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THE WORKS
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THE REV. JOSEPH BINGHAM, M.A.
EDITED BY
HIS LINEAL DESCENDANT
THE REV. R. BINGHAM, JUN,, M.A.
FORMERLY OF MAGDALENE HALL, OXFORD, AND
FOR MANY YEARS CURATE OF TRINITY CHURCH, GOSPORT.
A NEW EDITION, IN TEN VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
OXFORD: AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
M. DCCC. LY.
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THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS ‘GRISCHOVIUS’S -
LATIN VERSION OF THE WORKS
OF
JOSEPH BINGHAM.
ITA tandem multorum satisfieri ceepit votis, qui, ut Binghami Ort- eres Eccuss1 alia, quam Anglicana lingua, legi possent, vehementer optarunt. Ex quo enim per varias eruditorum ephemerides innotuit, quanto studio, quanta industria Auctor doctissimus in hocce argu- mento versatus sit, quam exactam et exquisitam eorum omnium, que, ut solide illud pertractaretur, requirebantur, secum attulerit notitiam, non poterant non ingenti cupiditate ad illud legendum in- flammari, quotquot antiquitatibus historizque ecelesiastice justum statuere pretium didicerunt. Hi ergo jam invenient, quo suam abunde expleant sitim, dum prima operis hujus pars, in Latinum translata sermonem, omnium se oculis offert, atque deprehendent
_ 1 (John Francis Buddeus was born at Aclam in Pomerania in 1667. He com- pleted his education at the University of Wittemberg, where he was Assistant- Professor of Philosophy in 1689. He was afterwards Professor of Moral and Political Philosophy at Halle in 1693, and eventually Professor of Theology at Jena in 1705, where he died in 1729. This Lutheran divine was a man of great learning and industry, as his rather numerous works, chiefly on theological sub- jects, declare. Ep.| a 2
1V THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO
nihil tam preclare de eo dictum esse aut dici posse, ut non multis modis illud superet.
Ecclesiastice antiquitatis qui contemnunt aut in minimis ponunt cognitionem, se ignaros eorum, que theologiz, immo et jurispruden- tie, vel maxime inserviunt, demonstrant. Jucundum non tantum est eorum, que hinc inde adhuc in nostris Ecclesiis conspiciuntur, cog- nitam perspectamque habere originem, sed utile etiam, immo neces- sarium, ut nostre veterisque Ecclesie comparatione instituta, inde discamus, quousque conveniant inter se, aut a se invicem dissentiant. Non is equidem sum, qui veterem Ecclesiam omnis plane nevi ex- pertem fuisse existimem, aut nostre hanc esse conditionem, ut, ad ritus et ceremonias quod attinet, cum veteri conspirare prorsus in omnibus aut possit, aut debeat: nec tamen iis profecto suffragari possum, qui veterum Christianorum instituta deprimunt nimis et ex- tenuant, eorundemque vestigia quevis remota atque omnino deleta cupiunt. Multa apud eos occurrunt, que et pietatem singularem, et fervorem zelumque ardentem pro gloria Dei, et indefessum studium vitee sanctitatem castitatemque cum doctrine puritate conjungendi, demonstrant ; qua quo magis hodie nonnullis, effrenz vivendi cunc- taque pro lubitu agendi libertati faventibus, eumque in finem vete- rum Christianorum dicta, facta, consuetudines, ritus, aut irridenti- bus, aut sinistra interpretatione depravantibus, displicent ; eo majo- rem promerentur laudem, qui ea contra, recte explicata et luce ma- jori collustrata, omnium oculis exponunt, ut quo jure aliquid aut lau- detur aut vituperetur, rursusque aut ceu spurium rejiciatur, aut ceu genuinum retineatur, quilibet, animum ad hec advertens, dijudicare queat. lLatissime quidem hec omnia patent, et tum in Ecclesiz regimine recte instituendo et administrando, tum et illorum, qui se Christianos profitentur, vita moribusque dijudicandis, usum suum de- monstrant: accedit tamen, quod ipsa quoque Ecclesize evangelice doctrina haud leve in antiquitate ecclesiastica presidium inveniat. Non utique eodem magnopere indigemus, quum Romanensibus ex sola Scriptura Sacra ita obviam ire queamus, ut victas dare manus cogantur ; provocandoque ad Ecclesiz auctoritatem id demum effi- ciant, ut omnes intelligant, apud verum legitimumque judicem se causa cecidisse. Quum vero illud insuper, quo unice adhuc se tuen- tur, munimentum, veteris Ecclesiz auctoritatem, illis itidem eripi- mus nobisque vindicamus, nostra eo certior non minus, quam cla- rior et evidentior redditur victoria. Errantque magnopere, si nos hocce pugne genus detrectare sibi persuadeant ; ad quod eo luben- tius potius descendimus, quo eo certiores sumus, potiorem saltem melioremque veteris Ecclesiz partem a nostris stare partibus. Que
THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. Vv
omnia ut aliunde constant, ita in hisce ipsis Originibus Ecclesiasticis ita subinde confirmantur, ut quod cordatis et ingenuis harum rerum existimatoribus dubium movere queat, supersit nihil.
