod hie in Europa ex-
perimur, ubi flatus Euri aeris est et desiccans, cum
contra Zephyri sit genialis2 et humectans, non solum

1 See Acosta, Hist des Indes, iii. 4.

2 [generate in original.] This is obviousl}' an error, the true reading ia
genialis.

VOL. V. 17

258 DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

ex hoc pendere, quod ille a continente, iste ab oceano
apud nos spiret; sed etiam ex eo, quod Euri flatus,
cum sit in eadem consequentia cum motu aeris proprio,
eum motum incitet et irritet, ac propterea aerem dissi-
pet et rarefaciat: Zephyri vero flatus, qui in contraria
consequentia sit cum motu aeris, aerem in se vertat, et
propterea inspisset. Neque illud contemnendum, quod
vulgari observatione recipitur, nubes quse feruntur in
sublirni plerumque movere ab oriente in occidentem,
cum venti circa terrain ad eadem tempora flant in con-
trarium. Quod si hoc non semper faciunt, id in causa
esse, quod sint quandoque venti contrarii, alii in alto,
alii in imo ; illi autem in alto spirantes (si adversi fue-
rint) motum istum verum aeris disturbent. Quod ergo
cceli terminis non contineatur iste motus, satis patet.

Sequitur ordine secunda inquisitio ; An aquce feran-
tur regulariter et naturaliter ab oriente in occidentem ?
Cum vero aquas dicimus, intelligimus aquas coacerva-
tas, sive massas aquarum, qua3 scilicet tantas sunt por-
tiones nature, ut consensum habere possint cum fabrica
et structura universi. Atque arbitramur plane, eun-
dem motum massas aquarum competere atque inesse,
sed tardiorem esse quam in acre, licet ob crassitudinem
corporis sit magis visibilis et apparens. Itaque ex mufc-
tis qua3 ad hoc adduci possent, tribus in pra3sens con-
tenti erimus experimentis, sed iisdem amplis et insig-
nibus, qua3 rem ita esse demonstrant. Primum est,
quod manifestus reperiatur motus et fluxus aquarum
ab oceano Indico usque in oceanum Atlanticum, isque
incitatior et robustior versus fretum Mao-ellanicum, ubi

cT"1

exitus datur versus occidentem ; magnum itidem ex
adversa parte orbis terrarum a mari Scythico in mare

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARTS. 259

Britannicum. Atque hae consequentiae aquarum man
ifesto volvuntur ab orients in occidentem. In quo
advertendum inprimis, in istis tantum duobus locis
maria esse pervia et integrum circulum conficere posse ;
cum contra per medios mundi tractus, objectu duplici
Veteris et Novi Orbis abscindantur et compellantur
(tanquam in ostia fluminum) in duos illos alveos oce-
anorum geminorum Atlantic! et Australis, qui oceani
exporriguntur inter austrum et septentriones ; quod
adiaphorum est ad motum consecutionis ab oriente in
occidentem. Ut verissime omnino capiatur motus ve-
rus aquarum ab istis quas diximus extremitatibus orbis,
ubi non impediuntur, sed permeant. Atque primum
experimentum hujusmodi est. Secundum autem tale.
Supponatur fluxum maris ad ostium freti Herculei
fieri ad horam aliquam certam, constat accedere flux
um ad caput Sancti Vincentii tardius quam ad ostium
illud ; ad caput Finis-terras tardius quam ad caput
Sancti Vincentii ; ad Insulam Regis tardius quam ad
caput Finis-terrae ; ad insulam Heclias tardius quam
ad Insnlam Regis ; ad ingressum canalis Anglici tar
dius quam ad Hechas ; ad littus Normannicum tardius
quam ad ingressum canalis. Hucusque ordinatim ; ad
Gravelingam vero, verso prorsus ordine (idque magno
saltu), quasi ad eandem horam cum ostio freti Her
culei.1 Hoc experimentum secundum ad experimen-

1 These statements are taken from Nicolaus Sagrus, quoted by Patricias
(Pancosmip, xxviii. p. 159.), and in Casmann's Problemala Marina, p. 165.
" In die conjunctionis lunae cum sole post mediam noctem hora una cum
dimidia, in freto Herculeo fluxus erit, et a Tariffa quse finis freti est ad
dexteram in sinum volvendo usque ad Ruttam eadem hora veniet. A
Rutta ad Caput S. Mariae accedet hora secunda cum quarto. A capite hoc
ad Caput S. Vincentii, et ad dexteram flectendo toto Lusitano littore ad
caput finis terrae, et hide ad orientem per totam Cantabricam oram, et
etiam Gallicam usque ad regis insulam tribus post medinoctium horis mare

260 DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

turn primum trahimus. Existimamus enim (quemad-
modum jam dictum est), in mari Indico et in mari
Scythico veros esse cursus aquarum, ab oriente scilicet
in occidentem, pervios et integros ; at in alveis maris
Atlantic! atque Australis compulsos et transversos et
refractos ab objectu terrarum, quae utrinque in longum
ab Austro ad Boream exporriguntur, et nusquam, nisi
versus extremitates, liberum dant exitum aquis. Ve-
rum compulsio ilia aquarum, quae causatur a mari
Indico versus Boream, et in opposite a mari Scythico
versus Austrum, spatiis immensum differunt ob dif-
ferentem vim et copias aquarum. Universus igitur
oceanus Atlanticus usque ad mare Britannicum cedit
impulsion! maris Indici ; at superior tantum Atlantic!
maris pars, nimirum ea quae jacet versus Daniam et
Norvegiam, cedit impulsion! rnaris Scythici. Hoc vero
ita fieri necesse est. Etenim dua3 magnae insulae vet-
eris orbis et novi orbis earn sunt sortitas figuram, atque
ita exporriguntur, ut ad Septentriones latas, ad Aus-

erit plenum. Ab hac usque ad insulam Hechas in mari medio ad decimum
fere milliarium, quod nautae vocant derotam mare erit plenum hora terti&
cum tribus quartis. Sed in littoribus hora quarta cum dimidia. Ad Hebas
[corrige Ab Hechis] usque ad ingressum canalis Anglici aqua plena hora
quinta et quarto uno in derota. In littoribus hora sexta cum tribus quar
tis. Toto vero littore Normandico usque Caletum et Neuportum aqua
plena hor& nona. In derota horse unius tribus quartis. In Canali vero

media hora duodecima in eadem lunoe conjunctione A Calete

vero ad Gravelingen extra canalem Anglicum in derota plenum sit post
mediam noctem una hora cum dimidia, qua plenum erat, uti vidimus ad
Ituttam, hsec in gradu longitudinis est nono. Gravelinge vero in gradu
xxiv. ut distent gradibus xv." There is no difficulty in identifying the
places here mentioned (Rutta being, of course, Rota, and the insula Regis
the He de Re), except in the case of Hechas. It is, however, the same as
Heys, which is the old name of Noirmoutier. (See Ortellius and Merca-
tor.) The island probably obtained the name Noirmoutier from having a
monastery of black friars. The old name seems to be revived now in the
form Aix.

DE FLUXD ET REFLUX U MARTS. 261

trum acutae sint. Maria igitur contra ad Austrum
magna occupant spatia, ad SepU-ntriones vero (ad dor-
sum Europa? et Asige atque America?) parva. Ttaque
ingens ilia moles aquarum qua3 venit ab oceano Indico
et reflectit in mare Atlanticum, potis est compellere et
trudere cursum aquarum continua successione quasi ad
mare Britannicum, qua? successio est versus Boream.
At ilia longe minor portio aquarum quae venit a man
Scythico, quaeque etiam liberu'm fere habet exitum in
cursu suo proprio versus occidentem ad dorsum Amer
ica?, non potis est cursum aquarum compellere versus
Austrum, nisi ad earn quam diximus metam, nempe
circa fretum Britannicum. Necesse est autem ut in
motibus istis oppositis sit tandem aliqua meta, ubi oc-
currant et conflictentur, atque ubi in proximo mutetur
subito ordo accessionis ; quemadmodum circa Grave-
lingam fieri diximus, limite videlicet accessionis Indies
et Scythica?. Atque inveniri Euripum quendam ex
contrariis fluxibus circa Hollandiam, non solum ex ea
(quam diximus) inversione ordinis horarum in fluxu,
sed etiam peculiar! et visibili experimento, a plurimis
observatum est. Quod si haec ita fiant, reditur ad id,
ut necesse sit fieri, ut quo partes Atlantici et littora
magis extenduntur ad Austrum et appropinquant mari
Indico, eo magis fluxus antevertat in prascedentia, ut-
pote qui oriatur a motu illo vero in mari Indico ; quo
yero magis ad Boream (usque ad limitem communem,
ubi repelluntur a gurgite antistropho maris Scythici),
eo tardius atque in subsequentia. Id vero ita fieri,
experimentum istud progressus a freto Herculeo ad fre
tum Britannicum plane demonstrat. Itaque arbitra-
mur etiam fluxum circa littora Africa} antevertere
fluxum circa fretum Herculeum, et, verso ordine, flux-

262 DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

um circa Norvegiam antevertere fluxum circa Sue-
diam ; sed id nobis experimento aut historia comper-
tum non est.

Tertium experimentum est tale : Maria clausa ex
altera parte, quae Sinus vocamus, si exporrigantur in-
clinatione aliqua ab oriente in oocidentem, quae in con-
sequentia est cum motu vero aquarum, habent fluxus
vigentes et fortes : si vero inclinatione adversa, Ian-

O

guidos et obscuros. Nam et mare Erythraeum habet
fluxum bene magnum, et Sinus Persicus, magis recta
petens occidentem, adlmc majorem. At mare Medi-
terraneum, quod est sinuum maximus, et hujus partes
Tyrrhenum, Pontus, et Propontis, et similiter mare
Balticum, quse omnia reflectunt ad orientem, destitu-
untur fere, et fluxus habent imbecillos. At ista dif
ferentia maxime elucescit in partibus Mediterranei,
quaa quamdiu vergunt ad orientem, aut flectunt ad sep-
tentriones (ut in Tyrrhene et in iis quae diximus mari-
bus), quiete agunt absque aestu multo. At postquam
se converterint ad occidentem, quod fit in mari Adri-
atico, insignem recuperat J fluxum. Cui accedit et
illud, quod in Mediterraneo refluxus ille tenuis (qualis
invenitur) incipit ab oceano, fluxus a contraria parte,
ut aqua magis sequatur cursum ab oriente quam refu-
sionem oceani. Atque his tantum tribus experimentis
in praesentia utemur ad inquisitionem illam secundam.
Possit tamen adjici probatio quaedam consentanea
cum his quae dicta sunt, sed abstrusioris cujusdam
naturae ; ea est, ut petatur argumentum hujusce mo-
tus ab oriente in occidentem quern aquis adstruximus,
non solum a consensu coeli (de quo jam dictum est),
ubi iste motus in flore est ac fortitudine praecipua, sed

l M. Bouillet corrects the passage by reading recuperant.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARTS. 263

etiam a terra, ubi protinus videtur cessare ; ita ut ista
inclinatio sive motus vere sit cosmicus, atque omnia a
fastigiis coeli usque ad interiora terras transverberet.
Intel lio-imus enim conversionem istam ab oriente in

C5 .

occidentem fieri scilicet (quemadmodum revera inve-
nitur) super polos australem et borealem. Verissime
autem diligentia Gilbert! nobis hoc reperit ; omnem
terrain et naturam (quam appellamus terrestrem) non
delinitam sed rigidani, et, ut ipse loquitur, robustam,
habere directionem sive verticitatem latentem, sed ta-
men per plurima exquisita experimenta se prodentem,
versus Austrum et Boream.1 Atque hanc tamen ob-
servationem plane rainuimus, atque ita corrigimus, ut
hoc asseratur tantum de exterioribus concretionibus
circa superficiem terrae, et minime producatur ad vis
cera ipsius terras (nam quod terra sit magnes interim
levi omnino phantasia arreptum est ; fieri enim prorsus
nequit, ut interiora terras similia sint alicui substantiae
quam oculus humanus videt, siquidem omnia apud nos
a sole et coelestibus laxata, subacta, aut infracta sint,
ut cum iis quae talem nacta sunt locum quo vis cceles-
tium non penetret neutiquam consentire possint) ; sed
quod nunc agitur, superiores incrustationes sive con-
cretiones terraa videntur consentire cum conversionibus
cooli, aeris, atque aquarum, quatenus consistentia et de-
terminata cum liquidis et fluidis consentire queant, hoc
est, non ut volvantur super polos, sed dirigantur et
vertantur versus polos. Cum enim in omni orbe volu-
bili, qui vertitur super polos certos neque habet motum
centri, sit participatio quaadam naturae mobilis et fixae ;
postquam per naturam consistentem sive se determi-

1 Bacon appears to refer particularly to Gilbert, De Magn. vi. 4. ; a pas-
sage repeated, like many others, in the Physiol. Nova, ii. 7.

264 DE FLUXU ET EEFLUXU MARIS.

nantem ligatur virtus volvendi, tamen manet et inten-
ditur et unitur virtus ilia et appetitus dirigendi se ; ut
directio et verticitas ad polos in rigidis, sit eadem res
Cum volubilitate super polos in fluidis.

Superest inquisitio tertia : Unde et quomodo fiat re-
dprocatio ilia sexlwraria cestuum, quce inddit in quad-
rantem motus diurni, cum differentia quam diximm ?
Id ut intelligatur, supponatur orbem terrarum univer-
sum aqua cooperiri, ut in diluvio general]'. Existima-
mus aquas, quippe ut in orbe integro, neque impedito,
semper in progressu se commoturas ab oriente in occi-
dentem singulis diebus ad certurn aliquod spatium (id-
que profecto non magnum, ob exsolutionem et enerva-
tionem virium hujus motus in confiniis terra?), cum ex
nulla parte objectu terra? impediantur aquas aut cohib-
eantur. Supponatur rursus, terram unicam insulam
esse, eamque in longitudine exporrigi inter Austrum
et Septentriones, qua? forma ac situs motum ab oriente
in occidentem maxime frenat et obstruit ; existimamus
aquas cursum suum directum et naturalem ad tempus
perrecturas, sed rursus ab insula ilia repercussas pari-
bus intervallis relapsuras ; itaque unicum tantum flux-
urn maris in die futurum fuisse, et unicum similiter
refluxum, atque horum singulis circiter 12 horas attri-
butum iri. Atque ponatur jam (quod verum est et
factum ipsum) terram in duas insulas divisam esse, vet-
eris scilicet et novi orbis (nam Terra Australis situ
suo rem istam non magnopere disturbat, quemadmo-
dum nee Groenlandia aut Nova-zembla), easque ambas
insulas per tres fere mun'di zonas exporrigi, inter quas
duo Oceani, Atlanticus et Australis, interfluunt, et ipsi
nunquam nisi versus polos pervii ; existimamus neces-

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARTS. 265

sario sequi, ut duo isti obices naturam duplicis recip-
rocationis universas moli aquarum insinuent et com-
municent, et fiat quadrans ille motus diurni ; ut aquis
scilicet utrimque frenatis, fluxus et refluxus maris bis
in die, per spatia scilicet sex horarum, se explicet, cum
duplex fiat processio, et duplex itidem repercussio. IllaB
vero duse insult si instar cylindrorum aut columnarum
per aquas 1 exporrigerentur aquis dimensionibus et rec-
tis littoribus, facile demonstraretur et cuivis occurreret
iste motus, qui jam tanta varietate posituraa terras et
maris confundi videtur et obscurari. Neque etiam est
difficile conjecturam capere nonnullam, qualem isti
motui aquarum incitationem tribuere consentaneum sit,
et quanta spatia in uno die conficere possit. Si enim
sumantur (in ajstimationem hujus rei) littora aliqua ex
iis qua3 minus montosa aut depressa sunt et ocean o
libero adjacent, et capiatur mensura spatii terrse inter
metam fluxus et metam refluxus. interjacentis, atque
illud spatium quadruplicetur propter sestus singulis die-
bus quaternos, atque is numerus rursus duplicetur prop
ter aestus ad adversa littora ejusdem oceani, atque huic
numero nonniliil in cumulum adjiciatur, propter om
nium littorum altitudinem, qua? ab ipsa fossa mari sem
per aliquantum insurgunt ; ista computatio illud spa
tium productura est, quod globus aqua? uno die, si liber
ab impedimento esset ac in orbe circa terrain semper
in progressu moveret, conficere possit ; quod certe nil
magnum est. De differentia autem ilia quaa coincidit
in rationes motus lunas, et efficit periodum menstruam ;
id fieri existimamus, quod spatium sexhorarium non sit
mensura exacta reciprocationis, quemadmodum nee mo
tus diurnus alicujus planetarum non2 restituitur exacte
i quas in the original. — J. 8. 2 So in the original. — J. 8.

266 DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARIS.

in horis 24, ininime autem omnium hma. Itaque
mensura fluxus et refluxus non est quadrans motus
stellarum fixarum, qui est 24 horarum, sed quadrans
diurni motus lunae.

Mandata.

Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus circum littora Africae
antevertat horam fluxus circa fretum Herculeum ? In
quiratur utrum hora fluxus circa Norvegiam antevertat
horam fluxus circa Suediam, et ilia1 similiter horam
fluxus circa Gravelingam ?

Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus ad littora Brasilia?
antevertat horam fluxus ad littora Hispanic Novae
et Florida??

Inquiratur utrum hora fluxus ad littora Chinee non
inveniatur ad vel prope horam fluxus ad littora Pe
ruvian, et ad vel prope horam refluxus ad littora Africae
et Florida ?

Inquiratur quomodo hora fluxus ad littora Peruviana
discrepet ab hora fluxus circa littora Hispanise Novae,
et particulariter quomodo se habeant differentia? hora
rum fluxuum ad utraque littora Isthmi in America ;
et rursus quomodo hora fluxus ad littora Peruviana
respondeat horse fluxus circa littora China? ?

Inquiratur de magnitudinibus fluxuum ad diversa
littora, non solum de temporibus sive horis. Licet
enim causentur fere magnitudines fluxuum per de-
pressiones littorum, tamen nihilominus communicant
etiam cum ratione motus veri maris, prout secundus
est aut adversus.

Inquiratur de mari Caspio, (quae sunt bene magnae
portiones aquarum conclusae, absque ullo exitu in oce-

1 ilk in the original. — /. S.

DE FLUXU ET REFLUXU MARTS. 267

anum,) si patiantur fluxum et refluxum, vel qualem ;
siquidem nostra fert conjectura, aquas in Caspio posse
habere fluxum unicura in die, non geminatum, atque
talem ut littora orientalia ejusdem maris deserantur,
cum occidentalia alluantur.

Inquiratur utrum fluxus augmenta in noviluniis et
pleniluniis, atque etiam in asquinoctiis,1 fiant simul in
diversis mundi partibus? Cum autem dicimus simul,
intelligimus non eadem hora (variantur enim horaa
secundum progressus aquarum ad littora, ut diximus),

sed eodem die.

Morce.

Non producitur inquisitio ad explicationem plenam
consensus motus menstrui in mari cum motu lunas ;
sive illud fiat per subordinationem, sive per concau-

sam.

Syzygice?

Inquisitio prasens conjungitur cum inquisitione,
utrum terra moveatur motu diurno ? Si enim aestus
maris sit tamquam extrema diminutio motus diurni ;
sequetur globum terras esse immobilem, aut saltern
moveri motu longe tardiore quam ipsas aquas.

1 cequinoxiis in the original. — J. S.

2 Zyzygice in the original. — J. 8.

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

SECUNDUM FABULA3

CUPIDINIS ET CCELI:

SIVE

PARMENIDIS ET TEL?:SII ET PK^ECIPUE DEMOCRITI
PHILOSOPHIA,

TKACTATA IN

FABULA DE CUPIDINE.

PREFACE

TO

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS.

BY ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS.

THE following tract is one of those which were pub
lished by Grater. It seems to be of later date than
many of the others, as it contains several phrases and
turns of expression which occur also in the Nbvum
Organum.

Bacon's design was to give a philosophical exposition
of two myths ; namely, that of the primeval Eros or
Cupid, and that of Uranos or Coelum. Only the first
however is discussed in the fragment which we now
have, and even that is left incomplete.

The philosophy of Democritus appeared to Bacon
to be nearly in accordance with the hidden meaning;

*• O

of these fables ; but we are not well able to judge of
his reasons for thinking so, as the only system spoken
of in detail is that of Telesius.

Touching the origin of Eros, Bacon remarks that
no mention is made anywhere of his progenitors. In
this he is supported by the authority of Plato, or rather
by that of one of the interlocutors in the Symposium,
who affirms that no one, whether poet or not, has

272 PREFACE TO THE

spoken of the parents of Eros ; but that ftesiod in
the order of his theogony places Gaia and Eros next
after primeval Chaos.1 It seems in truth probable
that the fables which make Eros the son of Zeus
and Aphrodite are of later origin. From the Sym
posium Bacon may also have derived the recognition
of an elder and a younger Eros, of whom the former
was allied to the heavenly Aphrodite, and the latter
to Aphrodite Pandemus.2 But it is more probable
that his account of the distinction between them
comes from some later writer.

Hesiod, to whom the first speaker in the Symposium
refers, though he places Eros and Gaia next to Chaos,
says nothing of Eros as the progenitor of the universe.
His existence is recognised, but nothing is said of his
offspring. In this the theogony of Hesiod differs es
sentially from that which is contained in the Orphic
poems, and shows I think signs of greater antiquity.
To recognise as a deity an abstract feeling of love or
desire, is in itself to recede in some measure from the
simplicity of the old world : we find no such recogni
tion in Homer ; and the transition from him to Hesiod
is doubtless a transition from an earlier way of think
ing to a later. But even in Hesiod Eros is not the
producing principle of the universe, nor is his share
in its ( production explained. On the other hand in
the Orphic poems, Phanes, whom we are entitled to
identify with Eros, is the progenitor of gods and men,
the light and life of the universe. He comes forth
from Chaos, uniting in his own essence the poles of

1 Sympos. p. 178.; and see Valcknaer's Diatribe, to whom Stallbaum
refers.' On the other hand Pausanias mentions as an early myth that Eroa
was the son of Ilithyia. See Pausan. Bceot. ix. 27.

2 Sympos. p. 180., and see also p. 195.

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS. 273

the mysterious antithesis on which all organic produc
tion depends. From him all other beings derive their
existence. There seems clearly more of a philosopheme
in this than in the simpler statements of Hesiod.

The identification of Eros with Phanes or Ericapeus
rests on a passage in the Argonautics, in which it is
said that he was called Phanes by the men of later
time because he was manifested before all other beings ;
Trpwro; yap e^ai'6*?;.1 It is confirmed by the authority of
Proclus.

Phanes, in the common form of the Orphic the-
ogony, comes out of the egg into which Chaos had
formed itself.2 But I am not aware that any one
except Aristophanes makes Night lay the egg from
which Eros afterwards emerges ; 3 and it seems that
this is only a playful modification of the common
myth, not unsuitable to the chorus of birds by whom
it is introduced.4 It does not appear necessary to
suppose, as Cud worth seemingly does, that Aris
tophanes had in some unexplained way become ac
quainted with a peculiar form of " the old atheistic
cabala." 5

The most remarkable passage in which Eros (not
Phanes) is spoken of as the producer of all things,
is in the Argonauties : —

Trpcora p,

d)S e7rayu,en//€ <£ucrets, a>S r oipavos es Trepas r)\6ev,

yiys T' evpvtrTepvov yerecrtv, •wvO^f.va.^ re @a\dcrcrr]s,

1 Orph. Argon. 14. In the preceding line, Eros is made, according to
Gesner's reading, the son of Night. But for via there is another reading,
irarepa.

2 See Lobeck, Aglaoph. i. 474. 8 Aves, 650.
* This seems to be confirmed by the half ludicrous epithet virrjve/uov.
5 See Cudworth, Intellect. Syst.

VOL. v. 18

274 PREFACE TO THE

re Kal avroreXf) TroAu/A^Tiv Epwra,
ocnra T ec^ucrev aTrarra, ra 8* lupiOev aXXov OLTT aAAo.1

Nothing is said here, or elsewhere I believe, of his
having mingled with Uranos in the engendering of the
universe ; and I am inclined to think that when Bacon
says, " Ipse cum Coelo mistus, et deos et res universos
progenuit," we ought to substitute Chao for Coelo.2
For the passage in Aristophanes goes on to say that in
wide Tartarus Eros and Chaos mingled in love and
produced first the race of birds and then gods and
men.

Of Phanes nothing of this kind is mentioned, except
his intercourse with Night ; 3 so that Bacon's statement
does not seem to be in any way justified.

It would be endless to cite passages in which the
attributes of Eros are described, nor is it necessary
to do so.

The form in which Bacon connects the myth of the
primeval Eros with philosophy is far less artificial and
unreal than most of the interpretations which he has
given in the Wisdom of the Ancients. Chaos repre
sents uninformed matter ; Eros matter actually exist
ing, and possessed of the law or principle by which it
is energised ; the first principle, in short, which is the
cause of all phenomena. The parents of Eros are un
known ; that is to say, it is in vain to seek to carry our

1 Argonaut. 423. In the third Ijne Trv&fiEvaf is admitted to be corrupt.
I would venture to suggest TroAtaf, making tf aAa<T07?f the genitive case after

yevemv. . n

2 This conjecture is confirmed by the corresponding passage n
Sap. Vet., where for cum calo mistus we have ex chao. — J. S.

8 Lobeck, i. 501. It is to this intercourse that the line quoted by Proclus

refers : —

yap 7ra«56f afaiteTO Kovpiov ui'flof.

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS. 275

inquiries beyond the fact of the existence of matter pos
sessed of such and such primitive qualities. On what do
those primary qualities ultimately depend? On the "lex
sunnna essentise atque naturae ... vis scilicet primis
particulis a Deo indita, ex cujus multiplicatione omnis
rerum varietas emergat et confletur." Whether this

O

highest law can ever be discovered is bv Bacon left

*/

here as elsewhere doubtful ; but he does not forbid men
to seek for it. But what he utterly condemns is the
attempt to make philosophy rise above the theory of
matter. We must ever remember that Eros has no
progenitors, "ne forte intellectus ad inania deflectat " — •
that we turn not aside to transcendental fancies ; for in
these the mind can make no real progress, and " dum
ad ulteriora tendit ad proximiora recidit." We must
of necessity take as the starting point of our philoso
phy, matter possessed of its primitive qualities ; and
this principle is in accordance with the wisdom of those
by whom the myth of Eros was constructed. And
certainly, Bacon goes on to say, " that despoiled and
merely passive matter is a figment of the human
mind ; " a statement which refers to the Aristotelian
doctrine in which the primitive A^ is not conceived
of as a thing actually existing, but as that which first
receives existence through the eI8:js, wherewith it is
united. Of this doctrine Bacon asserts that it is al
together trifling : " For that which primarily exists
must no less exist than that which thence derives its
existence ; " that is to say, matter must in itself exist
actually and not potentially. And the same conclusion
follows from the Scriptures, "wherein it is not said
that God created hyle, but that he created heaven
and earth."

276 PREFACE TO THE

This application of Scripture certainly does not de
serve the indignation which Le Maistre, perhaps in
honest ignorance, has poured out upon it.1 " He as
serts the eternity of matter," is Le Maistre's commen
tary on the passage in which it occurs. Beyond doubt
he denies that hyle was created, but he also denies that
it exists ; treating it as the mere figment of the Aristo
telian philosophy.

But although Le Maistre's remark is only a fair spe
cimen of his whole work, in which ignorance and pas
sion are so mixed together that it is hard to say how
much is to be ascribed to the one and how much to the
other, yet it cannot be denied that Bacon does not ap
pear to have understood Aristotle. So far from put
ting at the origin of things that which is potential, and
educing the actual from it, Aristotle asserts that any
system which does this is untenable ; and it is curious
that he refers particularly to the theogonists, 01 IK WKTOS
yewwvTcs, who engender realities out of night.2 For
night and chaos may not unfitly be taken to represent
uninformed matter.3 The doctrine of Aristotle being
in this as in other matters followed by the schoolmen,
it was a question with them how the words " and the
earth was without form," which come immediately
after the declaration that in the beginning God cre
ated the heaven and the earth, ought to be under
stood. For to create the earth is to give it actual
existence ; how then can it be without form ? To
this the most satisfactory answer was that the words
without form do not imply the absence of substantial

1 Examen de la Philosophic de Bacon, ii. p. 143.

2 Arist. Metaph. xii. 6.

8 See Brandis's Sehol. in Aristot. p. 803., and for the remarks of Alex
ander Aphrodisiensis, Lobeck, Aglaoph. i. 488.

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS. 277

form, failino- which the earth could have no actual

7 O

existence, but simply mean that as yet the earth was
unadorned and in disorder ; a solution in which we
see how far they were from supposing that according
to Aristotle the first created thing ought to he unin
formed matter. They insist on the contrary that the
Scripture cannot mean that any created thing can be
mere matter : " non enim datur ens actu sine actu."
Aristotle, as I have said, condemns the theogonists
in whose system Night is a producing principle, — a
remark in which he may refer either to Hesiod or to
the Orphic writers, but which probably relates to the
former only* In the reason of this condemnation
Bacon agrees with him, and yet takes into the myth
which he proposes to explain, Aristophanes's fancy
that the ego; from which Eros came forth was laid

O&

by Night. His reason for doing so is that this part
of the fable appears to him to relate not to essence
but to cognition, that is to the method whereby we
may arrive at a knowledge of Eros, or of the funda
mental properties of matter. For conclusions obtained
by means of affirmatives are, so to speak, brought forth
by Light: whereas those which are obtained by neg
atives and exclusions are the offspring of Night and
Darkness. Therefore the egg is laid by Night, see
ing that the knowledge of Eros, though it is assuredly
attainable, can yet only be attained by exclusions and
negatives ; that is, to express the same opinion in the
lancmao-e of the Novum Orqanum, the knowledge of

o & t-'

Forms necessarily depends on the Exclusiva. That
this method of exclusions must of necessity be ulti
mately successful is intimated by the myth itself; for
the incubation of the primeval egg is not eternal. In

278 PREFACE TO THE

due time the egg is hatched and Eros is made mani
fest. If it be asked what analogy there is between
darkness and the method of exclusions, Bacon's an
swer is satisfactory, — that darkness is as ignorance,
and that in employing the method of exclusions we
are all along ignorant of that which at any stage of
the process still remains unexcluded. It may again
be asked why the method of exclusions is the only
one whereby Eros may be disclosed, — a question to
which Bacon suggests an answer by saying that De-
mocritus did excellently well in teaching that atoms
are devoid of all sensible qualities. Bacon's opinion
seems therefore to be, that any method but a nega
tive one would necessarily fail, because that which is
sought bears no analogy to any of the sensible objects
by which we are surrounded. The parable, he says,
maintains throughout the principles of heterogeneity
and exclusion : meaning by heterogeneity a strongly
marked antithesis between the fundamental qualities
of matter and the sensible qualities of which we are
directly cognisant. In accordance with this he cen
sures Democritus for departing from this principle in
giving his atoms the downward motion of gravity and
the impulsive motion (motus plagce) which belong to
ordinary bodies. Not only are atoms and bodies
different as touching their qualities, but also in their
motions.

In these views, which however do not show either
that the method of exclusions is the only one which
can succeed or that it will always do so, there is
much which deserves attention. They show that
Bacon had obtained a deep insight into the princi
ples of the atomic theory. The earlier developments

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS. 279

of this theory have always been encumbered by its
being thought necessary, in order to explain phenom
ena, to ascribe to the atoms properties which in reality
belong only to the bodies which they compose ; that
is, by its being thought necessary to break through
Bacon's principle of heterogeneity. Thus the atoms
have been supposed of definite sizes and figures, there
by resembling other and larger bodies, and to be per
fectly hard and unyielding. When freed from these
subsidiary hypotheses, the atomic theory becomes a
theory of forces only, and of whatever ulterior devel
opments it may be capable, these can only be intro
duced when it has assumed this form. The specula
tions of Boscovich do not mark the farthest point to
which the atomic theory may be carried, but they
were nevertheless an essential step in advance, and
altogether in accordance with what Bacon has here
said, though in an obscure and somewhat abrupt man
ner. " We do well," remarks Leibnitz, " to think
highly of Verulam, for his hard sayings have a deep
meaning in them : " a judgment which may not im
probably have had a particular reference to the views
now spoken of. For Leibnitz's own monaclism is in
effect only an abstract atomic theory:1 more abstract
doubtless than any thing which Bacon had conceived
of, but yet a system which might have been derived
from that of Democritus by insisting on and develop
ing Bacon's principle of heterogeneity. And again,
in a different point of view, it seems not unlikely
that Leibnitz perceived an analogy between his own
doctrine and that of Bacon. In the earlier part of

1 The monad, Leibnitz himself remarks, is a metaphysical point, or
formal atom

280 PREFACE TO THE

his philosophical life, Leibnitz was disposed to agree
with the opinion common among the reformers of
philosophy, that what Aristotle had said of matter, of
form, and of mutation, was to be explained by means
of magnitude, figure, and motion. This opinion he
ascribes to all the reformers of the seventeenth cen
tury, mentioning by name Bacon and several others.1
Thirty years afterwards, in giving some account of
the history of his opinions, he says that he came to
perceive, " que la seule consideration d'une masse eten-
due ne suffisoit pas, et qu'il falloit employer encore la
notion de la force, qui est tres-intelligible, quoiqu'elle
solt du ressort de la Me'taphysique." 2 In introduc
ing this notion of force, he conceived that he was re
habilitating the Aristotelian or scholastic philosophy,
seeing " que les formes des Anciens ou Entelechies
ne sont autre chose que les forces." 3 These primi
tive forces 4 being the constituent forms of substances,
he supposed them, with one exception (founded on doo--
matic grounds), to have been created at the beginning
of the world. The "lex a Deo lata" at the creation
" reliquit aliquod sui expressum in rebus vestigium,"
namely an efficacy, or form, or force, by virtue of
which and in accordance with the divine precept all
phenomena had been engendered.5

If we compare these expressions, which contain the
fundamental idea of Leibnitz's philosophy, with those
which have already been quoted from the following
tract, we shall I think perceive more than an acci-

1 Epist. ad Thomas, p. 48. of Erdmann's edition of Leibnitz's Phil. Works.

2 Systeme nouveau, p. 124., Erdmann.
8 Lettre ii Bouvet, p. 140,, Enlmann.

* Forces primitives, v. Syst. Nouv.
6 See his De ipsa Xatiirii, p. 156.

DE PRINCIP1IS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS. 281

dental analogy between them. Leibnitz speaks of
the primitive forces impressed by the divine word
on created things, " ex qua" series phenomenorum ad
primi jussus prgescriptum consequeretur,"-— and Ba
con of the " lex summa essentise et naturse, vis scili
cet primis particulis a Deo indita, ex cujus multipli-
catione oinnis rerum varietas emergat et confletur."

O

It does not seem improbable that Leibnitz, who in the
letter to Thomasius classes Bacon, so far as relates to
the present subject, with Gassendi and Descartes, came

afterwards to find in Bacon's language hints of the
.

deeper view which he had himself been led to adopt,
and which constitutes the point of separation between
his system and the Cartesian. This supposition would
at least be in accordance with the emphatic manner
in which he has contrasted the physical theories of
Descartes and Bacon, taking the former as a type of
acuteness and the latter of profundity, and asserting
that compared with Bacon, Descartes seems to creep
along the ground.1

It may not be out of place here to remark that there
are other traces of Bacon's influence on Leibnitz. In
Erdmann's edition of his philosophical works, we find
several fragmentary papers which Leibnitz wrote under
the name of Gulielmus Pacidius. The title of one of
these is " Gulielmi Pacidii Plus Ultra, sive initia et
specimina scientiae generalis de instauratione et aug-
mentis scientiarum ac de perficlenda mente rerumque
inventione ad publicam fcelicitatem." Plus Ultra was
the motto to Bacon's device of a ship sailino- through

J O O

the Pillars of Hercules, and the remainder of the title
is both in tone and language clearly Baconian. The

1 Leibnitiana, vol. vi. p. 303., ed. Genev. 1768. — T. S.

282 PREFACE TO THE

work itself was to have concluded with an exhortation
"ad viros dignitate doctrinaque egregios de humanS
felicitate exiguo tempore, si velimus modo, in immen-
sum augendaX"

Another of these fragments contains some account of
himself, or rather of Wilhelmus Pacidius, in which he
mentions it as one of the happy incidents of his youth,
that when he had perceived the defects of the scholas
tic philosophy the writings of several of the reformers
came into his hands — among which he gives the first
place to the " consilia magni viri Francisci Baconi
Angliae Cancellarii de augmentis Scientiarum." :

To return to the fable of Cupid. After interpreting
the statement that all things come from Eros to mean
that all phenomena must be referred to the funda
mental and originally inherent properties of matter as
the first ground of their production, Bacon goes on to
say that next to the error of those who make formless
matter an original principle, is the error of ascribing
secondary qualities to primitive matter. This he ex
presses by saying that though Eros is endued with per
sonality, he is nevertheless naked, " ita personatus 3 ut
sit tamen nudus." Those who have committed the
error of clothing him have either merely covered him
with a veil, or have dressed him up in a tunic, or
lastly have wrapped him round with a cloak.

These three errors are respectively the errors of
those who have sought to explain everything by the
transformations of one element as air or fire, — of those
who assume a plurality of elements, — and of those Avho

1 Leibnitz, ab Erd. p. 89. 2 Ibid. p. 91.

8 The meaning of personatus appears from the phrase Bacon previously
uses: " Cupidinis est persona qusedam.'1

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS. 283

assume an infinity of first principles (the homceomeria
of Anaxagoras), each possessed of specific properties.

Contrasted with these errors is the doctrine that
there is one first material principle, " idque fixum et
invariabile," and that all phenomena are to be ex
plained, " per hujusmodi principii . . . magnitudines
figuras et positiones," — a statement which includes
along with the old atomic theory every such hypothesis
as the Cartesian. By those only who hold this opinion
is Eros rightly displayed ; they show him as he really
is, " nativus et exutus."

In the interval between writing this tract and the
Novum Organum Bacon's opinions seem to have un
dergone some change, as he has there condemned the

O O '

atomists for asserting the existence of " materia non
fluxa ; " an obscure phrase, but which appears irrecon
cilable with the expression which I have just quoted —
" fixum et invariabile."

However this may be, Bacon next proceeds to enu
merate the different forms of doctrine into which the
doctrine of a single element has been subdivided. The
first principle or primitive matter has been asserted to
be water, or air, or fire. Something is then said of the
opinions of Thales, of Anaximenes, and of Heraclitus,
and they are collectively commended for having given
Eros but a single garment, that is, for having ascribed
to primitive matter only a single form substantially
homogeneous with any of the forms of secondary ex
istences.

The Anaxagorean doctrine of an infinity of elements
is then set aside as belonging to. the interpretation of
the fable of Coelum, and thus Bacon comes to the doc
trine of two opposing principles, with which the re-

284 PEEFACE TO THE

mainder of the tract is taken up. Parmenides, he
observes, among the ancients, and Telesius in modern
times, had made fire and earth, or heaven and earth,
the two first principles.

In connecting together Telesius and Parmenides
Bacon overlooked an essential point of difference.
For the system of Telesius is merely physical, it deals
only with phenomena, and seeks for no higher grounds
of truth than the evidence of the senses. Parmeuides,
on the other hand, recognised the antithesis of TO oV and
TO {/xxu/o/Aei/ov, of that which exists and that which is ap
parent. His doctrine is ontological rather than phys
ical, and he does not admit that phenomena have any
connexion with real or essential truth. He seeks for
a deeper insight into things than any which a mere
" Welt-anschauung," a mere contemplation of the
universe, could be made to furnish. The hypothesis
which he framed to explain the phenomena by which
we are surrounded, is with him a hypothesis merely,
and though, like Telesius's, this hypothesis refers every
phenomenon to the antagonism of heat and cold, yet it
has a character of its own, inasmuch as in a way not
distinctly conceivable it also serves to represent the
metaphysical antithesis of TO oV and TO ^ 6V.

It is however to be remembered that with the onto
logical aspect of the philosophy of Parmenides Bacon
has here no concern.

The fundamental notion of Telesius's system was
doubtless suggested both to him and to Parmenides,1
by certain obvious phenomena, and especially by the

1 The same notion is ascribed also to Hippo of Rhegium, and to others
of the Greek philosophers. See Pseudo-Orig. Philos. (16.)) for the fullest
statement as to Hippo.

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS 285

growth, decay, and reproduction of plants and animals.
But it is essentially derived from the delight which the
mind takes in every form of antithetic dualism, and
especially in the idea of the reciprocal action of op
posing forces. It comes from the same source as the
love and strife of Empedocles, and as the good and
evil principles of the Persian theology.

By the help of this notion, namely that heat and
cold are the constituent principles of the universe,
Telesius attempts to give general explanations of all
phenomena, leaving it to others to study them in de
tail. The largeness of his plan and the grave elo
quence with which it is set forth won for him some
celebrity, notwithstanding the extreme obscurity of his
style and the vagueness of his whole doctrine.

The academy of Cosenza (it was at Cosenza that
Telesius was born) adopted his views, and both there
and elsewhere men were for some time to be found
who called themselves Telesiani. Spiriti, in his Scrit-
tori Cosentini, gives a list of the disciples of Telesius ;
it contains however no name of much note, except that
of Campanella, and the fame of Campanella rests much
more on his moral and political speculations than on
his defence of Telesius. Giordano Bruno and Patri-
cius cannot be called disciples of Telesius, though the
writings of both bear traces of his influence.1 Among
real students of nature it was not to be expected that

1 The influence of Telesius on Bruno is not, I think, mentioned by his
torians of philosophy, yet there is no doubt of its existence. In the fol
lowing passage the fundamental principle of Telesius is plainly assumed,
mingled with ideas derived from Copernicus. " Cos! vien distinto 1' uni-
verso in fuoco et acqua, che sono soggetti di doi primi principii formal! et
attivi, freddo et caldo. Que' corpi che spirano il caldo, son le sole, che per
se stesso son lucenti et caldi; que' corpi che spirano il freddo son le terre."
— Cena di Cenere, p. 174. of Wagner's edition.

286 PREFACE TO THE

so indefinite a system as that of Telesius could find
much acceptance, and accordingly it is but seldom
mentioned by scientific writers. Grassi, in the Libra
Astronomical seems to reproach Galileo with having
taken some notion about comets from Cardan and Te
lesius ; remarking that their philosophy was sterile and
unfruitful, and that they had left to posterity " libros
non liberos." To this Galileo answers that as for what
Cardan and Telesius might have said on the matter in
hand he had never read it, and it would seem as if
he means to disclaim all knowledge of their writings.
Thougli he protests against the argumentum ex con-
sensu which Grassi brings against them, yet it is plain
that he does so only to confute his opponent, and not
because he thought them worthy of a greater fame than
they had received. Even among the large class of men
who are content to acquiesce in general views and are
not careful to inquire whether these views are accurate
or ill defined, Telesius's popularity could not last long.
For he had left nothing for his followers to do. All

O

that could be said in favour of his fundamental idea he
had said himself, and any attempt to develop it further
could only show how insecure a foundation it was built
on. His works are however not undeserving of atten
tion, even apart from the influence which they had on
the opinions of Bacon. They show much of the pecul
iar character of mind which distinguishes southern from
northern Italy, and which is yet more conspicuous in
the writings of Campanella and of Vico : grave and
melancholy earnestness, — a fondness for symbol and
metaphor, and for wide-reaching but dreamy theories.

1 Published in 1618, with the pseudonym of Lotario Sarsi. It is incor
porated in the new edition of Galile^'i works, iv. p. (51.

DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINTBUS. 287

The first two books of his principal work, the De
Rerum Naturd, were published at Rome in 1565.
The complete work was not published until 1586,
only two years before his death.1 In 1590 a number
of tracts, some of which had appeared in his lifetime,
were published by Antonius Persius, one of his chief
disciples, with a dedication to Patricius, which seems
to claim him as at least half an adherent to the Tele-
sian philosophy.2 For some account of Telesius's mi
nor works I may refer to Spiriti's Scrittori Cosentini^
or to what Salsi has said of them in Ginguene's His-
toire Litteraire de VTtalie?

Of Letter's work, De Vita ct Scriptis B. Telesii,
Leipsic, 1733, I much regret that I only know what
is said of it in the Acta Eruditorum for that year. It
appears to contain much information not easily to be
found elsewhei'e.

The view which Bacon gives of the doctrines of
Telesius seems to have been much used and trusted by
the historians of philosophy,4 — a natural result of the
involved and obscure style in which they were orig
inally propounded. Whether it is altogether an accu
rate representation of these doctrines may at least be
doubted : it seems as if Bacon, in some matters of de
tail, mingles with what he finds in Telesius some fur
ther developments of his own. Perhaps he is in some

1 It was reprinted in 1588, along with the Contemplationes of Mocenicus
and the Qiutstiones Peripateticce of Csesalpinus. The volume containing
these three-works is entitled " Tractationum Philosophicarum tomus unus,"
and is apparently not easily met with. It is this edition that I have been
in the habit of using.

2 This dedication is prefixed to the tract " De Mari."

8 The account of Telesius in Ginguen^ was written by Salsi. See Gin-
guene, vii. p. 500.
4 See what Brucker says of Morhof and Sosellus, Hist. Crit. Phil. iv. 453.

288 PREFACE TO DE 1'EINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS.

measure influenced by his jural habits of thought, and,
tries in all fairness and equity to put a favourable
construction on that on which he sits in judgment.1
However this may be, I have certainly found it diffi
cult to support all his statements by quotations from
his author, and in some cases have noticed at least
apparent discrepancies.

The tract ends abruptly with the discussion of the
system of Telesius. A similar discussion of the atomic
theory would have been of far greater interest, for
Bacon's own opinions are much more closely con
nected with those of Democritus than with Telesius's,
from whom he derived only isolated doctrines. The
most important of these doctrines is that of the dual
ity of the soul, of which and of its relation to the or
thodox opinion I have elsewhere had occasion to speak.2

1 Bacon's own language suggests this impression. " Nos eniin," he de
clares, " in omnium inventis summa cum fide et tanquam faventes versa-
mur.'1 And that he does not conceive himself bound to minute accuracy
in reproducing the opinions of the philosophers of whom he speaks, appears
from several expressions: "Hujusmodi quaedam de diversitate calorum a
Telesio dicuntur; " " Hsec, aut iis meliora, cogitabant illi," &c.

2 See General Preface, Vol. I. p. 102. — T. 8.

DE PRINCIPIIS ATdUE OEIGINIBUS,

SECCNDUM FABULAS

CUPIDINIS ET C(ELI:

ETC.

QtLE de Cupidine sive Amore ab antiquis memorata
sunt, in eandem personam convenire non possunt ; quin-
etiam ab ipsis ponuntur Cupidines duo, et longo sane
intervallo discrepantes ; cum unus ex iis deorum anti-
quissimus, alter natu minimus fuisse diceretur. Atque
de antique illo nobis in praesentia sermo est. Narrant
itaque Amorem ilium omnium deorum fuisse antiquis-
simum, atque adeo omnium rerui% excepto Chao, quod
ei coaevum perhibetur. Atque Amor iste prorsus sine
parente introducitur. Ipse autem cum Chao1 mistus,
et deos et res universas progenuit. A nonnullis tamen
ovo prognatus2 incubante Nocte traditus est. Ejus

1 Gslo in the original. For the grounds of the correction, see Preface,
p. 274. — J. S.

2 Kellgren, De Ovo mundano (Helsingfors, 1849), has collected the pas
sages on the egg cosmogony in the Institutes of Menu, the Putanas, and
certain Commentaries. He remarks that, so far as he is aware, no trace of
the mythus occurs in the Vedas. It follows that he did not perceive any
reference to it in the 129th hymn of the 10th book of the Rig Veda, with
which he was certainly acquainted, as he has quoted a portion of Cole-
brook's translation of it. In this translation it is difficult to recognise even

VOL. v. 19

290 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

vero attributa ponuntur diversa, ut sit infans perpetuus,
caecus, nudus, alatus, Sagittarius. Vis autem ejus pva>
cipua et propria ad corpora unienda valet : etiam claves
setheris, maris, et terraa ei deferebantur. Fingitur quo-
que et celebratur alter Cupido minor, Veneris filius,
in quern attributa antiquioris transferuntur, et propria
multa adjiciuntur.

Fabula ista, cum sequent! de Coslo, brevi parabolaa
complexu proponere videtur doctrinam de principiu
rerum et mundi oriyinibm, non multum dissidentem ab
ea philosophia quam Democritus exhibuit ; nisi quod
videatur aliquanto magis severa, et sobria et perpur-
gata. Ejus enim viri, licet acutissimi et diligentissimi,
contemplationes gliscebant tamen, et modum tenere
nescize erant, nee se satis stringebant aut sustinebant.
Atque etiam ha3C ipsa placita qua1, in parabola delites-
cunt, quamvis paulo emendatiora, talia sunt qualia esse
possunt ilia qua3 ab intellectu sibi permisso, nee ab
experientia continenter et gradatim1 sublevato, profecta
videntur ; nam illud vitium existimamus etiam prisca
secula occupasse. In primis autem intelligendum est,
qua3 hie afferuntur conclusa et prolata esse ex author-
itate rationis humante solummodo, et sensus fidem se-
cuta : cujus jarnpridem cessantia et deficu-ntia oracula
merito rejiciuntur, postquam meliora et certiora mor-
talibus ex parte verbi divini affulserint. Itaque Chaos
illud, quod Cupidini coaevnm erat, massam sive con-

the germ of the my thus, but in that which has since been given by Max
Muller it seems more easy to do so. It would be interesting to ascertain
how far the mythus was developed at the time at which the older portions
of the Rig Veda were composed. The subject may be said to have a natu
ral interest at Helsingfors, as the egg cosmogony exists among the Finns.
For the hymn referred to see Colebrook's Miscellaneous Essays, i. p. 34.,
and Miiller's Addenda to Bunsen's Hippolytus, p. 140.
1 gradatum in original. — J. S.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 291

gregationem materiae inconditam significabat. Materia
autem ipsa, atque vis et natura ejus, denique principia
rerum, in Cupidine ipso adumbrata erant. Ille intro-
ducitur sine parente, id est sine causa : causa enim
effectus veluti parens est ; idque in tropis fumiliare et
fere perpetuum est, ut parens et proles causam et effec-
tura denotent. Materioe autem primas, et virtutis at
que actionis propria3 ejus, causa nulla esse potest in
natura (Deum enim semper excipimus) ; nihil enim
hac ipsa prius. Itaque efficiens nulla, nee aliquid na
ture notius ; ergo nee genus, nee forma. Quamobrem
quaecunque tandem sit ilia materia atque ejus vis et
operatio, res positiva est et surda, atque prorsus ut
invenitur accipienda, nee ex praenotione aliqua judi-
canda. Etenim modus si sciri detur, tarn en per causam
sciri non potest, cum sit post Deum causa causarum,
ipsa incausabilis. Est enim terminus quidam verus et
certus causarum in natura : atque aeque imperiti est et
leviter philosophantis. cum ad ultimam nature vim et
legem positivam ventum sit causam ejus requirere aut
fingere, ac in iis qua? subordinata sunt causam non
desiderare.1 Quare Cupido ab antiquis sapientibus
ponitur in parabola sine parente, id est, sine causa.
Neque nihil in hoc est; imo haud scimus an non res
omnium maxima. Nil enim philosophiam perasque
corrupit ac ilia inquisitio parentum Cupidinis ; hoc
est, quod philosophi principia rerum quemadmodum in
natura inveniuntur non receperunt et amplexi sunt,
ut doctrinam quandam positivam, et tanquam fide
experimental] ; sed potius ex legibus sermonum et ex
dialecticis et mathematicis conclusiunculis atque ex
communibus notionibus et hujusmodi mentis extra
1 Compare Nov. Org. i. 48.

292 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

naturam exspatiationibus ea deduxerunt. Itaque phi-
losophanti quasi perpetuo hoc animo agitandum est,
non esse parentes Cupidini, ne forte intellectus ad
inania deflectat ; quia in hujusmodi perception ibus
universalibus gliscit animus humanus, et rebus et se
ipso abutitur, et dum ad ulteriora tendit ad prox-
imiora recidit.1 Cum enim, propter angustias suas, iis
quae familiariter occurrunt et qua3 una et subito men-
tern subire et ferire possunt maxime moveri consuerit ;
fit ut cum ad ea quae secundum experientiam maxime
universalia sunt se extenderit, et nihilominus acquies-
cere nolit, turn demum, tanquam adhuc notiora ap-
petens, ad ea quae ipsum plurimum affecerint aut
illaqueaverint se vertit, et ea ut magis causativa et
demonstrativa quam ipsa ilia universalia sibi fingit.

Itaque quod prima rerum essentia, vis, et Cupido,
sine causa sit, jam dictum est. De modo vero ejus rei
(quae eausam non recipit) videndum. Modus autem
et ipse quoque perobscurus est ; idque a parabola ipsa
monemur, ubi eleganter fingitur Cupido, ovum Nocte
incubante exclusum. Certe sanctus philosoplms ita
pronuntjat: Cuncta fecit Deus pulchra tempestatibus
suis, et mundum tradidit disputationibus eorum ; ita
tamen ut non inveniat homo opus quod operatus est Deus
a principio usque adfinem.2 Lex enim summa essentiae
atque naturae, quae vicissitudines rerum secat et percur-
rit (id quod ex verborum complexu describi videtur,
opus quod operatus est Deus a principio usque ad finem),
vis scilicet primis particulis a Deo indita, ex cujus mul-
tiplicatione omnis rerum varietas emergat et confletur,
cogitationem mortalium perstringere potest, subire vix
potest. Aptissime autem refertur illud de ovo Noctis

i Compare Nov. Org. i. 48. 2 Eccles. iii. 11.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 293

ad demonstrationes per quas Cupido iste in lucem edi-
tur. Quse enim per affirmativas concluduntur, viden-
tur partus lucis ; quse vero per negativas et exclusiones,
ea tanquam a tenebris et nocte exprimuntur et educun-
tur. Est autem iste Cupido vere ovum exclusum a
Nocte ; notitia enim ejus (quae omnino haberi potest)
procedit per exclusiones et negativas. Probatio autem
per exclusionern facta, quaedam ignoratio est, et tan
quam nox, quoad id quod includitur ; quare praeclare
Democritus atomos sive semina, atque eorum virtutem,
nullius rei similia quae sub sensum cadere posset asse-
ruit ; sed ea prorsus caeca et clandestina natura insignit.
Itaque de ipsis pronuntiavit :

Neque sunt igni simulata, neque ulli
Praeterea rei quse corpora mittere possit
Sensibus, et nostros adjectu tangere tactus: l

Et rursus de virtute eorum :

At primordia gignundis in rebus oportet
Naturam clandestinam cascamque adhibere,
Emineat ne quid, quod contra pugnet et obstet.2

Itaque atomi neque ignis scintillis, neque aquae guttis,
neque auras bullis, neque pulveris granis, neque spiritus
aut aetheris minutiis, similes sunt. Neque vis et forma
eorum aut grave quiddam est aut leve, aut calidum aut
frigidum, aut densum aut rarum, aut durum aut molle,
qualia in corporibus grandioribus inveniuntur ; cum
istae virtutes, et reliquaa id genus, compositas sint et
conilatae. Neque similiter motus naturalis atomi aut
motus ille est descensus, qui appellatur naturalis, aut
motus illi oppositus (plagae), aut motus expansionis et
contractionis, aut motus impulsionis et nexus, aut mo
tus rotationis coelestium, aut quispiam ex aliis motibus

1 Lucret. i. 688. 2 id. j. 779.

294 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

grandiorum, sirnpliciter. Atque nihilominus et in cor-
pore atom! elementa omnium corporum, et in motu et
virtute atomi initia omnium motuum et virtutum in-
sunt. Veruntamen in hoc ipso, nimirum de motu
atomi, collato ad motum grandiorum, philosophia pa
rabola a philosophia Democriti dissentire ' videtur.
Democritus enim non omnino parabolas tantum, sed
et sibi quoque impar et fere contrarius rep'u-itur, in
iis quas amplius ab eo circa hoc dicta sunt. Debuit
enim motum heterogeneum atomo tribuere, nc»n minus
quam corpus heterogeneum et virtutem heterogeneam.
Verum ille motus duos, descensus gravium et adscen-

7 O

sus levium (quern per plagam sive percussionern magis
gravium pellendo minus gravia in superius expediebat),
delegit ex motibus grandiorum, quos atomo ut primi
tives communicaret.1 Parabola autem heterogeneam et
exclusionem ubique tuetur, tarn substantia quam motu.
At parabola ulterius innuit, harum de quibus diximus
exclusionum finem aliquem et modum esse; neque enim
perpetuo Nox incubat. Atque Dei certe proprium est,
cum de ejus natura inquiritur per sensum, ut exclusio-
nes in affirmativis non terminentur. Alia vero est hu-
jus rei ratio ; ea scilicet, ut post debitas exclusiones et
negationes aliquid affirmetur et constituatur, et ut ovum
quasi a tempestiva et matura incubatione excludatur ;
neque tantum ovum excludatur Nocte, sed etiam ex
ovo excludatur persona Cupidinis ; hoc est, ut non tan
tum educatur et extrahatur hujusce rei notio qusedam

" Cuncta necesse est
Aut gravitate sua ferri primordia rerum,
Aut ictu forte alterius." LUCKET. ii. 82.

But Democritus himself did not ascribe gravity to the atom, and in thi8 as
in some other points Bacon was misled by assuming that Lucretius always
represents the opinions of Democritus. See Stobaeus, Eclog. Phys. i. 15.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 295

ex ignoratione, veram etiam notio distincta et confusa.1
Atque de demonstrationibus, quales ese circa materiam
primam esse possint, hiec habuimus qua? cum sensu
parabolas maxime convenire arbitramur. Veniendum
igitur ad Cupidinem ipsum, materiam scilicet primarn,
et dotes ejus, quas tanta circumstat nox ; et videndum
quid parabola ad illam lucis afferat. Neque nos fugit,
opiniones hujusmodi duras et fere incredibiles ad homi-
num sensus et cogitationes accedere. Atque ejus certe
rei periculum jam factum esse plane cernimus in hac
ipsa Democriti philosophia de atomis, qua? quia paulo
acutius et altius in naturam penetrabat et a communi-
bus notionibus erat remotior, a vulgo pueriliter accipie-
batur ; sed et philosophiarum aliarum qua? ad vulgi
captum magis accedebant disputationibus. tanquam
ventis, agitata et fere exstincta est. Et tamen etiam
ille vir suis temporibus sumrna admiratione floruit,
et Pentathlus dictus est ob multiplicem scientiam,2 et
inter omnes philosophos omnium consensu maxime
physicus est habitus, ut Magi quoque nomen obtineret.
Neque Aristotelis pugnae et dimicationes (qui Otto-
mannorum more de regno suo philosophise anxius erat,
nisi fratres trucidasset ; cui etiam cura3 erat, ut ex ejus
verbis liquet, ne quid posteri scilicet dubitarent) tan-
turn sua violentia, nee etiam Platonis majestas et so-
lennia tantum reverentia potuerunt, ut philosophiam
hanc Democriti delerent. Sed dum ilia Aristotelis et
Platonis strepitu et pompa professoria in scholis cir-
cumsonarent et celebrarentur, hasc ipsa Democriti apud
sapientiores, et contemplationum silentia et ardua arc-

1 So in the original. I suppose minime, or some equivalent word, has
dropped out. M. Bouillet suggests the substitution of nee for et. — J. 3.
a Diog. Laert. ix. 37. But see Mullach. Quiest. Democ. p. 54.

296 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

tius complexes, in magno honore erat. Certe in sec-
ulis illis Romanae doctrinae, ilia Democriti et mansit et
placuit ; cum Cicero ejus viri ubique summa cum laude
mentionem faciat, et non ita multo post praaconium
illud poetae, qui videtur ex temporis sui judicio (ut
solent illi) de eo locutus esse, conscriptum sit et ex-
stet,

Cujus prudentia monstrat

Magnos posse viros, et magna exempla daturos,
Vervecum in patria crassoque sub acre nasci.1

Itaque non Aristoteles aut Plato, sed Gensericus et
Attila et barbari, hanc philosophiam pessundederunt.
Turn enim, postquam doctrina humana naufragium
perpessa esset, tabulae istae Aristptelicae et PlatonicaB
philosophiae, tanquam materiae cujusdam levioris et ma-
gis inflata^, servatae sunt, et ad nos pervenerunt, clum
magis solida mergerentur et in oblivionem fore veni-
rent. Nobis vero digna videtur Democriti philosophia
quae a neglectu vindicetur, praesertim quando cum au-
thoritate prisci seculi in plurimis consentiat. Primo
itaque describitur Cupido ut persona quaedam ; eique
attribuuntur Infantia, Alae, Sagittae, alia, de quibus
sigillatim postea dicemus. Sed hoc interim sumimus ;
antiquos proposuisse materiam primam (qualis rerum
principium esse potest) formatam et dotatam, non ab-
stractam, potentialem, informem. Atque certe materia
ilia spoliata et passiva prorsus humanae mentis com-
mentum quoddam videtur, atque inde ortum, quia in-
tellectui humano ilia maxime esse videntur, quae ipse
potissimum haurit, et quibus ipse plurimum afficitur.
Itaque fit ut formae (quas vocant) magis existere vide-
antur, quam aut materia aut actio : quod ilia latet, haec
i Juv. x. 48.

SEC. FAB. CUPID1NIS ET CCELI. 297

fluit ; altera non tarn fortiter impingitur, altera non
tarn constanter inhaeret. Imagines autem illae, contra,
et manifestae et constantes putantur ; adeo ut materia
ilia prima et communis tanquam accessorium quiddam
videatur, et loco sufrulcimenti ; actio autem quaevis tan
quam emanatio tantum a forma ; atque prorsus primas
partes formis deferantur. Atque hinc fluxisse videtur
formarum et idearum regnum in essentiis, materia scili
cet addita quadam phantastica. Aucta etiam sunt ista
suporstitione nonnulla (errorem, intemperantiam,1 ut
fit, secuta), et idea? abstracts? quoque introductae, et
earum dignitates ; tanta confidentia et majestate, ut
cohors somniantium vigilantes fere oppresserit. Ve-
rum ista ut plurimum evanuerunt ; licet alicui, nostro
hoc seculo, curae fuerit ea sponte inclinantia fulcire et
excitare, majore ausu (ut nobis videtur) quam fructu.2
Verum quam praeter rationem materia abstracta prin-
cipium ponatur (nisi obstent prsejudicia) facile perspici-
tur. Formas siquidem separatas quidam actu subsistere
posuerunt,3 materiam separatam nemo ; ne ex iis qui
earn ut principium adhibuerunt ; atque ex rebus phan-

1 [So in original.] The true reading is probably intemperantid.

2 The allusion is apparently to Patricias, whose Nova Philosophia was
published in 1593 ; a work long since so rare that Sorellus (apud Brucker,
iv. 28.) says that a small library might be purchased for the price of this
single book. See for an account of it Brucker, ubi modo.

8 Angels are regarded by the schoolmen as forms not immersed in mat
ter. Thus St. Thomas says, " Angeli sunt formae immateriales." — Sum.
Theol. i. q. 61. Even the soul of man is spoken of as a form " non penitus
materiae immersa; " a way of speaking probably employed for two reasons,
— to save the possibility of the soul's separate existence, and to obviate
the difficulty of the Scotists, that an unextended, or intense, form like the
soul cannot give extension or corporeity. From this difficulty Duns Scotus
deduced the existence of a " forma corporeitatis " distinct from the soul; a
doctrine not to be confounded witli that of Avicenna, who, from the impos
sibility of conceiving unextended matter, was led to assert the existence
•f a form of corporeity primitively inherent in all matter.

298 DE PRINCIP1IS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

tasticis entia constituere durum videtur ac perversum,
neque inquisition! de principiis consonum. Neque enim
quaeritur quomodo naturam entium commodissime cogi-
tatione complectamur aut distinguamus, sed quae sint
vere entia prima et inaxime simplicia ex quibus caetera
deriventur. Primum autem ens non minus vere debet
existere, quam quae ex eo fluunt ; quodammodo magis.
Authupostaton 1 enim est, et per hoc reliqua. At quas
dicuntur de materia ilia abstracta, non multo meliora
sunt, quam si quis mundum et res ex categoriis et hu-
jusmodi dialectic-is notionibus, tanquam ex principiis,
fieri asserat. Parum enim interest, utrum quis mun
dum fieri ex materia et forma et privations dicat, an ex
substantia et qualitatibus contrariis.2 Sed omnes fere
antiqui, Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Anaximenes, Hera-
clitus, Democritus, de materia prima in caeteris dissiden-
tes, in hoc convenerunt, quod materiam activam, forma
nonnulla, et formam suam dispensantem, atque intra se
principium motus habentem, posuerunt. Neque aliter
cuiquam opinari licebit, qui non experientiae plane
deserter esse velit. Itaque hi omnes' mentem rebus
submiserunt. At Plato mundum cogitationibus, Aris-
toteles vero etiam cogitationes verbis, adjudicarunt ;
vergentibus etiam turn hominum studiis ad disputati-
ones et sermpnes, et veritatis inquisitionem severiorem
missam facientibus. Quare hujusmodi placita magis
toto genere reprehendenda quam proprie confutanda
videntur. Sunt enim eorum, qui rnultum loqui volunt,
et parum scire. Atque abstracta ista materia est ma
teria disputationum, non universi. Verum rite et or-

1 The word avdvnoaraTOt , of which the Latin form ought to be authy-
postatus, is given by Stephanus, with a reference to Nicetas.

2 Compare De Augmentis.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 299

dine philosophanti, naturae plane facienda est dissectio
non abstractio (qui autem secare earn nolunt, abstra-
here coguntur), atque omnino materia prima ponenda
est conjuncta cum forma prima, ac etiam cum principle
motus primo, ut invenitur. Nam et motus quoqne ab
stractio infinitas phantasias peperit, de animis, vitis, et
similibus, ac si iis per materiam et formam non satis-
fiertt, sed ex suis propriis penderent ilia principiis.
Sed hasc tria nullo modo discerpencla, sed tantummodo
distinguenda ; atque asserenda materia (qualiscunque
ea sit) ita ornata et apparata et formata, ut omnis
virtus, essentia, actio, atque motus naturalis, -ejus con-
secutio et emanatio esse possit. Neque propterea met-
uendum, ne res torpeant, aut varietas ista quam cerni-
mus explicari non possit ; ut postea docebimus. Atque
quod materia prima forma nonnulla sit, demonstrator a
parabola in hoc, quod Cupidinis est persona quaedam.
Ita tamen ut materia ex toto, sive massa materias,
quondam informis fuerit : Chaos enim informe ; Cu-
pido persona quaedam. Atque base cum sacris lit-
eris optime conveniunt. Neque enim scriptum est
quod Deus hylen1 in principio creavit, sed coelum et
terrain.

Subjungitur etiam jlescriptio nonnulla status rerum
qualis fuerit ante opera dierum, in qua distincta mentio
fit terra? et aquae, quas sunt nomina formarum ; sed ta
men quod massa secundum totum erat informis.2 Ve-
rum introducitur in parabolam Cupido ita personatus,
ut sit tamen nudus. Itaque post illos qui materiam
ponunt abstractam, proxime (sed in contrarinm) pec
cant illi qui earn ponunt non exutam. Atque de hac

1 Hymen in the original. — J. S.

2 Compare St. Thomas. Sum. Theol. i. 66. 1.

300 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

re quaedam adspersimus in iis quae de demonstrationibus
quales in materiam primam conveniant, et de hetero-
genea ipsius materia?, a nobis jam dicta sunt. At hie,
quern nunc ingrediemur, est proprius ejus rei tractandaa
locus. Videndum ergo ex iis qui principia rerum in
materia formata fundaverunt, quinam sint illi qui for-
mam materias tribuerint nativam et nudam, et qui
rursus superfusam et indutam. Inveniuntur autem
omnino quatuor opinantium sectce. Prima est eorum,
qui unum quippiam asserunt rerum principium, diver-
sitatem autem entium constituunt in natura ejusdem
principii fluxa1 et dispensabili. Secunda eorum, qui
principium rerum ponunt substantia unicum, idque
fixum et invariabile ; diversitatem entium deducunt
per hujusmodi principii diversas magnitudines, figuras,
et posituras. Tertia eorum, qui plura constituunt re-
rum principia ; et diversitatem entium ponunt in eorum
temperamento et mistione. Quarta eorum, qui infinita
aut saltern numerosa constituunt rerum principia, sed
specificata et effigiata ; quibus nihil opus ut commi-
niscantur aliquid quod res deducat ad multiplex, cum
naturam jam a principio disgregent.2 Inter quos se-
cunda secta nobis videtur solummodo Cupidinem ex-
hibere, ut est, nativum et exutum. Prima vero intro-
ducit eum tanquam velo discretum. Tertia tunicatum.
Quarta etiam chlamydatum et fere sub larva. Atque
de singulis pauca dicemus, ad meliorem parabola? expli-
cationem. Primo igitur, ex iis qui unum rerum prin
cipium statuerunt, neminem invenimus qui illud de
Terra affirmaret. Obstabat scilicet terras natura qui-

1 fluxu in the original. — /. S.

2 In enumerating these four sects, Bacon alludes successively to the
Ionian physicists; to the atomists; to Parmenides, Telesius, Empedocles
and many others; and lastly to Anaxagoras.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 301

eta et torpens et minime activa, sed coeli et ignis et
reliquorum patiens, ne id cuipiam in mentem veniret
asserere.1 Attamen prisca sapientia Terram proximam
a Chao ponit, Coelique primo parentem, deinde nup-
tam ; ex quo conjugio omnia.2 Neque propterea hoc
accipiendum, ac si veteres unquani statuissent terrain
principium essentiae ; sed principium vel originem po-
tius schematismi sive systematis. Itaque hanc rem ad
parabolam sequentem de Coelo rejicimus, ubi de Origin-
ibus inquiremus ; qua? est iuquisitio, ad illam de Prin-
cipiis, posterior.

At Thales Aquam principium rerum posuit.3 Vi-
debat enim materiam praecipue dispensari in humido,
humidum in aqua. Consentaneum autem esse illud
rerum principium ponere, in quo virtutes entium et
vigores, praesertim elementa generationum et instau-
rationum, potissimum invenirentur. Genituram ani-
malium humidam ; etiam plantarum semina et nuclea,
quamdiu vegetarent nee efFoeta essent, tenera et mol-
lia. Metalla quoque liquescere et fluere, et esse tan-
quam terras succos concretos, vel potius aquas quas-
dam minerales. Terram ipsam imbribus aut irriga-
tione fluviorum foecundari et instaurari, nihilque aliud
videri terrain et limum, quam faeces et sedimenta
aquae. Et aerem planissime esse aquae exspirationem
atque expansionem. Quin et ignem ipsum non con-

1 This remark Bacon may have derived from Aristotle, Metaph. i. 7.
However, Hippo of Rhegium, or rather Hippo the atheist who is probably
the same person, made earth the principle of all things, at least according
to the scholiast on Hesiod's Theogony. (See Heinsius's Hesiod, p. 237.)
Others, however, give a different account of Hippo's opinions, and it is
possible that the scholiast's story was suggested to him merely by what
Aristotle says of him in the third chapter of the same book.