Non desunt, fateor, qui in antiquitatibus ecclesiasticis illustrandis operam suam studiumque collocarunt. Ingens cumprimis illorum est numerus, qui partes quasdam singulatim sibi sumpserunt explican- das; quorum precipuas selectioresque commentationes in Thesauro, quem una cum viro clarissimo, Joanne Georgio Walchio2, molior, Ecclesiastico, junctim aliquando per Numinis propitium favorem ex- hibere est animus. Sed paucis admodum tantam librorum multitu- dinem legere, paucioribus sibi comparare, paucissimis eadem recte uti, datum est. Sunt porro, qui unico velut fasce cuncta complecti, aut integrum quoddam apteque coherens antiquitatum ecclesiastica- rum corpus proferre in lucem conati sunt, ut Joannes Baptista Casa- lius3, Guil. Caveus4, Gothofredus Arnoldus5,et alii quidam, certe non adeo multi. At, si dicendum quod res est, nemo illorum ita cuncta persecutus est, ut non semper exstiterint, qui plenius aliquod, et exquisitiori studio elaboratum ecclesiasticarum antiquitatum sys- tema desiderarent. Quz quidem gloria Binghamo nostro reservata videtur ; qui, si ad supremum fastigium non pervenit, quod nemini mortalium temere dabitur, omnium tamen, qui ante eum huncce campum ingressi sunt, industriam superavit, et longissime post se re- liquit. Conspirant in hocce opere cuncta, que pretium ejus augere possunt : tractatio plena, in qua nec desint necessaria, nec superflua tedium creent, ordo concinnus, probationes solide, et ex ipsis fonti-
2 [John George Walch was very much younger than Buddeus, who at this time was full fifty-seven years of age. But in the year 1724, when Buddeus wrote this Preface, Walch was Extraordinary Professor of Theology at Jena, and in 1726 Ordinary Professor. He was born at Meiningen in 1693. He died in 1775. Perhaps we owe his Miscellanea Sacra (Amstel. 1744,) or his Bibliotheca Theologica (Jenz, 1757,) to his intimacy with Buddeus. I am not aware that any Thesaurus Ecelesiasticus is extant, as the joint work of these divines. Ep. ]
3 [He was the author of several books on subjects of antiquities, e.g., De Pro- fanis et Sacris Ritibus Veteribus, Rome 1644. 4to. De Ritu Nuptiarum et Jure Connubiali Veterum, &c., in his book De Tragedia et Comedia Lucubratio, 80.» Lugd. Bat. 1699. 4to. Ep.]
4 [The well known author of the Historia Literaria, &c. Ep.)
5 [Geoffrey Arnold, born at Annaberg in Sept. 1665. Died in 1714. He was Minister of Paleberg and Historiographer to the King of Prussia. He is said to have been a very zealous partizan of the sect of the Pietists among the German Protestants. He was the author of A Histery of the Church and Some Heresies, Leipsic, 1700. 8vo. He also wrote A History of Mystical Theology, his only work in Latin. See De Feller’s Biographie Universelle, vol. 1. p- 298. Ep.)
vl THE PREACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED ΤΟ
bus, ubique diligenter indicatis, hauste, perspicuitas summa, omni proscripta obscuritate.
Nec offendet, puto, quenquam, quod ‘Saab doctissimus senten- tias, auctoritatis episcopalis seu hierarchize in Anglia defensoribus proprias, defendat. Hisce enim partibus quum ipsemet addictus sit, nemo ei hoc vitio vertere poterit. Quod si etiam, qui cum hisce fa- ciunt, in veteris Ecclesiz institutis ad sua placita flectendis nimii sunt, in idem tamen haud raro incurrunt vitium, qui illis, sepe sine pregpanti ratione, sese opponunt. Preterea, quum utraque pars in veteris Ecclesie disciplina et institutis causze suze presidium queerat, illud ex hisce certaminibus exstitit commodum, ut scriptis subinde egregiis nova lux antiquitatibus ecclesiasticis affunderetur, certe ma- jori studio ac industria in iis eruendis ac investigandis viri quidam eruditi versarentur, quam forte ceteroquin factum fuisset. Certe inter eos, qui pro episcoporum auctoritate et veteri disciplina reti- nenda militarunt, viros fuisse exquisita rerum veteris Ecclesiz no- titia imbutos, Joannis Pearsonii, Henrici Hammondi, Henrici Dod- welli, aliorumque, quorum nomina orbis eruditus veneratur, exempla testantur. Binghamo vero nostro hoc pre reliquis proprium est, quod magna animi moderatione judicioque singulari in hisce omni- bus versetur, adeo ut, si in quibusdam emendatione quadam opus. habet, longe plurima contra sint, ex quibus insignem lector capere queat utilitatem.
Ut exemplis quibusdam, que diximus comprobemus, quando Auctor (1.1. c. 5.) de Distinctione inter Laicos et Clericos®, verba fa-. cit, antiquitatem simul hujus distinctionis evincere annititur. Eum in finem primum producit testimonium Clementis Alexandrini7: tum vero ulterius progreditur, et ab Ecclesia Judaica originem suam du- cere asserit ; idque hocce Clementis Romani® testimonio confirmat : Τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ ἴδιαι λειτουργίαι δεδομέναι εἰσί. καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἴδιος ὁ τόπος προστέτακται, τοῖς Λευΐταις ἴδιαι διακονίαι ἐπίκεινται" ὁ λαϊκὸς ἄνθρωπος τοῖς λαϊκοῖς προστάγμασιν δέδεται. Summo sacerdoti sua munera tributa sunt, sacerdotibus locus proprius assignatus est, et Levitis sua ministeria in- cumbunt : laicus preceptis laicis constringitur. (Ep. 1. ad Corinth. ἢ. 40.) Quemadmodum vero in eo, quod a Judeis, apud quos sacri ordinis viri specialiori quodam sensu Sors Dei dicebantur, distinctio- nis hujus derivanda sit origo, me aliosque facile secum consentientes habet ; ita non zeque omnes inter se conveniunt, quando, et qua ra- tione, eadem ad Christianos sit translata. Enimvero, si testimonio
6 [Vol. 1. pp. 36-45. 7 Quis dives salvetur. See ibid. p. 36. n. 76. 8 Ibid. p.°37. n. 77. Ep.] phe
THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM'S WORKS. vil
Clementis Alexandrini locus concedatur, circa finem sezculi secundi eam in usu fuisse, inde colligetur, quod et Tertulliani auctoritate, si opus esset, confirmari posset. Ex Clementis autem Romani verbis id quidem conficitur, in Ecclesia Judaica hocce inter clericos et laicos discrimen obtinuisse, quod et positum est extra controversiam ; apud Christianos id jam ea etate in usu fuisse, nec Clemens dicit, nec ideo hocce comprobari potest effato. Scopus enim ejus atque totus sermonis nexus ostendunt eum, Ecclesie Judaice exemplo, tantum ostendere voluisse, ordinem certum in Ecclesia quoque Chris- tiana observandum esse. Quod si itaque probari nequit, tempore Clementis Romani hancce distinctionem atque appellationem in usu fuisse; multo minus asseri poterit eam ab ipsis Apostolis originem ducere, quod praeunte Cesare Baronio, contendit Petrus de Marca, in Dissertatione de Discrimine Clericorum et Laicorum ; refutante et rejiciente hance sententiam beato Christiano Kortholto nostro9, in Disquisitionibus anti-Baronianis ; (Disquisit. 5. ὃ. 4. p. 151.)