2 As I have remarked in the preface, reference is here made to Hesiod.

3 Plutarch, De Plac. Philosoph. i. 3.

302 DE PEINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

cipi, neque omnino durare aut ali, nisi ex humido et
per humidum. Pinguedinem autem illam humidi, in
qua flamma et ignis sustentantur et vivunt, videri
quandam aquas maturitatem et concoction em. Cor
pus rursus et molem aquas per universum, ut fomitem
communem, disperfiri. Oceanum terras circumfundi.
Vim maximam aquarum dulcium subterranean! ; unde
fontes et fluvii, qui, venarum instar, aquas per terras
et faciem et viscera deportent. At immensas vaporum
et aquarum congregationes in supernis esse, utque aliam
quandam aquarum universitatem, utpote a qua inferio-
res aquae, atque adeo oceanus ipse, reparentur et refi-
ciantur. Etiam ignes coelestes existimabat aquas illas
et vapores depascere ; neque enim aut sine alimento
subsistere, aut aliunde ali posse ; figuram autem aquas,
quas in ejus particulis (guttis videlicet) cernitur, ean-
dem cum figura universi esse, rotundam nempe et
sphasricam ; quin et undulationem aquas, etiam in aere
et flamma, notari et conspici : motum denique aquas
habilem, nee torpescentem, nee prasfestinmn ; numero-
sissimam autem piscium et aquatilium generationem.
Sed Anaximenes Aerem delegit, quod unum esset re-
rum principium.1 Nam si moles in constituendis rerum
principiis spectanda sit, videtur aer longe maxima uni
versi spatia occupare. Nisi enim detur vacuum sepa
ratum, aut recipiatur superstitio ilia de heterogenea
coelestium et sublunarium ; quicquid a globo terras ad
ultima coeli extenditur spatii, atque astrum aut meteo-
rum non est, aerea substantia compleri videtur. Atque
globi terrestris domicilium instar puncti ad coeli ambi-
tum censetur. In asthere vere2 ipso, quantula portio

1 Plutarch, 1. c.

2 So in the original: probably a mistake for verb. — /. 8.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 303

in stellis conspergitur ? cum in citimis sphaeris singulaa
conspiciantur, in ultima, licet ingens earum numerus
sit, tamen prae spatiis interstellaribus exiguum quiddam
spatii sidereum appareat ; ut omnia tanquam in vastis-
simo aeris pelago natare videantur. Neque parva est
ca portio aeris et spiritus, quae in aquis et cavis terrse
locis sedem et moram habet ; uncle aquae fluorem suum
recipiunt. Quin et extenduntur quandoque et intu-
mescunt ; terras autem non solum porositas sua accidit,
sed etiam tremores et concussiones, evidentia signa
venti et aeris inclusi. Quod si media quaedam natura
sit propria principiorum, ut tantae varietatis possit esse
susceptiva -5 ea prorsus in acre reperiri videtur. Est
enim aer tanquam commune rerum vinculum, non tan-
tum cmia ubique praesto est, et succedit, et vacua possi-
det, sed multo magis quod videtur esse naturae cujus-
dam mediae et adiaphorae. Hoc enim corpus illud est,
quod lucem, opacitatem, omniumque colorum tincturas,
et umbrarum eclipses excipit et vehit ; quod sonorum
etiam harmonicorum, et (quod multo majus est) artic-
lalatorum, impressiones et signaturas motu accuratis-
simo discriminat ; quod odorum differentias, non tan-
turn generales illas suavis et foetidi, gravis, acuti, et
similium, sed proprias et specificatas, rosae, violas, subit
nee confundit ; quod ad celebres et potentissimas illas
qualitates calidi, frigidi, etiam humidi, sicci, quodam-
modo sequum se praebet ; in quo vapores aquei, halitus
pingues, spiritus salium, metallorum fumi, suspensa
volant ; denique in quo radii coelestes, et arctiores re-
rum consensus et discordiae, secreto commeant et ob-
murmurant ; ut sit aer veluti chaos secundum, in quo
tot rerum semina agant, errent, tentent, atque experi-
antur. Postremo, si vim genialem et vivificantem in

304 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

rebus consulas, quae ad rerum principia manuducat ea-
que manifestet, etiam aeris potiores partes esse viden-
tur ; adeo ut aeris et spiritus et aninue vocabula usu
nonnunquam confundantur. Idque merito, cum vitae
paulo adultioris (exceptis scilicet rudimentis illis vita?
in embryonibus et ovis) respiratio aliqua comes sit vel-
uti individuus ; adeo ut pisces concreta et conglaciata
aquarum superficie suffocentur. Etiam ignis ipse, nisi ab
aura circumfusa animetur, exstinguitur, nihilque aliud
videtur quam aer attritus, irriiatus, et incensus ; quem-
admodum aqua e contra videri possit aeris coagulum et
receptus. Etiam terram perpetuo aerem exhalare,
neque ut per aquam in formam aeris transitum faciat
opus habere. Heraclitus vero magis acutus, sed minus
credibilis, Ignem rerum principium posuit.1 Neque
enim naturam mediam, qua? maxime vaga et corruptib-
ilis esse solet, sed naturam summam et perfectam, qu;e
corruptions et alterationis terminus quidam sit, ad re-
rum principia constituenda quaasivit. Videbat autem
maximam rerum varietatem et perturbationem in cor-
poribus solidis et consistentibus inveniri. Talia enim
corpora organica esse possunt, et veluti machine qua>
dam, qua? etiam ex figura innumeras variationes nan-
ciscuntur, qualia sunt corpora animalium et plantamm.
Etiam in his ipsis, ea quoque qua? organica non sunt,
tamen si acutius introspiciantur, valde esse dissimilia
reperiuntur. Quanta enim dissimilitudo inter partes
animalium illas ipsas, qua? vocantur similares ? cere
brum, humorem crystallinum, albuginem oculi, os,
membranam, cartilaginem, nervum, venam, carnem,
pinguedinem, medullam, sanguinem, sperma, spiritum,
chylum, reliqua ? etiam inter partes vegetabilium, ra-

1 Plutarch, 1. c.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDIXIS ET CGEU. 305

diccni, corticem, caulem, folium, florem, semen, et si-
milia ? At fossilia organica non sunt certe, sed tamen
et in nna specie varie commista sunt, et ad invicem
admodum copiosam varietatem ostendunt. Quamo-
brem basis ilia diversitatia entium, ampla, lata, et ex-
porrecta, in qua tantus rerum apparatus elucescit et
obversatur, constitui videtur in natura solida et con-
sistenti. Corpora vero liquorum vis schematism! or-
ganici plane deserit. Neque enim reperitur per totam
istam naturam visibilem, aut animal aut planta in cor-
pore mere fluido. Ergo numerosissima ilia varietas a
natura liquida abscinditur et subducitur. Manet nilri-
lominus varietas non parva, ut in tanta diversitate fusil-
ium, r.uccorum, destillatorum, et hujusmodi, manifestum
est. At in ae'riis et pneumaticis corporibus arctatur
muHo magis varietas, et obducitur promiscua qusedam
rerum similitudo. Certe vis ilia colorum et saporum,
quibus liquoi'es quandoque distinguuntur, omnino ces-
sat ; odorum vero manet, atque aliarum nonnullarum,
ita tamen ut transeant, confundantur, et minus hae-
reant ; adeo ut in universum quo magis ad ignis natu
ram fiat appropinquatio tantum de varietate depereat.
At postquam ad ignis naturam ventum est, ejusque
rectificati- et purioris, omne organum, omnisque pro-
prietas, omnis dissimilaritas exuitur, atque natura tan-
quam in vertice pyramidali in unum coire videtur,
atque ad terminum actionis sua3 proprias pervenisse.
Itaque incensionem sive ignescentiam pacem nominavit,
quia naturam componeret; generationem autem bellum,
quia ad multiplex deduceret.1 Atque ut ista ratio (qua
res a varietate ad unum, et ab unitate ad varium, flumi-
nis instar flue rent et refluerent) aliquo modo explicari

1 Diog. Laert ix. 8
VOL. v. 20

306 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

posset ; ignem ei densari et rarescere placuit, ita tamen
ut rarescentia ilia versus naturam igneam, actio esset
naturae di recta et progress! va ; densatio autem veluti
retrogradatio naturae et destitutio. Utrumque fato et
certis periodis (secundum summam) fieri censebat : ut
mundi istius, qui volvitur, futura sit quandoque con-
flagratio, et deinde instauratio, atque incensionis et gen-
erationis series perpetua et successio. Ordinem au
tem (si quis diligenter versetur in tenui ea qua? de
hoc viro atque ejus decretis ad nos pervenit memoria)
diversum statuit incensionis et exstinctionis. In scala
enim incensionis, nihil ab iis quae vulgata sunt dissen-
tiebat ; nt progressus rarescentiae et extenuation is esset
a terra ad aquam, ab aqua ad aerem, ab acre ad ignem ;
at non idem decursus ; sed ordinem plane invertebat.1
Ignem enim per exstinctionem terram educere assere-
bat, tanquam faeces quasdam atque fuligines ignis ; eas
deinceps uditatem concipere et colligere, unde aqnne fiat
effluvium, quse rursus aerem emittat et exspiret ; ut ab
igne ad terram mutatio fiat in praeceps, non gradation.
Atque hrec, aut iis meliora, cogitabant illi qui unum
rerum principium statuerunt, naturam simpliciter in-
tuiti, non contentiose. Atque laudandi sunt, quod
vestem unicam Cupidini tribuerint, id quod nuclitati
proximum est ; atque hujusmodi vestem, qurc est (ut
dixirnus) veli cujuspiam instar, non profecto telai spis-
sioris. Vestem autem Cupidinis appellamus formarn
aliquam materiaa primae attributam, qua? asseratur esse
cum forma alicujus ex entibus secundis substantialiter
homogenea. Ista autem quae de aqua, ae're, igne, ab
istis asseruntur, non firmis admodum rationibus nixa,

1 Plutarch, 1. c. Diogenes Laertius, however, does not support the state*
ment of the text.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 307

reprehendere non fiierit difficile ; neque causa vide-
tur cur de singulis disseramus, sed tantum in genere.
Pritno itaque videntur antiqui illi in inquisitione prin-
cipiorum rationem non admodum acutam instituisse ;
sed lioc solummodo egisse, ut ex corporibus apparenti-
bus et manifestis, quod maxime excelleret quarerent ;
et quod tale videbatur, principium rerum ponerent ;
tanquam per excellentiam, non vere1 aut realiter. Pu-
tabant enim hujusmodi naturam dignara, quae sola esse
diceretur qualis apparet : csetera vero eandem ipsam
naturam esse existimabant, licet minime secundum ap-
parentiam ; ut vel per tropum locuti, vel tanquam fas-
cinati videantur, cum impressio fortior reliqua traxerit.
At vere contemplantem, aequum se prasbere oportet ad
omnia, atque principia rerurn statuere, quae etiam cum
minimis et rarissimis et maxime desertis quibuscunque
entium conveniant, non tantum cum maximis et pluri-
mis et vigentibus. Licet enim nos homines entia quae
maxime occurrunt maxime miremur, tamen naturaa
sinus ad omnia laxatur. Quod si principium illud
suurn teneant non per excellentiam, sed simpliciter ;
videntur utique in duriorem tropum incidere ; cum res
plane deducatur ad aequivocum, neque de igne natural!
aut naturali acre aut aqua quod asserunt prasdicari
videatiir, sed de igne aliquo phantastico et notionali (et
sic de cseteris), qui nomen ignis retineat, definitionem
abneget. Porro videntur et illi in eadem incommoda
compelli, qutie assertores materiae abstractag subeunt.
Ut enim illi materiam potentialem et phantasticam
ex toto, ita et isti ex parte introducunt. Ponunt
etiam materiam quoad aliquid (principium illud nempe
suum) formatam et actualem ; quoad reliqua tantum

2 vero in the original. — .f. 8.

308 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

potentialem. Neque aliquid lucri fieri per istud genus
principii unici videtur, magis quam per illud niaterise
abstracts ; nisi quod habetur aliquid quod obversetur
ad intellectum humanum, in quo cogitatio humana ma
gis defigatur et acquiescat, et per quod notio prim-iph
ipsius paulo plenior sit, reliquorum omnium abstrusior
et durior. Sed scilicet ilia aetate Prcedieamenta res-

o

num non acceperant, ut potuisset principium illud na
ture abstract® latere sub fide et tutela pragdicamenti
substantias. Itaque nemo ausus est confinm?re mate-

• T

nam aliquam plane phantasticam, sed principium statu-
erunt secundum sen sum ; aliquod ens vemm ; modum
autem ejus dispensandi (liberius se gerentes) phantasti-
cum. Nihil enim inveniunt, imo nee cornminiscuntur,
quo appetitu aut stimulo, aut qua ratione, via, aut duc-
tu. istud principium suum a se degeneret, et rursus se
recipiat.1 At cum tanti appareant per universum con-
trariorum exercitus, densi, rari, calidi, frigidi, lucidi,
opaci, animati, inanimati, et aliorum plurimorum quas
se invicem oppugnant, privant, perimunt ; base omnia
ab uno quopiam rei materiata3 fonte manare putare,
neque tamen ullum ejus rei modum ostendere, spec-
ulationis cujusdam attonita3 videtur, et inquisitionem
deserentis. Nam si de re ipsa per sensum constaret,
ferendum esset, licet modus esset in obscuro; rursus
si modus vi rationis erutus esset aliquis habilis et credib-
ilis, discedendum fortasse ab apparentiis ; sed minime
postulandum ut iis assentiamus, quorum nee entia per
sensum manifesta, neque explicationes per rationem
probabiles. Prasterea, si unum esset rerum principium,
debuerat ejus conspici in omnibus rebus nota qusedam,
et tanquam partes potiores, et praBdominantia nonnuiJa;

1 Compare Arist. Met. i. 3.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET C(ELI. 309

neque inveniri principatum ullum, quod principle ex
diametro opponatur. Etiam in medio collocari debu-
erat, ut omnibus commodius sui copiam faceret, et per
ambitum se diffunderet. At horum nihil esse in illis
placitis invenitur. Nam terra, qua3 a principii honore
separatur et excluditur, videtur suscipere ,et fovere na-
turas illis tribus principialibus oppositas, cum ad mobil-
itatem1 et lucidam naturam ignis, opponat naturam
quietam et opacain ; ad tenuitatem et mollitiem aeris,
opponat similiter naturam densam et duram ; et ad
humiditatem et sequacitatem aqua?, naturam siccam,
rigidam, et asperam : atque ipsa quoque terra medium
locum occupant, cieteris deturbatis. Porro, si unicura
esset rerum principium, debuerat et illud turn ad re-
rum generationem, turn ad earum dissolutionem, aquam
praebere naturam. Tain enim est principii, ut res in
illud solvantur, quam ut res ex illo gignantur. At
hoc non fit ; sed ex iis corporibus aer et ignis ad ma-
teriam generationis prsebendam inepta videntur, ad
eorum resolutionem excipiendam parata. At aqua
contra ad generationem benigna et alma; ad resolu
tionem sive restitutionem magis aliena at aversa ; id
quod facile cerneretur, si imbres paulisper cessarent.
Quiiv et putrefactio ipsa nullo modo res ad aquam
puram et crudam redigit. Sed longe maximus error,
quod constituerunt principium corruptibile et mortale.
Id enim f'aciunt, cum principium introducunt tale,
quod naturam suam in compositis deserat et deponat.

Nam quodcunque suis mutatum finibus exit,
Continue hoc nvors est illius, quod fuit ante.2

1 nobilitalem in the original. A similar mistake occurs at the end of the
Thema Cceli; which Mr. Ellis was the first to observe. — J. S.
a Lucret. iii. 518.

310 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE OKIGINIBUS,

Verum hac ratione magis nobis opus erit statim,
cum ad illam tertiam sectam, quae plura decrevit rerum
principia, sermo jam ordine devectus sit; qute certe
secta plus roboris habere videri possit, plus prasjudicii
certe habet. Itaque ad opiniones non secundum genus
et in communi, sed singulas accedemus.

Itaque ex iis qui plura principia dixerunt, separab-
imus cos qui infinita asserunt. Ille enim locus de in-
finito ad parabolam Coeli pertinet. Verum ex anti-
quis Parmenides duo rerum principia, ignem et terrain,
dixit, sive crelum et terram.1 Solem enim et sidera
verum ignem esse asseruit, eumque purum et limpi-
dum,2 non degenerem, qualis apud nos est ignis, qui
tanquam Vulcanus in terram dejectus ex casu claudi-
cat. Parmenidis vero placita instauravit seculo nostro
Telesius, vir peripateticis rationibus (si aliquid illae
essent) potens et instructus, quas etiam in illos ipsos
vertit ; sed affinnando impeditus, et destruendo quam
astruendo melior. Ipsius vero Parmenidis inventorum
parca admodum et perexilis memoria. Attamen iun-
damenta similis opinionis plane jacta videntur in libro
quern Plutarchus de primo frigido conscripsit ; qui
tractatus videtur ex aliquo tractatu antiquo, qui tune
temporis exstabat, jam periit, descriptus et desumptus.
Habet enim non pauca et acutiora et firmiora, quam
solent esse authoris ipsius qui ea vulgavit ; a quibus
monitus atque excitatus videtur Telesius, ut ea et
studiose arriperet et strenue persequeretur in suis de

1 This opinion, or something analogous to it, was held by many of the
older physicists. (See Karsten's Parmenides, p. 230.) Beside those whom
Karsten mentions, we know that Hippo Rheginus is said to have made fire
and earth, or heat and cold, his first principles. (See Pseudo-Origcn
Philosoph. c. 16.)

2 Stobaeus, Eclog. Phys. i. 23.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET COELI. 311

Katura Rerum commentariis. Placita autem hujus
sectae sunt hujusmodi. Primas formas ac prirna entia
activa, atque adeo primas substantias, calorem et frigus
esse ; l eadem nihilominus incorporea existere ; sed
subesse materiam passivam et potentialem, quae corpo-
ream molein prgebeat, atque sit utriusque naturae ex
aequo susceptiva, ipsa omnis actionis expers.2 Lucem
pullulationem caloris esse,3 sed caloris dissipati, qui coe-
undo rnultiplicatus, fit4 robustus et sensibilis.6 Opaci-
tatein similiter destitutionem et confusionem naturae
radiantis ex frigore.6 Rarum et Densurn caloris et

O

frigoris texturas et veluti telas esse ; calorem vero et
frigus eorum effectores et opifices, densante opus frig-
ore et inspissante, divellente autem calore et exten-

1 "Patet calorem et frigus agentia rerum omnium principia esse." — De
Rer. Nat. i. 3.

2 "Calorem frigusque incorporeum esse: rerum omnium principia tria
esse, agentes naturas duas incorporeas et quse illas suscipit corpoream
unani, et omnis ipsam actionis- omnisque expertam esse operationis." -
Ib. i. 4.

" Materia a;que ad calorem ac ad frigus suscipiendum apta facta est." —
Jb. 1. c.

8 "Candor . . . nequaquam res a calore sejuncta, et alius a calore, sed
si non calor ipse ipsius certe species et vel-uti facies est." — Ib. i. 1.

4 sit in orig.

6 " Patet .... albedinem nee earn modo quce .... quod sese
assidue ampliflcat, et quaquaversus effundit .... per se visilis est, et
lux dicitur, sed quse veluti torpet . . . . et non lux sed albedo dicitur
... a solis calore in quibus spectatur rebus omnibus inditam, illiusque
speciem et veluti faciem esse." — Ib. i. 2.

6 The opposite to albedo, of which light is the concentration, is nigredo,
and this is not ascribed by Telesius to cold, but to matter. " Nigredo
omnino . . . cum . . . calori quod albus sui naturii visus sit as^ignari
nequeat, minus etiam frigori, quod iis plerumque inest entibus qua; bene
calida sunt, superest ut materise assignanda sit." — Ib. i. 4. Bacon's ten
dency throughout is to make the antagonism of heat and cold more sym
metrical than it is with Telesius, who retains something of the Pannen-
idean view, in which heat is the active principle, and cold in a mannei
passive, — the relation between them being symbolised by that of the
sexes.

312 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

dente.1 Ex ejusmodi texturis indi corporibus disposi-
tionem erga moturn, vel habilem vcl aversam, Raris
videlicet promptam et habilem, Densis torpescentem
et aversam. Itaque calorem per tenue motum excitare
et peragere, frigus per densum motum compescere et
sedare. Quare esse et poni quatuor naturas coessen-
tiales atque conjugatas, easque duplices, ordinem eum
quern diximus ad invicem servantes (fons enim calor
et frigus, eastern emanationes) ; sed tamen perpetuo
concomitantes et inseparables. Eas esse, Calidum,
Lucidum, Rarum, Mobile. Et quatuor rursus his
oppositas, Frigidum, Opacum, Densum, Immobile.
Secies vero et contignationes primae conjugationis, in
caslo, sideribus, ac praecipue in sole statui ; secundrc in
terra.2 Coelum enim e summo integroque calore et ma-
teria maxime explicata esse calidissimum, lucidissimum,
tenuissimum, maxime mobile. Terrain contra, ex frig-
ore integro et irrefracto et materia maxime contracta,
frigidissimam, tenebricosissimam, densissimam, peni-
tus immobilem, ac summopere motum exhorrentern.3

1 " Calor quivis . . . quae corripit exuperatque immutare virtetur,
frigus scilicet ex iis, ejusque facilitates conditionesque onmes crassitiem,
obscuritatem, immobilitatein deturbare, et se ipsum iis propriasque facilitates
conditionesque omnes — tenuitatem albedinem et mobilitatein intlcre." —
De Rvrum Nat. i. 1. But although Telesius asserts "calorem unius inodo
tenuitatis opificiiim esse," — meaning that it produces " crassities " only per
accidens, yet he nowhere says, I think, that " mobilitsis " is the result of

'tenuity and not the direct effect of.the action of heat. (See De I'ev. Nat.
i. 7.) On the contrary, he says, "Calorem sui natura mobilem, frigus con
tra immobile esse;" and again, that "agentes opcrantesque natura.', calor
nimirum t'rigusque nioli cui sese indunt, inuim prorsus fiunt." — Ib. i. 2.

2 "Liceat . . . uno in sole et Stellas reliquas et universum intueri
coslum " — Ib. i. 11. " Omnino calidus tenuis cantlidus mobilisque est
sol." — Ib. i. 1. " Nee vero sol modo, sed et stellae reliquse omnes et coe-
lum itidem universum . . . ab eadem qua Sol natura et a calore omnino
constitutum videtur." — Jb. i. 3.

"Terra contra frigida, crassa, immobilis, tenebricosaque." — fb. i. 1.
8 " Sol, ccelumque universum . . . propterea perpetuo circumvolvitur,

SEC. FAB. .CUPIDINIS ET C(ELI. 313

Summitates vero coeli naturain suam integram atque
illaesam servare, diversitatetn nonnullam inter se ad-
mittentes, sed a contrarii violentia et insultu penitus
semotas : l similem per irna sive intima terras con-
stantiam esse ; extrema tantum, ubi contrariorum sit
appropinquatio et concursus, laborare, et ab invicem
pati et bppugnari. Coelum itaque tota mole et sub-
stantia calidum, et omnis contrariaa nature prorsus
expers, sed inaequaliter ; aliis partibus scilicet magis
calidum, aliis minus. Stellarum enirn corpus intensius
calidum, interstellare remissius ; quin et2 stellis ipsis
alias aliis arclentiores, et ign.is magis vividi et vibrantis :
ita tamen ut contraria natura frigoris, aut aliquis ejus
gradus, nnnquam eo penetret ; recipere enim diversi-
tatem naturae, contrarietatem non recipere.3 Xeque
vero de calore aut igne coelestium, qui est integer
et nativus, ex igne communi judiciurn omnino fieri.
Ignem enim nostrum extra locum suuin, trepidurn,
contrariis circumfusum, indigum, et stipem alimenti,
ut conservetur, emendicantem, et fugientem ; 4 at in

quod ipsius opifex calor circular! assidue commotus motu, molem cui peni
tus infixus est ... secum agit. Sic itidem et Terra immobilis in sub-
limi permanet .• . . quod frigus a quo constituta est . . . nullo moveri
potest motu." — De Rer. Nnt. i. 2.

1 " Sol modo terraque . . nee fieri unquam nee unquam immutari,
entia vero reliqua assidue fieri assidueque immutari corrumpique %'identur.
Patet entia reliqua omnia a sole terram oppugnante invertenteque (repug-
nante et contra agente terra) effecta esse." — Ib. i. 11.

2 So in the original. We should apparently read ex for et. — J. S.

8 "Una terra excepta, reliquorum entium nullum prorsus a frigore, sed
. . a calore constituta sunt omnia. . . . Non sensus modo, ratio, om
nium fere veterum physicorum consensus, sed divinae etiam literae cce-
lum calidum testantur. . . Nullum porro, nee infima nee suprema cceli
portio ad nos calorem, millamque emittere videtur lucem, quod in longe
atraque tenuissima perexilis inest calor." — De Rer. Nat. i. 3.

* '' Flanimas, quae nutrimento absumpto perierunt, in non ens abiisse
existimare non contingit, in summam proindeque et invisilem tenuitatem

314 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

coelo vero locatum, ab impetu alicujus contrarii dis-
junctum, constantem, ex se et similibus conservatum,
et proprias operationes libere et absque molestia pera-
gentem. Item coelum omni parte lucidum, sed secun-
dum magis et minus. Cum enim sint ex stellis notis
et numeratis quas nisi coelo sereno conspici non possint,
atque in galaxia sint nodi minutarum stellarum quas
albedinem qnandam conjunctse, non corpus lucidum
distinctfe repraesentent; nemini dubium esse posse, quin
et sint stellas complures quoad nos invisibiles ; atque
adeo universum cceli corpus luce praeditum sit, licet
fulgore non tarn robusto et vibrante, nee radiis tarn
confertis et constipatis, ut tanta spatia distantiarnm
vincere queat, et ad nostrum aspectum pervenire.1 Ita
rursus coelum universum ex substantia tenui et rara,
nil .in ea contrusum, nil illibenter compaetum, sed
tamen alia parte materiam magis explicatam, alia mi
nus explicatam sortiri.2 Postremo, motum cceli eum
inveniri qui rei maxime mobili competat, conversionis
nimirum sive rotationis. Motus enim circularis absque
termino est, et sui gratia. Motus in linea recta, ad
terminum et ad aliquid, et tanquam ut quiescat.3 Ita-

actas, et ab insidente calore sursum elatas esse, existimandum est." —
De Rer. Nat. i. 1.

1 " Eadem illius (solis) stellarumque et cceli universi natnra conditiones
reliquae omnes, at (the text is out) hujus vires, conditionesque reliquae,
multae robustiores nobisque manifestioresque sunt. " — Jb. i. 11. "Lactea
. . via . . quin cceli portio sit paululo quid qunm reliquum est magis
conspissata et propterea splendidior facta nulli dubium esse pot-est.'1 —
Ib. i. 3. Observe that nothing is said of stars in the Milky Wav. "Ab
ipsis (supremis et infimis cceli portionibus) lucem quandam emanare, et
qua? . . . quibusdam animalium generibus percipiatur, qua; longissima
noctu conficiunt itinera declarant." — Jb. 1. c.

2 " Summa universum (coelum) tenuitate summaque donatum esse al-
bedine, lux . . .. manifeste dcclarat." — Jb. i. 3.

8 Telesius gives no other reason than the following. " Sol, ccelumque
nniversum propterea perpetuo circumvolvitur, quod ipsius opifex calor

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 315

que universum coelum motu circular! ferri, nee ullam
ejus partem hujus motus expertem esse ; sed tamen
quemadmodum et in calore et in luce et raritate coeli
versatur inaequalitas, ita et in motu eandem notari ;
adeoque magis insigniter, quia observationem humanam
magis lacessit et sustinet, ut etiam calculos pati possit.1
Motum autem oi'bicularem et incitatione differre posse
et latione ; incitatione,2 ut sit celerior aut tardior ; la-
tione, ut sit in circulo perfecto, aut aliquid habeat spiras
neque se plane restituat ad eundem terminum (nam
linea spiralis ex circulo et recta composita est). Ita-
que haec ipsa coelo accidere, varietatem nempe incita-
tionis, et deflexionem a restitutione, sive spiralitatem.3
Nam et stelhe inerrantes et planetas impariter p rope-
rant; et planetae evidenter a tropico in tropicum deflec-
tunt ; atque quo sublimioi-a coelestia sunt, eo et ma-
jorem incitationem sortiuntur, et propiorem spiram.
Nam si phenomena simpliciter atque ut conspiciuntur
accipiantur, et ponatur motus diurnus unus naturalis
et simplex in coelestibus, et formositas ilia mathematics
(ut motus reducantur ad circulos perfectos) contemna-
tur, et recipiantur linese spirales, et contrarietates illa3

circular! assidue commotus motu molem cui penitus infixus est . . secum
agit." — De Rer. Nat. i. 2. The motions of the heavens and their construc
tion he afterwards seeks to explain on teleological grounds which Bacon
does not notice, but which are a prominent part of Telesius's system. See
De Rer. Nat. i. 9. 10., and comp. the physiological speculations in the sixth
book.

1 Telesius does not attempt to connect the inequality of heat with that
of motion, declaring — " non modum, quo qualis est, constrtictus sit mnn-
dus, sed cur ita construendus fuerit, et cur quibus ccelum -movetur moti-
bus iis moveri oportuerit, inquirendum esse." — Ib. i. 9.

2 In the original et is repeated before incitatione. — J. S.

8 Telesius says that the special hypotheses of astronomy are foreign to
his purpose; his leaning is however in favour of the doctrine here ascribed
to him, and which we know from Tassoni was adopted by his disciples.
See the preface to the Descriptio Globi Intellect, and De Rer. Nat., ubi mode.

316 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

motumn in consecutione ab oriente in occidentera
(quern vocant primi mobilis), et rursus ab Occidents
in orientera (quern vocant motum proprium planeta-
rum) redigantur in unum, salvando difFerentiam tem-
poris in restitutione per praefestinationem et derelictio-
nem, et diversam politatem zodiaci per spiras ; mani-
festum est, hoc quod diximus evenire : exemj)li gratia,
ut luna, quae est planetarum infima, incedat et tardis-
sime et per spiras maxime raras et hiantes. Atque
talis qusedam natura portionis illius coeli quae fit (prop-
ter distantiatn a contrario) firma et perpetua, huic
sectae videri possit. Utrum vero veteres terminos ser-
varit Telesius, ut talia esse putaret quaecunque supra
lunam collocantur, cum luna ipsa, ah altius vim inimi-
cam adscendere posse, perspicue non ponit. At terras
(qua3 e.st oppositae naturae contignatio et sedes) portio-
nem itidem maximam intemeratam et inconcussam
statuit, et quo coelestia non penetrent. Earn1 vero
qualis sit, non esse cur inquiratur, ait. Sat esse ut
quatuor illis naturis, frigiditate, opacitat.e, densitate,
et quiete, iisque absolutis et nullatenus imminutis,
dotata judicetur. Partem autem terra) versus super-
ficiem ejus, veluti quendam corticem aut incrustatio-
nem, generationi rerum assignat ; 2 omniaque entia
quae nobis quovis modo innotuerunt, etiam ponderosis-
sima, durissima, et altissime demersa, metalla, lapides,
mare, ex terra per calorem coeli aliqua ex parte versa
et subacta, et quae nonnihil caloris, radiationis, tenu-
itatis, et rtiobilitatiis jam conceperit, et denique ex

1 So in the original; a mistake apparently for ea. — J. S.

'* " Extrema tantum utriusque (coeli et terrse) portio (siquidem et ex-
tremi htijus cuuli pars ulla in aliud unquam agitur ens) in entia, in quaa
assidue agi videtur, immutari possit: reliqua utriusque moles in proprift
tervari queat natura." — De Rer. Nat. \. 10.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 317

media inter solein et terrain puram natura participet,
consistere.1 Itaque necesse est, ut terra ilia pura infra
profundissima maris, minerarum,2 et omnis generati
deprimatur ; et a terra ilia pura usque ad lunam, aut
altiora fortasse, media quaodam natura ex tempera-
mentis et refractionibus coeli et terrae collocetur. Post-
qua in autem interiora utriusque regni satis muniisset,
expeditionem et bellum molitur. Nam in spatiis illis
intra extima coeli et intima terrae, omnem tumultum
et conflictum et tartarismum inveniri, ut fit in impe-
riis, in quibus illud usuvenit, ut fines incursionibus et
violentiis infestentur, dum interiores provincial secura
pace fruuntur. Has itaque naturas et ear urn concre-
tiones, sese assidue generandi et multiplicand! et qua-
quaversus offundendi, et molem materiae universam
occupandi, et sese mutuo oppugnandi et invadendi,
et propriis se sedibus deturbandi et ejiciendi, et sese
in iis constituendi, praeterea et alterius naturae vim et
actiones, et proprias etiam, percipiendi et prehendendi,
et ex hujusmodi perceptione se movendi et accommo-
dandi, appetitum et facultatem habere ; atque ex ista
decertatione, omnium entium atque omnis actionis et
virtutis varietatem deduci.3 Videtur tamen alicubi,
licet titubanter et strictim, aliquid dotis materiaB im-

1 " Non perpetuo agit Sol, sed agere interdum cessat, et dum agit non
iisdem perpetuo sed aliis atque aliis agit viribus: . . . non quotidiano
tantum . . . agit calore. . . , sed eo insuper . . . quern jam diu terris

indidit atque indit Robustior factus solis calor, strenue supremam

terrse portionem emollit laxatque, et strenue praeexistentem ei calorem

fovet materiam nactus longe minus repugnantem." — De Her.

Nut. i. 13.

2 mineranem in the original. — J. S.

" A sole porro terrain oppugnante, ejusque naturam et conditiones
reliquas deturbante, suasque indente, tot interea adeoque diversa constit-
uuntur entia: . . . Solis terraeque vires longe amplissimae sunt . . . et
dura altera? alteras oppugnant et ad internecionem agunt, nequaquam

318 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

pertiri ; primo ut non augeatur nee minuatur per for-
mas et activa entia, sed summa universali constet:1
deinde ut motus gravitatis sive descensus ad illam
referatur;2 ettam quiddam de nigredine materiae in-
jieit.3 Illud autem perspicue ; calorem et frigus ea-
dem vi et copia, in materia expli.eata vires remitters,
in complioata intendere, cum mensuram non suam sed
materiae impleant.4 Modum vero excogitat atque ex-
plicat Tele^ius, quo ex hoc certamine et lucta induci
atque expediri possit tarn foecunda et multiplex entium
generatio. Ac primo cavet terras, inferiori scilicet
principle, ac ostendit quid in causa sit cur a sole terra
jampridem destructa et absorpta non sit, nee in futu-
rum esse possit.5 -Caput huic rei distantiam ponit
terrae a stellis fixis immensam, a sole ipso satis mag-

stertunt nihilque contra agunt alters, sed strenue' repugnant, et dum non
penitus pereunt contrarias et ipsaj oppugnant oblocduntque et imminuunt."
— De Rer. Nat. i. 14.

1 ''Materia; molem neque minui neque augeri unquam." — Ib. i. 5.

2 "Communis ipsorum omnium (crassiorum entium) delapsus . . . moli
assignandus est." — Ib. i. 4. The reason being, that it cannot be assigned
to heat which tends upwards, nor to cold which tends to immobility.

8 See above, p. 311. n. 6. [The original has ingredine. — J. S.}

4 " Quam . . . molis portionem sortitus est calor penitus illam is subiit
universam. . . . Calori frigorique illam ut libet effingendi disponendique,
non et efficiendi et veluti novam creandi, donata est vis." — Ib. i. 5.

5 The tenth chapter of Telesius's first book is teleological. " Summa Dei
bonitas . . . ens nullum . . . perdi velit." For the preservation of the
universe and the balance of heat and cold, the earth is put in the middle
point of the heavens. The heavens and the earth are both spherical —
the former according to the free and uniform motion of the different orbs,
and the latter that half of it may always be exposed to the sun's influence.
If the earth were larger and not in the centre of the universe, the power
of cold would predominate and destroy the lower part of heaven. For
the security of the earth, — the density and heat of the heavens are not
uniform, and both sun and stars are at a great distance; and the oblique
and unequal motion of the sun prevents his remaining too long over any
part of the earth's surface. All thist agrees tolerably well with Bacon's
account of it, but to his fifth reason I do not find anything corresponding
in the text.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDIXIS ET CCELI. 31Q

nam, et qualis esse debeat, bene mensuratam. Secun-
do, declinationem radiorum solis a perpendiculo, liabito
respectu ad partes terras diversas ; quod videlicet supra
majorem partem terras sol nnnquam sit in vertice, aut
incidentia radiorum perpendiculars ; adeo ut univer-
siun terras globum vigore aliquo caloris notabili nnn
quam occnpet. Tertio, obliquitatem motus solis in
transcursu per zodiacum, habito respectu ad easdem
terras partes; unde calor solis in qualicunque vigore
non assidno ingeminatur, sed per intervalla majora redit.
Quarto, celeritatem solis respectu motus diurni, qui
tantum ambitum tarn exiguo temporis spatio conficit ;
unde minor mora caloris, neque momentum aliquod
temporis in quo calor constet. Quinto, continuationem
corponim inter solem et terrain, quod sol non per
vacuum integras caloris demittat vires, sed per tot
corpora renitentia permeans, et cum singulis satagens
et dimicans, in immensum langueat et enervetur;
tanto magis quod quo longius procedat atque debilior
evadat, eo corpora inveniat magis inobsequentia ; max-
ime omnium, postquam ad terras snperficiem ventum
est, ubi videtur non solum renitentia, sed plane quasdam
repulsio. Processum vero immutationis talem asserit.
Bellum plane inexpiabile atque internecivum esse;
neque contrarias istas naturas ullo symbolo convenire,-
neque per tertiam, prasterquam hylen. Itaque utram-
que naturam hoc ipsum appetere, niti, contendere, ut
alteram plane perdat, seque solam et suam materias
indat ; ut sit solis opus (quod perspicue et saspe dicit)
plane terram vertere in solem ; et vicissim opus terras,
solem vertere in terram ; l neque hoc officere quin om-

" Calorem in terram sol emittens . . . quas ejus portiones exuperat,
. . . ipsum ... in ignem, ipsum scilicet in ccelum, solemque agit in

320 DE PRIXCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGIXIBUS,

nia certo ordine, definitis temporibus, et justis men-
suris tiant ; atque actio quaeque cursu debito incipiat,
moliatur, vigeat, langueat, cesset. Quod tamen per
leo-es foederis aut concordioe ullas non fieri, sed omnino
per impotenfiam : omne enim plus et minus in virtute
et actione, non ab intensions moderamine (quse inte-
grum quiddam concupiscit), sed ab opposite naturre
ictu et fneno esse. Operationis diversitatem et multi-
plicitatem atque etiam perplexitatem omnino proptej
unurn ex tribus istis evenire ; vim caloris, dispositio-
nem materioe, modum subactionis ; quse tamen tria
nexu quodam inter se implicantur, atque sibi ipsis
concausa3 sunt. Calorem ipsum, vi, copia, mora, me-
dio, successione differre : successionem vero ipsam in
plurimis variari ; accedentia, recedentia ; sive intcn-
sione, remissione ; saltu, gradu ; reditu, sive repeti-
tione per majora aut minora intervalla ; atque hujus-
modi alterationibus. Galores itaque prorsus vi et
natura longe diversissimos esse, prout puriores vel
impuriores, habita ratione ad primum fontem (solem
videlicet), facti sint. Neque calorem omnem calorem
fovere ; sed postquarn gradibus bene multis ad invicem
distent, se mutuo non minus quam frigora perimere
ac perdere, et proprias actiones agere, et alterius acti-
onibus adversari atque opponi ; ut minores calores ad
multo majores constituat Telesius tanquam proditores
et perfugas, et cum frigore conspirantes.1 Itaque viv-
idum ilium calorem qui in igne est et vibratur, exilem

ipsum. ... Si integrum, robustumque, et diuturnum adsit frigus, quae
corripit . . . ipsam in terrain ea acturum sit omnia." — De Rer. Nat. i. 1.
l " Quis enim calidorum entium longe diversissimas esse vires, et calida
quse sunt, sese mutuo aversari aufugereque, et mutuo sese oppugnare
interimereque, calores scilicet diversis donates viribus, sese mutuo oppug
nare corrumpereque non percipit? " — Ib. i. 13.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 321

ilium calorem qui in aqua serpit omnino interimere ;
atque similiter calorem pneternaturalem humorum pu-
tridorum, in corpore humano, calorem naturalem suffo-
care et exstinguere. Copiam vero caloris plurimum
interesse, manifestius esse quam vat explications egeat.
Neque enim unam aut alteram ignis prunam a?que
vehementer ac multas coacervatas calefacere ; maxiine
autem insigniter copia3 caloris effectum demonstrari
in multiplicatione caloris solis, per reflexionem radio-
rum ; numerus enim radiorum conduplicatur per re
flexionem simplicem, multiplicatur per variam. Copiae
caloris vero debet adscribi vel addi et unio, quod etiam
obliquitate et perpendiculo radiorum optime ostenditur,
cum quo propius et ad acutiores angulos radius di-
rectus et reflexus coeat, eo validiorem caloris ictum
jaciat. Quin et sol ipse, cum inter majores illos et
robustiores stellarurn fixarum ignes, Regulum, Canic-
ulum, Spicam, versatur, valentiores fervores efflat.
Moram vero caloris evidentissime maximi momenti
dperationem esse ; cum omnes virtutes naturales tem-
pora colant, observent ; ut ad vires actuandas tempus
requiratur nonnullum, ad roborandas bene multum.
Itaque moram caloris calorem squalem in progres-
sivam et inasqualem convertere, quia calor et antece-
dens et subsequens simul conjugantur ; id et in fervori-
bus autumnalibus, quia fervoribus solstitialibus, et in
horis ffistivis pomeridianis, quia horis ipsis meridianis
ardentiores sentiuntur, manifestum esse ; etiam in
frigidioribus regionibus debilitatem caloris, mora et
longitudine dierum sestivis temporibus quandoque com-
pensari. At medii potentiam et efficaciam in calore
deferendo insignem esse. Hinc enim tempestatum
temperiem magnopere variam, ut coelum indicibili in-

VOL. V. 21

322 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

constantia per dies sestivos algidum nonnihr, per die?
hiemales sudum quandoque inveniatur ; sole interim
iter suum et spatia sua constanter et legitime servante
Etiam segetes et uvas flantibus austris et coelo nubiloso
magis mutari. Atque omnem coeli secundum varias
annorum revolutiones dispositionem et excretionem,
aliquando pestilentem et morbidam, aliquando salu-
brem et amicara, hinc causam et originem sumere;
medio scilicet acre variante, quae dispositionem ex ipsa
vicissitudine et alteratione tempestatum diversam, longa
fortasse serie, colligit. Successionis vero caloris atque
ordinis quo calor calorem consequitur, ut rnultiplicera
rationem, ita summam virtutem esse. Neque solera'
tarn numerosam et prolificara generationem educere
potuisse, nisi corporis solis moventis configuratio versus
terram et terras partes plurimae inasqualitatis et varia-
tionis particeps esset. Nam et circulariter movetur
sol, et rapide et ex oblique, et se retexit, ut et absens
sit et prnesens, et propior et remotior, et magis ex
perpendiculo et magis ex obliquo, et-citius rediens et
tardius, neque ullo temporis momento calor emanans
a sole sibi constet, neque brevi intervallo usquam (nisi
sub ipsis tropicis) se restituat ; ut tanta variatio gene-
rantis cum tanta varietate generati optime conveniat.
Cui addi posse medii sive vehiculi naturam diversissi-
mam. Caetera quoque quae de inaequalitate et gradibus
caloris unici dicta sunt, posse ad vicissitudines et varie-
tates successionis in caloribus diyersis referri. Itaque
Aristotelem non male generationem et corruptionem
rerum obliquae viae solis attribuisse, eamque ut effici-
entem causam earum . constituisse,1 si libidine pronun-

1 "Efficientem rerum causam . . . perperam (ab Aristotele) obliquffl
solis lationi assignatam. Obliqua latio non aliud agit quicquam, sed tan-
turn ut Sol magis minusve directus fiat." — De Rer. Nat. ir. 2.

SEC. FAB. CUP1DINIS ET CGELI. 323

tiandi et arbitrum naturae se gerendi, et res ad placi-
tum suum distinguendi et concinnandi, recte inventum
non corrupisset. Ilium enim et generationem et cor-
ruptionem (quae nunquam prorsus privativa, sed gene-
rationis alterius praegnans est) inaequalitati caloris soils
secundum totum, hoc est, accedentiae et recedentiae
solis conjunctim, non generationem accedentiae, cor-
ruptionem recedentiaj divisim, assignare debuisse; quod
pinguiter et ex vulgi fere judicio fecit.1 Quod si cui
mirum videatur, generationem rerum soli attribui ;
cum sol ignis esse asseratur et supponatur, ignis autem
nil fjeneret ; id leviter objici. Somnium enim plane
esse illud de heterogenia calorum solis et ignis. In-
finitas enim esse operationes, in quibus actio solis et
actio ignis conveniant ; ut in maturatione fructuum,
conservatione plantarum tenerarum et clementiae coeli
assuetarum in regionibus frigidis, exclusione ovorum,
restitutione urinarum ad claritatem (calorem enim solis
et animalis conjungimus), resuscitatione animalculorum
frigore obrigentium, evocatione rorum2 et vaporum,
et id o-enus.3 Sed nihilominus io-nem nostrum malum

o °

mimum esse, nee solis actiones bene imitari aut prope
attingere ; cum solis calor tribus dotatus sit proprie-
tatibus, quas ignis communis aegre ullo artificio reprae-
sentare possit.4 Primo, quod sit ob distantiam gradu
ipso minor et blandior; hoc vero ejusmodi esse, ut

1 " Solera accedentem generationis causam non esse, nee recedentem
corruptionis, ut Aristoteli placet."

2 eo!~um in the original. — ./. S.

8 "Igneum calorem ab animalium solisque cal ore diversum non esse."
— De Rtr. Nat. vi. 20. Telesius gives some instances in proof of this
assertion: Bacon's however are for the most part his own.

* " Non igitur ad animalium plantarumque generationem ineptus est
ignis, quod ejus calor ab animalium et a coelesti calore diversus sit, sed
quod nimis est vehemens." — Ib. vi. 20.

324 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

aliquo modo aequiparari possit ; caloris enim tails mo
dus magis incognitas est quam imparabilis. Secundo,
quod per tot et talia media fluens et gliscens dissim-
ularem quandam et generativam vim mutuetur et ob-
tineat ; maxime vero quod tarn regulari inaequalitate
augeatur, minuatur, accedat, recedat, nunquarn vero
subsultorie aut praecipitanter sibi succedat. Quoe duo
postrema ab igne fere sunt inimitabilia, licet industria
perspicaci et perpehsa res provehi possit. Atque hu-
justnodi quaedam de diversitate calorum a Telesio di-
cuntur.

Frigidi autem, contrarii nempe principii, atque dis-
,pensationis ejus vix meminit ; J nisi forte qua? de dis-
positione materiae jam secundo loco dicentur, ea huic
rei satisfacere posse putaverit ; quod tamen facere non
debuit, quandoquidem frigus nullo modo privationem
caloris, sed omnino principium activum, caloris semu-
lum et tanquam competitorem, videri voluit. Quae
autem de materiae dispositione disseruit, eo pertinent
ut ostendant quomodo materia a calore patiatur et
subigatur et vertatur, missa frigoris mentione aut
cura. De frigore ^utem (nos enim in omnium inventis
summa cum fide, et tanquam faventes, versamur) hu-
jusmodi quaedam dicere potuit. Sedem frigidi immotam
et fixam ad structuram caloris mobilem et versatilem
optime convenire ; tanquam incudem ad malleum.
Nam si utrumque principium varietatem et altera-
tionem habuisset, genuissent proculdubio entia hora-
ria et momentanea. Etiam immensas regiones calidi

1 " Nostrorum entium nullum prorsus a frigore, sed eorum quodvis a ca
lore constitutum est, et vel suprema terras portio in calidum acta est ens."
— De Rer. Nat. i. 16.; a passage which suggests the remark I have al
ready made, that Telesius did not regard heat and cold as equally active
principles. Compare ii. 23. throughout

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET ClELI. 325

(coelura scilicet), compacta natura globi terne et cir-
cumjacentium nonnihil compensari ; cum non spatia,
sed copia materiae in spatiis spectetur ; frigidi vero na-
turam, virtutes, et rationes, raerito aut silentio prasteriri
aut brevi sermone transmitti debere, cum nil certi et
explorati de eo liaberi possit per experientiam. Habe-
raus enim ignem communem, tanquam solis vicarium,
qui caloris naturam manifestet. At frigidi telluris
nulla est substitutio, quae in manu hominis sit et ad-
hibeatur praesto ad experimentum. Etenim illos hor-
rores et rio-ores frigidi qui ex globo et ambitu terraa

O O -*• *— '

hiemalibus temporibus et in regionibus frigidissimis
exspirtmt in aerem, tepores plane et balnea esse, prae
natura primi frigidi in visceribus terrae inclusi ; ut fri-
gus illud cujus homines sensum et potestatem habeant,
simile quiddam sit, ac si calorem nullum alium habe-
rent, praeter eum qui a sole asstivis diebus et in calidis
regionibus emanat ; qui ad ignes fornacis ardentis col-
latus, refrigerium quoddam censeri possit. Sed in iis
quae subdititia sunt minus morandum. Videndum igi-
tur deinceps, qualia sint ea quaa a Telesio dicuntur circa
dispositionem materiae, in quam calor agat ; cujus ea
est vis, ut actionem ipsam caloris promoveat, impediat,
immutet. Ejus ratio quadruplex. Prima differentia
sumitur ex calore praainexistente aut non praeinexisten-
te.1 Secunda, ex copia aut paucitate materiae.2 Tertia,
ex gradibus subactionis.3 Quarta, ex clausura vel aper-
tura corporis subacti.4 Quod ad primam attinet, sup-

1 See above [p. 317. note 1.]

2 " Materiie dispositiones . . . juxta expansionis constrictionisque di-
versitatem expendendas esse." — De JRer. Nat. i. 19.

8 Ib. i. 20. passim.

< This difference is not stated by Telesius, though it may be presumed
that it had occurred to him.

326 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS.

ponit Telesius in omnibus entibus quse nobis cognita
sunt subesse atque latitare calorern nonnullum, licet ad
tactuin minime deprehendatur, qui calor curn novo aut
superveniente calore conjungitur ; quin et ipse ab eodem
adventitio calore ad actiones suas peragemlas etiam in
proprio modulo excitatur atque incenditur. Hujus rei
argurnentum esse insigne, quod nullum scilicet sit ex
entibus, non metallum, non lapis, non aqua, non aer,
quod non ex attactu atque etiam ab admotione ignis
aut corporis calidi calescat.1 Quod factum iri verisim-
ile non est, nisi calor pra^inexistens et latens praepa ra
tio quaadam esset ad calorem novum et manifestum.
Etiam illud magis et minus, nempe facilitatem aut tar-
ditatem in calore concipiendo, quod in entibus inve-
nitur, secundum modum caloris prasinexistentis com-
petere. Aerem enim parvo calore tepescere, atque eo
qui in corpore aquae non percipiatur sed sensum fugiat.
Etiam aquam citius tepescere, quam lapidem aut me
tallum aut vitruin. Nam quod aliquod ex istis, metal
lum scilicet aut lapis, citius tepescere videatur quam
aqua, id tantum in superficie fieri, non in profundo ;
quia corpora consistentia minus communicabilia sunt in
partibus suis, quam liquida. Itaque extima metalli ci
tius calefieri quam extima aquaj, universam autem mo-
lem tardius. Secunda differentia ponitur in coacerva-

1 The notion of heat latent in all bodies, inexistens calor, is frequent in
Telesius; as in the passage quoted above, p. 317., from the thirteenth chap
ter of the first book, and as in the nineteenth, where it is said, " Compri-
mendi (ealori) nimirum ut cedant flectanturque et fluant in
existens praestat calor qui, si non propria vi, at comprimentis ope usus,
illani commovet ;" where illam, I believe, refers to the words " materije
expansio," contained in the clause I have omitted. But I have not found
the argument by which Bacon goes on to support this doctrine, which
would naturally have occurred in the twenty-third chapter of the second
book, in which Telesius seeks to show that all the elements except earth
bear traces of having been generated by heat.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 327

tione et exporrectione materiae. Ea si densa fuerit, fit
ut caloris vires magis uniantur, et per unionem magis
augeantur et intendantur ; contra, si laxior fuerit, ut
magis disgregentur, et per disgregationem magis minu-
antur et enerventur. Itaque fortiorem esse calorem
metallorum ignitorum quam aquae ferventis, etiam
quam flammae ipsius, nisi quod flamma per tenuita-
tem magis subintret. Nam flammam carbonum sive
lignorum, nisi flatu excitetur, ut per motum facilius
impellatur et penetret, non admodum furere ; quin et
nonnullas flammas (qualis est spiritus vini inflammati,
prassertim in exigua quantitate et dispersa) adeo lenis
caloris esse, ut ad manum fere toleretur. Tertia dif
ferentia, qua3 sumitur ex subactione materiae, multiplex
est ; gradus enim subactionis mernorantur ab eo quasi
septem ; 1 quorum primus est Lentor, qui est dispositio
materiae exhibens corpus ad majorem violentiam nonni-
hil obsequens, et compressionis et praecipue extensionis
patiens, flexibile2 denique aut ductile. Secundus, Mol-
lities, cum majore violentia nil opus est, sed corpus
etiam levi impulsione atque ad tactum ipsum sive ma
num cedit, absque evidenti renitentia. Tertia, Viscosi-
tas sive Tenacitas, quaa est principium quoddam fluoris.
Videtur enim corpus viscosum ad contactum et com-
plexum alterius corporis incipere fluere et continuari,
nee se ipso h'niri, licet s]>onte et ex sese non fluat ;

1 Only six. " Insignes crassitiei ad tenuitatem progredientes immut.i-
tiones. lentorem, mollitiem, viscositatem, fluorem, vaporem esse." After
describing these five degrees, Telesius goes on at once to stiy : " Sextuni
veruin atque extreinum (spatium occupat) tenuitas, qua? scilicet non tac
tum niodo sed quantumvis in se ipsa coacta visum etiam, quod vapores
non faciunt, penitus lateat et quantavis facta lucein nihil imminuit fojdatve
usquam, ut a vaporibus sejungenda ideo sit et coelo ex universo inesse vide-
tur."— De Rer. Nat. i. 20. Whence it se«ms that air is included among
the va pores.

2 fluxibik in the original. — J. S.

328 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS.

fluiduin eaim sui sequax est, viscosum alterius magis.
Quarta, ipse fluor, cum corpus spiritus inter! oris parti-
ceps in mutu versatur libens, et seipsum sequitur, atque
segre definitur aut consistit. Quinta, Vapor, cum cor-
pus attenuatur in intactile, quod etiam majore cum
agilitate et mobilitate cedit, fluit, undulat, trepidat.
Sexta, Halitus, qui vapor est quidam magis coctus et
maturus, et ad igneam naturam recipiendam subactus.
Septima, aer ipse ; aerem autem contendit Telesius
omnino calore nativo, neque eo parvo aut impotenti,
pra?ditum esse ; quod etiam in frigidissimis regionibus
aer nunquam congelatur aut concrescit. Etiam illud
evidenti indicio esse, aerem in natura propria calidum
esse, quod omnis aer clausus, et ab universitate aeris
divulsus, et sibi permissus, teporem manifeste colligit ;
ut in lana et rebus fibrosis. Etiam in locis clausis et
angustis, aerem ad respirationem sentiri quodam niodo
suffocativurn, quod a calido est. Atque base propterea
fieri, quod aer clausus sua natura uti incipiat, cum aer
foras et sub dio refrigeretur a frigore, quod globus ter-
rse perpetuo emittit et efflat. Quin etiam aerem nos
trum communem tenui quadam coelestium dote insig-
niri, cum liabeat nonniliil in se lucis ; quod ex visu
animalium, quae noctu et in locis obscuris cernere pos-
sunt, ostenditur.1 Atque talis est Telesio dispositionis
materiaa series, in mediis videlicet ; siquidem extrema,

1 That certain animals can see at night is with Telesius a proof that
the apparently obscure parts of the heavens — the highest and lowest,-
give out a perceptible amount of light, not that the air is itself luminous,
— unless the " infima coeli portio" be understood to mean our atmosphere.
(See De Rer. Nat. i. 3.) It is remarkable that Bacon omits Telesius's
chief argument in favour of the opinion that the air is generated bv and
contains heat, namely that it partakes in some measure of the circular mo
tion which the heavens derive from the pure and effectual heat by which
they are constituted. The natural motion of the air is made manifest ac
cording to Telesius by the sound heard when a shell is put to the ear.

SEC. FAB. CUP1DINIS ET CCELI. 329

videlicet ex altera parte corpora dura et rigida, ex al-
tera ignis ipse, tanquam termini mediorum non recen-
sentur. Sed praeter hosce gradus simplices, magnam
aucupatur diversitatem in dispositione material ex cor-
pore similari et dissimilari ; cum scilicet portiones ma-
teriae in uno corpore composite et coadunatne, vel ad
unum ex gradibus supra-dictis aequaliter referri pos-
sunt, vel ad diversa impariter.1 Longe enim maximam
inde sequi in operatione caloris differentiam. Itaque
quartam illam differentiam necessario adhiberi ex na-
tura ac etiam positura corporis in quod calor agat,
clausa, aut porosa et aperta. Quando enim in aperta
et exposita operatur calor, operatur seriatim et per sin-
gula, attenuando et simul educendo et separando. Cum
vero in occlusa et compacta, operatur secundum totum
et secundum massam, nulla facta jactura caloris, sed
calore novo et vetere se conjungentibus et plane con-
spirantibus ; unde fit ut potentiores et magis intrinse-
cas et exquisitas alterationes et subactiones conficiat.
Verum de hoc plura mox dicentur, cum de modo sub-
actionis disseremus. Sed interim satao-it et aestuat

O

Telesius, et miris modis implicatur,2 ut expediat mo-
dum divortii et separationis qualitatum suarum prima-
rum connaturaliurn, caloris, lucis, tenuitatis, et mobil-
itatis, ac quaternionis opposite, prout corporibus acci-
dunt : cum corpora alia inveniantur calida, aut ad calo-
rem optime prasparata, sed eadem inveniantur quoque
densa, quieta, nigra ; alia tenuia, mobilia, lucida sive

"Perpauca qusedam similar! e terra et uno eodemque a calore universa
effecta sunt . . . sed e terra pleraque, quse aliis sui partibus et non
magnis iis tenuis laxiorque, aliis vero crassior est densiorque.'1 — De Rer
Nat. i. 15.

2 See De Rer. Nat. i. 16. The general purport of his explanation is,
that the action of heat is mingled with and controlled by that of cold.

330 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

alba, sed tamen frigida ; et similiter de cseteris ; una
quapiam qualitate in rebus existente, reliquis non
competentibus ; alia vero duabus ex istis naturis parti-
cipent, duabus contra priventur, varia admodum per-
mutatione et consortio. Qua in parte Telesius non
admodum feliciter perfungitur, sed more adversariorum
suorum se gerit ; qui cum prius opinantur quam expe-
riuntur, ubi ad res particulars ventum est, ingenio et
rebus a^utuntur, atque tain ingenium quam res misere
lacerant et torquent ; et tamen alacres et (si ipsis cre-
das) victores suo sensu utcunque abundant. Concludit
autem rem per desperationem et votum, illud signifi-
cans, licet et caloris vis et copia, et material dispositio,
crasso modo et secundum summas distingui et terminari

» O

possint ; tamen exactas et accuratas eorum rationes, et
distinctos et tanquam mensuratos modos, extra inqui-
sitionis humana3 aditus sepositos esse ; ita tamen, ut
(quo modo inter impossibilia) diversitas dispositionis
materiae, melius quam caloris vires et gradus, perspici
possit ; atque nihilominus in his ipsis (si qua fata si-
nant) humanas et scientia3 et potential fastigium et cul-
men esse. Postquam autem desperationem plane pro-
fessus esset, tamen in vota precesque non cessat. Ita
enim dixit : Qui porro color vel quant us, hoc est, quod
caloris robur et quce ejus copia, quatn terram et quce
entia in qualia invertat, minime inquirendum videtur,
ut quod homini nulla (ut nobis videtur^) innotescere queat
ratione. Qui enim vel caloris vires et calorem ipsum vel-
uti in gradus partiri, vel matericK cui inditus est copiam
quantitatemque distincte percipere et certis determinatis-
que caloris viribus copiceque certain materice quantitatem
dispositionemque certasque actiones, aut contra,1 certof

1 centra in original.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDIXIS ET CCELI. 331

materice quantitati certisque actionibus certain determi-
natamque caloris copiam, assignare liceat ? Utinam id
otio fruentes et perspicaciore prcediti ingenio, et quibus in
summa tranquillitate rerum naturam perscrutari licuerit,
assequantur : ut homines non omnium modo scientei, sed
omnium fere potentes fiant ! 1 honestius paulo quam so-
lent ejus adversarii, qui quicquid artes quas ipsi pepe-
rerunt non assequuntur, id ex arte omnino impossible
sfatuunt, ut nulla ars damnari possit, cum ipsa et agat
et judicet. Restat tertium quod erat, subactionis- vide
licet modus. Hoc triplici dogmate absolvit Telesius.
Primum est, id quod antea a nobis obiter est notatum,
nullam prorsus symbolizationem intelligi (ut in Peripa-
teticorum doctrina), per quam res tanquam concordia
quadam foveantur et conspirent. Omnem enim gen-
erationem, atque adeo omnem effectum in corpore nat-
urali, victoria et praedominantia, non pacto aut fbedere
transigi. Id quod novum non est, cum etiam Aris-
toteles in doctrina Empedoclis hoc ipsum notaverit.2
Quod scilicet cum Empedocles Litem et Amicitiam,
rerum principia efficientia statuisset, tamen in explica-
tionibus suis causarum, Inimicitia fere utatur, alterius

1 This quotation is inaccurate. " Qui porro calor, vel quantus, quod ni-
mirum caloris robur et qute ejus copia, quam terrain et quse entia in qua-
lia invertat, ininime inquirendum videtur, ut quod homini nulla, ut nobis
videtur, innotescere queat ratione. Qui enim vel caloris vires, et calorem
ipsum veluti in gradus partiri vel materise cui inditus est copiam quantita-
temque distincte percipere, et certis determinatisque caloris viribus copi:«-
que in certam materise quantitatem dispositionemque, certas actiones et
eertae materiae quantitati certam determinatamque calorL* copiam assig
nare liceat? Utinam id alii et perspicaciore prsediti ingenio et quibus in
summa tranquillitate rerum naturam perscrutari licuerit assequantur, ut
homines non omnium modo scientes sed et potentes fiant." — -De Her. Nat.
\. 17. Perhaps Bacon may quote from the edition published in 1565 [or
from a copy corrected by conjecture ; for there is evidently something
wrong in the passage as it stands. — J. S.~\

2 Arist. Meteor, iii. 4.

332 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

tanquam oblitus. Secundum est, calorem actione sua
propria perpetuo vertere ens in humidum, et quod ca-
lori siccitas nullo modo coeat, nee frigori humiditas.1
Idem enim esse attenuare et humectare ; atque quod
maxime tenue, id etiam maxime humidum esse : cum
per humidum intelligatur id quod facillime cedit, abit
in partes, et rursus se restituit, atque tegre finitur aut
consistit. Qute omnia magis insunt flammae, quam
aeri ; qui a Peripateticis constituitur maxime humi-
dus. Itaque calorem, humidum perpetuo allicere, de-
pascere, extendere, indere, generare ; contra, frigus
omnia agere in siccitatem, concretionem, duritiern ; ubi
vult Aristotelem et hebetem in observatione, et sibi
discordem, et erga experientiam imperiosum et libid-
inosum videri, quod calorem cum siccitate copulet.2
Nam quod aliquando entia desiccet calor, id per ac-
cidens fieri ; nimirum in corpore dissimilar! et ex par-
tibus aliis magis crassis aliis magis tenuibus coagmen-
tato, eliciendo et (per attenuationem) exitum dando
parti tenuiori, dum pars crassior inde cogatur et magis
se constringat : quas tamen ipsa pars crassior, si adven-
erit calor ferocior, et ipsa fluit ; ut in lateribus mani-
festum est. Primo enim calor non ita fervens,3 lutum
cogit in lateres, tenuiore parte evaporata ; at fortior
calor etiam illam substantiam lateritiam solvit in vi-
trum. Atque haec duo dogmata veluti errorum redar-
gutiones censeri possunt ; tertium plane affirmat, neque
id solum, sed et perspicue distinguit subactionis modum.
Is duplex est, vel rejiciendo, vel vertendo ; atque alteru-

1 "Propria igitur caloris, et caloris opus humiditas." — De Rer. Nat.
iii. 14.

2 " Natune itidem sensuique et sibi etiam ipsi discors Aristoteles calori
jiccitatem et frigori humorem copulat." — 76. 1. c.

8 servans in the original. — J. S.

SEC FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 333

ter ex iis modis perducitur in acturn, secundum vim
caloris et dispositionem materiae. Cujus rei tamen duo
videntur tanquam canones. Unus, quod cum calidum
et frigidum magna mole et tanquam justo exercitu con-
currunt, sequitur ejectio. Nam entia, veluti acies, loco
moventur et impelluntur. Ubi vero minore quantitate
res geritur, turn sequitur versio ; l nam interimuntur
entia et naturam potius quam locum mutant. Hujus
rei insigne et nobile exemplum esse in regionibus aeris
superioribus, qua3 licet ad calorem coelestem magis ap-
propinquent, tamen frigidiores inveniuntur quam con-
finia terras. In illis enim locis, postquam propius ad
sedem primi calidi ventum est, calor se colligens univer-
sam frigoris vim quae adscenderat simul ejicit et detru-
dit, et aditu probibet. Quinetiam sirniliter fieri posse,
ut sint per profunda terras calores vehementiores quam
in superficie ; postquam scilicet ad sedem primi frigidi
appropinquatio facta est, quod se excitans, magno im-
petu calidum rejicit, et fugit,2 et in se vertit. Alter
canon est, quod in aperto sequitur ejectio ; in clauso
versio.. Hoc autem insigniter conspici in vasibus oc-
clusis, ubi emissio corporis attenuati (quod spiritum
fere vocamus) prohibita et retrusa ])rofundas et intrin-
secas in corporibus alterationes et fermentationes gen-
erat. At hoc ipsum sirniliter fieri, cum corpus ob
partium compactionem sibi ipsi instar vasis occhisi
est. Atque hasc sunt quse Telesio, et fortasse Par-
menidi, circa rerum principia visa sunt ; nisi quod Te-
lesius hylen addidit de proprio ; peripateticis scilicet
notionibus depravatus.

1 It does not appear that Telesius recognised the possibility of trans
forming heat into cold, or vice versa ; which seems to be implied by the
word versio.

a So in the original. — J. 8.

334 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

Atque similia veri fuissent quas a Telesio dicuntur,
si homo tollatur &. natura, et simul artes mechanics)
quce materiam vexant, atque fabrica mundi siinpliciter
spectetur. Nam pastoralis quaedam videtur ista philo-
sophia, quaa mundum contemplatur placide, et tanquam
per otium. Siquidem de systemate mundi disserit non
male, de principiis imperitissime. Quin et in ipso
quoque systemate ingens est lapsus, quod tale con-
stituat systema quod videri possit geternum, nee
supponat chaos et mutationes schematismi magni.
Sive enim ea est Telesii philosophia, sive Peripatet-
icorum, sive quse alia, quae in eum modum systema
instruat, libret, muniat, ut non videatur fluxisse a
chao ; ea levior philosophia videtur, atque omnino ex
angustiis pectoris humani. Nam omnino secundum sen-
sum philosophanti materise aeternitas asseritur ; mundi
(qualem eum intuemur) negatur ; quod et priscae
sapientue, et ei qui ad ipsam proxime accedit, Democ-
rito, visum est. Idem sacrae liter* testantur. Illud
praecipue interest; quod illae etiam materiam a Deo;
hi ex sese statuunt. Tria enim videntur esse dogmata
quae scimus ex fide circa hanc rem. Primo, quod
materia creata sit ex nihilo. Secundo, quod eductio
systematis fuerit per verbum omnipotentiae, neque
quod materia se ipsa eduxerit e chao in schematismum
ilium. Tertio, quod schematismus ille (ante prarvari-
cationem) fuerit optimus ex iis qua? materia (qualis
creata erat) suscipere posset. At philosophise illae ad
nulluin horum adscendere potuerunt. Nam et crea-
tionem ex nihilo exhorrent, et hunc schematismum
post multas ambages et molimina materia? eductum
sentiunt ; nee de optirnitate laborant, cum schematis
mus asseratur occiduus et variabilis. In his itaque fidei

SEC. FAB. CUPIDIXIS ET CCELI. 335

atque ejus firmamentis standum. Utrum vero mate-
ria ilia creata, per longos seculorum circuitus, ex vi
primo indita se in ilium optimum schematismum
colligere et vertere potuisset (quod missis ambagibus
ex A-erbi imperio continue fecit), non inquirendum
fortasse est. Tarn enim est miraculum, et ejusdem
omnipotentiae, repraesentatio temporis quam efformatio
entis. Videtur autem natura divina utraque omni-
potentise emanatione se insignire voluisse : prirno,
operando oranipotenter super ens et materiam, cre-
ando scilicet ens e nihilo ; secundo, super motum et
tempus, anticipando ordinem naturae, et accelerando
processmn entis. Verurn IUBC ad parabolam de Coelo
pertinent, ubi qure nunc breviter perstringimus fusius
disseremus. Itaque ad principia Telesii pergenclum.
Atque utinam hoc saltern semel et inter omnes con-
veniret, ne aut ex non entibus entia, aut ex non
principiis principia, constitui placeret, neque mani-
festa recipiatur contradictio. Principium autem ab-
stractum non est ens; rnrsus ens rnortale non est
principium ; ut necessitas plane invincibilis hominum
cogitationes (si sibi constare velint) compellat ad
atomum, quod est verum ens, materiaturn, formatum,
dimensum, locatum, habens antitypiam, appetitum,
motum, emanationem. Idem per omnium corporum
naturalium interitus manet inconcussum et ai'ternum.
Nam cum tot et tarn variaa sint corporum majorum
corruptiones, omnino necesse est ut quod tanquam
centrum manet immutabile id aut potentiate quid-
darn sit, aut minimum. At potentiale non est; nam
potentiale prim urn, reliquorum quse sunt potentialia
simile esse non potest, quse aliud actu sunt, aliud
potentia. Sed necesse est ut plane abstractum sit,

336 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIKUS,

cum oinnem actum abneget, et omnem potentiam
contineat. Itaque relinquitur, ut illud immutabile
sit minimum ; nisi forte quis asserat omnino prin-
cipia nulla existere, sed rem alteram alteri pro
principiis esse, legem atque ordinem mutationis con-
stantia esse et cTsterna, essentiam ipsam fluxam et
mutabilem. Atque satius foret hujusmodi quiddam
diserte affirmare, quam studio seternum aliquod prin-
cipium statuendi, in durius incommodum incidere, ut
idem principium ponatur phantasticum. Ilia enim
prior ratio aliquem exitum habere videtur, ut res
mutentur in orbem ; hasc prorsus nullum, quse notio-
nalia et mentis adminicula habet pro entibus. Et
tamen quod hoc ipsum nullo modo fieri possit, postea
docebimus. Telesio tamen Jiyle placuit, quam ex
juniore £evo postnatam in Parmenidis philosophiam
transtulit. At certamen instituit Telesius agentiuni
suorum principiorum mirum et plane iniquum, et copiis
et genere bellandi. Nam quod ad copias attinet,
terra ei est unica, at coeli exercitus ingens ; etiam
terra puncti fere instar, cceli vero spatia et regiones
immensse. Neque huic incommodo illud subvenire
queat, quod terra et connaturalia ejus ex materia
maxime compacta asserantur, coelum contra et setlierea
ex materia maxime explicata. Licet enim plurimum
certe intersit, tamen haec res nullo modo copias vel
longo intervallo aaquabit. At robur dogmatis Telesii
versatur in hoc vel prascipue, si tanquam sequalis portio
hyles (secundum quantum, non secundum exporrectio-
nem) utrique principio agenti assignetur, ut res durare
possint, et systema constitui et stabiliri. Quicunque
enim cum Telesio sentiet in caeteris, et exsuperantiam
hyles, praBsertim tarn amplo excessu, in uno principio

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 337

ad alterum rocipiet, haerebit nee se omnino explicabit.
Itaque in dialogo Plutarchi de facie in orbe lunae, sana
mente proponitur ilia consideratio, non esse verisimile,
in dispersione materias naturam quicquid compacti
corporis erat in unicum terras globum conclusisse, tot
interim volventibus globis astrorum. Huic vero cogi-
tationi tarn immoderate indulsit Gilbertus, ut non
solum terrain et lunam, sed complures alios globes
solidos et opacos per expansionem coeli inter globos
lucentes sparsos assereret.1 Quin et ipsi Peripatetici,
postqnam coelestia suo statu, sublunaria autem per
successionem et renovationem aeterna posuissent, non
confisi sunt se hoc dogma tueri posse, nisi elementis
veluti aequas materise portiones assignassent. Hoc est
enim illud, quod de decupla ilia portione qua ambiens
elementum interius elementum superet consomniant.
Neque ista eo adducimus, quod nullum ex iis nobis
placeat, sed ut ostendamus inopinabile quiddam esse,
atque cogitationem prorsus male mensuratam, si quis
terrain contrarium agens coelo principium statuat : quod
Telesius fecit. Atque hoc ipsum durius multo inve-
nitur, si quis prater quantum ipsum, disparem virtutem
et actum creli et terras intueatur. Perdita enim omni
no sit dimicationis conditio, si ex altera parte telorum
hostilium ictus perferantur, ex altera non pertingant,
sed citra cadant. At liquet plane solis vires in terrain
mitti ; terne autem vires usque ad sol em pervenire
nemo spondeat. Etenim inter omnes virtutes qua?
natura parit, ilia lucis et umbrae longissime emittitur,
et maximo spatio sive orbe circumfunditur. Umbra
autem terras citra solem terminatur, cum lux solis, si
terra diaphana esset, globum terrse transverberare

i Gilbert, Nov. Phys. i. 10.
VOL. v. 22

338 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGIN IBUS,

possit. Nominatum calidum, frigidum, (de quibus
nunc est sermo) nnnquam deprehenduntur tarn magna
spatia vincere in virtute sua perferenda, quam lux et
umbra. Itaque si umbra terra? non pertingit ad solem,
multo minus frigidum terra? eo adspirare posse consen-
taneum est. Id si ita sit, nempe ut sol et calidum in
quaedam corpora media agant, quo contrarii principii
virtus non adscendat, nee ullo modo eorum actum
impediat ; necesse est ut ilia (sol, inquam, et calidum)
proxima quaeque occupent, et dein remotiora quoque
conjungant, ut tandem futura sit Heracliti conflagra-
tio, solari et coelesti natura gradatim versus terrain et
confinia ejus descendente et magis appropinquante.
Neque ilia admodum conveniunt, ut vis ilia naturam
suam imponendi et multiplicand! et alia in se vertendi,
quam Telesius principiis attribuit, non operetur in simi-
lia seque aut magis quam in contraria ; ut coelum jam
excandescere debuerit, et stella? inter se committi.
Verum ut propius accedamus, quatuor omnino dem-
onstrationes proponenda? videntur, qua? Telesii philo-
sopliiam de principiis plane convellere et destruere pos-
sint, etiam singula?, multo magis conjuncta?. 'Harum
prima est, quod inveniantur in rebus nonnullo? actiones
et efFectus, etiam ex potentissimis et latissime diffusis,
qua? ad calorem et frigus nullo modo referri possint.
Proxima, quod inveniantur natura? nonnulla? quarum
calor et frigus sint efFectus et consecutiones ; neque
id ipsum per excitationem caloris pra?inexistentis, aut
admotionem caloris advenientis ; sed prorsus per quse
calor et frigus in primo esse ipsorum indantur et gene-
rentur. Itaque principii ratio in iis ex utraque parte
deficit, turn quia aliquid non ex ipsis, turn quia ipsa ex
aliquo. Tertia, quod etiam ea qua? a calore et frigore

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 339

originem ducunt (quae certe sunt quam plurima) tamen
procedunt ab illis tanquam ab efficiente et organo, non
tanquam a causa propria et intima. Postremo, quod
conjugatio ilia quatuor connaturalium omnino permis-
cetur et confunditur. Quare de his sigillatim dicemus.
Atque alicui fortasse vix opera3 pretium videri possit,
nos in philosophia Telesii arguenda tarn diligenter ver-
sari, philosophia scilicet non admodum celebri aut re-
cepta. Verum nos hujusmodi fastidia nil moramur.
De Telesio autem bene sentimus, atque eum ut aman-
tem veritatis et scientiis utilem et nonnullorum placi-
torum emendatorem et novorum hominum primum ag-
noscimus. Neque tamen nobis cum eo res est tanquam
Telesio, sed tanquam instauratore philosophise Parmen-
idis, cui multa debetur reverentia. Sed illud in primis
in causa est quod haec fusius agamus, quod in eo qui
primus npbis occurrit complura disserimus, qua3 ad se-
quentium sectarum (de quibus postmodum tractandum
erit) redargutionem transferri possint, ne saspius eadem
dicere sit necesse. Sunt enim errorum (licet diverso-
rum) fibraB miris modis inter se implicate et intexta3,
qua3 tamen sa3penumero una redargutione, tanquam
falce, demeti et succidi possint. Verum, ut occoepi-
mus dicere, videndum quales inveniantur in rebus vir-
tutes et actiones, qua? ad calidum et frigidum nullo
rerum consensu aut ingenii violentia trahi possint.
Primo itaque sumendum quod a Telesio datur, mate-
rise summam asternum constare, nee augeri aut minui.
Hanc ille dotem, qua materia se servat et sustinet,
transmittit ut passivam, et tanquam ad rationem quanti
potius quam ad formam et actionem pertinentem, ac si
nihil opus esset earn calori et frigori deputare, quae
agentium tantum formarum et virtutum fontes ponun-

340 DE PRIXCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

tur; materiam enim non simpliciter, sed omni agente
virtuto destitui et exui. Atque hrec asseruntur magno
mentis errore, et prorsus mirabili, nisi quod consensus
atque opinio pervulgata et inveterate miraculum tollit.
Nil enim simile fere inter errores reperitur, quam ut
quis virtutem istam materise inditam (per quam ipsa se
ab interitu vindicat, adeo ut minima quaeque materise
portio nee universa mundi mole obrui nee omnium
agentium vi et impetu destrui aut ullo modo annihilari
et in ordinem redigi queat, quin et spatii nonnihil occu-
pet, et renitentiam servet cum dimensione impenetra-
bili, et ipsa vicissim aliquid moliatur, nee se deserat)
pro agente virtute non habeat ; cum contra sit omnium
virtutum longe potentissima, et plane insuperabilis, et
veluti merum fatum et necessitas. Hanc autem vir
tutem nee conatur Telesius ad calidum et frigidum
referre. Atque hoc recte ; neque enim scilicet aut
incendium aut torpor et congelatio huic rei aliquid
addunt vel detrahunt, nee super eurn aliquid possunt ;
cum ipsa interim et in sole, et ad centrum terras, et
ubique vigeat. Sed in eo lapsus videtur, quod molem
materiae certam et definitam agnoscit ; ad virtutem qua
se numeris suis tueatur ca?cutit, eamque (profundissi-
mis Peripateticorum tenebris immersus) accessorii loco
ducit ; cum sit maxime principalis, corpus suum l vi-
brans, aliud submovens, solida et adarnantina in seipso,
atque unde decreta et possibilis et impossibilis emanant
authoritate inviolabili. Schola itidem vulgaris earn
facili verborum complexu pueriliter prensat, satisfactum
huic cogitation! putans, si duo corpora in eodem loco
non posse esse pro canone ponat, virtutem autem istam
atque ejus modum nunquam apertis oculis contempla-
1 [So in the original.] The sense appears to require unum.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 341

tur et ad vivum dissecat ; parum scilicet gnara, quanta
ex ea pendeant, et qualis lux inde scientiis exoriatur.
Verum (quod nunc agitur) ista virtus quantacunque
extra Teksii principia cadit. Transeundum jam ad
virtutem illam quse ad priorem bane est tanquam antis-
tropha, earn scilicet quae nexura materiae tuetur. Ut
enim materia materia obrui non vult, ita nee materia a
materia divelli. Atque nihilominus utrum base naturae
lex sit asque ac ilia altera peremptoria, magnam habet
dubitationem. Telesio enim, quemadmodum et Democ-
rito vacuum coacervatum et sine meta dari placuit, ut
entia singularia contiguum suum deponant, nonnun-
quam et deserant, asgre (ut aiunt) et illibenter, sed
majore nempe aliqua violentia domita et coacta ; idque
ille nonnullis experimentis demonstrare contendit, ea
potissimum adducens, qua? passim citantur ad abne-
gandum et refellendum vacuum, eaque tanquam extra-
hens et amplians eo modo, ut entia videri possint in
levi aliqua necessitate posita contiguum illud tenere ;
sin majorem in modum torqueantur, vacuum admit-
tere ; sicuti in clepsydris aqueis, in quibus si foramen
per quod aqua descendere possit minutius sit, spiraculo
egebunt, ut aqua descendat; sin latius, etiam absque
spiraculo, aqua in foramen majore mole incumbens, et
vacuum supra nil morata, deorsum fertur. Similiter
in follib'us, in quibus si eos l comprimas et occludas ut
nullus illabenti ae'ri aditus pateat ac postea eleves et
expandas, si pellis gracilis sit et debilis, dirumpitur
pellis ; si crassa et frangi inepta, non item ; et alia hu-
jusmodi.2 Verum experimenta ista nee exacte probata
sunt, nee inquisition! omnino satisfaciunt aut qua3stio-

i ea in the original. — J.S. 2 De Rer. Nat. i. 25.