. Atque hee quum ita se habeant, valde dubito, an doctissimus Binghamus noster distinctionis hujus veritatem, contra Rigaltium, Salmasium, Seldenum, satis in tuto, quod pollicetur, collocaverit '°. Enimvero, discrimen aliquod inter eos, qui docentium munere aut aliis Ecclesie ministeriis fungebantur, et reliquos, qui nullum sibi impositum habebant officium, fuisse, ipsa ratio docet; indeque cla- rissime evincitur, quod Servator certas in Ecclesia functiones con- stituerit, docente Apostolo, Eph. 4, 11. Quare si quis clericorum et laicorum vocibus, nihil aliud, quam quod inter docentes et audi- tores, aut eos, qui certis muneribus funguntur vel iis non funguntur, intercedit, denotare vellet; tum quidem ipsum hocce haud dubie a divina institutione derivandum esset discrimen; parumque referret, guando demum voces iste ad illud significandum adhiberi ccepissent.
9 [I do not meet with any account of these Disquisitions against Baronius. Christian Kortholt the Elder certainly was not the author of any such book; and from the expression nostro it is evident that Buddeus speaks of a contemporary and a member too of the same University. Such was Christian Kortholt the Younger, the grandson of the former and son of Sebastian Kortholt, who suc- ceeded his father in the professorship at Kiel. The Younger Kortholt was born in that city in 1709; and such were his attainments in early life, that when only twenty years of age he was admitted to the Journal of Leipsic, and therein are many good pieces of his writing to be found till 1736. He was afterwards Chap- lain to the Danish Ambassador at Vienna, and was appointed in 1742 Professor of Divinity at Gottingen, where he died in 1751. His best work was entitled De Ecelesiis Suburbicariis. See more in Chalmers, vol. 19. p. 422. Ep.]
10 [Bearing in mind the low church views which Buddeus entertained of a hierarchy, we shall estimate the following passage accordingly. Ep.]
Vili THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO
Quum vero, ut antea observavimus, et Auctor eruditissimus fatetur, ex Ecclesia Judaica voces iste derivate sint, et altera quidem, seu vox clericus singularem quandam ἐξοχὴν, ministris Ecclesiz in Novo Testamento non debitam, et cum quodam illorum, qui laici dicuntur, contemptu conjunctam, indicare videatur, aliter censendum esse res ipsa ostendit. Non equidem puto, id sibi voluisse, qui primum hisce vocibus in Ecclesia usi sunt; fierique potuit, ut innocenti hoc facerent consilio, nec sacri ordinis viris aliam, quam que jure illis tribuitur, vindicare vellent dignitatem. Occasionem tamen hine ena- tam non diffiteor, qua sequiori «tate nonnulli ad imperium aliquod in reliquos, sacri ordinis viris vindicandum, abusi sunt. Horum enim ambitioni quum, sub Romanorum Pontificum tyrannide, nec modus nec finis poneretur, peropportunum illis hocce accidebat dis- crimen, quo eleric?, uti vocabantur, velut supra humanam sortem evecti, Jaicos, ceu infra eandem positos, contemnebant, et alto despiciebant supercilio. Et hactenus quidem distinctionem hancce inter causas, que imperio potestatique Papali incrementum dederunt, me non invito referre licebit. Nec tamen hoc obstabit, quo minus in sano sobrioque sensu in Ecclesiis Protestantium retineatur; ut ea nihil aliud, quam, quod ex ipso docentium munere oritur, discrimen mnuatur. Voces istas si quis ferre nolit, per me quidem non stabit, quo minus abrogentur, modo res ipsa secundum divinam institu- tionem salva maneat. Nec enim super iis magnopere cum quoquam contendendum existimo.
Dum Auctor noster in eo est, ut discrimen inter clericos et laicos edisserat, ad celeberrimum illud Petri Apostoli 11 effatum devolvitur, quo presbyteros adhortatur, Ne dominentur cleris, μήδ᾽ ὡς κατακυ- ριεύοντες τῶν κλήρων, Observatque post alios, verba hecce tam bona Ecclesize quam ipsum populum significare posse. Recte itaque ab illis episcopalis auctoritatis defensoribus discedit, qui τῶν κλήρων nomine ordines sacros inferiores denotari putant, ut adeo suprema episcoporum potestas hic vel maxime stabiliatur. Quod tamen quam absonum sit, vel inde intelligitur, quod Apostolus statim addit,— ᾿Αλλὰ τύποι γενόμενοι Tod ποιμνίου, Sed qui exempla sitis gregi. Per τοὺς κλήρους eosdem intelligi, quos τοῦ ποιμνίου seu gregis nomine designat, oppositionis ratio docet. At per gregem non clericos in- ᾿ ferioris ordinis, sed omnes generatim, qui ecclesiam constituebant, significari, vel inde manifestum est, quod hisce non minus, quam illis, vitee sanctitate ac integritate exemplum preire episcopus debeat, ad quod sese componant. Atque consentit hac in re nobiscum eru-
11 [t Pet. 5, 3. See Antiquities, as before, v. 1. p- 38. Ep.]
THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. 1x
ditissimus Auctor noster, τῶν κλήρων nomine ipsum hic venire popu- lum: sed addit, Nihil tamen dicunt amplius (qui populum intelligunt) quam quod de-populo Israélitico legimus, qui vocabatur Dei κλῆρος et λαὸς ἔγκληρος, “‘ Dei hereditas” et “ Populus possessionis.”’ (Deut. 9, 29; 4, 20.) Sicut et Judai et Christiani erant in oppositione Genti- lium ; hoc non obstante, Deus peculiarem in populo suo habebat κλῆρον, qui ipsius sors erant et hereditas, et hoc nomine distincti a laicis, hoc est, reliqua multitudine. At vero licet distinctionis hujus origo a Judeis peti queat, non eodem tamen modo sensuque eam apud Christianos locum invenire antea monuimus. Atque hinc reliqua, que clarissimus Auctor dicit, facili negotio dijudicari possunt. Accedimus ad id, yuod caput cause est, et de quo vel maxime inter episcopalis potestatis propugnatores, et eos qui eidem adver- santur, disceptari solet, originem episcoporum, et eorundem a pres- byteris distinctionem ; de qua Auctor, (1. 2, c.1,) verba facit 12, Talem, inquit 13, distinctionem in Ecclesia semper fuisse observatam liquet ex plerorumque veterum scriptorum testimoniis, qui de episcopis, presbyteris, et diaconis, tanquam distinctis in Ecclesia gradibus, et de duobus quidem posterioribus, ut primo subordinatis, loqguuntur. Lubens fateor statim post Apostolorum tempora distinctionem hanc inter episcopos et presbyteros exortam esse, adeoque longe esse antiquis- simam. Quum enim quibusdam in locis plures essent presbyteri, et vero inter hosce ordo aliquis observandus esset, non poterat non, qui primus inter eos erat 14, ἐξοχὴν quandam pre reliquis obtinere. Que quidem ἐξοχὴ quum sola virtutis, integritatis, sanctitatisque preestan- tia niteretur, ut ab imperio et auctoritate potestateque magistratui propria quam longissime aberat, ita veneratio quedam equidem, minime autem obsequium, vel etiam munerum aut prestationum diversitas, illi ex parte reliquorum presbyterorum respondebat. Preterea quum illi quibus Ecclesiz salus cure cordique erat, per- spicerent hanc unius presbyteri pre reliquis ἐξοχὴν ad concordiam conservandam funestasque evitandas dissensiones valere plurimum, eam non approbarunt solum sed commendarunt vehementer, eosque, qui ei se opponerent, objurgarunt. Nec erat, quod ea in re repre- hendi poterat, si intra primos limites substitisset. Hos vero quum migrarent, quibus honoris commodorumque suorum potior cura erat, quam salutis Ecclesie ; mirum non est, brevi temporis spatio episco- palem auctoritatem tantum cepisse incrementum, ut non modo pres- byteris multum se superiores esse contenderent, sed prestationes
12 [See vol. 1. pp. 46—59. 13 Jbid. 5. 2. p. 48. 14 The argument for the view of a primus inter pares which virtually denies episcopacy as a separate order, and regards a bishop as a ruling elder only. Ep.]
Χ THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO
quasdam functionesque ita sibi vindicarent, ut presbyteris easdem obire fas esse negarent diserte.. Jam ad Veterum testimonia quod attinet, ejusmodi distinctionem, quam proxima post Apostolos zetate inter episcopos et presbyteros fuisse diximus, omnino confirmant, plura inde non elicias.
Testimonia Ignatii, ita Auctor eruditissimus pergit 15, hue facientia tam firma sunt atque luculenta, ut nihil unquam adversus ea afferri potuerit, nisi quod non sint genuine antiqui istius auctoris reliquie ; ad guod vero a viris doctis toties responsum fuit, ut isti opinioni cum ratione nemo amplius inherere possit. Verissimum utique est Ignatii tam luculenta esse testimonia, ut iis refragari non liceat. Nec hodie quisquam harum rerum peritus temere invenietur, qui Epistolas istas — pro spuriis minusque genuinis habeat. Nec tamen aliud quid inde condiscas, quam tempore Ipnatii jam discrimen aliquod inter epi- scopos et presbyteros obtinuisse, ejusmodi videlicet, quale statim post Apostolorum tempora, aut forte circa extremam illorum etatem, exortum antea docuimus. Atque hoc modo reliqua etiam, que Auctor affert, testimonia recte sese habent. |
Quum vero ulterius asserit ordinem episcoporum ab Apostolis in- stitutum, preter episcopalis potestatis in Anglia propugnatores, (de Romanensibus enim ut quidquam dicam, necesse non est,) paucos forte secum consentientes habebit. Non tantum enim nullum hujus rei in Scriptura Sacra exstat vestigium, sed contra, eosdem plane et episcopos et presbyteros tempore Apostolorum fuisse innuitur. Certe presbyteros etiam episcopos dictos ex Act. 20, 17 et 28, con- discimus. lidem enim presbyteri, quos Epheso ad se arcessivit Paulus, ver.17, diserte episcopi vocantur, ver.28. Sic et quum Paulus jussisset, ut Titus oppidatim constitueret presbyteros idoneos, qui essent inculpati, tanquam dispensatores rerum divinarum, non luxu infames, aut contumaces, (Tit. 1,5, 6,) statim rationis loco subjicit, quod tales deceat esse episcopos. Qui pro episcopatus origine divina pugnant, simul asserere solent unius urbis unicum tantum esse posse epi- scopum. At Ephesi plures fuisse episcopos itidem ex Actor. 20, 17—28, patet. Nec est, quod excipias, non Ephesine solum sed aliarum simul Asie urbium episcopos intelligi. Ejus enim rei nullum apud Lucam deprehendimus vestigium. Accedit, quod et ex Philipp. 1, 1, recte colligatur, Philippis quoque plures fuisse episcopos, seu, quod perinde est, plures presbyteros, qui et epi- scopi dicti sint, et qui omnes fuerint xquales. Quum vero etiam Actor. 20, 17—28, de episcopis seu presbyteris dicatur, quod attendere gregi et pascere ecclesiam Christi debeant, unum omnium
| “15 [Ibid. p. 48. Ep.]
THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. ΧΙ
fuisse officium, nec ‘episcopos peculiare aliquod pre presbyteris habuisse, inde edocemur '6. Idque confirmat Petrus, quando inquit, Presbyteros obsecroego compresbyter (συμπρεσβύτερος), pascite gre- gem, qui in vobis est. (1 Ep. 5,1, 2.) Ubi, quum se συμπρεσβύτερον appellitet, et tamen episcopos alloquatur, nullum inter presbyteros et episcopos eum constituisse discrimen manifestum est. Diserte quo- que, quod episcoporum munus est, pascere gregem presbyteris tribuit. Atque, hee quum ex Sacris Literis constent, testimonia scriptorum ecclesiasticorum, que episcopatus originem ab apostolica derivare institutione videntur, non multum nobis facessent negotii: quan- quam si paulo accuratius considerentur, nec nostre repugnent sen- tentiz.
Lidem auctores, inquit Binghamus noster 17, ceteris omnibus con- sentientibus declarant, non esse eum (episcoporum ordinem) ab homi- nibus inventum, sed initio ab ipsis Apostolis ex divina ordinatione constitutum. Episcoporum ordinem, in se spectatum, non esse ab hominibus inventum,.sed ab Apostolis, quin ipso Christo institutum, lubentes fatemur, idque nos ipsemet condocet Apostolus, Eph. 4, 11. Sed questio est de ejusmodi ordine episcoporum, qui a presbytero- rum ordine non tantum distinctus, sed eodem etiam multum est superior, ita ut munera quedam illi tribuantur, quibus presbyteris fungi non licet; quem si secundi tertiive seculi Patres apostolicz constitutioni tribuerent, mirum equidem id non esset, cum jam ea tempore episcopi se supra presbyteros efferre inceperint; facileque contingere potuerit, ut eam quam animo conceperant, episcopi no- tionem in Ecclesia apostolica se invenisse sibi persuaderent: nec tamen istud ex illorum, que proferuntur, testimoniis colligas. Pro- vocat Auctor 18 ad illud Tertulliani: Ordo episcoporum, ad originem recensus, in Joannem stabit auctorem 19, (Adv. Marcionem, 1. 4. c. 5:)
_ 16 [This argument against the Author’s use of Act. 20, 17—28, is surely not of much weight. If these elders were presdbyters literally in our sense and only so, then, I grant, Paul terms them dishops, or rather overseers, as they over- looked and watched for their respective flocks. But it is scarcely likely that Ephesus alone had so many pastors already at that time of day. Is it not more probable that the chief ministers or ruling elders of Ephesus and the regions around had assembled at the metropolis expecting that Paul might meet them there, which being unable to accomplish, he summoned them to the sea-coast, and so held a council of chief pastors or real-bishops at Miletus? Eb. ]
17 [Ibid. 5. 3. vol. 1. p. 51.
18 Ibid. Vid. nn. 46, 47. Ep.]
19 [I may take this opportunity of replying to a most needless stricture, which Dr. George Campbell, in his Lectures on Ecclesiastical History, (Aberdeen, 1815, Y. 1. p. 169.) has thought proper to pass on the way in which my Ancestor has
xii THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO
Addit : Quocum exacte congruit, quod Clemens Alexandrinus de eo (Joanne) memoria prodidit, nimirum quod, quum ex insula Patmo Ephesum rediisset, ad finitimas quoque provincias se contulerit, ut episcopos constitueret, et homines sibi a Divino Spiritu indicatos in clerum quendam seu sortem Domini seponeret ; (In libro, Quis dives salvetur? p.185.) Verum Clementem Alexandrinum in hisce verbis nihil aliud dicere video, quam, Joannem, cum ex Patmo insula Ephe- sum rediisset, in provinciis finitimis episcopos constituisse. Num tales, quia presbyteris fuerunt distincti, iisque multum superiores ? Id vero Clemens non dicit ; nec ex verbis ejus hoc colligere possum. Alibi equidem, (scilicet Pedag. 1. 3. c. 12.) presbyterorum episcopo- rum, et diaconorum ita mentionem facit, ac si jam tempore Joannis ista ordinum distinctio in usu fuerit: quemadmodum autem ibidem presbyteros ante episcopos ponit, ita si vel maxime aliquale discri- men, Joannis tempore, inter episcopos et presbyteros existere coepisse largiamur, nondum tamen inde consequi, discrimen hoc apostolica niti constitutione, ex iis que dicemus constabit. Tertullianus nimi-
happened to render these words of Tertullian,— The order of bishops, when it is traced up to its original, will be found to have St. John for one of its authors.
‘It was doubtless,’ says Dr. C., ‘ the distinction of one pastor in every church, marked by this Apostle, though not made by any who had written before him, which has led Tertullian, whose publications first appeared about a century after the Apostles, to consider him [St. John] as the institutor of episcopacy. These are his words,—Ordo &c. ; which Bingham translates thus,— The order of bishops &c.; a palpable misinterpretation of our antiquary. Tertullian says expressly, Our inquiries into the origin of the episcopal order terminate in John the author. Had that Father said, Mundus ad originem recensus in Deum stabit creatorem, © would Bingham have rendered it, The world, when it is traced up to its original, will be found to have God for one of its authors 2 I cannot allow myself to think it. Yet the interpolation in rendering creatorem one of its creators, is not more flagrant than in rendering auctorem one of its authors. By this version he avoids shewing, what is extremely plain from the words, that Tertullian did not think there was any subordination in the pastors of the churches instituted by the other Apostles.’