342 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

nem terminant ; atque licet per ilia Telesius se addere
rebus et inventis putet et quod ab aliis conf'usius obser-
vatum est subtilius distinguere nitatur, tamen nullo
modo par rebus evadit nee exitum rei evolvit, sed in
mediis prorsus deficit ; quod ex more est et ipsi et
Peripateticis, qui ad experimenta contuenda instar noc-
tuarurn sunt, neque id tarn ob facultatis imbecillitatem,
sed ob cataractas opinionum, et contemplationis plense
et fixaa impatientiam. Qusestio vero ista (ex maxime
arduis) quousque detur vacuum, et ad quse spatia fieri
possit seminum vel coitio vel distractio, et quid sit in
hoc genere peremptorium et invariabile, ad locum ubi
de vacuo tractandum erit rejicimus. Neque enim
multum interest ad id quod nunc agitur, utrum natura
vacuum penitus respuat, an entia (ut emendatius se
loqui putat Telesius1) mutuo contactu gaudeant. Illud
enim planum facimus, istam sive vacui fugam, sive
contactus cupidinem, nullo modo a calido et frigido
pendere, nee a Telesio ipsi 2 adscribi, nee ex rerum
ulla evidentia illis adscribi posse ; cum materia loco
mota aliam prorsus materiam traliat, sive ilia sit calida
sive frigida, sive liquida sive sicca, sive dura sive mollis,
sive arnica sive inimica, adeo ut corpus calidum corpus
gelidissimum citius attraxerit ut ei adsit, quam se ab
omni corpore disjungi et deseri patiatur. Nam vincu-
lum materiaa fortius est quam dissidium calidi et frigidi.
Et sequacitas materias non curat diversitatem formarum
specialium. Itaque nullo modo base virtus nexus ab
illis principiis calidi et frigidi. Sequuntur virtutes duae
invicem opposite, qua3 regnum hoc principiorum (ut

lu Entia prorsus omnia mutuum contactum sentire et summopere eo
oblectari . . . apparent." — De Rer. Nat. i. 6.
2 So in the original. I think it should be ipso. — J. S.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 343

videri possit) ad calidum et frigidum detulerunt, sed
jure male enucleate ; eas dicimus, per quas entia se
aperiunt et rarefaciunt, dilatant et expandunt, ita ut
majus spatium occupent et se in majorem sphseram
conjiciant ; aut rursus se claudunt et condensant, co-
arctant et contrahunt, ita ut spatiis decedant et in
minorem sphaaram se recipiant. Ostendendum itaque
est, quatenus ista virtus a calido et frigido ortum ha-
beat, et quatenus seorsum moretur, nee cum ilia ra-
tiones misceat. Atque verissimum est, quod affirmat
Telesius, rarum et densum caloris et frio;oris esse veluti

O

opificia propria ; longe enim maximas sunt illorum
partes ad hoc, ut corpora majus et minus spatium
occupent ; sed tamen confusius ista accipiuntur. Vi-
dentur enim corpora quandoque ab una spatiatione
naturali in alteram migrare et se transferre, idque
libenter et tanquam volentia, et formam mutantia;
quandoque autem tantummodo a naturali spatiatione
depulsa, et manente forma veteri in consuetam spa-
tiationem reverti. Atque virtus ilia progressiva in
novum spatium a calido et frigido fere regitur. At
virtus altera restitutiva non item, siquidem expandit se
aqua in vaporem et aerem, oleum similiter et pinguia
in halitum et flammam, ex vi caloris ; nee (si perfecte
transmigraverint) reverti satagunt ; quin et aer ipse
ex calore intumescit et extenditur. Quod si mieratio

n

fuerit semi plena, post caloris abscessum in se facile re-
cidit ; ut etiam in virtute restitutiva partes frigoris et
caloris sint nonnullae. At quas non mediante calore
sed violentia aliqua extensa sunt et distracta, etiam
absque ulla frigoris accessions aut diminutione caloris
in priora spatia (cessante violentia) cupidissime rever-
tuntur; ut in exsuctione ovi vitrei, et follibus levatis.

344 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS,

Id vero in solidis et crassis longe evidentius est. Nam
si distendatur pannus vel chorda, remota vi magna
velocitate resiliunt ; atque eadem est compressionis
ratio. Nam aer violentia aliqua contrusus et incarce-
ratus multo conatu erumpit ; atque adeo omnis ille
motus mechanicus quo durum a duro percutitur, qui
vulgo motus violenti nomine appellatur, per quern res
solida? mittuntur et volant per aerem et aquam, nihil
aliud est quam nixus partium corporis emissi ad se
expediendum a compressione ; et tamen nusquam hie
apparent vestigia calidi et frigidi. Neque est quod
quis argutetur ex doctrina Telesii hoc modo, ut dicat ;
Esse singulis spatiationibus naturalibus assignatam por-
tionem quandam calidi et frigidi, ex certa quadam ana-
logia: Itaque fieri posse ut tametsi nihil addatur caloris
et frigoris, tamen si spatia materiati extendantur aut
contrahantur, res eodem recidat,1 quia plus ct minus
imponitur materia3 in spatio, quam pro ratione caloris
et frigoris. Verum ista licet non absurda dictu, tamen
sunt eorum qui semper aliquid comminisci solent ut
quod semel visum est teneant, nee naturam et res per-
sequuntur. Nam si addatur calor et frigus hujusmodi
corporibus extensis aut compressis, idque majore men-
sura quam pro ratione et natura corporis ipsius, veluti
si pannus ille tensus calefiat ad ignem, tamen nullo
modo rem compensabit, nee impetum restitutionis ex-
stinguet. Itaque planum jam fecimus, istam virtutem
spatiationis ex calore et frigore in parte notabili non
pendere, cum tamen sit ipsa ilia virtus, qua3 plurimum
authoritatis his principiis tribuerit. Sequuntur duae
virtutes quae omnibus in ore sunt, atque longe et late
patent, per quas scilicet corpora massas sive congrega-

1 Recidit in original. — J. S.

SEC. FAB. CUPIDINIS ET CCELI. 345

tiones majores rerum connaturalium petunt ; in quarum
observatione, ut in reliquis, aut nugantur homines aut
plane aberrant. Schola enim communis satis habet, si
motum naturalem a violento distinguat ; et gravia de-
orsum, levia sursum ferri ex motu naturali pronuntiet.
Verurn parum proficiunt ad pbilosophiam bujusmodi
specnlationes. Ista enim natura, ars, violentia, com
pendia verborum sunt et nugas. Debuerunt autem
hunc motum non tantum ad naturam referre, sed etiam
affectum et appetitum particularem.et proprium corpo-
ris naturalis in boc ipso motu quasrere. Sunt enim et
alii motus complures naturales ex passionibus rerum
longe diversis. Itaque res secundurn differentias pro-
ponenda est. Quin et ipsi illi motus quos violentos
appellant magis secundum naturam appellari possint,
quam iste quern vocant naturalem ; si sit illud magis
secundum naturam quod est fortius, aut etiam quod' est
magis ex ratione universi. Nam motus iste adscensus
et descensus non admodum imperiosus est, nee etiam
universalis, sed tanquam provincialis et secundum re-
giones ; quin et aliis motibus obsequens et subjectus.
Quod vero gravia deorsum ferri aiunt, levia sursum,
idem est ac si dicerent, gravia esse gravia, levia levia.
Quod enim praedicatur, id ex vi ipsa termini in sub-
jecto assumitur. Si vero per grave densum, per leve
rarum intelligunt, promovent nonnihil ; ita tamen ut
ad adjunctum et concomitans, potius quam ad cau-
sam, rein deducant. Qui vero gravium appetitum ita
explicant, ut ad centrum teme ilia ferri contendant,
levia ut1 ad circumferentiam et ambitum coeli, tan
quam ad loca propria ; asserunt certe aliquid, atque
etiam ad causam innuunt, sed omnino perperam. Loci
1 So in the original ; but the ut ought probably to be omitted. — J. &

346 DE PRINCIPIIS ATQUE ORIGINIBUS.

enim nullae sunt vires, neque corpus nisi a corpore pat-
itur, atque omnis incitatio corporis, quae videtur esse
ad se collpcandum, appetit atque molitur configuratio-
nem versus aliud corpus, non collocationem aut situm
simplicem.

NEW ATLANTIS.1

1 The Thema Cceli, had it stood by itself, would have followed here; for
it belongs properly to this class, and was written before the New Atlantis.
But being so closely connected with the Descriptio Globl IntettectuaKs, which
belongs to the next, it was thought better not to separate them. — ./. S.

PREFACE.

THE New Atlantis seems to have been written in
1624, and, though iiot_finished, to have been intend
ed for publication as it stands. It was published ac
cordingly by Dr. Rawley in 1627, at the end of the
volume containing the Sylva Sylvarum ; for which
place Bacon had himself designed it, the subjects of
the two being so near akin ; the one representing his
idea of what should be the end of the work which
the other he supposed himself to be beginning. For
the story of Solomon's House is nothing more than a
vision of the practical results which he anticipated
from the study of natural history diligently and sys
tematically carried on through successive generations.

In this part of it, the work may probably be con
sidered as complete. Of the state of Solomon's House
he has told us all that he was as yet qualified to tell.
His own attempts to " interpret nature " suggested the
apparatus which was necessary for success : he had but
to furnish Solomon's House with the instruments and
preparations which he had himself felt the want of.
The difficulties which had baffled his single efforts to
provide that apparatus for himself suggested the con
stitution and regulations of a society formed to over
come them : he had but to furnish Solomon's House

350 PREFACE TO THE NEW ATLANTIS.

with the helps in head and hand which he had himself
wished for. His own intellectual aspirations suggested
the result : he had but to set down as known all that
le himself most longed to know. [But here he was
obliged to stop. He could not describe the process of
a perfect philosophical investigation ; because it must
of course have proceeded by the method of the Novum
Organum, which was not yet expounded. Nor could
he give a particular example of the result of such in
vestigation, in the shape of a Form or an Axiom ; for
that presupposed the completion, not only of the No
vum Organum, but (at least in some one subject) of
the Natural History also ; and no portion of the Nat
ural History complete enough for the purpose was as
yet producible. Here therefore he stopped ; and it
would almost seem that the nature of the difficulty
which stood in his way had reminded him of the course
he ought to take ; for just at this point (as we learn
from Dr. Rawley) he did in fact leave his fable and
return to his work. He had begun it with the inten
tion of exhibiting a model political constitution, as well
as a model college of natural philosophy ; but " his
desire of collecting the natural history diverted him,
which he preferred many degrees before it." And
in this, according to his own view of the matter, he
was no doubt right ; for though there are few people
now who would not gladly give all the Sylva Syl-
varum, had there been ten times as much of it, in
exchange for an account of the laws, institutions, and
administrative arrangements of Bensalem, it was not
so with Bacon ; who being deeper read in the phenom
ena of the human heart than in those of the material
world, probably thought the perfect knowledge of na-

PREFACE TO THE NEW ATLANTIS. 351

ture an easier thing than the perfect government of
men, — easier and not so far off; and therefore pre
ferred to work where there was fairest hope of fruit. ,

To us, who can no longer hope for the fruits which
Bacon expected, the New Atlantis is chiefly interesting
as a record of his own feelings. Perhaps there is no
single work of his which has so much of himself in it.
The description of Solomon's House is the description
of the vision in which he lived, — the vision not of
an ideal world released from the natural conditions
to which ours is subject, but of our own world &&_ it
might be made if we did our duty by it ; of a state of
things which he believed would one day be actually
s,een upon this earth such as it is by men such as we
are; and the coming of which he believed that his
own labours were sensibly hastening. The account of
the manners and customs of the people of Bensalem
is an account of his own taste in humanity ; for a
man's ideal, though not necessarily a description of
what he is, is almost always an indication of what he
would be ; and in the sober piety, the serious cheer
fulness, the tender and gracious courtesy, the open-
handed hospitality, the fidelity in public and chastity
in private life, the grave and graceful manners, the or
der, decency, and earnest industry, which prevail among
these people, we recognise an image of himself made
perfect, — of that condition of the human soul which
he loved in others, and aspired towards in himself..
Even the dresses, the household arrangements, the
order of their feasts and solemnities, their very gest
ures of welcome and salutation, have ail interest and
significance independent of the fiction, as so many rec
ords of Bacon's personal taste in such matters. Nor

352 PREFACE TO THE NEW ATLANTIS.

ought the stories which the Governor of the House of

o

Strangers tells about the state of navigation and pop-
j ulation in the early post-diluvian ages, to be regarded
' merely as romances invented to vary and enrich the
narrative, but. rather as belonging to a class of serious
speculations to which Bacon's mind was prone. As in
his visions of the future, embodied in the achievements
of Solomon's House, there is nothing which he did not
conceive to be really practicable by the means which
v4ie supposes to be used ; so in his speculations concern-
\ing the past, embodied in the traditions of Bensalem,
Si doubt whether there be any (setting aside, of course,
the particular history of the fabulous island) which he
did not believe to be historically probable. Whether
it were that the progress of the human race in knowl
edge and art seemed to him too small to be accounted
for otherwise than by supposing occasional tempests of
destruction, in which all that had been gathered was
swept away, — or that the vicissitudes which had act
ually taken place during the short periods of which
we know something had suggested to him the proba
bility of similar accidents during those long tracts of
time of which we know nothing, — or merely that the
imagination is prone by nature to people darkness with
shadows, — certain it is that the tendency was strong
in Bacon to credit the past with wonders ; to suppose
that the world had brought forth greater things than it
remembered, had seen periods of high civilisation bur
ied in oblivion, great powers and peoples swept away
and extinguished. In the year 1607, he avowed before
the House of Commons a belief that in some forgot-
• ten period of her history (possibly during the Heptar
chy) England had been far better peopled than she

PREFACE TO THE NEW ATLANTIS.

was then. In 1609, when he published the De Sapi-
entid Veterum, he inclined to believe that an age of
higher intellectual development than any the world
then knew of had flourished and passed out of mem
ory long before Homer and Hesiod wrote ; and this
upon the clearest and most deliberate review of all the
obvious objections ; and more decidedly than he had
done four years before when he published the Advance
ment of Learning. And I have little doubt that when
he wrote the New Atlantis he thought it not improba
ble that the state of navigation in the world 3000 years
before was really such as the Governor of the House
of Strangers describes ; that some such naval expedi
tions as those of Coya and Tyrambel may really have
taken place ; and that the early civilisation of the
Great Atlantis may really have been drowned by a
deluge and left to begin its career again from a state
of mere barbarism.

Amoncr the few works of fiction which Bacon at-

G

tempted, the New Atlantis is much the most consid
erable ; which gives an additional interest to it, and
makes one the more regret that it was not finished
according to the original design. Had it proceeded
to the end in a manner worthy of the beginning, it
would have stood, as a work of art, among the most
perfect compositions of its kind.

The notes to this piece, which are not marked with
Mr. Ellis's initials, are mine.

J. S.

23

NEW ATLANTIS:

A WORK UNFINISHED.

WRITTEN BY

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

FRANCIS LORD VERULAM, VISCOUNT ST, ALBAN,

TO THE READER

THIS fable my Lord devised, to the end that he might
exhibit therein a model or description of a college in
stituted for the interpreting of nature and the produc-
ino- of great ar>d marvellous works for the benefit of

O O

men, tinder the name of Salomon's House, or the Col
lege of the Six Days' Works. And even so far his
Lordship hath proceeded, as to finish that part. Cer
tainly the model is more vast and high than can,pos-
sibly be imitated in all things; notwithstanding most
things therein are within men's power to effect. His
Lordship thought also in this present fable to have
composed a frame of Laws, or of the best state or
mould of a commonwealth ; but foreseeing it would
be a long work, his desire of collecting the Natural
History1 diverted him, which he preferred many de
grees before it.

This work of the New Atlantis (as much as con-
cerneth the English edition) his Lordship designed for
this place ; 2 in regard it hath so near affinity (in one
part of it) with the preceding Natural History.

W. RAWLEY.

1 In the Latin translation Rawley adds, aliarumgue Imtaurationis par-
tium contexendarum ; alluding probably to the De Augmentis, the only
portion of the Instauration, not belonging to the Natural History, which
he seems to have been employed upon afterwards.

2 It was published at the end of the volume containing the Sylva Ryl-
varum. The titlepage bears no date.

NEW ATLANTIS.

WE sailed from Peru, (where we had continued by
the space of one whole year,) for China and Japan,
by the South Sea ; l taking with us victuals for twelve
months ; and had good winds from the east, though
soft and weak, for five months' space and more. But
then the wind came about, and settled in the west for
many days, so as we could make little or no way, and
were sometimes in purpose to turn back. But then
again there arose strong and great winds from the
south, with a point east; which carried us up (for
all that we could do) towards the north : by which
time our victuals failed us, though we had made good
spare of them. So that finding ourselves in the midst
of the greatest wilderness of waters in the world, with
out victual, we gave ourselves for lost men, and pre
pared for death. Yet we did lift up our hearts and
voices to God above, who showeth his wonders in the
deep; beseeching him of his mercy, that as in the
beginning he discovered2 the face of the deep, and

1 The words "by the South Sea" are omitted in the translation.

2 So in the original. If discovered be the right word, it must mean
removed the covering of the face of the deep. But I think there must be
some mistake. The Latin version has quemadmodum in principio congre-
gationes aquarum mandavit et Aridam ajtparere fecit. The allusion is, no
doubt, to Genes, i. 9.: "Let the waters under the heaven be gathered
together unto one place, and let the dry land appear."

360 NEW ATLANTIS.

brought forth dry land, so he would now discover
land to us, that we might1 not perish. And it came
to pass that the next day about evening, we saw within
a kenning before us, towards the north, as it were thick
clouds, which did put us in some hope of land ; know
ing how that part of the South Sea was utterly un
known ; and might have islands or continents, that
hitherto were not come to light. Wherefore we bent
our course thither, where we saw the appearance of
land, all that night ; and in the dawning of the next
day, we might plainly discern that it was a land ; flat to
our sight, and full of boscage ; which made it shew the
more dark. And after an hour and a half's sailing,

O»

we entered into a good haven, being the port of a fair
city ; not great indeed, but well built, and that gave
a pleasant view from the sea : 2 and we thinking every
minute long till we were on land, came close to the
shore, and offered to land. But straightways we saw
divers of the people, with bastons in their hands, as it
were forbidding us to land ; yet without any cries or
fierceness, but only as warning us off by signs that
they made. Whereupon being not a little discomfort
ed, we were advising with ourselves what we should
do. During which time there made forth to us a small
boat, with about eight persons in it ; whereof one of
them had in his hand a tipstaff of a yellow cane, tipped
at both ends with blue, who came aboard our ship,
without any show of distrust at all. And when he
saw one of our number present himself somewhat afore
the rest, he drew forth a little scroll of parchment,

1 nought in the original ; a form of the word frequently, though not
uniformly, adopted by Bacon. I have alwaj's substituted might.

2 ex qua parte Mare spectabat, degantiam magnam prce se tulit. — Lat.
\rers.

NEW ATLANTIS. 361

-]
(somewhat yellower than our parchment, and shining

like the leaves of writing tables, but otherwise soft and
flexible,) and delivered it to our foremost man. In
which scroll were written in ancient Hebrew, and in
ancient Greek, and in good Latin of the School, and
in Spanish, these words ; " Land ye not, none of you ;
and provide to be gone from this coast within sixteen
days, except you have further time given you. Mean
while, if you want fresh water, or victual, or help for
your sick, or that your ship needeth repair, write down
your wants, and you shall have that which belongeth
to mercy." This scroll was signed with a stamp of
cherubins' wings, not spread but hanging downwards,
and by them a cross. This being delivered, the officer
returned, and left only a servant with us to receive
our answer. Consulting hereupon amongst ourselves,
we were much perplexed. The denial of landing and
hasty warning us away troubled us much ; on the other
side, to find that the people had languages and were
so full of humanity, did comfort us not a little. And
above all, the sign of the cross to that instrument was
to us a great rejoicing, and as it were a certain presage
of good. Our answer was in the Spanish tongue ;
" That for our ship, it was well ; for we had rather
met with calms and contrary winds than any tempests.
For our sick, they were many, and in very ill case ;
so that if they were not permitted to land, they ran
danger of their lives." Our other wants we set down
in particular ; adding, " that we had some little store
of merchandise, which if it pleased them to deal for,
it might supply our wants without being chargeable
unto them." We offered some reward in pistolets
unto the servant, and a piece of crimson velvet to

362 NEW ATLANTIS.

be.presented to the officer ; but the servant took them
not, nor would scarce look upon them ; and so left us,
and went back in another little boat which was sent
for him.

About three hours after we had dispatched our an
swer, there came towards us a person (as it seemed) of
place. He had on him a gown with wide sleeves, of a
kind of water chamolet, of an excellent azure colour,
far more glossy than ours; his under apparel was green;
and so was his hat, being in the form of a turban, dain
tily made, and not so huge as the Turkish turbans ; and
the locks of his hair came down below the brims of it.
A reverend man was he to behold. He came in a boat,
gilt in some part of it, with four persons more only in
that boat ; and was followed by another boat, wherein
were some twenty. When he was come within a flight
shot1 of our ship, signs were made to us that we should
send forth some to meet him upon the water ; which
we presently did in our ship-boat, sending the princi
pal man amongst us save one, and four of our number
with him. When we were come within six yards ot
their boat, they called to us to stay, and not to approach
farther; which we did. And thereupon the man whom
I before described stood up, and with a loud voice in
Spanish, asked, " Are ye Christians ? " We answered,
" We were ; " fearing the less, because of the cross we
had seen in the subscription. At which answer the
said person lifted up his right hand towards heaven,
and drew it softly to his mouth, (which is the gesture

1 g/nculi jactum. When archers try which can shoot furthest, they call
it flight-shooting. The distance would be between 200 and 300 yards.
Old Double, according to Justice Shallow, would have "carrie4 you a
forehand shaft a fourteen and fourteen and half; " that is, 284 or 294 yards.
See Hen. IV. Part II. act 3. sc. 2.

NEW ATLANTIS. 363

they use when they thank God,) and then said : " If
ye will swear (all of you) by the merits of the Saviour
that ye are no pirates, nor have shed blood lawfully
nor unlawfully within forty days past, you may have
licence to come on land." We said, " We were all
ready to take that oath." Whereupon one of those that
were with him, being (as it seemed) a notary, made
an entry of this act. Which done, another of the at
tendants of the great person, which was with him in
the same boat, after his lord had spoken a little to him,
said aloud ; " My lord would have you know, that it is
not of pride or greatness that he cometh not aboard
your ship ; but for that in your answer you declare
that you have many sick amongst you, he was warned
by the Conservator of Health of the city that he should
keep a distance." We bowed ourselves towards him,
and answered, " We were his humble servants ; and
accounted for great honour and singular humanity
towards us that which was already done ; but hoped
well that the nature of the sickness of our men was
not infectious." So he returned ; and a while after
came the notary to us aboard our ship ; holding in
his hand a fruit of that country, like an orange, but of
colour between orange-tawney and scarlet, which cast a
most excellent odour. He used it (as it seemeth) for a
preservative against infection. He gave us our oath ;
" By the name of Jesus and his merits : " and after
told us that the next day by six of the clock in the
morning we should be sent to, and brought to the
Strangers' House, (so he called it,) where we should
be accommodated of things both for our whole and for
our sick. So he left us ; and when we l offered him
i So ed. 1635. Ed. 1629 has he.

364 NEW ATLANTIS.

some pistolets, he smiling said, " He must not be twice
paid for one labour : " meaning (as I take it) .that he
had salary sufficient of the state for his service. For
(as I after learned) they call an officer that taketh re
wards, twice paid.

The next morning early, there came to us the same
officer that came to us at first with his cane, and told
us, " He came to conduct us to the Strangers' House ;
and that he had prevented the hour, because we might
have the whole day before us for our business. For,"
said he, " if you will follow my advice, there shall
first go with me some few of you, and see the place,
and how it may be made convenient for you ; and
then you may send for your sick, and the rest of your
number which ye will bring on land." We thanked
him, and said, " That this care which he took of deso
late strangers God would reward." And so six of us
went on land with him : and when we were on land,
he went before us and turned to us, and said,1 " He
was but our servant and our guide." He led us
through three fair__streets ; and all the way we went
there were gathered some people on both sides stand
ing in a row ; but in so eivil^ a fashion, as if it had
been not to wonder at us 2 but to welcome us ; and
divers of them, as we passed by them, put their arms
a little abroad ; which is their gesture when they bid
any welcome. The Strangers' House is a fair and
spacious house, built of brick, of somewhat a bluer
colour than our brick ; and with handsome windows,
some of glass, some of a kind of cambric oiled. He
brought us first into a fair parlour above stairs, and

1 et dixit, per humane certe, <f c.

2 ut vidercntur non tarn ad otiosum speclaculum convenisse quam <f c.

NEW ATLANTIS. 365

then asked us, " What number of persons we were ?
And how many sick ? " We answered, " We were
in all (sick and whole) one and fifty persons, whereof
our sick were seventeen." He desired us to have
patience a little, and to stay till he came back to us ;
which was about an hour after ; and then he led us to
see the chambers which were provided for us, being in
number nineteen : they having cast it (as it seemeth)
that four of those chambers, which were better than
the rest, might receive four of the principal men of
our company, and lodge them alone by themselves ;
and the other fifteen chambers were to lodge us two
and two together. The chambers were handsome and
cheerful chambers, and furnished civilly. Then he led
us to a long gallery, like a dorture,1 where he showed
us all along the one side (for the other side was but
wall and window) seventeen cells, very neat ones, hav- *
ing partitions of cedar wood. Which gallery and cells,
being in all forty, (many more than we needed,) were
instituted as an infirmary for sick persons. And he
told us withal, that as any of our sick waxed well, he
might be removed from his cell to a chamber ; for
which purpose there were set forth ten spare chambers,
besides the number we spake of before. This done,
he brought us back to the parlour, and lifting up his
cane a little, (as they do when they give any charge ]
or command,2) said to us, "Ye are to know that the
custom of the land requireth, that after this day and
to-morrow, (which we give you for removing of your
people from your ship,) you are to keep within doors

1 Dormitory. The Latin translation has, qualia solent esse dormitoria
monachorum.

2 i. e., any charge which they have received from superior authority —
(quod in more illis erat quolies ministri mandata superiorum referunt).

366 NEW ATLANTIS.

for three days. But let it not trouble you, nor do not
think yourselves restrained, but rather left to your rest
and ease. You shall want nothing, and there are six
of our people appointed to attend you, for any business
you may have abroad." We gave him thanks .with all
affection and respect, and said,. " God surely is mani
fested in this land." We offered him also twenty
pistolets ; but he smiled, and only said ; " What ? twice
paid ! " And so he left us. Soon after our dinner
was served in ; which was right good viands, both for
bread and meat : l better than any collegiate diet that
I have known in Europe. We had also drink of three
sorts, all wholesome and good ; wine of the grape ; a
drink of grain, such as is with us our ale, but more
clear ; and a kind of cider made of a fruit of that
country ; a wonderful pleasing and refreshing drink.
Besides, there were brought in to us great store of
those scarlet oranges for our sick ; which (they said)
were an assured remedy for sickness taken at sea.
There was given us also a box of small grey or whitish
pills, which they wished our sick should take, one of
the pills every night before sleep ; which (they said)
would hasten their recovery. The next day, after that
our trouble of carriage and removing of our men and
goods out of our ship was somewhat settled and quiet,
I thought good to call our company together ; and
when they were assembled said unto them ; " My dear
friends, let us know ourselves, and how it standeth
with us. We are men cast on land, as Jonas was out
of the whale's belly, when we were as buried in the
deep : and now we are on land, we are but between

1 The translation has both for meat and drink; tarn respectu ciborum
yuam potus : and in the next line but one, Potus erat trium generum, <fc.

NEW ATLANTIS. 367

death and life ; for we are beyond both the old world
and the new ; and whether ever we shall see Europe,
God only knoweth. It is a kind of miracle hath
brought us hither : and it must be little less that shall

O

bring us hence. Therefore in regard of our deliver
ance past, and our danger present and to come, let us
look up to God, and every man reform his own ways.
Besides we are come here amongst a Christian people,
full of piety and humanity : let us. not bring that con
fusion of face upon ourselves, as to show our vices or
"unworthiness before them. Yet there is more. For
they have by commandment (though in form of cour-
• tesy) cloistered us within these walls for three days:
who knoweth whether it be not to take some taste of
our manners and conditions ? and if they find them
bad, to banish us straight ways ; if good, to give us
further time. For these men that they have given
us for attendance may withal have an eye upon us.
Therefore for God's love, and as we love the weal of
our souls and bodies, let us so behave ourselves as we
may be at peace with God, and may find grace in the
eyes of this people." Our company with one voice1 '
thanked me for my good admonition, and promised me
to live soberly and civilly, and without giving any the
least occasion of offence. So we spent our three days
joyfully and without care, in expectation what would
be done with us when they were expired. During
which time, we had every hour joy of the amendment
of our sick ; who thought themselves cast into some
divine pool of healing, they mended so kindly and so
fast.

The morrow after our three days were past, there
came to us a new man that we had not seen before,

368 NEW ATLANTIS.

clothed in blue as the former was, save that his turban
was white, with a small red cross on the top. He had
also a tippet of fine linen. At his coming in, he did
bend to us a little, and put his arms abroad. We of
our parts saluted him in a very lowly and submissive
manner ; as looking that from him we should receive
sentence of life or death. He desired to speak with
some few of us : whereupon six of us only stayed, and
the rest avoided the room. He said, " I am by office
governor of this House of Strangers, and by vocation
I am a Christian priest; and therefore am come to
you to oifer you my service, both as strangers and
chiefly as Christians. Some things I may tell you,
which I think you will not be unwilling to hear. The
state hath given you licence to stay on land for the
space of six weeks ; and let it not trouble you if your
occasions ask further time, for the law in this point is
not precise ; and I do not doubt but myself shall be
able to obtain for you such further time as may be
convenient. Ye shall also understand, that the Stran
gers' House is at this time rich, and much aforehand ;
for it hath laid up revenue these thirty-seven years ;
for so long it is since any stranger arrived in this part :
and therefore take ye no care ; the state will defray
you all the time you stay ; neither shall you stay one
day the less for that. As for any merchandise ye have
brought, ye shall be well used, and have your return
either in merchandise or in gold and silver : for to us
it is all one. And if you have any other request to
make, hide it not. For ye shall find we will not make
your countenance to fall by the answer ye shall re
ceive. Only this I must tell you, that none of you
must go above a karan " (that is with them a mile and

NEW ATLANTIS. 369

an half) " from the walls of the city, without especial
leave." We answered, after we had looked awhile
one upon another admiring this gracious and parent-
like usage ; " That we could not tell what to say : ibr
we wanted words to express our thanks ; and his noble
free offers left us nothing to ask. It seemed to us
that we had before us a picture of our salvation in
heaven ; for we that were awhile since in the jaws
of death, were now brought into a place where we
found nothing but consolations. For the command
ment laid upon us, we would not fail to obey it, though
it was impossible but our hearts should be inflamed
to tread further upon this happy and holy ground.'
We added ; " That our tongues should first cleave to
the roof's of our mouths, ere we should forget either
his reverend person or this whole nation in our pray
ers." We also most humbly besought him to accept
of us as his true servants, by as just a right as ever
men on earth were bounden ; laying and presenting
both our persons and all we had at his feet. He said ;
" He was a priest, and looked for a priest's reward :
which was our brotherly love and the good of our souls
and bodies." So he went from us, not without tears
of tenderness in his eyes ; and left us also confused with
joy and kindness, saying amongst ourselves, " That
we were come into a land of angels, which did appear
to us daily and prevent us with comforts, which we
thought not of, much less expected."

The next day, about ten of the clock, the governor
came to us again, and after salutations said familiarly,
" That he was come to visit us : " and called for a
chair, and sat him down : and we, being some ten of
us, (the rest were of the meaner sort, or else gone

VOL. V. 24

370 NEW ATLANTIS.

abroad,) sat down with him. And when we were
set, he began thus : " We of this island of Bensalem,"
(for so they call it in their language,) " have this ;
that by means of our solitary situation, and of the
laws of secrecy which we have for our travellers, and
our rare admission of strangers, we know well most
part of the habitable world, and are ourselves unknown.
Therefore because he that knoweth least is fittest to
ask questions, it is more reason, for the entertainment
of the time, that ye ask me questions, than that I ask
you." We answered; "That we humbly thanked
him that he would give us leave so to do : and that
we conceived by the taste we had already, that there
was no worldly thing on earth more worthy to be
known than the state of that happy land. But above
all," (we said,) " since that we were met from the
several ends of the world, and hoped assuredly that
AVC should meet one day in the kingdom of heaven,
(for that we were both parts Christians,) we desired
to know (in respect that land was so remote, and so
divided by vast and unknown seas, from the land
where our Saviour walked on earth,) who was the
apostle of that nation, and how it was converted to
the faith ? " It appeared in his face that he took great
contentment in this our question : he said, " Ye knit
my heart to you, by asking this question in the first
place ; for it sheweth that you first seek the kingdom
of heaven ; and I shall gladly and briefly satisfy your
demand.

" About twenty years after the ascension of our
Saviour, it came to pass that there was seen by the
people of Renfusa, (a city upon the eastern coast of
our island,) within night, (the night was cloudy and

NEW ATLANTIS. 371

calm,) as it might be some mile into the sea, a great
pillar of light ; not sharp, but in form of a column or
cylinder, rising from the sea a great way up towards
heaven : and on the top of it was seen a large cross
of light, more bright and resplendent than the body
of the pillar. Upon* which so strange a spectacle,
the people of the city gathered apace together upon
the sands, to wonder ; and so after put themselves
into a number of small boats, to go nearer to this mar
vellous sight. But when the boats were come within

CJ

about sixty yards of the pillar, they found themselves
all bound, and could go no further ; yet so as they
might move to go about, but might not approach near
er : so as the boats stood all as in a theatre, beholding
this light as an heavenly sign.1 It so fell out, that
there was in one of the boats one of the wise men of
the society of Salomon's House ; which house or col
lege (my good brethren) is the very .e^^e. of this king
dom ; who having awhile attentively and devoutly
viewed and contemplated this pillar and cross, fell
down upon his face ; and then raised himself upon his
knees, and lifting up his hands to heaven, made his
prayers in this manner :

" ' Lord God of heaven and earth, thou hast vouch
safed of thy grace to those of our order, to know thy
works of creation, and the secrets of them ; and to dis
cern (as far as appertaineth to the generations of men)
between divine miracles, works of nature, works of
art, and impostures and illusions of all sorts.2 I do
here acknowledge and testify before this people, that
the thing which we now see before our eyes is thy

1 tanquam scenam c&lestem, in the translation.

2 ittusiones dcemonum, cum imposturis omnimodis.

372 NEW ATLANTIS.

Finger and a true Miracle ; and forasmuch as we learn
in our books that thou never workest miracles but to
a divine and excellent end, (for the laws of nature are
thine own laws, and thou exceedest them not but upon
great cause,) we most humbly beseech thee to prosper
this great sign, and to give us the interpretation and
use of it in mercy ; which thou dost in some part se
cretly promise by sending it unto us.'

" When he had made his prayer, he presently found
the boat he was in moveable and unbound ; whereas
all the rest remained still fast ; and taking that for an
assurance of leave to approach, he caused the boat to
be softly and with silence rowed towards the pillar.
But ere he came near it, the pillar and cross of light
brake up, and cast itself abroad, as it were, into a fir
mament of many stars ; which also vanished soon after,
and there was nothing left to be seen but a small ark
or chest of cedar, dry, and not wet at all with water,
though it swam. And in the fore-end of it, which was
towards him, grew a small green branch of palm ; and
when the wise man had taken it with all reverence into
his boat, it opened of itself, and there were found in it
a Book and a Letter ; both written in fine parchment,
and wrapped in sindons of linen. The Book contained
all the canonical books of the Old and New Testa
ment, according as you have them, (for we know well
what the Churches with you receive) ; and the Apoc
alypse itself,1 and some other books of the New Testa
ment which were not at that time written, were never
theless in the Book. And for the Letter, it was in
these words:

1 The original has a semicolon after " itself," which would seem to con
nect this clause with the last. But the translation (Apocalypsis ipsa) shows
that it was meant to be the beginning of a new sentence.

NEW ATLANTIS. 378

" ' I Bartholomew, a servant of the Highest, and
Apostle of Jesus Christ, was warned by an angel that
appeared to me in a vision of glory, that I should com
mit this ark to the floods of the sea. Therefore I do
testify and declare unto that people where God shall
ordain this ark to come to land, that in the same day
is come unto them salvation and peace and good-will,
from the Father, and from the Lord Jesus.'

" There was also in both these writings, as well the
Book as the Letter, wrought a great miracle, conform
to that of the Apostles in the original Gift of Tongues.
For there being at that time in this land Hebrews, Per
sians, and Indians, besides the natives, every one read
upon the Book and Letter, as if they had been written
in his own language. And thus was this land saved
from infidelity (as the remain of the old world was
from water) by an ark, through the apostolical and
miraculous evangelism of St. Bartholomew." And
here he paused, and a messenger came, and called
him from us. So this was all that passed in that con
ference.

The next day, the same governor came again to us
immediately after dinner, and excused himself, saying,
" That the day before he was called from us somewhat
abruptly, but now he would make us amends, and
spend time with us, if we held his company and con
ference agreeable." We answered, " That we held it
so agreeable and pleasing to us, as we forgot both
dangers past and fears to come, for the time we heard
him speak ; and that we thought an hour spent with
him, was worth years of our former life." He bowed
himself a little to us, and after we were set again, he
said ; " Well, the questions are on your part." One

374 NEW ATLANTIS.

of our number said, after a little pause ; " That there
was a matter we were no less desirous to know, than
fearful to ask, lest we might presume too far. But
encouraged by his rare humanity towards us, (that
could scarce think ourselves strangers, being his vowed
and professed servants,) we would take the hardiness
to propound it : humbly beseeching him, if he thought
it not fit to be answered, that he would pardon it,
though he rejected it." We said ; " We well observed
those his words, which he formerly spake, that this
happy island where we now stood was known to few,
and yet knew most of the nations of the world ; which
we found to be true, considering they had the lan
guages of Europe, and knew much of our state and
business; and yet we in Europe (notwithstanding all
the remote discoveries and navigations of this last age,)
never heard any of the least inkling or glimpse of this
island. This we found wonderful strange ; for that all
nations have inter-knowledge T one of another either by
voyage into foreign parts, or by strangers that come to
them : and though the traveller into a foreign country
doth commonly know more by the eye, than he that
stayeth at home can by relation of the traveller ; yet
both ways suffice to make a mutual knowledge, in
some degree, on both parts. But for this island, we
never heard tell of any ship of theirs that had been
seen to arrive upon any shore of Europe ; no, nor of
either the East or West Indies ; nor yet of any ship
of any other part of the world that had made return
from them. And yet the marvel rested not in this.
For the situation of it (as his lordship said) in the
secret conclave of such a vast sea might cause it. But

1 enterknowledge in the original.

NEW ATLANTIS. 375

then that they should have knowledge of the lan
guages, books, affairs, of those that lie such a distance
from them, it was a thing we could not tell what to
make of; for that it seemed to us a condition and pro
priety of divine powers and beings, to be' hidden and
unseen to others, and yet to have others open and as
in a light to them." At this speech the governor gave
a gracious smile, and said ; " That we did well to ask
pardon f,;r this • question we now asked ; for that it
imported as if we thought this land a land of magi
cians, that sent forth spirits of the air into all parts, to
bring them news and intelligence of other countries."
It was answered by us all, in all possible humbleness,
but yet with a countenance taking knowledge that we
knew that he spake it but merrily, " That we were
apt enough to think there was somewhat supernatural
in this island; but yet rather as angelical than magical.
But to let his lordship know truly what it was that
made us tender and doubtful to ask this question, it
was not any such conceit, but Tbecause we remembered
he had given a touch in his former speech, that this
land had laws of secrecy touching strangers." To this
he said ; " You remember it aright ; and therefore in
that I shall say to you I must reserve some particulars,
which it is not lawful for me to reveal ; but there will
be enough left to give you satisfaction.

" You shall understand (that which perhaps you will
scarce think credible) that about three thousand years
ago, or somewhat more, the navigation of the world,
(specially for remote voyages,) was greater than at
this day. Do not think with yourselves that I know
not how much it is increased with you within these
six-score years : I know it well : and yet I say greater

376 NEW ATLANTIS.

then than now ; whether it was, that the example of
the ark, that saved the remnant of men from the uni
versal deluge, gave men confidence to adventure upon
the waters ; or what it was ; but such is the truth.
The Phoenicians, and especially the Tyrians, had great
fleets. So had the Carthaginians, their colony, which
is yet further west. Toward the east, the shipping of
Egypt and of Palestina was likewise great. China also,
and the great Atlantis (that you call America), which
have now but junks and canoes,1 abounded then in tall
ships. This island (as appeareth by faithful registers
of those times) had then fifteen hundred strong ships,
of great content. Of all this there is Avith you sparing
memory, or none; but we have large knowledge thereof.
" At that time, this land was known and frequented
by the ships and vessels of all the nations before
named. And (as it cometh to pass) they had many
times men of other countries, that were no sailors, that
came with them ; as Persians, Chaldeans, Arabians ;
so as almost all nations of might and fame resorted
hither ; of whom we have some stirps and little tribes
with us at this day. And for our own ships, they
went sundry voyages, as well to your Straits, which
you call the Pillars of Hercules,2 as to other parts in
the Atlantic and Mediterrane Seas ; as to Paguin 3

1 Cunoa's in the original.

2 Hercules is called by Edrisi Dhoulcarnain. He says he lived in the
time of Abraham, and has been confounded with Iscander Dhoulcarnain,
or Alexander the two-horned. That the limits beyond which it is impos
sible to pass were set up by Dhoulcarnain gives the obvious explanation of
the passage in Chaucer's Troilus and Cressida : —

" I am tyl God me bettre mynde sende,

At Dulearnon, right at my wytte's end."
"qui interpretes mire torsit." — R. L. E.

8 Peking. It seems as if Bacon supposed that Peking was a sea-port. — •
R. L. E. .{The translation adds civilatem in China antiquissimam.']

NEW ATLANTIS. 377

(which is the same with Cambaline1) and Quinzy,2
upon the Oriental Seas, as far as to the borders of the
East Tartary.

" At the same time, and an age after, or more, the
inhabitants of the great Atlantis did flourish.3 For
though the narration and description which is made by
a great man with you, that the descendants of Neptune
planted there ; and of the magnificent temple, palace,
city, and hill ; and the manifold streams of goodly
navigable rivers, (which, as so many chains, environed
the same site and temple) ; and the several degrees of
ascent whereby men did climb up to the same, as if it
had been a scala coeli ; be all poetical and fabulous :
yet so much is true, that the said country of Atlantis,
as well that of Peru, then called Coya, as that of
Mexico, then named Tyrambel, were mighty and proud
kingdoms in arms, shipping, and riches : so mighty, as
at one time (or at least within the space of ten years)
they both made two great expeditions ; they of Ty
rambel through the Atlantic to the Mediterrane Sea ;

O

and they of Coya through the South Sea upon this our
island. And for the former of these, which was into
Europe, the same author amongst you (as it seemeth)
had some relation from the Egyptian priest whom he

1 Cambalu is the reading of the common text of Marco Polo. The
word is properly Khambalik. It is the Tartar name for Peking. — R. L. E.
[It is Cambalu in the translation; and in the English Bacon probably
wrote Cambalue. — J. S.'\

2 The Quinsai of Marco Polo, now Hangchowfoo. — R. L. E.

3 See Plato, Critias, p. 113., and Timseus, p. 25. Everything relating to
the story of Atlantis has been collected by Humboldt, Examen critique de
VHistoire de la Geographic, &c., i. p. 167. Compare Martin, Etudes sur le
Tiinee ; and see Gesenius, Mcmumenta Phoenicia, for an account of a spu
rious Phoenician inscription, purporting to give the history of the destruc
tion of Atlantis. It may be a question whether there be not some affinity \ ,
between Atlantis and Homer's Phaeacia. — R. L. E.

NEW ATLANTIS.

citeth. For assuredly such a thing there was. But
whether it were the ancient Athenians that had the
glory of the repulse and resistance of those forces, I
can say nothing: but certain it is, there never came
back either ship or man from that voyage. Neither
had the other voyage of those of Coya upon us had
better fortune, if they had not met with enemies of
greater clemency. For the king of this island (by
name Altabin) a wise man and a great warrior, know
ing well both his own strength and that of his enemies,
handled the matter so, as he cut off their land-forces
from their ships ; and entoiled both their navy and
their camp with a greater power than theirs, both by
sea and land ; and compelled them to render them
selves without striking stroke : and after they were al
his mercy, contenting himself only with their oath that
they should no more bear arms against him, dismissed
them all in safety. But the Divine Revenge overtook
not long after those proud enterprises. For within
less than the space of one hundred years, the great
Atlantis was utterly lost and destroyed : not by a great
earthquake, as your man saith, (for that whole tract
is little subject to earthquakes,) but by a particular
deluge or inundation; those 'countries having, at this
day, far greater rivers and far higher mountains to
pour down waters, than any part of the old world.
But it is true that the same inundation was not deep ;
not past forty foot, in most places, from the ground :
so that although it destroyed man and beast generally,
yet some few wild inhabitants of the wood* escaped.
Birds also were saved by flying to the high trees and

l The translation says, of the mountains: silvestres habitatores qttidam
montium.

NEW ATLANTIS. 379

woods. For as for men, although they had buildings
in many places higher than the depth of the water,
yet that inundation, though it were shallow, had a
long continuance ; whereby they of the vale that were
not drowned, perished for want of food and other
things necessary. So as marvel you not at the thin
population of America, nor at the rudeness and ig
norance of the people ; for you mast account your
inhabitants of America as a young people ; younger a
thousand years, at the least, than the rest of the world ;__
for that there was so much time -between the universal
flood and their particular inundation. For the poor J
remnant of human seed which remained in their moun
tains peopled the country again slowly, by little and
little ; and being simple and savage people, (not like
Noah and his sons, which was the chief family of the
earth,) they were not able to leave letters, arts, and
civility to their posterity ; and having likewise in their
mountainous habitations been used (in respect of the
extreme cold of those regions) to clothe themselves
with the skins of tigers, bears, and great hairy goats,
that they have in those parts ; when after they came
down into the valley, and found the intolerable heats
which are there, and knew no means of lighter ap
parel, they were forced to begin the custom of going
naked, which continueth at this day. Only they take
great pride and delight in the feathers of birds, and
this also they took from those their ancestors of the
mountains, who were invited unto it by the infinite
flights of birds that came up to the high grounds,
while the waters stood below. So you see, by this
main accident of time, we lost our traffic with the
Americans, with whom of all others, in regard they

380 NEW ATLANTIS.

lay nearest to us, we had most commerce. As for the
Pother parts of the world, it is most manifest that in the
ages following (whether it were in respect of wars, or
by a natural revolution of time,) navigation did every
where greatly decay ; and specially far voyages (the
rather by the use of galleys,1 and such vessels as could
i hardly brook the ocean,) were altogether left and
upmitted. So then, that part of intercourse2 which
could be from other nations to sail to us, you see how
it hath long since ceased ; except it were by some rare
accident, as this of yours. But now of the cessation
of that other part of intercourse, which might be by
our sailing to other nations, I must yield you some
other cause. For I cannot say (if I shall say truly,)
but our shipping, for number, strength, mariners,
pilots, and all things that appertain to navigation, is as
great as ever: and therefore why we should sit at
home, I shall now give you an account by itself: and
it will draw nearer to give you satisfaction to your
principal question.

" There reigned in this island, about nineteen hun
dred years ago, a King, whose memory of all others
we most adore ; not superstitiously, but as a divine
instrument, though a mortal man : his name was Sol-

7 O 3

amona : and we esteem him as the lawgiver of our
nation. This king had a large heart, inscrutable for
good ; and was wholly bent to make his kingdom and
people happy. He therefore, taking into consideration
how sufficient and substantive this land was to main
tain itself without any aid at all of the foreigner ;
being five thousand six hundred miles in circuit, and

1 proplerea quod triremes . . . in usum venire cceperunt.

2 entercourse in orig.

NEW ATLANTIS. 381

of rare fertility of soil in the greatest part thereof, a;
and finding also the shipping of this country might be
plentifully set on work, both by fishing and by trans
portations from port to port, and likewise by sailing
unto some small islands that are not far from us, and
are under the crown and laws of this state ; and recall
ing into his memory the happy and flourishing estate
wherein this land then was, so asjt might be a thou
sand ways altered to the worse, but scarce any one way
to the better ; thought nothing wanted to his noble and
heroical intentions, but only (as far as human foresight
might reach) to give perpetuity to that which was in
his time so happily established. Therefore amongst his
other fundamental laws of this kingdom, he did ordain
the interdicts and prohibitions which we have touching
entrance of strangers ; which at that time (though
it was after the calamity of America) was frequent ;
doubting novelties, and commixture of manners. It v
is true, the like law against the admission of strangers ^
without licence is an ancient law in the kingdom of

O

China, and yet continued in use. But there it is a
poor thing ; and hath made them a curious, ignorant,
fearful, foolish nation. But our lawgiver made his law
of another temper. For first, he hath preserved all
points of humanity, in taking order and making pro
vision for the relief of strangers distressed ; whereof
you have tasted." At which speech (as reason was)
we all rose up, and bowed ourselves. He went on.
" That king also, still desiring to join humanity and
policy together ; and thinking it against humanity to
detain strangers here against their wills, and against
policy that they should return and^discover their knowl
edge of this estate, he took this course : he did ordain

382 NEW ATLANTIS.

" that of the strangers that should be permitted to land,
as many (at all times) might depart as would ; but as
many as would stay should have very good conditions

\ and means to live from the state. Wherein he saw so
far, that now in so many ages since the prohibition, we
have memory not of one ship that ever returned ; and
but of thirteen persons only, at several times, that chose
to return in our bottoms. What those few that return
ed may have reported abroad I know not. But you
must think, whatsoever they have said could be taken
where they came but for a dream. Now for our trav
elling from hence into parts abroad, our Lawgiver
thought fit altogether to restrain it. So is it not in
China. For the Chinese sail where they will or can ;
which sheweth that their law of keeping out strangers
is a law of pusillanimity and fear. But this restraint
of ours hath one only exception, which is admirable ;
preserving the good which cometh by communicating
with strangers, and avoiding the hurt ; and I will now
open it to you. And here I shall seem a little to
digress, but you will by and by find it pertinent. Ye
shall understand (my dear friends) that amongst the
excellent acts of that king, one above all hath the pre
eminence. It was the erection and institution of an

I Order or Society which we call Salomon's House ; the
noblest foundation (as we think) that ever was upon
the earth ; and the lanthorn of this kingdom. It is
dedicated to the study of the Works and Creatures
of God. Some think it beareth the founder's name
a little corrupted, as if it should be Solamona's House.
But the records write it as it is spoken. So as I take
it to be denominate of the King of the Hebrews, which '
is famous with you, and no stranger to us. For we

NEW ATLANTIS.

383

have some parts of his works which with you are lost ;
namely, that Natural History which he wrote, of all
plants, from the cedar, of Libanus to the moss that grow-
eth out of the watt, and of all things that have life and
motion. This maketh me think that our king, findino-
himself to symbolize in many things with that king of
the Hebrews (which lived many years before him),
honoured him with the title of this foundation.1 And
I am the rather induced to be of this opinion, for that
I find in ancient records this Order or Society is some
times called Salomon's House, and sometimes the Col
lege of the Six Days Works ; whereby I am satisfied
that our excellent king had learned from the Hebrews
that God had created the world and all that therein is
within six days ; and therefore he instituting that House
for the finding out of the true nature of all things,2
(whereby Qodjnight have the .more^lorj in the work
manship of tbftmT and i-r^n tko more frujt jn tfre USQ
ofjthemj did give it also that second name! But now
to come to our present purpose. When the king had
forbidden to all his people navigation into any part that
was not under his crown, he made nevertheless this
ordinance ; That every twelve years there should be
set forth out of this kingdom two ships, appointed to

1 Bacon in speaking of this king who symbolizes with Solomon seems
to allude to James I. — R. L. E. [If the New Atlantis had been written
in the earlier part of James's reign, Bacon might have been suspected
perhaps of some such allusion. He might have hoped to encourage James
to justify the parallel by going and doing likewise. But since James had
now reigned above twenty years without doing or attempting to do anything
for the furtherance of Natural Philosophy; without showing any interest
in it or any taste or capacity for it; I cannot understand what the allusion
can be or where the resemblance. Nor does it seem necessary to suppose
anything of the kind in order to explain why a model-king for wisdom
and knowledge should be likened to Solomon. — J. S.]

2 ad inquisitionem et invenlionem natures verce et interioris rerum omnium.

384 NEW ATLANTIS.

several voyages ; That in either of these ships there
should be a mission of three of the Fellows or Breth
ren of Salomon's House ; whose errand was only to
give us knowledge of the affairs and state of those
countries to which they were designed, and especially
of the sciences, arts, manufactures, and inventions of
all the world ; and withal to bring unto us books,
instruments, and patterns in every kind ; That the
ships, after they had landed the brethren, should re
turn ; and that the brethren should stay abroad till the
new mission. These ships are not otherwise fraught,
than with store of victuals, and good quantity of treas
ure to remain with the brethren, for the buying of
such things and rewarding of such persons as they
should think fit. Now for me to tell you how the
vulgar sort of mariners are contained from being discov
ered at land ; and how they that must be put 01$ shore
for anv time, colour themselves under the names of
other nations ; and to what places these voyages have
been designed ; and what places of rendez-vous are
appointed for the new missions ; and the like circum
stances of the practique ; I may not do it : neither is
it much to your desire. But thus you see we maintain
a trade, not for gold, silver, or jewels ; nor for silks ;
nor for spices ; nor any other commodity of matter ;
; but only for God's first creature, which was Light :
^_t.o have light (I say) of the growth of all parts of the
world." l And when he had said this, he was silent ;
and so were we all. For indeed we were all astonished
to hear so strange things so probably told. And he,
perceiving that we were willing to say somewhat but

1 t. e., in whatever parts of the world it is to be found. Luce, inquam^
in quacunque tandem terrce regime prorumpente et germinatite.

NEW ATLANTIS. 385

had it not ready, in great courtesy took us off, and
descended to ask us questions of our voyage and for
tunes ; and in the end concluded, that we might do
well to think with ourselves what time of stay we
would demand of the state ; and bade us not to scant
ourselves ; for he would procure such time as we
desired. Whereupon we all rose up, and presented
ourselves to kiss the skirt of his tippet ; but he would
not suffer us ; and so took his leave. But when it
came once amongst our people that the state used to
offer conditions to strangers that would stay, we had
work enough to get any of our men to look to our
ship, and to keep them from going presently to the

governor to crave conditions. But with much ado
&

we refrained them, till AVC might agree what course
to take.

We took ourselves now for free men, seeing there
was no danger of our utter perdition ; and lived most
joyfully, going abroad and seeing what was to be seen
in the city and places adjacent within our tedder ; and
obtaining acquaintance with many of the city, not of
the meanest quality ; at whose hands we found such
humanity, and such a freedom and desire to take
strangers as it were into their bosom, as was enough
to make us forget all that was dear to us in our own
countries: and continually we met with many things
right, worthy of observation and relation ; as indeed,
if there be a mirror in the world worthy to hold men's
eyes, it is that country. One day there were two of
our company bidden to a Feast of the Family, as they
call it. A most natural, pious, and reverend custom
it is, shewing that nation to be compounded of all
goodness. This is the manner of it. It is granted to

VOL. V. 25

386 NEW ATLANTIS.

any man that shall live to see thirty persons descended
of his body alive together, and all above three years
old, to make this feast ; which is done at the cost of
the state. The Father of the Family, whom they call
the Tirsan, two days before the feast, taketh to him
three of such friends as he liketh to choose ; and is
assisted also by the governor of the city or place where
the feast is celebrated; and all the persons of the
family, of both sexes, are summoned to attend him.
These two days the Tirsan sitteth in consultation con
cerning the good estate of the family. There, if there
be any discord or suits between any of the family, they
are compounded and appeased. There, if any of the
family be distressed or decayed, order is taken for their
relief and competent means to live. There, if any be
subject to vice, or take ill courses, they are reproved
and censured. So likewise direction is given touching
marriages, and the courses of life which any of them
should take, with divers other the like orders and
advices. The governor assisteth, to the end to put
in execution by his public authority the decrees and
orders of the Tirsan, if they should be disobeyed;
though that seldom needeth ; such reverence and obe
dience they give to the order of nature. The Tirsan
doth also then ever choose one man from amono-st his
sons, to live in house with him : who is called ever
after the Son of the Vine. The reason will hereafter
appear. On the feast-day, the Father or Tirsan
cometh forth after divine service into a large room
where the feast is celebrated; which room hath an
half-pace l at the upper end. Against the wall, in the

1 Half-pace or dais, the part raised by a low step above the rest of the
floor. — S. L. E.

NEW ATLANTIS. 387

middle of the half-pace, is a chair placed for him,
with a table and carpet before it. Over the chair
is a state,1 made round or oval, and it is of ivy ; an
ivy somewhat whiter than ours, like the leaf of a sil
ver asp, but more shining ; for it is green all winter.
And the state is curiously wrought with silver and silk
of divers colours, broiding or binding in the ivy ; and
is ever of the work of some of the daughters of the
family ; and veiled over at the top with a fine net of
silk and silver. But the substance of it is true ivy ;
whereof, after it is taken down, the friends of the
family are desirous to have some leaf or sprig to keep.
The Tirsan cometh forth with all his generation or
lineage,2 the males before him, and the females follow
ing him ; and if there be a mother from whose body
the whole lineage is descended, there is a traverse
placed in a loft above on the right hand of the chair,
with a privy door, and a carved window of glass,
leaded with gold and blue ; where she sitteth, but is
not seen. When the Tirsan is come forth, he sitteth
down in the chair ; and all the lineage place them
selves against the wall, both at his back and upon the
return of the half-pace,3 in order of their years without
difference of sex ; and stand upon their feet. When
he is set ; the room being always full of company, but
well kept and without disorder; after some pause there
cometh in from the lower end of the room a Taratan
(which is as much as an herald) and on either side of

1 t. e. a canopy, conopeum.

2 linage in the original ; which seems to be the proper form of the word.
The e may have been introduced originally as a direction for the lengthen
ing of the first syllable ; and then the resemblance of the word to such
words as lineal may have suggested the modern pronunciation.

8 juxia panetem, tarn a (ergo quam a lateribus auke, super gradum ascciisfo.

388 NEW ATLANTIS.

him two young lads ; whereof one carrieth a scroll of
their shining yellow parchment ; and the other a clus
ter of grapes of gold, with a long foot or stalk. The
herald and children are clothed with mantles of sea-
water green sattin ; but the herald's mantle is streamed
with gold, and hath a train. Then the herald with
three curtesies, or rather inclinations, cometh up as far
as the half-pace ; and there first taketh into his hand
the scroll. This scroll is the King's Charter, contain-

cj *

ing gift of revenew, and many privileges, exemptions,
and points of honour, granted to the Father of the
Family ; and is ever styled and directed, To such an
one our well-beloved friend and creditor : which is a title
proper only to this case. For they say the king is
debtor to no man, but for propagation of his subjects.
The seal set to the king's charter is the king's image,
imbossed or moulded in gold ; and though such char
ters be expedited of course, and as of right, yet they
are varied by discretion, according to the number and
dignity of the family. This charter the herald readeth
aloud ; and while it is read, the father or Tirsan stand-
eth up, supported by two of his sons, such as he
choosetli. Then the herald mounteth the half-pace,
and delivereth the charter into his hand: and with
that there is an acclamation by all that are pi-esent in
their language, which is thus much : Happy are the
people of Bensalem. Then the herald taketh into his
hand from the other child the cluster of grapes, which
is of gold, both the stalk and the grapes. But the
grapes are daintily enamelled ; and if the males of the
family be the greater number, the grapes are enamelled
purple, with a little sun set on the top ; if the females,
then they are enamelled into a greenish yellow, with a

NEW ATLANTIS. 389

crescent on the top. The grapes are in number as
many as there are descendants of the family. This
golden cluster the herald delivereth also to the Tirsan ;
who presently delivereth it over to that son that he had
formerly chosen to be in house with him : who beareth
it before his father as an ensign of honour when he
goeth in public, ever after; and is thereupon called
the Son of the Vine. After this ceremony ended, the
father or Tirsan retireth ; and after some time cometh
forth again to dinner, where he sitteth alone under the
state, as before ; and none of his descendants sit with
him, of what degree or dignity soever, except he hap
to be of Salomon's House. He is served only by his
own children, such as are male; who perform unto
him all service of the table upon the knee ; and the
women only stand about him, leaning against the wall.
The room below the half-pace hath tables on the sides
for the guests that are bidden ; who are served with
great and comely order ; and towards the end of
dinner (which in the greatest feasts with them lasteth
never above an hour and an half) there is an hymn
sung, varied according to the invention of him that
composeth it, (for_they_have excellent poesy,) but the
subject of it is (always) the praises of Adam and Noah
and Abraham ; whereof the former two peopled the
world, and the last was the Father of the Faithful :
concluding ever with a thanksgiving for the nativity
of our Saviour, in whose birth the births of all are only
blessed. Dinner being done, the Tirsan retireth again ;
and having withdrawn himself alone into a place where
he maketh some private prayers, he cometh forth the
third time, to give the blessing ; with all his descend
ants, who stand about him as at the first. Then he

390 NEW ATLANTIS.

calleth them forth by one and by one, by name, as he
pleaseth, though seldom the order of age be inverted.
The person that is called (the table being before re
moved) kneeleth down before the chair, and the father
layeth his hand upon his head, or her head, and giveth
the blessing in these words: Son of Bensalem, {or
Daughter of Bensalem,') tliy father saitJi it : the man by
whom thou hast breath and life spedketh the. word: The
blessing of the everlasting Father, the Prince of Peace,
and the Holy Dove be upon thee, and make the days of
thy pilgrimage good and many. This he saith to every
of them ; and that done, if there be any of his sons
of eminent merit and virtue, (so they be not above
two,) he calleth for them again ; and saith, laying his
arm over their shoulders, they standing; Sons, it is
well ye are born, give God the praise, and persevere to
the end. And withal delivereth to either of them a
jewel, made in the figure of an ear of wheat, which
they ever after wear in the front of their turban or hat.
This done, they fall to music and dances, and other
recreations, after their manner, for the rest of the day.
This is the full order of that feast.

By that time six or seven days were spent, I was
fallen into strait acquaintance with a merchant of that
city, whose name was Joabin. He was a Jew, and
circumcised : for they have some few stirps of Jews
[yet remaining among them, whom they leave to their
town religion. Which they may the better do, because
they are of a far differing disposition from the Jews in
! other parts. For whereas they hate the name of Christ,
and have a secret inbred rancour against the people
amongst whom they live : these (contrariwise) give unto
our Saviour many high attributes, and love the nation

NEW ATLANTIS. 391

of Bensalem extremely. Surely this man of whom I
speak would ever acknowledge that Christ was born
of a Virgin, and that he was more than a man ; and
he would tell how God made him ruler of the Sera-
phims which guard his throne ; and they call him also
the Milken Way, and the Elidh of the Messiah; and
many other high names ; which though they be in
ferior to his divine Majesty, yet they are far from the
language of other Jews. And for the country of
Bensalem, this man would make no end of commend
ing it : being desirous, by tradition among the Jews
there, to have it believed that the people thereof were
of the generations of Abraham, by another son, whom
they call Nachoran ; and that Moses by a secret cabala
ordained the laws of Bensalem which they now use ;
and that when the Messiah should come, and sit in his
throne at Hierusalem, the king of Bensalem should sit
at his feet, whereas other kings should keep a great
distance. But. yet setting aside these Jewish dreams,
the man was a wise man, and learned^ and of great
policy, and excellently seen in the laws and customs
of that nation. Amongst other discourses, one day
I told him I was much affected with the relation I had
from some of the company, of their custom in holding
the Feast of the Family; for that (methought) I had
never heard of a solemnity wherein natur_e did so much
preside. And because propagation of families proceed-
eth from the nuptial copulation, I desired to know of
him what laws and customs they had concerning mar
riage ; and whether they kept marriage well ; and
whether they were tied to one wife ? For that where
population is so much affected, and such as with them
it seemed to be, there is commonly permission of plu-

392 NEW ATLANTIS.

rality of wives. To this he said, " You have reason
for to commend that excellent institution of the Feast
of the Family. And indeed we have experience, that
those families that are partakers of the blessing of that
feast do flourish and prosper ever after in an extraor
dinary manner. But hear me now, and I will tell you
what I know. You shall understand that there is not
under the heavens so chaste a nation as this of Ben-
salem ; nor so free from all pollution or foulness. It is
the virgin of the world. I remember I have read in
one of your European books, of an holy hermit amongst
you that desired to see the Spirit of Fornication ; and
there appeared to him a little foul ugly J^thiop.1 But
if he had desired to see the Spirit of Chastity of Bensa-
lem, it would have appeared to him in the likeness of
a fair beautiful Cherubin. For there is nothino- amono-st

o o

mortal men more fair and admirable, than the chaste
" minds of this people. Know therefore, that with them
there are no stews, no dissolute houses, no courtesans
nor anything of that kind. Nay they wonder .(with
detestation) at you in Europe, which permit such
things. They say ye have put marriage out of office :
for marriage is ordained a remedy for unlawful con
cupiscence ; and natural concupiscence seemeth as a
_spur to marriage. But when men have at hand a
remedy more agreeable to their corrupt will, marriage
is almost expulsed. And therefore there are with you
seen infinite men that marry not, but chuse rather a
libertine and impure single life, than to be yoked in
marriage ; and many that do marry, marry late, when
the prime and strength of their years is past. And
when they do marry, what is marriage to them but a

1 The Klein Meister of La Motte Fouqud's Sintrcun. — R. L. E.

NEW ATLANTIS. 393

very bargain ; wherein is sought alliance, or portion.
or reputation, with some desire (almost indifferent) of
issue ; and not the faithful nuptial union of man and
wife, that was first instituted. Neither is it possible
that those that have cast away so basely so much of
their strength, should greatly esteem children, (being
of the same matter,1) as chaste men do. So likewise
during marriage, is the case much amended, as it ought
to be if those things were tolerated only for necessity?
No, but they remain still as a very affront to marriage.
The haunting of those dissolute places, or resort to
courtesans, are no more punished in married men than
in bachelors. And the depraved custom _ of change^
and the delight in meretricious embracements, (where
sin is turned into art,) 2 maketh marriage a dull thing,
and a kind of imposition or tax. They hear you de
fend these tilings, as done to avoid greater evils ; as
advoutries, deflouring of virgins, unnatural lust, and
the like. But they say this is a preposterous wisdom ;
and they call it io^'s offer, who to save his guests
from abusing, offered his daughters : nay they say
farther that there is little gained in this ; for that the
same vices and appetites do still remain and abound ;
unlawful lust being like a furnace, that if you stop the
flames altogether, it will quench; but if you give it any
vent, it will rage. As for masculine love, they have
no touch of it ; 3 and yet there are not so faithful and
inviolate friendships in the world again as are there ;
and to speak generally, (as I said before,) I have not

1 liberi (^Jars nostrl altera).

2 Non v' era giunto ancor Sardanapalo
A mostrar cio ch' in eamera si puote.

DANTE, Paradiso, xiv. — JR. L. E.
8 istos nefando quidem norunt.

394 NEW ATLANTIS.

road of any such chastity in any people as theirs. And
their usual saying is, Thai whosoever is unchaste cannot
reverence himself ; and they say, That the reverence of
a man's self is, next religion, the chief est bridle of all
vices.^ And when he had said this, the good Jew

7 o

paused a little ; whereupon I, far more willing to hear
him speak on than to speak myself, yet thinking it
decent that upon his pause of speech I should not be
altogether silent, said only this ; " That I would say
to him, as the widow of Sarepta said to Elias ; that he
was come to bring to memory our sins ; and that .1
confess the righteousness of Bensalem was greater than

• ^J—- - - O

the righteousness of Europe." At which speech he
bowed his head, and went on in this manner : " They
have also many wise and excellent laws touching mar
riage. They allow no polygamy. They have ordained
that none do intermarry or contract, until a month be
passed from their first interview. Marriage without
consent of parents they do not make void, but they
mulct it in the inheritors : for the children of such
I marriages are not admitted to inherit above a third
part of their parents' inheritance. I have read in a
book of one of your men, of a Feigned Commonwealth,
where the married couple are permitted, before they
contract, to see one another naked.1 This they dis
like ; for they think it a scorn to give a refusal after
so familiar knowledge: but because of many hidden
defects in men and women's bodies,2 they have a more
civil way ; for they have near every town a couple of
pools, (which they call Adam and Eve's jjools,) where
it is .permitted to one of the friends of the man, and

1 See More's Utopia, book ii. — R. L. E.

2 The translation adds qui matrimonium posted inftlix rf.dd.tr e possint.

NEW ATLANTIS. 395

another of the friends of the woman, to see them sev
erally bathe naked."

And as we were thus in conference, there came one
that seemed to be a messenger, in a rich huke,1 that
spake with the Jew : whereupon he turned to me and
said ; " You will pardon me, for I am commanded
away in haste." The next morning he came to me
again, joyful as it seemed, and said, i; There is word
come to the governor of the city, that one of the Fa- f^t
thers of Salomon's House will be here this day seven-
night : we have seen none of them this dozen years.
His coming is in state ; but the cause of his coming
is secret. I will provide you and your fellows of a
good standing to see his entry." I thanked him, and
told him, " I was most glad of the news." The day
being come, he made his entry. He was a man of
middle stature and age, comely of person, and had an
aspect as if he pitied men. He was clothed in a robe f
of fine black cloth, with wide sleeves and a cape. His ,
under o-arment was of excellent white linen down to
the foot, girt with a girdle of the same ; and a sindon
or tippet of the same about his neck. He had gloves
that were curious, and set with stone ; and shoes of
peach-coloured velvet. His neck was bare to the ^
shoulder^ His hat was like a helmet, or Spanish
Montera ; and his locks curled below it decently :
they were of colour brown. His beard was cut round,
and of the same colour with his hair, somewhat lighter.2
He was carried in a rich chariot without wheels, lit
ter-wise ; with two horses at either end, richly trapped

1 indutus tunica picta et innuratd.

2 The words "somewhat lighter" are omitted in the translation.

396 NEW ATLANTIS.

in blue velvet embroidered ; and two footmen on each
side in the like attire. The chariot was all of cedar,
gilt, and adorned with crystal ; save that the fore-end
had pan n els of sapphires, set in borders of gold, and
the hinder-end the like of emeralds l of the Peru colour.
There was also a sun of gold, radiant, upon the top,
in the midst;2 and on the top before, a small cherub
of gold, with wings displayed. The chariot was cov
ered with cloth of gold tissued upon blue. He had
before him fifty attendants, young men all, in wrhite
sattin lopse coats to the mid-leg ; and stockings of
•srhite silk ; and shoes of blue velvet ; and hats of blue
velvet ; with fine plumes of divers colours, set round
like hat-bands. Next before the chariot went two men,
bare-headed, in linen garments down the foot, girt, and
shoes of blue velvet ; who carried the one a crosier,
the other a pastoral staff like a sheep-hook ; neither
r , of them of metal, but the crosier of balm-wood, the
pastoral staff of cedar. Horsemen he had none, neither
before nor behind his chariot: as it seemeth, to avoid
all tumult and trouble. Behind his chariot went all
the officers and principals of the Companies of the
City. He sat alone, upon cushions of a kind of ex
cellent plush, blue ; and under his foot curious carpets

of silk of divers colours, like the Persian, but far finer.

He held up his bare hand as he went, asjblessing the
people, but in silence. The street was wonderfully
well kept : 3 so that there was never any army had
their men stand in better battle-array, than the people
stood. The windows likewise were not crowded, but

1 emerauds in orig.

* Eliam in media verlicis cathedra, sol erat, ex auro radians.

8 Plateau ita eranl ordinatce ut via ampla pateret, nullibi inlercluta.

NEW ATLANTIS. 397

every one stood in them as if they had been placed.
When the sheAv Avas past, the JeAV said to me ; " I
shall not be able to attend you ] as I Avould, in regard
of some charge the city hath laid upon me, for the en
tertaining of this great person." Three days after,
the JeAV carne to me again, and said; "Ye are happy
men ; for the Father of Salomon's House taketh knowl
edge of your being here, and commanded me to tell you
that he will admit all your company to his presence,
and have pmrate conference Avith one of you that ye
shall choose : and for this hath appointed the next

day after to-morroAv. And because he meaneth to

.
give_ypu his blessing, he hath appointed it in the fore- f u-

noon." We came at our day and hour, and I was
chosen by my felloAvs for the private access. We
found him in a fair chamber, richly hanged, and car
peted under foot, Avithout any degrees to the state.
He Avas set upon a IOAV throne richly adorned, and a
rich cloth of state over his head, of blue sattin em
broidered. He AA^as alone, save that he had two pages
of honour, on either hand one, finely attired in white.
His under-garments were the like that AVC saAV him
Avear in the chariot; but instead of his gown, he had
on him a mantle Avith a cape, of the same fine black,
fastened about him. When AATC came in, as AVO Avere
taught, we bowed low at our first entrance ; and when
Ave Avere come near his chair, he stood up, holding
forth his hand ungloved, and in posture of blessing ;
and we every one of us stooped down, and kissed the
hem $>f his tippet. That done, the rest departed, and
I remained. Then he Avarned the pages forth of the
room, and caused me to sit down beside him, and spake

to me thus in the Spanish tonmie :

— ^— WW

l Per aliquot jam dies dttinebor. quo minus, <fc.

l><

398 NEW ATLANTIS.

" GOD bless thee, rny son ; I will give thee the
greatest jewel I have. For I will impart unto thee,
for the love of God and men, a relation of the true
state of Salomon's House. Son, to make you know
the true state of Salomon's House, I will keep this
order. First, I will set forth unto you the end of our
, foundation. Secondly, the preparations and instru
ments we have for our works. Thirdly, the several
employments and functions whereto our fellows are
assigned. And fourthly, the ordinances and rites-
which we observe.