I confess I do not quite comprehend Dr, Campbell’s drift, except that he seems to take great pains in setting up a man of straw for the purpose of knocking him down. But I fancy my learned Ancestor understood Tertullian much better, and could translate his hard Latin much more correctly, than Dr. C. him- self appears to do; and surely the merest tyro might be justly reproved for ren- dering stabit in Joannem auctorem by will terminate in John the author! The author of what? Perhaps if my Ancestor had written will rest in John, or with John as an author of it, he would have rendered the place somewhat more literally. But if so, if John were an author of episcopacy, or an authority for it, what does that mean but that he was one of its authors or founders? Now that really is just what Tertullian does mean, though Dr. C. does not seem to think so, and, finding fault with the scholarship of another, he betrays the want of
THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. ΧΗΣ
rum Joanni episcopalis ordinis originem tribuere videtur. Quo jure, nescio; nec satis perspicio, quid sibi velit, quum verba ejus sint ob- scuriora. Certe et Paulum jam antea presbyteros, quos et episcopos dictos jam docuimus, constituisse Actor. 14, 23, legimus; immo Tito, ut idem in Crete insule urbibus faceret, mandasse. (Tit. 1, 5.) Idem si et Joannes fecit, nihil fecit, quod non et alii fecerunt Apo- stoli; adeoque non video, cur ordinis episcopalis auctor dici debeat. Aliter si hoc intelligat Tertullianus, et de ordine episcoporum ab ordine presbyterorum distincto loquatur, primum quidem, an ejus hic unice standum sit auctoritate, merito quis dubitaverit. Quod si tamen quis concedat, quod supra etiam significavimus, forte circa finem zvi apostolici, vivente adhuc Joanne, discrimen aliquod inter episcopos et presbyteros, usu et consuetudine invaluisse, istudque institutum, utpote ad ecclesiarum commodum comparatum, calculo suo approbasse Joannem ; porroque contendat, hoc sensu Tertullia- num episcopatus originem ad Joannem retulisse ; non magnopere repugnabimus, quum rursus inde non sequatur episcopalem ordinem, eo sensu intellectum, ex apostolica constitutione originem suam ac-
accuracy in himself. In fact, if Dr.C. would draw an argument against episcopacy and in favour of presbyterianism from the passage of Tertullian, it is he who per- verts and misapplies, and not the author of the Origines, who knew far better what he was doing. However, I would add in the Doctor’s own words, that the distinction of one pastor in every church is in truth just what episcopacy originally was and ought to be. A bishop’s diocese, which primitively was styled a parish, was the one church where the ruling elder was distinguished from all others by holding office over the rest and having rank above them, for the government of the people and control of the subordinate presbyters in charge respectively of the subdivisions of that one great parish in the details of their own peculiar cures. I would just observe, too, that I quite agree with Dr. Campbell that Josern BrineGHamM would never have rendered Mundus &c., by will be found to have God Sor one of its authors. 1 should think not indeed! Had my Ancestor been called upon to translate such an awkward sentence, he would have said,—not, Wiil be found to terminate in God the author,—but, Will be found to have God for its author. Accordingly I could wish the passage from Tertullian had been rendered just so, mudatis mutandis ; but, however, that is exactly what my Ancestor did mean to say by the phrase, Will be found to have St.John for one of its authors ; and he purposely translated the place as he has done, lest he should seem to make Tertullian say too much by a phraseology implying that the African Father spoke of John as the only author of episcopacy, which was not his meaning, who knew full well that other Apostles were authors of it likewise, and St. John only one among many.
The subject is scarcely worth so long a note, and yet the Doctor’s critique is too unjust for me to have passed it by without this defence of the Author so unreasonably blamed. Ep.]
Xiv THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS, PREFIXED TO
cepisse. Dudum enim antea ejusmodi Ecclesie regimen, in quo nulla episcoporum pre presbyteris fuit ἐξοχὴ, obtinuit; quodve usu et consuetudine introductum calculo suo approbavit Joannes, id mi- nime ipsemet apostolica auctoritate instituisse dici potest.
Quum ea, que Auctor subjicit, et ex allatis istis testimoniis con- cludit, ex dictis dijudicari queant, de Irenzeo tantum queedam obser- vabimus. Jreneus, inquit 2°, in eandem sententiam mentem suam de- clarat, Apostolorum tempore tam episcopos quam presbyteros fuisse in Ecclesia. Conventum enim in Mileto dicit episcopis constitisse et pres- byteris, qui ab Epheso et a reliquis proximis civitatibus Asia! eo toiissent, (1.3. c.14.) Verum, quum Irenzus ibi ad ea respiciat, que Lucas Actor. 20, 17, seqq. refert, dispiciendum, utrum, que dicit, cum narratione sacri scriptoris consentiant, an minus? Si consentire dicas, admittas quoque necesse est, eum vocibus episcopis et presby- teris συνονυμικῶς usum; quum Lucam eas ita usurpasse longe sit manifestissimum. Si non consentiat, cui magis credendum, Luce, an Irenzeo? Atque sic quidem in eo quoque errat,’quod episcopos et presbyteros non modo ab Epheso, sed a reliquis proximis civi- tatibus, Miletum convocatos dicit: quod apud Lucam non exstat ; quippe qui tantum presbyterorum, quos Epheso Miletum arcessi- verit Paulus, meminit. Comprobari autem hoc Irenzi exemplo po- test, quod antea observavimus, veteris Ecclesiz doctores haud raro, quam ipsimet animo conceperant episcoporum imaginem, horum- que a presbyteris distinctionem, incaute admodum vo apostolico tribuisse, licet inde tam procul nondum remota esset, quam sequenti factum est tempore. De Irenzeo hzc equidem porro Auctor doctis- simus subjicit 22: Favens igitur huic hypothesi, episcoporum succes- sionem eorumque originem ubique ab Apostolis deducit. Ut quando Hy- ginum nonum locum episcopatus per successionem ab Apostolis habuisse dicit. Et alio loco, exhibens nobis accuratum catalogum duodecim episcoporum Romanorum, qui usque ad ipsius etatem successive isti sedi prefuerunt, de Lino eorum omnium primo, dicit eum ab ipsis Apostolis, Ecclesia primum fundata, episcopum esse ordinatum; et de eorum postremo Eleutherio, eum duodecimo loco episcopatum ab Apo- stolis habuisse. Exhibet deinceps sect. 4.23 Indicem seu catalogum episcoporum primum ab Apostolis ordinatorum. Sed nec hecce nos- tram evertere aut labefactare possunt sententiam. Quum enim con- cedamus, immo lubentes profiteamur, a Paulo aliisque Apostolis hinc inde presbyteros in Ecclesiis a se plantatis constitutos fuisse; et
20 [lbid. p. 51. n. 50. 21 See my suggestion at n. 16, preceding. 22 Ibid. p. 52. n. 51. 23 Ibid. pp. 53; seqq. Ep.]
THE LATIN VERSION OF BINGHAM’S WORKS. XY
vero, aut circa finem evi apostolici, aut statim post illud, primo precipuoque presbyterorum, ubi plures erant, nomen episcopi, quod omnibus antea-commune fuit, κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν heserit ; nihil obstat, quo minus in quibusdam Ecclesiis successio episcoporum ab uno quodam, ab ipsis Apostolis constituto, repetatur. De ipsa primorum, qui Rome fuisse dicuntur, episcoporum successione multa adhuc dispu- tari solent, que hujus loci non sunt.
- Quze Auctor noster doctissimus, libri secundi capite secundo 24, de diversis honorum titulis, quibus in primitiva Ecclesia episcopi ornati fuerint, disserit, prorsus egregia sunt, rebusque obscurioribus lucem affundunt. Quum docuisset, veterumque testimoniis comprobasset, omnes episcopos primum vocatos apostolosy deinde apostolorum suc- cessores ; recte inde concludit probatque unamquamque episcopi se- dem apostolicz sedis nomine venisse ; fallique adeo magnopere, qui hancce appellationem soli episcopo Romano vindicare annitantur. Offendere quenquam posset, quod olim episcopi etiam principes populi, itemque principes ecclesia, ἄρχοντες ἐκκλησιῶν, appellati sint. Nec tamen puto, eos qui istis nominibus usi sunt, imperium aliquod aut potestatem civilem iis tribuere voluisse, quippe quam ab Aposto- lorum, et qui in eorum locum successuri essent, munere longissime abesse, ipse Servator voluit. Nimia episcoporum veneratio ejusmodi voces quibusdam extorsit, que tamen ut ad alendam ac fovendam episcoporum ambitionem plurimum valebant, ita non negaverim, eas reliquis causis accessisse, que effecerunt ut ex episcopis imperantes rerumque domini fierent. Quemlibet episcopum olim papam, sive patrem dictum, notum est. Nicephorus equidem fidenter asserit, Cyrillum Alexandrinum primum istius regionis episcopum fuisse, cui honor iste obtigerit, ut papa salutaretur; et quidem ideo, quod (ε- lestini papz, seu Romani pontificis, in Concilio Ephesino fuerit lega- tus. Scriptores vero Arabici Homaidius et Abubacrus Habbasides aliter sentiunt, idque nominis patriarche Alexandrino primum datum, et postea Romam delatum esse, contendunt; hoc ipso significantes, Romanos pontifices appellationis hujus privilegium perperam sibi solis vindicare. Sed Auctor noster luculenter demonstrat non uni alicui episcopo aut patriarche hocce nomen olim fuisse tributum, quin potius communem omnium fuisse appellationem; quippe qui ecclesia patres itemque patres clericorum dicti sint; papam autem nihil aliud significare, quam patrem: immo Tertullianum (in Libro de Pudicitia, c. 13.) de episcopo quodam, pcenitentes recipiente, lo- quentem, eum benedictum papam appellitare. Ejusdem generis est,
24 [Ibid. pp. 60-72. Eb.)
Xvi THE PREFACE OF BUDDEUS.
quod itidem preclare docet, non solis episcopis Romanis, sed et aliis quandoque patris patrum et episcopi episcoporum nomen datum. Unde rursus maximopere falluntur Romanenses, quando, in ejusmodi appellationibus singulare causze suz se invenisse presidium, sibi per- suadent. Immo et hoc addit Auctor, atque luculenter evincit, omnes episcopos olim vicarios Christi nuncupatos esse: Que appellatio, in- quit 25, non minori eis jure competebat, quam illis qui, posterioribus temporibus, eam sibi solis vindicare ausi sunt. Quo ipso iterum Ro- manensibus argumentum eripitur, quo ad tuendam Pontificis sui supremam potestatem uti illis solemne est. Ultimo denique loco observat, episcopos etiam angelos ecclesie dictos, et hinc verbis Apo- stoli, 1 Cor.11, 10, de quibus acriter viri docti inter se disputant, lucem affundit.
Atque hee eum in finem a nobis allata sunt, ut preestantiam operis hujus omnes inde intelligerent; et licet eruditissimus Auctor aliquando Ecclesiz sue placita sequatur, hec tamen non obstare, quo minus plurima inde ad omnes, qui illud legerint, redundare queant com- moda. Id certum positumque extra controversiam, nullum in hoc genere exstare scriptum, quo integra velut totius antiquitatis eccle- siastice imago exhibeatur, quod cum hocce comparari, multo minus eidem preeferri queat. Hinc et nullus plane dubito, quin vir ille cla- rissimus, qui in Latinum sermonem ex Anglicano illud transtulit, omnibus, qui hasce literas recte estimare didicerunt, rem fecerit longe gratissimam. Eoque majori laude dignus est, quo exquisitiorem ad- hibuit diligentiam, ut mentem sententiamque accurate non minus, quam perspicue et eleganter, exprimeret. Immo ne quid deesset, quod librum huncce omnium usibus aptum redderet, testimonia Pa- trum ab Auctore laudata ipsemet evolvit, et, ut summa fide exhiberen- tur, omnem navavit operam.
Plura non addo, quum ipsa operis hujus lectio, quid ex eo speran- dum aut exspectandum sit, quemlibet omnium optime condocere queat: Scribebam Jenz, die 11 Febr. 1724.
Joan. Franciscus Buppzus, Theol. D. et P. P. O.
25 [Ibid. pp. 70 et 71. Ep.]
THE PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS
TO THE FIRST PART OF HIS LATIN VERSION OF
THE ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICE.
Quanpo ipse celeberrimus harum Oricinum sive ANTIQUITATUM Ecc.estAsticarum, quarum libri duo priores, in Latinum sermonem a me translati, nunc in publicum prodeunt, Auctor de tota instituti sui ratione lectorem, quantum satis est, monuit; Venerandus etiam Theologus Jenensis, D.D. Jo. Franc. Buddeus, in Preefatione sua, in laudem et commendationem hujus operis, multa preclare et vere dixit; non est, quod aliqua hujuscemodi monitionum accessio a me expectetur. Pauca tamen habeo, que ad hanc Latinam editionem precipue attinent, non omnino pretermittenda.