" The End of our Foundation is the knowledge of
Causes, and secret motions of things ; l and the enlarg
ing of the bounds of Human Empire, to the effecting
of all things possible.

" The Preparations and Instruments are these. We
have large and deep caves of several depths : the deep
est are sunk six hundred fathom ; and some of them
are digged and made under great hills and mountains :
so that if you reckon together the depth of the hill
and the depth of the cave, they are (some of them)
above three miles deep. For we find that the depth
of a hill, and the depth of a cave from the flat, is the
same thing ; both remote alike from the sun and heav
en's beams, and from the open air. These caves we
call the Lower Region. And we use them for all co
agulations, indurations, refrigerations, and conservations
of bodies. We use them likewise for the imitation of
natural mines ; and the producing also of new artificial
metals, by compositions and materials which we use,2

1 et motuum, ac virtutum interiorum in Nalura.

2 qux ibi praparamus.

NEW ATLANTIS. 399

and lay there for many years. We use them also
sometimes, (which may seem strange,) for curing of
some diseases, and for prolongation of life in some
hermits that choose to live there, well accommodated
of all things necessary ; and indeed live very long; by
whom also we learn many things.

" We have burials in several earths,1 where we
put divers cements, as the Chineses do their porcellain.
But we have them in greater variety, and some of
them more fine. We have also great variety of com
posts, and soils,2 for the making of the earth fruitful.

" We have high towers ; the highest about half a
mile in height ; and some of them likewise set upon
high mountains ; so that the vantage of the hill with
the tower is in the highest of them three miles at least.
And these places we call the Upper Region : account
ing the air between the high places and the low, as a
Middle Region. We use these towers, according to
their several heights and situations, for insolation, re
frigeration, conservation ; and for the view of divers
meteors ; as winds, rain, snow, hail ; and some of the
fiery meteors also. And upon them, in some places,
are dwellings of hermits, whom we visit sometimes,
and instruct what to observe.

" We have great lakes both salt and fresh, whereof
we have use for the fish and fowl.3 We use them
also for burials of some natural bodies : for we find a
difference in things buried in earth or in air below
the earth, and things buried in water. We have also

1 Habemus etiam alias sepulturas corporum naturalium et maleriarum;
non in concavo aliquo, sed in ipsa terrd contigud, ubl complura ccementa
condimus, <fc.

2 stercoratiimum et Jlmorum varietalem magnam, item congestionum et
massarum aliarum, cfc.

8 aves item palustres et aquaticas, omnis generis.

400 NEW ATLANTIS.

pools, of which some do strain fresh water out of salt ;
and others by art do turn fresh water into salt. We
have also some rocks in the midst of the sea, and some
bays ! upon the shore, for some works wherein is re
quired the air and vapour of the sea. We have like
wise violent streams and cataracts, which serve us for
many motions : 2 and likewise engines for multiplying
and enforcing of winds, to set also on going divers
motions.3

" We have also a number of artificial wells and
fountains, made in imitation of the natural sources and
baths ; as tincted upon vitriol, sulphur, steel, brass,
lead, nitre, and other minerals. And again we have
little wells for infusions of many things, where the
waters take the virtue4 quicker and better than in
vessels or basons. And amongst them we have a
water which we call Water of Paradise, being, by
that we do to it, made very sovereign for health,
and prolongation of life.

" We have also great and spacious houses, where
we imitate and demonstrate 5 meteors ; as snow, hail,
rain, some artificial rains of bodies and not of water,
thunders, lightnings ; 6 also generations of bodies in
air ; as frogs, flies, and divers others.

" We have also certain chambers, which we call
Chambers of Health, where we qualify the air as we
think good and proper for the cure of divers diseases,
and preservation of health.'

1 loca qiuedam aprica. - motuum viokntorum.

8 qua vtntos excipiant, multiplicent, et roborent.

* ubiaqua (current scilicet} virtutem corporum mellus et vivacius, <fc.

* i. e. exhibit: in quibus imitamenta et reprcesentationes meteororvm ea&»-
bemui.

6 The translation adds coruscationum.

1 This experiment has been tried, especially by Dr. Beddoes of Clifton,

NEW ATLANTIS. 401

" We have also fair and large baths, of several mix
tures, for the cure of diseases, and the restoring of
man's body from arefaction : and others for the con- -
firming of it in strength of sinews, vital parts, and the
very juice and substance of the body.

" We have also large and various orchards and gar
dens, wherein we do not so much respect beauty, as
variety of ground and soil, proper for divers trees and
herbs :' and some very spacious, where trees and berries
are set whereof we make divers kinds of drinks, besides
the vineyards. In these we practise likewise all con
clusions of grafting and inoculating, as well of wild-
trees as fruit-trees, which produceth many effects.
And we make (by art) in the same orchards and
gardens, trees and flowers to come earlier or later
than their seasons ; and to come up and bear more
speedily than by their natural course they do. We
make them also by art greater much than their nature ;
and their fruit greater and sweeter and of differing
taste, smell, colour, and figure, from their nature.
And many of them we so order, as they become of
medicinal use.

" We have also means to make divers plants rise
by mixtures of earths without seeds ; and likewise to J
make divers new plants, differing from the vulgar ;
and to make one tree or plant turn into another.

" We have also parks and inclosures of all sorts of
beasts and birds, which we use not only for view or
rareness, but likewise for dissections and trials ; that
thereby we may take light what may be wrought upon
the body of man. Wherein we find many strange ef-

but without any marked result. Some relief has been obtained in cases
of phthisis by inhaling oxygenated air. — £. L. E.
VOL. v. 26

402 NEW ATLANTIS.

fects ; as continuing life in them, though divers parts,
which you account vital, be perished and taken forth ;
' - < resuscitating of some that seem dead in appearance ;
and the like. We try also all poisons and other med
icines upon them, as well of chirurgery as physic.1
By art likewise, we make them greater or taller than
their kind is ; and contrariwise dwarf them, and stay
their growth : we make them more fruitful and bear-
ins: than their kind is ; and contrariwise barren and

0 *

not generative. Also we make them differ in colour,
shape, activity, many ways. We find means to make
commixtures and copulations of different kinds ; which
have produced many new kinds, and them not barren,
as the general opinion is. We make a number of
kinds of serpents, worms, flies, fishes, of putrefaction ;
whereof some are advanced (in effect) to be perfect
creatures, like beasts or birds ; and have sexes, and do
propagate. Neither do we this by chance, but we
know beforehand of what matter and commixture
what kind of those creatures will arise.2'

" We have also particular pools, where we make
trials upon fishes, as we have said before of beasts
and birds.

" We have also places for breed and generation
of those kinds of worms and flies which are of
special use ; such as are with you your silk-worms
and bees.

1 The translation adds ut corpori humano melius caveamm.

2 This passage is quoted with great approbation by Geoffroi St. Hilaire
at the end of a memoir on the results of artificial incubation read before
the Academy of Sciences in 1826, and published in the Annales du Museum
for that year. It may be said that he was the first by whom the scientific
importance of monstrosities was fully appreciated, and in answer to the
objections which were made to the study of Teratology on the ground of
its inutility, he invokes the authority of Bacon. — R. L. E.

NEW ATLANTIS. 403

*' I will not hold you long with recounting of our
brew-houses, bake-houses, and kitchens, where are
made divers drinks, breads, and meats, rare and of
special effects. Wines we have of grapes ; and drinks
of other juice of fruits, of grains, and of roots : 1 and
of mixtures with honey, sugar, manna, and fruits dried
and decocted. Also of the tears or woundings of trees,
and of the pulp of canes. And these. drinks are of
several ages, some to the age or last of forty years.
We have drinks also brewed with several herbs, and
roots, and spices ; yea with several fleshes, and white
meats ; 2 whereof some of the drinks are such, as they
are in effect meat and drink both : 3 so that divers, es
pecially in age, do desire to live with them, with little
or no meat or bread. And above all, we strive to
have drinks of extreme thin parts, to insinuate into the
body, and yet without all biting, sharpness, or fretting ;
insomuch as some of them put upon the back of your
hand will, with a little stay, pass through to the palm,
and yet taste mild to the mouth. We have also waters
which we ripen in that fashion, as they become nour
ishing ; so that they are indeed excellent drink ; and
many will use no other. Breads we have of several
grains, roots, and kernels : yea and some of flesh and
fish dried ; with divers kinds of leavenings and season
ings : so that some do extremely move appetites ; some
do nourish so, as clivers do live of them, without any
other meat ; who live very long. So for meats, we

1 decoctionibus granorum et radicum.

2 quin et additis qitandoque carnibus, ovis, lacticiniis, et aliis esculenlis.

3 Chocolate, which however was well known in Bacon's time, seems to
fulfil this description. It long since gave rise to a doubt whether drinking
it amounted to breaking fast. See the treatise of the Jesuit Hurtado,
"Utrum potio chocolatica frangat jejunium EcclesiaV' — £. L. E.

404 NEW ATLANTIS.

have some of them so beaten and made tender and
mortified, yet without all corrupting, as a weak heat
of the stomach will turn them into good chylus, as
well as a strong heat would meat otherwise pre
pared. We have some meats also and breads and
drinks, which taken by men enable them to fast
long after ; and some other, that used make the very
'flesh of men's bodies sensibly more hard and tough,
and their strength far greater than otherwise it
would be.

" We have dispensatories, or shops of medicines.
Wherein you may easily think, if we have such va
riety of plants and living creatures more than you
have in Europe, (for we know what you have,) the
simples, drugs, and ingredients of medicines, must like
wise be in so much the greater variety. We have
them likewise of divers ages, and long fermentations.
And for their preparations,1 we have not only all
manner of exquisite distillations and separations, and
especially by gentle heats and percolations through
divers strainers, yea and substances ; 2 but also exact
forms of composition, whereby they incorporate almost,
as they were natural simples.

" We have also divers mechanical arts, which you
have not ; and stuffs made by them ; as papers, linen,
silks, tissues ; dainty works of feathers of wonderful
lustre ; excellent dyes, and many others ; and shops
likewise,3 as well for such as are not brought into vul
gar use amongst us as for those that are. For you
must know that of the things before recited, many of

1 medicinarum prteparationes.

2 per diversa lintea, lanea, ligna, imh et substantias solidiore$.
8 officinas etiam aliquarum artium prcedictarum.

NEW ATLANTIS. 405

them are grown into use throughout the kingdom ; but
yet if they did flow from our invention, we have of
them also for patterns and principals.1

" We have also furnaces of great diversities, and
that keep great diversity of heats ; fierce and quick ;
strong and constant ; soft and mild ; blown, quiet ;
dry, moist ; and the like. But above all, we have
heats in imitation of the sun's and heavenly bodies'
heats, that pass divers inequalities and (as it were)
orbs, progresses, and returns, whereby we produce
admirable effects. Besides, we have heats 2 of dungs,
and of bellies and maws of living creatures, and of
their bloods and bodies ; and of hays and herbs laid
up moist ; of lime unquenched ; and such like. In
struments also which generate heat only by motion.3
And farther, places for strong insolations ; and again,
places under the earth, which by nature or art yield
heat. These divers heats we use, as the nature of the
operation which we intend requireth.

" We have also perspective-houses, where we make
demonstrations of all lights and radiations ; and of al]
colours ; and out of things uncoloured and transparent, ^/^
we can represent unto you all several colours ; not in *4f\x °
rain-bows,4 as it is in gems and prisms, but of them
selves single.5 We represent also _aU multiplications
of light, which we carry to great distance, and make
so sharp as to discern small points and lines : also all

*• A **— - Li ' •

colorations of light: all delusions and deceits of the

& (jf t-

1 eorum quandoqu^ exemplaria, tanquam primigenia, et optime elaborata,
in Domo nostra. retinemus.

2 imitationes caloris.

8 Bacon seems to refer to the result of his investigation into the form
of heat, namely that heat is a kind of motion. — R. L. E.
* nan in forma iridum gliscentes. 5 sedper se simpttces el constarties.

406 NEW ATLANTIS.

sight, in figures, magnitudes, motions, colours : all dem
onstrations of shadows.1 We find also divers means,
yet unknown to you, of producing of light originally
from divers bodies. We procure means of seeing ob
jects afar off; as in the heaven and remote places ; and
represent things near as afar off, and things afar off as
near ; making feigned distances. We have also helps
for the sight, far above spectacles and glasses in use.2
We have also glasses and means3 to see small and mi
nute bodies perfectly and distinctly ; as the shapes and
colours of small flies and worms, grains and flaws in
gems, which cannot otherwise be seen ; observations
in urine4 and blood, not otherwise to be seen.5 We
make artificial rain-bows, halos, and circles about light.6
We represent also all manner of reflexions, refractions,
and multiplications of visual beams of objects.

" We have also precious stones of all kinds, many
of them of great beauty, and to you unknown ; crys
tals likewise ; and glasses of divers kinds j and amongst
them some of metals vitrificated, and other materials
besides those of which you make glass. Also a num-

1 umbrarum et imaginum in aere volitantium.

2 quce (jisoculis vestris et speculis, usu longe prcestant.
8 artificia.

* It has been proposed to facilitate the examination of diabetic urine
by an apparatus in which the amount of sugar present in it is to be meas
ured by its effect on the plane of polarisation of polarised light transmit
ted through it. — R. L. E.

6 Nothing that has been accomplished with the microscope would have
interested Bacon more than the discoveries of Schleiden and Schwann,
because nothing has brought us so near the latens processus by which the
tissues of organic life are formed. Jt is remarkable,that when Schleiden
had as he conceived destroyed the analogy between the developments of
vegetable and animal life, by showing that all vegetable tissues are de
veloped by cells, Schwann should have re-established it more clearly than
before by showing that this is true of all animal tissues also. —R. L. E.

6 halunes, circulas, vibrationes et Irepidationes luminis.

NEW ATLANTIS. 407

ber of fossils, and imperfect minerals, which you have
not. Likewise loadstones of prodigious virtue ; and
other rare stones, both natural and artificial.

" "We have also sound-houses, where we practise and
demonstrate all sounds, and their generation. We have
harmonies which you have not, of quarter-sounds, and
lesser slides of sounds.1 Divers instruments of music
likewise to you unknown, some sweeter than any you
have ; together with bells and rings that are dainty
and sweet. We represent small sounds as great and
deep ; likewise great sounds extenuate and sharp ; we
make divers tremblings and warblings of sounds, which
in their original are entire. We represent and imitate
all articulate sounds and letters, and the voices and
notes of beasts and birds. We have certain helps
which set to the ear do further the hearing greatly.
We have also divers strange and artificial echos, re
flecting the voice many times, and as it were tossing
it : and some that give back the voice louder than it
came ; some shriller, and some deeper ; yea, some ren
dering the voice differing in the letters or articulate
sound from that they receive. We have also means
to convey sounds in trunks and pipes, in strange lines
and distances.2

" We have also perfume-houses ; wherewith we join £•••>
also practices of taste. We multiply smells, which
may seem strange. We imitate smells, making all
smells to breathe out of other mixtures than those
that give them.3 We make divers imitations of taste

1 miscentes non tanlum Beta illud aculum et molle, ut vos, sed quadrantes
tonorum ; et sonos Iremulns aliquos dulcissimos.

2 [ad magnam distantinm, el in lineis torluosis.] This is now done very
effectively by means of gutta percha tubing. — R. L. E.

8 This power of imitating smells is one of the recent achievements of

408 NEW ATLANTIS.

likewise, so that they will deceive any man's taste.
And in this house we contain also a confiture-house;
where we make all sweet-meats, dry and moist,1 and
divers pleasant wines, milks, broths, and sallets, in far
greater variety than you have.

" We have also engine-houses, where are prepared
engines and instruments for all sorts of motions.
There we imitate and practise to make swifter mo
tions than any you have, either out of your muskets
or any engine that you have ; and to make them and
multiply them more easily, and with small force,2 by
wheels and other means : and to make them strong
er, and more violent than yours are ; exceeding your
greatest cannons and basilisks. We represent also
ordnance and instruments of war, and engines of all
kinds : and likewise new mixtures and compositions
of gun-powder, wildfires burning in water, and un
quenchable. Also fire-works of all variety both for
pleasure and use. We imitate also flights of birds ;
we have some degrees of flying in the air ; 3 we have
ships and boats for going under water,4 and brooking

chemistry. From fusil oil, a product of the distillation of spirits from
potatoes, itself exceedingly offensive, may be got oil of apples, oil of
pears, oil of grapes, and oil of cognac. The oil of pine-apples and that
of bitter almonds enable confectioners to imitate perfectly the scent and
flavour of pine-apples and bitter almonds respectively, and both, like the
perfumes already mentioned, are got from very offensive substances. —
R. L. K

1 The translation adds imo et condimus ea cum rebus aliis dulcibus, gra-
tissimis, prceter saccharum et mel.

2 rrwtus reddere faciliores et intentiores, eos muttiplicando per rotas et allot
modes.

8 gradus qitosdam habemus et commodities wcturoe per aerem instar ani-
malium alatorum.

* A boat for going under water was one of Drebbel's inventions ex
hibited in 1620. Bacon in the De Augmentis refers to another namely,
Drebbel's method of producing cold. — R. L. K

NEW ATLANTIS. 409

of seas ; also swimming-girdles and supporters. We
have divers curious clocks, and other like motions of
return,1 and some perpetual motions. We imitate also
motions of living creatures, by images of men, beasts,
birds, fishes, and serpents. We have also a great
number of other various 2 motions, strange for equality,
fineness, and subtilty.

" We have also a mathematical house, where are
represented all instruments, as well of geometry as
astronomy, exquisitely made.

" We have also houses of deceits of the senses ;
where we represent all manner of feats of juggling,
false apparitions, impostures, and illusions ; and their
fallacies. And surely you will easily believe that we
that have so many things truly natural which induce
admiration, could in a world of particulars deceive the
senses, if we would disguise those things and labour
to make them seem more miraculous. But we do hate
all impostures and lies : insomuch as we have severely
forbidden it to all our fellows, under pain of ignominy
and fines, that they do not shew any natural work or
thing, adorned or swelling ; 3 but only pure as it is,
and without all affectation of strangeness.

" These are (my son) the riches of Salomon's
House.

" For the several employments and offices of our
fellows ; we have twelve that sail into foreign coun
tries, under the names of other nations, (for our own
we conceal ;) who bring us the books, and abstracts,

1 et alias motus aeris et aquarum, in orbem etper vices revertentes.

2 The word " various," which seems to be redundant, is omitted in the
translation.

3 artificioso apparatu ementitum.

410 NEW ATLANTIS.

and patterns of experiments of all other parts.1 These
we call Merchants of Light.

" We have three that collect the experiments which
are in all books. These we call Depredators.

" We have three that collect the experiments of all
mechanical arts ; and also of liberal sciences ; and also
of practices which are not brought into arts. These
we call Mystery-men.2

" We have three that try new experiments, such
as themselves think good. These we call Pioners or
Miners.

" We have three that draw the experiments of the
former four into ^titles and tables, to give the better
light for the drawing of observations and axioms out
of them. These we call Compilers.3

" We have three that bend themselves, looking into
the experiments of their fellows, and cast about how
to draw out of them things of use and practice for
man's life, and knowledge 4 as well for works as for
plain demonstration of causes, means of natural divi
nations, and the easy and clear discovery of the virtues
and parts of bodies.5 These we call Dowry-men or
Benefactors.6

" Then after divers meetings and consults of our

1 qui libros, et materias et exemplaria experimentorum ad nos perferunt.

2 In the translation they are called Venatores, hunters; a name, how
ever, which does not seem to distinguish their peculiar office so accurately
as " mystery-men," that is, men whose business was to inquire after
mysteries, i. e. crafts.

8 These represent the formation of the tables comparentise, absentiae in
proximo, and graduum. See Novum Organum, ii. § 11 — 13. — R. L. E.

For " compilers," the translation has divisores, distributors.

4 necnon qua, inserviant scientiis, non solitm quoad opera, sed, $c,

6 quce sint in corporibus sinyulls paries latentes, quce virtutes.

6 These represent the Vindemiatio prima. See Nov. Org. ii. § 20. —
R. L. K

NEW ATLANTIS. 411

whole number, to consider of the former labours and
collections,1 Ave have three that take care, out of them,
to direct new experiments, of a higher light, more pen- y
etrating into nature than the former. These we call
Lamps.

" We have three others that do execute the ex
periments so directed, and report them. These we
call Inoculators.

" Lastly, we have three that raise the former dis
coveries by experiments into greater observations, ax
ioms, and aphorisms.2 These we call Interpreters of
Nature.

" We have also, as you must think, novices and
apprentices, that the succession of the former employed
men do not fail ; besides a great number of servants
and attendants, men and women. And this we do
also : we have consultations, which of the inventions
and experiences which we have discovered shall be
published, and which not : and take all an oath of
secrecy, for the concealing of those which we think
fit to keep secret : though some of those we do reveal
sometimes to the state, and some not.3

" For our ordinances and rites : we have two very
long and fair galleries : in one of these we place pat
terns and samples of all manner of the more rare and
excellent inventions : in the other we place the statua's
of all principal inventors. There we have the statua

1 qui Inheres et collections prior es penitus introspiciunt et quasi ruminantur.

2 The translation adds that this was only done after consultation with
the whole body. Quodfaciunt iwn nisi consultatione et colloquis prius hdbitit
cum sociis universis.

8 Etsi nonnulla ex Us, cum consensu, interdum Regi out Senatui revekmus :
alia autem omnino intra noiitiam nostrum cohibemus.

412 NEW ATLANTIS.

of your Columbus, that discovered the West Indies :
also the inventor of ships: your monk that was the
inventor of ordnance and of gunpowder : the inventor
of music : the inventor of letters : the inventor of
printing : the inventor of observations of astronomy :
the inventor of works in metal : the inventor of glass :
the inventor of silk of the worm : the inventor of
wine : the inventor of corn and bread : the inventor
of sugars : and all these by more certain tradition than
you have. Then have we divers inventors of our own,
of excellent works ; which since you have not seen,
it were too long to make descriptions of them ; and
besides, in the right understanding of those descrip
tions you might easily err. For upon every invention
of value, we erect a statua to the inventor, and give
him a liberal and honourable reward. These statua's
are some of brass ; some of marble and touch-stone ;
some of cedar and other special woods gilt and adorn
ed : some of iron ; some of silver ; some of gold.

" We have certain hymns and services, which we say
daily, of laud and thanks to God for his marvellous
works : and forms of prayers, imploring his aid and
blessing for the illumination of our labours, and the
turning of them into good and holy uses.

" Lastly, we have circuits or visits of divers princi
pal cities of the kingdom ; where, as it cometh to pass,
we do publish such new profitable inventions as we
think good. And we do also declare natural divina
tions 1 of diseases, plagues, swarms of hurtful creatures,
scarcity, tempests, earthquakes, great inundations, com
ets, temperature of the year, and divers other things ;

l Prcedidmus etiam antequam adveniant (id quod ad Naturales Divina-
tiones pertinet) morbos epidemicos, $c.

• NEW ATLANTIS. 413

and we give counsel thereupon what the people shall
do for the prevention and remedy of them."

And when he had said this, he stood up ; and I,
as I had been taught, kneeled down ; and he laid
his right hand upon my head, and said ; " God bless
thee, my son, and God bless this relation which I have
made. I give thee leave to publish it for the good of
other nations ; for we here are in God's bosom, a land
unknown." And so he left me ; having assigned a
value of about two thousand ducats, for a bounty to
me and my fellows. For they give great largesses
where they come upon all occasions.

[THE REST WAS NOT PERFECTED.]

PR^CIPUE QUOAD USUS HUMANOS.i

THE prolongation of life.
The restitution of youth in some degree.
The retardation of age.
The curing of diseases counted incurable.
The mitigation of pain.
More easy and less loathsome purgings.
The increasing of strength and activity.
The increasing of ability to suffer torture or pain.
The altering of complexions, and fatness and lean
ness.

The altering of statures.
The altering of features.

The increasing and exalting of the intellectual parts.
Versions of bodies into other bodies.
Making of new species.
Transplanting of one species into another.

i This paper follows the New Atlantis in the original edition, and con
cludes the volume.

416 MAGNALIA NATURE.

Instruments of destruction, as of war and poison.
Exhilaration of the spirits, and putting them in good
disposition.

Force of the imagination, either upon another body,

or upon the body itself.
Acceleration of time in maturations.
Acceleration of time in clarifications.
Acceleration of putrefaction.
Acceleration of decoction.
Acceleration of germination.
Making rich composts for the earth.
Impressions of the air, and raising of tempests.
Great alteration ; as in induration, emollition, &c.
Turning crude and watry substances into oily and

unctuous substances.

Drawing of new foods out of substances not now in
use.

Making new threads for apparel ; and new stuffs ;

such as paper, glass, &c.
Natural divinations.
Deceptions of the senses.
Greater pleasures of the senses.
Artificial minerals and cements.

PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.

PART m.

WORKS ORIGINALLY DESIGNED FOR PARTS OP THE INSTAU-
RATIO MAGNA, BUT SUPERSEDED OR ABANDONED ;

ARRANGED
ACCORDING TO THE ORDER IN WHICH THEY WERE WRITTEN.

" Because you were wont to make me believe you took liking to my writings, I
send you some of this vacation's fruits ; and thus much more of my minJ and
purpose. I hasten not to publish : perishing I would prevent ; and am forced to
respect as well my times as the matter. For with me it is thus, and I think with all
men in my case : if I bind myself to an argument, it loadeth my mind ; but if I rid
myself of the present cogitation, it is rather a recreation. This hath put me into
these miscellanies, which I purpose to suppress if God give me leave to write a just
and perfect volume of Philosophy, which I go on with, though slowly." — Ltttcr to
Bishop Andrews upon sending him the ' Cogitata et Visa.'''

•27

PREFACE.

WE have now collected all of Bacon's philosophical
works which there is reason to believe he would him
self have cared to preserve. The rest contain but
little matter of which the substance may not be found
in one part or another of the preceding volumes, re
duced to the shape in which he thought it would be
most effective. In his eyes, those which follow belong
ed to the part of the race which was past and was not
to be looked back upon ; for the end which he was
pursuing lay still far before him, and his great anxiety
was to bequeath the pursuit to a second generation,
which should start fresh from the point where he was
obliged to leave it.

It is not so however with us. In our eyes the in
terest which attaches to his labours is of a different
kind. We no longer look for the discovery of any
great treasure by following in that direction. His
peculiar system of philosophy, — that is to say, the
peculiar method of investigation, the " organum," the
" formula," the " clavis," the " ars ipsa interpretandi
naturam," the " filum Labyrinthi," or by whichever
of its many names we choose to call that artificial
process by which alone he believed that man could
attain a knowledge of the laws and a command 'over

420 PREFACE.

the powers of nature, — of this philosophy we can
make nothing. If we have not tried it, it is because
we feel confident that it would not answer. We re
gard it as a curious piece of machinery, very subtle,
elaborate, and ingenious, but not worth constructing,
because all the work it could do may be done more
easily another way. But though this, the favourite
child of Bacon's genius which he would fain have
made heir of all he had, died thus in the cradle, his
genius itself still lives and works among us ; whatever
brings us into nearer communion with that is still in
teresting, and it is as a product and exponent of Ba
con's own mind and character that the Baconian phi
losophy, properly so called, retains its chief value for
modern men.

Viewed in this light, the superseded or abandoned
pieces which are here gathered together under this
third head are among the most interesting of the
whole collection. For in them we may trace more
than can be traced elsewhere of what may be called
the personal history of his great philosophical scheme,

— the practical enterprise in which it engaged him,
and its effect on his inner and outer life. We can
not indeed trace the Idea back to its great dawn : to
the days when, in the fearless confidence of four and
twenty, he wrote TEMPORIS PARTUS MAXIMUS at the
head of the manuscript in which it was first set forth,

— thinking no doubt in his inexperience that Truth
had only to show her face in order to prevail. Our
records do not go so far back as that : and before the
period at which they begin a shadow had fallen across
the prospect. The presumptuous " maximus " has been
silently withdrawn and " masculus " put in its place.

PREFACE. 421

Instead of that overconfidence in the sympathy of his
generation we find what looks like an overapprehension
of hostility. And it is in deprecating general objec
tions ; in answering, mollifying, conciliating, or con
triving to pass by prejudices ; in devising prefaces,
apologies, modes of putting his case and selecting his
audience so as to obtain a dispassionate hearing for
it ; that we find him, if not chiefly, yet much and
anxiously employed.

It is probably to the experiences and discouragements
of this part of his career that we owe the greater part
of the first book of the Novum Organum, which em
bodies all the defensive measures into which they drove
him ; but though the result may be seen there, the
history may be better traced in these fragments. It
is in them that we can best see how early this idea of
recovering to Man the mastery over Nature presented
itself to him ; presented itself not as a vague specula
tion or poetic dream, but as an object to be attempted ;
the highest at which a man could aim, yet not too high
for man to aim at ; — how certain he felt that it might
be accomplished if men would but make the trial fair
ly ; how clearly he saw or thought he saw the way to
set about it ; how vast his expectations of the good to
come ; how unshakable his confidence in the means
to be used ; what immense intellectual operations that
confidence gave him courage to enter upon and patience
to proceed with, — deliberately, alone, year after year,
and decade after decade, still hoping for success in the
end, — delays, distractions, disappointments, discourage
ments internal and external, notwithstanding. They
serve moreover to remind us of another fact which it
is not unimportant to remember, and which, judging

422 PREFACE.

from the events of later times, we are too apt to over
look or forget, — namely, how little authority in matters
of this kind his name carried with it in those days.
" A fool could not have written it, and a wise man
would not," is said to have been the criticism of a
great Oxford scholar upon an early sketch of the
Instauratio. And how little Bacon could trust for a
favourable hearing of his case to his personal reputation
among his contemporaries during the first fifty years
of his life, appears from his hesitation, uncertainty,
and anxiety as to the form in which he should cast it,
and the manner in which he should bring it forward.
For we find among these fragments not merely suc
cessive drafts of the same design, (which would prove
nothing more than solicitude to do the work well,)
but also experimental variations of the design itself, in
which the same matter is dressed up in different dis
guises, with the object apparently of keeping the author
out of sight ; as if he had thought that a project of
such magnitude would be entertained less favourably if
associated with the person of one who had done noth
ing as yet to prove any peculiar aptitude for scientific
investigation, or to entitle him to speak on such mat
ters with authority. Thus at one time he seems to
have thought of bringing his work out under a fanciful
name, probably with some fanciful story to explain it ;
as we see in the mysterious title " Valerius Terminus,
&c. with the Annotations of Hermes Stella" At an
other he presents the same argument in a dramatic
form ; as in the Redargutio Philosophiarum, where
great part of what became afterwards the first book
of the Novum Organum is given as a report of a speech
addressed to an assembly of philosophers at Paris. At

PREFACE. 423

another he tries to disguise himself under a style of
assumed superiority, quite unlike his natural style ; as
in the Temporis Partus Masculus, where again the very
same argument (for it is but another version of the
Redargutio Philosophiarum) is set forth in a spirit of
scornful invective poured out upon all the popular rep
utations in the annals of philosophy ; — a spirit not
only alien from all his own tastes and habits moral and
intellectual, but directly at variance with the policy
which he was actually pursuing in this very matter ;
which was to avoid as much as possible all contradic
tion and collision, and to treat popular prejudices of
all kinds with the greatest courtesy and tenderness : —
an inconsistency which I know not how to account for,
except by supposing that he had been trying experi
ments as to the various ways in which popular opinion
may be conciliated ; and knowing that many a man
had enjoyed great authority in the world by no better
title than that of boldly assuming it, had a mind to try
how he could act that part himself, and so wrote this
exercise to see the effect of it ; and finding the effect
bad, laid it by. Another thought which he had, —
still probably with the same view of avoiding the con
trast between the lofty pretensions of the project and
the small reputation of the author, — was to publish it
in a distant place. In July, 1608, remembering that
a prophet is not without honour except in his own
country, he was considering the expediency of begin
ning to print in France.1 And about the same time
the idea of shadowing himself under the darkness of
antiquity seems to have occurred to him: for I am
much inclined to think that it was some such consid-
1 Commentarius solutus.

424 PREFACE.

eration which induced him in 1609 to bring out his
little book De Sapientid Veterum ; where, fancying
that some of the cardinal principles of his own phi
losophy lay hid in the oldest Greek fables, he took
advantage of the circumstance to bring them forward
under the sanction of that ancient prescription, — and
so made those fables serve partly as pioneers to pre
pare his way, and partly as auxiliaries to enforce his
authority.

Altogether, the result of my endeavours to arrange
and understand these experimental essays and discarded
beginnings, is a conviction that Bacon was not more
profoundly convinced that he was right, than uneasily
apprehensive that his contemporaries would never think
him so ; and that for the first fifty years of his life his
chief anxiety was, not so much to bring his work into
the most perfect shape according to his own concep
tion, as to bring it before the world in a manner which
should insure patient and attentive listeners, and in
volve least risk of miscarriage, — the carrying of the
world with him being in such an enterprise a condition
essential to success. And this I have thought the more
worth pointing out, because the course of proceeding
which he ultimately resolved on tends to hide it from
us. For his final resolution was, as we know, to
discard all fictions and disguises, and utter his own
thoughts in his own person after the manner which
was most natural to him. But we are to remember
that before he came to that determination, or at least
before he put it in execution, the case was materially
altered and the principal cause of embarrassment re
moved. For besides that he had then been four years
Lord Chancellor, the great reputation which he had

PREFACE. 425

acquired in other fields — in the House of Commons,
the Courts of Law, and the Star-Chamber, — coupled
with the well-known fact that his favourite pursuit all
the time had been natural philosophy, concerning which
he had long had a great work in preparation, — this
reputation had given to his name the weight which
before it wanted ; insomuch that there was then per
haps no mouth in Europe which could command a
larger audience, or from which the prophecy of a new
intellectual era coming upon the earth could proceed
with greater authority, than that of Francis Bacon.

Nevertheless, when I say that these pieces are chief
ly interesting on account of the light they throw on
Bacon's personal hopes, fears, and struggles, I am far
from meaning to underrate their intrinsic and indepen
dent value. Those who are most perfectly acquainted
with the works by which they were superseded will
not the less find them well worth the studying. Many
of them are in form and composition among Bacon's
most perfect productions ; and if in successive processes
of digestion he succeeded in sinking the thought deep
er and packing the words closer, it was often at the
expense of many natural and original graces. What
they have gained in weight and solidity they have lost
sometimes in freshness, freedom, and perspicuity ; and
it will generally be found that each helps to throw
light on the other.

J. S.

COGITATIONES

SGIENTIA HUMANA.

PREFACE

COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

THE value of this collection would be much increas
ed if the dates of the several pieces could be fixed, or
even the order of succession. I fear however that it
is impossible to do this with any certainty. I have
arranged them in the order in which it seems to me
most probable that they were written, but the evidence
is so scanty and unsatisfactory that I wish every reader
to consider it an open question and to judge for him
self upon the data which will be laid before him.

This which I place first, and to which for conven
ience of reference I give the title Cogitationes de Sci-
enttd Humand, is a fragment, or rather three separate
fragments, that have not been printed before. They are
copied from a manuscript which came to the British
Museum among the papers of Dr. Birch, who appears
to have received it from the executors of Mr. John
Locker. Locker was a friend of Robert Stephens, the
Historiographer Royal ; was employed by him to see
through the press his second collection of Bacon's let
ters, published in 1734 ; was afterwards engaged in pre
paring an edition of all Bacon's works, but died before
it was completed ; whereupon the task, together with

430 PREFACE TO THE

the papers which he had collected, was transferred to
Dr. Birch.

Of the histpry of this manuscript I have not been
able to learn anything beyond what appears upon
the face of it. It is a transcript in a hand of the
18th century, and has evidently been made from a
mutilated original ; blank spaces having been left by
the transcriber in several parts, such as would occur
in the copy, not of an unfinished or illegible writing,
but of one worn away at the edges of the outer leaves.
The leaves of the transcript are put together in a false
order, and are not numbered ; which makes it less easy
to guess what the original consisted of. But it looks
as if there had been three separate papers, each want
ing a leaf or two at the beginning, and each containing
a series of " Cogitationes " or short philosophical es
says. The transcript has been corrected throughout
by Locker himself and prepared for the press or the
copyist ; some passages being marked for omission, and
some to stand, and titles being added to the latter. It
seems that he meant to include in his edition of Bacon's
works all those portions which were not to be found
elsewhere in the same or nearly the same words. As
these titles do not appear to have formed part of the
original, I have omitted them here ; my object being
to print Bacon's own paper as Locker received it ;
which I suppose the transcriber to have copied as cor
rectly as he could.

The subjects of cogitation are various, and not ar
ranged in any logical order. I find interspersed among
them the four fables, Metis, Soror Grigantum, Coelum,
and Proteus, exactly as they are printed in the Dt
Sapientid Veterum ; and the fifth, sixth, seventh, and

COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA. 431

tenth of the Cogitationes de Rerum Naturd, exactly as
they are given by Gruter ; except a few verbal differ
ences which I have pointed out where they occur. In
the last mentioned (which forms the seventh article of
the first fragment), the passage about the new star in
Cassiopeia appears in the same words and with the same
context precisely ; and therefore the reasons which I
have given for presuming that the Cogitationes de Re-
rum Naturd were written before 1605 are equally ap
plicable to this fragment. It is on this account that
I place it first in the series; not that some of the
other pieces contained in this part may not have been
written earlier than 1605, but that there is none
among them concerning which I have such good
grounds for concluding that it cannot have been writ
ten later.

The Cogitatio in which this passage occurs is imme
diately followed by one on the true relation between
natural philosophy and natural history ; in which the
kind of natural history on which a sound and active
philosophy may be built is particularly described. If
we could be sure that this also was written before 1605,
the fact would be valuable ; as showing that this part
of the design was no after thought, but was as clearly
conceived, and its essential importance as fully recog
nised, in 1605 as in 1620. In the Parasceve and in
the admonition prefixed to the Historia Ventorum (mo-
nendi sunt homines, &c.), the impossibility of carrying
the work on without such a collection of natural his
tory, though more fully and anxiously insisted upon,
is not more distinctly understood. The presumption
however which fixes the date of the preceding Cogi
tatio does not necessarily hold with regard to this,

432 PREFACE TO THE

because it may no doubt have been added afterwards ;
and the word partitionem at the end of the paragraph
in page 443 may seem to imply that it -was meant for
the Partitioned Seientiarum, and therefore written after
the plan of the Imtauratio Magna had been laid out
in its ultimate form.

The miscellaneous character of these meditations
makes the loss of the rest of less consequence. It is
easy to strike into the argument of each, and to refer
it to its proper place in Bacon's philosophy. It may
be convenient however, as they are for the most part
without explanatory titles, to give here a list of the
several pieces, with a note of the subjects to which
they refer.

FIRST FRAGMENT.

1. (Cog. 3.) Of the limits and end of Knowledge : the

same argument which is handled in the first

o

chapter of Valerius Terminus, and the opening
of the Advancement of Learning. (The be
ginning wanting.)

2. (Cog. 4.) Of the Use of Knowledge.

3. (Cog. 5.) The fable of Metis.

4. (Cog. 6.) The fable of the Sister of the Giants.

5. (Cog. 7.) The fable of Ccelum.

6. (Cog. 8.) The fable of Proteus.

1. (Cog. 9.) Of the error in supposing a difference in

point of eternity and mutability between things

celestial and things sublunary.
8. (Cog. 10.) Of Natural History considered as the

groundwork of Natural Philosophy. (Imperfect

at the end.)

COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA. 433

SECOND FRAGMENT.

1. (Cog. 8.) That general consent affords no presump

tion of truth in matters intellectual.

2. (Cog. 9.) Of the error of supposing that conversancy

with particulars is below the dignity of the human
mind.

3. (Cog. 10.) The exposition of the fable of Midas.

(Not included in the De Sapientid Veterum.')

THIRD FRAGMENT.

1. Of wisdom in the business of life. (The beginning

wanting.)

2. That the quantum of matter is always the same.

3. Of the sympathy between bodies with sense and bodies

without.

4. Of apparent rest, and solidity and fluidity.

The notes to these pieces, and the explanatory re
marks within brackets, are mine.

J. S.

COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

THE FIRST FRAGMENT.1

.... a Deo defectionem homini insinuavit.2 Quod
vero ad terminos sobrietatis attinet, eos demum legit-

7 o

imos et veros esse censemus, qui sensus aditum ad
divina prohibeant ; ut jam dictum est. Si enim per
alas sensus male conglutinatas ad Dei naturam, vias,
voluntatem, regimen, et reliqua mysteria, tanquam ex
propinquo audacius conspicienda, superbo volatu effera-
mur, praecipitium certum nos manet. Atque hoc est
quod per fallaciam philosophies et ylorice oppfessionem
cavere jubernur. Quicquid vero non est Deus, sed
pars Universi aut Creatura, hujus certe contemplatio
et scientia obscuritate ssepius et difficultate removetur,
sed nullo edicto separatur. Certe Scriptura, post vicis-
situdines rerum et temporum commemoratas, ad extre-
mum subjungit : Cuncta fecit bona in tempore suo, et
mundum tradidit disputationibus eorum ; ut tarn en non
inveniat homo quod operatus est Deus ab initio usque ad
finem : ubi satis aperte significat, tradi certe mundum
hominum contemplationibus et controversiis, et inh'nitas

1 Additional MSS. Brit. Mus. 425S. fo. 219.

2 He has been speaking, probably, of the nature of the temptation which
led to the fall of man ; viz. the promise that he should be as God, knmcing
yowl and evil.

436 COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

et abditas Naturas operationes posse erui ; opus autem
quod operatus est Deus ab initio usque ad finem, id est
legem Naturae summariam, qua} instar puncti verticalis
Pyramidis est, in quo bmuia coeuut in unum ; hoc in-
quam, non aliud quicquam, ab Intellectu liumano se-
poni. Nam ut idem Author affirmat, Lucerna Dei est
spiraculum hominis quo quceque interiora pervestiyat ; et
rarsus ait, Grloriam Dei esse rem celare, gloriam Regis
autem rem investigare; non aliter ac si Divina Natura
innocenti ac benevolo puerorum ludo delectaretur, qui
ideo se abscondunt ut inveniantur, ac animam huma-
nam sibi collusorem in hoc ludo pro sua in homines
indulgentia et bonitate elegerit. Itaque Deum Ficlei,
mundum sensus et scientiae humamie, vera objecta esse
ponimus. Quod vero ad artificium illud attinet, ut ex
ignoratione causarum major sit manus divinae recognitio
et veneratio ; hoc nil aliud est quam Deo per menda-
cium gratificari velle, quo ille prorsus nostro non eget.
Etiam et ilia; cogitationes parum piae sunt, si quis Dei
vicem timeat, ne religio detrimentum accipiat. Nam
haec rationem animalem et ficlei inopiam sapiunt, et
religionem tacite quodammodo imposturaa insimulant
[ac] si periculum ei ab inquisitione veritatis subsit.
Neque metuat quisquam ut Sensui Fides magis ex di-
ametro opponi possit quam per ea quae nunc, virtute
afflatus divini, creduntur; mundi creationem ex nihilo;
Dei incarnationem ; carnis resurrectionem. Atque no-
bis certe perfectissimum est, Naturalem Philosophiam,
post verbum Dei, certissimam superstitionis medicinam,
eandem (quod minim videri possit) probatissimum fidei
alimentum esse ; quantoque altius penetret, tanto for-
tius aniinos hominum religione perfundere. Nam in
limine philosophiae, in causis proximis moram faciendo,

THE FIRST FRAGMENT. 437

fortasse animus nonnihil deprimitur, et sensui obnoxius
efficitur. Sed postquam ascensus factus est, et catena
causarum ex opere divino fabrefacta in conspectum
venit, erigitur proculdubio animus, et ad religionem
praeparatur. Itaque existimamus Scientiam de Natura
tanquam fidissirnam Religion! ancillam praesto esse,
cum altera voluntatem Dei, altera potestatem mani-
festet. Neque erravit qui dixit Erratis nescientes scrip-
turas et potestatem Dei; informationem de Voluntate,
tanquam Fidei instrumentum, et meditationem de Po-
testate, tanquam ejusdem adminiculum, conjungens.
Veruntamen (quod verum rebus liumanis presidium
est) ad preces confugimus, et Deum supplices rogamus
ne ex reseratione viarum sensus et accensione majore
luminis naturalis aliquid incredulitatis-aut noctis animis
nostris erga divina mysteria oboriatur ; sed potius ut ab
intellectu a pbantasiis et vanitate puro et repurgato, et
divinis oraculis nihilominus subdito ac prorsus dedititio,
Fidei dentur quce Fidei sunt.

COGITATIO 4ta.

Atque cum de terminis et finibus Philosophic jam
dictum sit, res postulare videtur ut de usu ejus aliquid
addamus. Omnis enim scientia usu prudenter termi-
natur ; atque usui nomen finis vel praecipue competit :
in quo altius rem repetere visum est, ut fortius quod
tantum hominum intersit mentibus eorum incutiamus.
lu Divina Natura radius trinus per omnia splendet, et
in operibus et in attributis. Essentia et Creatio Mate-
ria3 ad Patrem; Essentia et Creatio Forma? ad Filium ;
duratio et conservatio Essentia? ad Spiritum Santum
refertur. Neque enim ait Scriptura Dixit Detis, fiat
Coelum et Terra, sed Creavit Deus Coelum et Terram.

438 COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

De operibus autem sex dierum, non ait Scriptura
Creavit Deus Lucem et quoe sequuntur ; sed Dixit
Deus, fiat Lux, et facia est Lux; et per omnia Cre-
ationem praecedit Verbum. Similiter, Potentia Patri,
Sapientia Filio, Charitas Spiritui Sancto attribuitur ;
ut et peccata iisdera attributis respondeant ; cum
peccata ex infirmitate contra Patrem ; peccata ex
ignorantia contra Filium ; peccata ex malitia contra
Spiritum Sanctum esse dicantur. Etiam origines de-
fectionis eodem spectant. Nam ex appetitu poten-
tias angeli lapsi sunt ; ex appetitu scientiss homi
nes ; sed Charitatis non est excessus ; neque inducit
cliaritas tentationem, neque Spiritus aut homo per earn
unquam in periculum venit. Qui enim ex ]>lenitudine
charitatis sibi exitium et anathema imprecati sunt, ut
Paulus et Moses, utcunque in extasi spiritus eo pro-
gressi, tamen offensionem apud Deum incurrisse non
reperiuntur. Itaque Deus proponitur hominibus ad
imitationem, secundum Charitatem, non secundum Po-
tentiam aut Sapientiam. Scriptum enim est, Diligite
inimicos vestros ut sitis filii Patris vestri qui in Coclis
est ; qui solem suum oriri facit super bonos et malos, et
pluit super justos et injustos. Angelus autem dixit in
se, Ascendam et ero similis A-ltissimo : non dixit Deo,
sed Altissimo. Similiter Homo, postquam tentationem
hausisset, efferebatur, et concupivit ut similis esset
Deo ; non simpliciter, sed in hoc ut sciret Bonum et
Malum. Neuter ad similitudinem charitatis divinae se
excitabat ; sed Angelo ministerii Dominatio, Creaturae
dominanti Scientia, desiderio fuit. Atque haac in praa-
senti adducimus, ut homines tantis oraculis moniti sci-
entia3 veros fines cogitent ; nee earn aut animi causa
petant, aut ut alios despiciant, aut ad commodum, aut

THE FIRST FRAGMENT. 439

ad lucrum, ant ad gloriam, aut hujusmodi inferiora.
Atque hie rursus, ut prius, Deum precamur ut deposito
scientiae veneno, a serpentis veneno jam a principle in-
fuso, quo animus humanus tumet, nee altum sapiamus,
nee ultra sobrium, sed Veritatem in Cliaritate colamus.

COGITATIO 5**.

Narrant poetae antiqui Jovem cepisse in uxorem
Metin, &c.

[Here follows the exposition of the fable Metis
sive ConsiUum, for which see De tSapientid
Vetentm, § xxx.]

COGITATIO 6to.
Finxere poetaa Gigantes e terr& procreates, &c.

[Here follows the exposition of the fable Soror
G-igantum sive Fama; for which see De Sap.
Vet. § x.]

COGITATIO 7ma. .

Finxere poetaa Coelum antiquissimum, &c.

[Here follows the exposition of the fable Coelum
sive origines; for which see De Sap. Vet.
§ xii.]

COGITATIO 8a.
Narrant poetae Proteum, &c.

[Here follows the exposition of the fable Proteus
sive Materia; for which see De Sap. Vet.
§ xiii.]

COGITATIO 9a.

De dissimilitudine coslestium et sublunarium quoad
ceternitatem et mutabilitatem, quod non sit verificata.

440 COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

[See Cogitationes de JRerum Naturd, § x., p. 228. of
this volume. These five Cogitationes agree exactly
with the copies elsewhere given, with the exception of
a very few verbal variations, which I have mentioned
in the notes. With regard to the last it is to be
observed that, though it follows the 8th Cogitatio
without any break, the words Cogitatio 9a. are not
written at the head of it, as in all the preceding; but
Cog. 10. is inserted in the margin ; from which I infer
that it was not numbered in the original, and that the
number 10 was inserted afterwards by the transcriber
in reference to the Cogitationes de Rerum Naturd
where it stands tenth and last. That it formed part
of the present series however, and belonged to this
place, may be inferred from the fact that it is imme
diately followed by]

COGITATIO 10a.

Furyiamenta solida Philosophise Naturalis purioris,
in Natural! Historia jaciuntur ; eaque copiosa et accut
rata. Aliunde petita philosophia natat et ventosa est
et agitatur et se confundit ; nee ad utilitates humanas
et partem activam ducit1 aut pertingit. Atque ut
distinctius loquamur, Historia Naturalis aut non satis
investigata aut non satis inspecta duo vitia et veluti
morbos aut corruptiones Theoriarum peperit. In al-
tero homines ad Sophistae potius, in altero ad Poetse
partes accedunt. Qui enim ex vulgaribus observation-
ibus theorise principiis concinnatis, reliqua in ingenii
discursu et argumentatione ponit, is quamcunque existi-
mationem aut fortunam Inventa sua sortiantur, tamen
revera ex veterum Sophistarum more et disciplina phi-

1 durat in MS.

THE FIRST FRAGMENT. 441

losophatur. Qui autem ex portione Naturae diligenter
et exquisite inclagata et observata tumidus et phantasioa
plenus alia omnia ad ejus exemplum et similitudinem
fieri fingit et somniat, is inter Poetas sane est conscri-
bendus. Itaque prudens et acutum erat illud Heracliti
dictum cum quereretur homines Philosophiam in mun-
dis propriis non in mundo majore qua3rere. Naturalem
enim Historiam leviter attingunt, atque in meditation-
ibus suis in immensum expatiantur ; neque hsec pru-
denter dividunt. Atque hujus rei exemplum, praeser-
tim morbi illius prioris, in Philosophis Scholasticis se
prodit ; qui cum ingenii acumine et robore pollerent,
et otio abundarent ; historic autem aut nature aut
temporum parvam partem nossent ; nee omnino variam
doctrinam hausissent ; sed meditationes suas intra vel-
uti cellas paucorum authorum, pracipue Aristotelis
(qui dictaturam apud eos gerebat), quemadmodum
personas intra cellas monasteriorum et collegiorum
clausissent ; ferocitatem autem et confidentiam earn
quse illos qui pauca norunt sequi solet (ut animalia
in tenebris . educata) acquisivissent ; ex materiaB quan-
titate non magna, ingenii vero agitatione infinita, telas
eas doctrina) confecerunt, qua3 (ut illas etiam arane-
arum) tenuitate fili et texturaa subtilitate sunt admi-
rabiles, sed substantia et virtute fere inutiles. Longe
autem magis mirandum est Aristotelem, tantum virum,
et tanti Regis opibus innixum, et in tanta rerum et
historiae varietate versatum, quique ipse tarn accuratam
de Animalibus historiam conscripserit, atque insuper
experimentis cujusvis generis cogitationem impertierit,
(quod ex libris ejus Problematum et Parvis Naturali-
bus manifestum est), quique etiam1 sensui justas partea

1 enim in MS.

442 COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMAXA.

tribuerit ; tamen Pliilosophiam suam de Natura a Re
bus omnino abstraxisse,1 et experientias desertorem
maximum fuisse, atque ea tantis laboribus peperisse
quae Dialectics potius (utcunque homines clistinguaut
et argutentur2) quam Physicaa aut Metaphysicae sint
accommodata. Verum ille ingenio incitato et impe-
rioso, atque per omnia ipse sibi author (cum antiqni-
tatem despiceret, experientiam autem in servilem mo-
dum ad opinionum suarum fidem traheret et quasi
captivam circumduceret), meritoque sane gal earn Plu-
tonis (obscuritatem scilicet quandam artificiosam) in-
duens, cum tantas turbas concivisset ; denique Dialec-
ticam suam. utpote artem ab eo (ut ipse licentius nee
tamen vere gloriatur) oriundam, interponens, et res
verbis mancipans, varietatem doctrine et scientia3 su;e
usu ambitioso et callido corrupit. Nos vero, licet
propter facultatis nostrae tenuitatem statuam Philoso-
phias efformare aut erigere non possimus, saltern basin
ei paremus, atque Historian Naturalis usum et dignita
tem hominibus praecipue commendemus. Neque enim
inventio prima Philosophies tantum ab ea pendet, sed
etiam omnis inventorum amplificatio et correctio. Ut
enim aquas non altius ascendunt quam ex quo descen-
derunt, ita doctrina et informatio ab aliquo authore vel-
uti cisterna qiiadam derivata non facile supra ejusdem
authoris inventa scandit aut insurgit. Ipsi rernm
fontes petendi sunt. Quamobrem si qua nobis fides
est aut judicium in his rebiis, quas certe summa cum
cura et maximis et indefessis animi laboribus. tracta-
mus, id ante omnia consulimus et monemus, ut Histo-
ria Naturalis diligens et seria et fida procuretur et com-
paretur. Atque habemus sane Historiam Naturalem,

1 absiraxissel in MS. 2 argueniur in MS.

THE FIRST FRAGMENT. 443

mole amplam, genere variarn, diligentia etiam curic-
sam ; vernntamen si quis ex ea ipsa fabulas et aritiqui-
tatis mentionem et philologiam et opiniones et similia
excerpat ac seponat, quai convivalibus potius sermoni-
bus et virorum doctorum noctibus quam institution!
Philosophise sunt accommodata, ad nil magni res reci-
det. Neque novum est in venire diligentiam simul in
rebus supervacuis curiosam et in magis necessariis
imparem. Atque hoc minime mirum videri debet,
Naturalem Historiam quai in manibus habetur1 non
earn esse quam nos animo et cogitatione metimur et
concipimus, curn hoc plerunque fiat, ut quod fine id
fere natura et genere differat. Naturalis autem His
torian inquisitio ab aliquibus suscepta est ut jucunda et
grata peregrinatio, qua? et cognitione et commemora-
tione delectet. Aliis doctrinae variae et lectionis multip-
licis fama est qmesita. Nobis autem longe aliud pro-
positum est. Earn enim Naturalem Historiam quaeri-
mus ex qua causae naturales potissimum informari
possint, et Philosophia condi, sensui fida, et operibus
testate. Itaque m'agna cura et judicii severitas ad-
hibenda est ut hujusmodi Historia2 sit fide certa, ob-
servatione definite non vaga, complexu rerum lata et
copiosa. Atque ut clarius et melius intelligatur quid
tandem desideremus3 et velimus, non alia magis ra-

7 o

tione illud declarari posse judicamus quam si Parti-
tionem Naturalis Historia3 subjungamus fini ipsi nostro
consentaneam.

Historia [Naturalis,4] vel Naturae liberae et tamen
ordinatce, [vel Na]turae errantis sive expatiantis, vel

1 habemus in MS. 2 historice in MS. 3 desyderemus in MS.

4 The spaces between the brackets are left blank in the manuscript
The words which I have inserted are supplied by conjecture.

444 COGITATION ES JDE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

Natura [arte] subactae et constricta?, facinora narrat.
Alia enira est Naturae dispcnsatio et actio cum sponte
fluit; alia cum materiae defectibus et excessibus et prav-
itatibus et insolentiis urgetur ; alia denique cum arte
et ministerio humano premitur. Itaque prima narratio
est ea cui Natural is Historiae Communis appellatio tri-
buitur ; cujusrnodi est Aristotelis, Plinii, Dioscoridis,
Gesneri, Agricolae, reliquorum. Secuncla, Historia
Mirabilium nuncupatur, aut simili titulo gaudet ; quam
etiam Aristoteles ipse non contempsit, alii autem ita
tractarunt ut eorum vanitatis et levitatis nota in rein
ipsam incurrat. Tertia est Historia Mechanica sive
Artium ; cui nemo incubuit aut operam constantem
et justam impendit ; sed alii alias artes, neque tamen
multi multas, scripto aliquo fortasse [tractarunt] eoque
ipso obscuro et ignobili, et [quod] apud plerosque lee-
tores sordescit. Atque earum partium prima rursus in
quatuor partes recte dividitur ; Historian! Coelestium ;
Historian! Meteororum ; Historian! Terras et Maris ;
et Historian! Specierum. Historian! Coelestium sim-
plicem esse cupimus ; suspensa omnino vi et potestate
Theoriarum ; qua?que solummodo phenomena ipsa sin-
cera, nempe astrorum numerum, magnitudinem, situs,
facies, motus, complectatur ; non omissa rerum vulga-
tissimarum mentione, eaque exacta ; adclita etiam ob-
servatione colorum, scintillationum, positionum, et si-
milium, licet ad cursus astrorum descriptionem nil faci-
ant. Non enim calculos meditamur, scd Philosophiam ;
earn qua; scilicet de superiorum non motu tantum, sed
substantia quoque et potestate, intcllectum humanum
informare possit. Historia vero Meteororum (ut et
ipsa) ex irnperfecte rnistis est. Postquam Aristoteles ]

l Aristotdis in MS.

THE FIRST FRAGMENT. 445

principia rei dedisset (licet diverse ab Historia modo)
nulla quas mentione digna est continuatio sequuta est,
qua? tamen huic parti vel maxime a . . -1 res sit ex
naturalibus maxime instabi[lis et] qua? regionibus et
temporibus plurimum [varfjetur. Si quid autem in
Historia Civili et annalibus temporum, de meteoris,
aliqilibus cometis, terras motibus, tempestatibus, et
hujusmodi, sparsim inseritur, illud saapius ejusmodi
est ut potius calamitatis et ominis rei quam nature et
modi meminerit. Certe inter Meteororum Historiam
dighissima commemoratio fuisset de Cometis, utilissima
de Ventis. Nee ea spernenda esset qua3 est de pluviis
prodigiosis vel de rebus ,qua3 ex alto decidunt, si fides
constaret. At Historia Terras et Maris ad pauca ex-
tenditur, licet ea quse ad sphaeram et partium terror
cum partibus coeli configurationem pertinent recipi-
antur. Neque enim termini Imperiorum, urbes, et
similia, quaa Cosmographiam implent, Naturalis Histo-
rias sunt ; cum vicissitudines manifestas patiantur et
liominem plane spirent. Terras figura, maris interpo-
sitio et occupatio, minerarum moles, solum ipsum non
feracitate [sed] substantia distinctum, fluvii, la[cus,
sfjnus, litora, paludes, aestus maris, gurgites et Euripi,
aquas calidas et varie . . . infectas2 igne exundantes,
et reliqua id genus, hujusmodi narration! debentur:
res sane vulgatse, sed consequentias earum non vulgata?.
Nam maria inter Tropicos, et magna utrimque a Trop-
icis distantia, pervia non esse ; duas insulas veteris et
novi orbis versus Boream latas, versus Au [strum an-
gustasj efformari ; Africam et inferiorem Americam
peninsulas esse; Mediterraneum mare sinuum, Cas-

1 debetur, cum ? The top of the d being worn off, it would look like a.

2 So in MS. The blank may be filled with per rimas.

446 COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

pium [IJacuum, maximum conspici ; et sirnilia ; si per
se accipias occurrunt, sed tamen Philosophia consu-
luntur et ad multa informationem praebent. Restat
Historia Specierum, quae certe tarn diligenter et copiose
elaborata et exculta cernitur, ut non tarn aucta ea
quam repurgata opus est. Namque1 multus Plinius
in fabulis, antiquitate, et censura morum ; Gesnerus
autem haareditatem historiae sua3 ex multis partibus
Philologiaa ex paucis Philosophic . . . Certe si qua
ex parte deficit Historia Naturalis Specierum, ea ipsa
est quae [Hominem] intuetur et refert. Demptis enim
c[ivilibus,] parca est Hominis historia naturalis quas
sincera est. Reliqua duo Historiae Naturalis genera
hominibus summse curas esse debent. Habet enim
historia naturae sponte sua fusae contemplationem amoe-
nam, sed inquisitionem vagam. Historia autem Mir-
abilium homines ad operum magnitudinem invitat; His
toria Artium etiam deducit. Itaque quod ad prim [urn
horum] attinet, facessant fabulae, imposturae, levia.
Heteroclita sive Devia naturae examinentur tanquam
falsa, referantur et describantur tanquam vera ; id est,
non aucta re miraculi causa, sed potius intra modum.
Ante omnia, fabuisB et mendacia non tantum rejici-
antur, sed etiam notentur. Neque enim magis utilem
Historiaa Naturalis de Mirabilibus partem esse censeo,
quam si ea qua? [apud vulgus opijnionem quandam
veritatis obtinent, [sed facto] experimento falsitatis con-
vincuntur, nominatim damnentur et pro[scribantm.]

[Here the blanks left by the transcriber become so
frequent that it is impossible to follow the sense further.
Only it may be gathered that, after remarking that

1 Nam qua in MS.

THE FIRST FRAGMENT. 447

" as things now are, if an untruth in nature be once
on foot, what by reason of the neglect of examination
and countenance of antiquity, and what by reason of
the use of the opinion in similitudes and ornaments
^f speech, it is never called down," — (I quote a pas
sage from the Advancement of Learning with which it
is evident that the next sentence in this manuscript
closely corresponded,) — Bacon has recourse to the
illustration so happily developed in the 118th aphorism
of the first book of the Novum Organum, comparing
the mistakes which will occur in such a natural history
as he meditates to the misprints in a book ; — if there
be but a few, you can correct them by the sense of the
passage ; if many, you cannot find what the sense is :
so it is, he says, with Natural History and Philosophy.
" Nam si paucae vanitates admisceantur, eae a causis
ipsis inventis reprobantur ; sin spissaa, ipsam causarum
inquisitionem subvertunt. Itaque optimo consilio res
geretur, si triplex fidei ordo statuatur. Unus eorum
quaa damnantur ; alter eorum quas certo comperiuntur ;
tertius eorum quae fidei sunt [dubiaa.]" He concludes
his remarks on the Historia Mirabilium by observing
that it is useful in two ways — both excellent : " the
one " (again I quote the Advancement of Learning, for
the fragments of the sentence clearly show that it was
to the same effect,) — " the one to correct the partial
ity of axioms and opinions, which are commonly frained
only upon common and familiar examples ; the other
because from the wonders of nature is the nearest
intelligence and passage towards the wonders of art;
for it is no more but by following and as it were hound
ing nature in her wanderings, to be able to lead her
afterwards to the same place again."

448 COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

He then proceeds to speak of the Historia Median-
ica, — the third and last. And here, the blanks being
fewer, the sense may be clearly traced, and the missing
words probably supplied.]

Sequitur et superest [Historia] Naturalis Mechanica,
sive Exper[ientige] qualem artes exhibent: ut agri-
c[ultura], Pictoria,1 Tinctoria, Fabrilis. Addo [etiam
practicas] omnes, licet in artem non coaluerint, ut
[ve]nationum, aucupiorum, piscationum. N[eque ta-
men] exclude mechanicam partem liberalium artium,
quas vocant; Musicas, Perspective, Medicinse. Hsec
autem historia licet res minus solemnis sit et honoris et

[And here the manuscript suddenly stops in the
middle of the page ; being evidently a transcript from,
an original of which the outside leaves had been torn
away, and the others more or less injured, — most
towards the end.]

1 pinctura in MS.

COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

THE SECOND FRAGMENT.

De iScicntiis et mente. De prcejudido consensus, quod
itifirmum sit.1

CONSENSUS in doctrinis receptis, cujus ea est potestas
ut vim quandam hominum judiciis faciat et contradic-
tionem omnem infamet, recte perpendenti et sanam
mentem adducenti tantum a vera et solida authoritate
abest ut prassumptionem violentam inducat in contra-
rium. Scientiarum enim status certe perpetuo est dem-
ocraticus, qui status tempestas et insania in civilibus
appellari consuevit. Neque multo melius se gerit aut
probat in intellectualibus. Apud populum enim doc-
trinse contentiosse et pugnaces, aut rursus probabiles
et speciosse, plurimum vigent ; quales videlicet assen-
sum aut illaqueant aut alliciunt. Itaque pessimus
augur veritatis, studium et admiratio populi. Si quis
autem hasc ita fieri concedat, et sit firmior, et turbam
professoriarn non admodum vereatur, sed cum inter
eos non paucos ingenio et judicio excellere videat, ho-

1 Additional MSS. 4258. fo. 214. This begins at the top of a page, and
is not numbered. But as the other two Cogitations which complete this
fragment are number 9 and 10, I conclude that this was in fact Cogilatio
8a, the first seven having been lost.

VOL. v. 29

450 COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

rum suffragiis moveatur ; sciat se ratione fallaci niti.
Dubium enim non est, quin per singulas aetates maxima
ingenia vim passa sint, dum viri captu et intellectu non
vulgares, nihilo secius existimationi suaa caventes, tem-
poris et multitudinis judicio se submiserunt. Non enim
apud eosdem est pretium scientiarum et possessio : sed
quaa viri praestantes proponunt vulgus aestimat. Quod
si cui adhuc tamen rniruin videatur quod tot sgeculis
nil melius his quibus utiinur inveniri potuerit, is non
meminit hoc sa3pius accidere temporibus retroactis
potuisse, ut potiora istis caput extulerint et in lucem
venerint ; verum cum penes populum (ut dictum est)
sit judicium et delectus, memoriam eorum interire
necesse est; adeo ut altiores contemplationes oriantur
aliquando, sed fere non ita multo post opinionum vul-
garium ventis agitentur 1 et extinguantur. Quare non
dissimulanter monendum et pi'asdicendum est (ne quis
fortasse de expectatione sua decidat) veras de natura
opiniones a vulgaribus in immensum removeri, et fere
religionis instar duras et interdum primo aspectu pro-
digiosas ad hominum sensus et captus accedere ; ut in
Democriti opinione de Atomis usu venit, quaa quia
paulo iuterioris notae erat, lusu excipiebatur. Verum
haec ad animos hominum sanandos qui consensu per-
stringuntur pertinent.

COGITATIO 9a.

Insita est in animis hominum a natura et a disciplina
opinio et aestimatio tumida et damnosa, quaa philoso-
phiam veram et activam veluti exilio mulctavit, et
omni aditu prohibuit. Ea est, minui majestatem mentis
humanae si in experimentis et rebus particularibus, sen-

1 aijitantur in MS.

THE SECOND FRAGMENT. 451

sui objectis et in materia terminatis, diu et multum
versetur ; pra?sertim cum hujusmodi res ad inquiren-
dum laboriosae, ad meditandum ignobiles, ad dicendum
aspera3, ad practicam illiberales, numero irifinitae, et
subtilitate pusillas, videri soleant ; l adeo ut scientiarum
gloriam et nomen polluere fere existimentur. Quin
eo usque vanitas ista, et mentis, si verum nomen qua>
ratur, alienatio et excessus, provecta est, ut veritas
veluti animae humanae indigena, sensus autem intel-
lectum excitare non informare, ab aliquibus asserere-
tur. Neque errorem istum ab iis eorrigi contigit qui
sensui debitas, id est primas, partes tribuerunt ; verum
ex his quoque plurimi exemplo et facto suo, relicta om-
nino historia naturali et mundana perambulatione, om-
nia in meditatione et ingenii agitatione posuerunt ; et
sub specioso speculationum et rationalium titulo hom-
inum mentes ad rerum evidentiam nunquam satis
applicatas et addictas, inter opacissima et inanissima
mentis Idola perpetuo volutare docuerunt.2 Verum
istud rerum particularium repudium et divortium om-
nia in familia humana turbavit. Neque tantum liom-
ines monendi sunt ut experientiae se restituant atque
intellectus commentis et meditationum simulacris non
amplius confidant, verum ut inter experiments ipsa,
sive instantias, nee res exiles tanquam leves, nee res
vulgatas tanquam superfluas, nee res mechanicas tan
quam viles, nee res turpes tanquam indignas, nee res
praeter naturam tanquam odiosas aut infaustas, despi-
ciant aut rejiciant. Sane si capitolium aliquod humanae
superbiaa condendum et dedicandum esset, non nisi
auri fortasse et argenti et eboris ramenta et hujusmodi
res preciosas ad fundamenta ejus ingerere per pontifi-

1 wlent in MS. 2 docuerant in MS.

452 COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

ces liceret. Sed cum templum sanctum ad instar mundi,
mundoque ipsi quantum fieri potest parallelum et con-
centricum, fundandum sit, merito exemplar per omnia
sequi oportet. Nam quod essentia dignum est id etiam
dignum est reprassentatione. Scientia autem vera nil
aliud est quam essentiae repraesentatio sive imago. At-
que certe quemadmodum e certis putridis materiis optimi
odores se diftundunt, ita et ab instantiis sordidis (quibus
ut ait Plinius etiam honos praefandus sit) quandoque
eximia lux et informatio exhibetur. Eodem modo et
res tenues locupletes saepe testes sunt. Bulla in aquis
est res exilis et quasi ludicra ; tamen baud aliam in-
stantiam reperias quae duarum rerum paulo obscurio-
rum commodius fidem faciat. Una est de appetitu
continuitatis etiam in Liquidis; altera quod aer non
magnopere feratur sursum. Etiam nobile illud inven-
tum de acu nautica, quae stellis ipsis est stella certior,
in acubus ferreis, non in virgis aut vectibus ferreis, se
conspiciendum dedit. Itaque postulanda est ab ho-
minibus res difficilis sane, et a natura humana prorsus
aliena, sed imprimis utilis. Haec est ut eandem dili-
gentiam, attentionem, perspicaciam, in rebus vulgari-
bus, parvis, et obviis contemplandis et examinandis
sibi imperent, quam in rebus novis et magnis et miris
curiositas bumana adhibere solet : ratio enim non ali-
ter constat. Neque enim hoc est scire aut causam
reddere, si rara ad vulgata referantur et accommoden-
tur ; sed ut eorum quae raro et eorum quas frequenter
accidunt, causa? constantes et communes inveniantur.

COGITATIO 10a.

Fabula de servo Midse ad libellos famosos pertinere
videtur. Narrant enim Midas cubicularium cum anim-

THE SECOND FRAGMENT. 453

advertisset dominum suum aures habere asininas, id
nulli mortalium dicere ausum fuisse ; sed cum futilita-
tem naturalem reprimere non potuisset, cum ore in
terrge rimam applicato quod viderat retulisse ; unde
arundines editas esse, qua3 levi aura motae illud mur-
mure et susurro enuntiarent. Sensus est : cum regum
et procerum defectus et vitia ministris interioribus in-
notuerint, eos vanitate aulica et palatina secreti im-
patientes esse, nee debito silentio ea cohibere. Ac si
forte verbis abstineant, tamen aliis indiciis ea prodere,
quae postea in calamos ingeniorum malignorum inci-
dant ; qui maxime sub inclinatione temporis ad turbas
et rerum tumorem (tanquam vento flante) invidiosis
et famosis libellis ea spargunt in vulgus.

[Here the manuscript stops before the bottom of the
page ; and the other page is left blank.]

COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

THE THIRD FRAGMENT.

. . . l hominum actiones asquae et indifferentes, et prop-
terea vel optime [mo]rato liberae sunt. Rebus autem
agendis et usui singula, et interdum quae minima viden-
tur, aut prosunt aut officiunt. Adeo ut verba, vultus,
oculi, gestus, joci, sermo quotidianus, ad rem faciant,
et nil fere imperio et decreto vacet. Etiam virtutis
formse magis simplices et inter se consentientes sunt.
Prudentia autem Civilis innumeras formas, casque max-
ime inter se contrarias, quae rebus, personis, tempori-
bus, conveniant, desiderat. Adeo ut mirum minime
sit si fabula Protei ad viros prudentes transferatur ; qui
ab occasionibus constricti in omnes formas se vertunt,
donee liberi ad naturas suas redeant. Atque sane
admirabilis est species viri vere politici, in quo nil ab-
sonum, nil neglectum, nil stupidum, nil impotens, rep-
erire liceat ; sed qui sibi, caeteris, rebus, temporibus,
debita tribuens, et negotiorum principla, media, clausu-

i Additional MSS. 4258, fo. 223. This fragment begins at the top of
a page, without anything to show how much is missing. It is evidently
the conclusion of a Cogiiatio de Prudentia civili ; and appears to com
mence in the middle of a discussion concerning the difficulty of civil as
compared with moral wisdom.

THE THIRD FRAGMENT. 455

las, periodos, distinguens, singula cum delectu faciat.
Perfectissimus autem animi status, si sanitas affectuum
accedat et boni fines. Qui autem ex philosophise dis-
ciplina civilians rebus abstinent, aut in iisdem [se] ver-
santes tarn multa devitant ut actionuin magnitudinem
destruant ; ii omnino similes sunt iis qui ut valetudi-
nem consei'vent corporibus suis vix utuntur, et maxi-
mam temporis partem eorum curae impendunt. Itaque
ista, non frui ut non cupias, non cupere ut non metuas,
quaedam animi augustiae sunt ; et major est virtus quae
se sustinet quam quas se cohibet.

De Quanta Materice certo et quod1 mutatio fiat absque
interitu.

[See Cogitationes de Rerum Naturd, § v. This is
not numbered ; and the word Cogitatio has been writ
ten in the margin by the transcriber, as if it had not
been in the original.]

COGITATIO 7a.

De Consensu Corporum quce sensu prcedita sunt, et qua
sensu carent.

[See Cogitationes de Rerum Naturd, § vii.]

COGITATIO 6a.
De Quiete apparente et consistentia et fluore.

[See Cogitationes de Rerum Naturd, § vi.

The concluding sentence of this Cogitatio is not
found in Gruter's copy. In this transcript it closes
a paragraph and comes to the bottom of the leaf;

1 quce in MS.

456 COGITATIONES DE SCIENTIA HUMANA.

making it doubtful whether the original ended here
or not. It is to be observed that the numbers of the
last two Cogitationes are out of order, and coincide
with those in Gruter. It may be therefore that they
were not in the original, but inserted by way of ref
erence.]

END OF VOL. V.

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