Primum quidem de libri versione Benevolo Lectori asseverandum duxi, me in ea adornanda id egisse fideliter, ut verbis Anctoris mei non tantum alienum sensum ne darem, sed ut ea etiam perspicue et plane redderem. Quod an ubique satis feliciter et ex sententia a me prestitum sit, alii utriusque linguz callentes judicabunt. Qui sicubi me aberrasse deprehendent (neque enim, ut cum Auctore loquar, mihi adeo Suffenus>6 sum, ut hoc a me alienum putem); veniam mihi
26 [Suffenus was a poetaster of the age of Catullus, as remarkable for his bad verses as he was for the most exalted notions of his own abilities. Consequently
he was the butt for the just ridicule of his contemporaries. See Catullus, (Epigr. 22. ad Varrum,) where he thus speaks of him :—
Suffenus iste, Varre, quem tarde nosti, Homo est venustus, et dicax, et urbanus, Idemque longe plurimos facit versus.
Hee cum legas, tum bellus ille urbanus, Suffenus, unus caprimulgus aut fossor Rursus videtur; tantum abhorret et mutat.
Idem inficeto est inficetior rure
Simul poemata attigit, neque idem unquam JEque est beatus ac poéma cum scribit ; Tam gaudet in se, tamque se ipse miratur.
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
XVlil THE FIRST PREFACE
eo confidentius promitto, quod Belgicz Versionis auctor27, ipsa na- tione et lingua Anglus, et idoneus alioquin popularis sui interpres, hic ibi errasse28 mihi observatus est. Taceo, quod semel atque ite- rum quedam omissa29 esse viderim. Latinitatis studiosus quidem, sed non superstitiose tenax fui. Christianis enim, quorum in ritus et consuetudines commentatus est Auctor noster, nomina et res multze peculiares atque proprize sunt, auctoribus, ut vocantur, classicis ignote, que idcirco horum vocabulis et phrasibus non semper per- spicue satis reddi possunt. Malui igitur nonnunquam minus Latine quam minus significanter loqui.
Deinde de testimoniis, ab Auctore allegatis, nonnihil dicere visum est. Clarissimus videlicet Binghamus ad calcem cujusque paginz bene multa auctorum loca notavit, quibus relationes suas super- struxit. Ex his quidem nonnulla, presertim ea, que ex Patribus et Auctoribus Latinis citavit, Lectoris conspectui plene interdum, ut plu- rimum autem carptim descripta, exhibuit. Pleraque vero nominavit tantum, ab ipso Lectore evolvenda. Qua de re, ubi ad translationem jam aggressus eram, me quidam monuerunt, sibi non utile tantum sed necessarium etiam videri, ut omnia testimonia integre exscribe- rentur. Paucissimis enim datum esse, ut tot libros evolverent, in eorumque allegatis locis probationes quererent examinarentque, ad- eoque Lectorem non posse non manere dubium, an ea, que Auctor
Muretus would read Fufenus for Suffenus. It is remarkable that the name, though given in the earlier editions of Lempriere, is omitted in the later, neither is it noticed in Mr. Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, London 1849. I may take this opportunity of remarking, how much it is to be regretted that in numerous Biographical Dictionaries and Gazetteers various names, which are regarded as unimportant, have been cut out or omitted for the sake of econo- mizing space and stinting letter-press and paper. Yet the record of every name, however humble, may sooner or later have its use. Ep.]
27 [I have ascertained through a literary friend that a Dutch version of the first two volumes of the Orn1ginres EccLestastic by an anonymous translator was published at Amsterdam in 1720, and is still extant in the libraries of Holland. I apprehend that, its utility becoming neutralized on the Continent by the superior Latin version of Grischovius, it was for that reason carried no further. Ep.] .
28 Vide e.g. lib. 2. c. 11. s. 3. [vol. 1. p. 134. of this edition,] For in Afric at the time of the Collation of Carthage, &c., ita contra sensum reddidit: Want als in Africa het Bisdom van Carthago stond begeeven te worden.
29 Vide lib. 2. c. 3. 8.5. [ibid. p. 77.] ubi hee, Which was always performed by
a synod of bishops, non vertit. Item lib. 2. c.10. s.2. [ibid. p. 124.] omissa sunt, - For strangers, who were unknown to the people, were not reckoned qualified by the canons. Lib. 2. 0. 15. 8.1. [ibid. p.170.] desunt hec: And from this he had the name of Intercessor and Interventor, Lemmata paragraphorum sepissime (culpa, reor, typothetarum) absunt.
OF GRISCHOVIUS. ΧΙΧ
proponat, indicatis testimoniis satis sint confirmata. δ quum ita omnino sese habere persuasus essem, eorum consilio me sequuturum recepi. Itaque ingressus sum viam primo quidem intuitu facilem et planam, quam vero in progressu satis difficilem et salebrosam esse cognovi. Primum enim non multo post auctores quidam mihi de- esse cceperunt. Inveni equidem in officina Orphanotrophei nostri libraria insignem librorum etiam compactorum copiam, ab eo, qui huic officine Divino nutu inde a primis ejus initiis preest, magna ‘atque laudanda industria per multos annos collectam, ex qua pluri- mos eosque utilissimos ac rarissimos depromere mihi licuit. Non paucos tamen ad hunc laborem mihi omnino necessarios in ea desi- derari animadverti. Horum ergo nonnullos partim e publicis, que hie aperiuntur, (inter quas ipsa dicti Orphanotrophei, a memorata officina libraria seu bibliopolio diversa, referenda est,) partim priva- tis bibliothecis, conquisivi et accepi mutuo. Quosdam vero, cum primis Anglicanos, reperiri nusquam potui. Deinde in evolvendis istis libris non exigua difficultas szepe mihi subnata fuit. Editiones, quas ad manus habui, ab iis, quibus usus fuerat Auctor, plerumque fuerunt diverse, ideoque allegata loca iis, quas indicavit, paginis non inveni. Preeterea allegationes (quod viri celeberrimi pace dixerim) non raro vagas atque erroneas deprehendi. Vagas quidem, dum li- brum aliquem longiorem (exempli gratia Justini Martyris et Atha- nasii Apologias, Nazianzeni Orationes, Chrysostomi Humilias, Hie- ronymi Epistolas, Conciliorum Actiones, &c.) sine ullo sectionis et paginee indicio citavit. Hrroneas autem, dum eo loco, ad quem pro- vocavit, nihil eorum, que dixit, exstare vidi. Hine vel unius voca- buli gratia longam sepenumero Orationem, Apologiam, Epistolam aut aliud scripti genus legere atque iterum legere necesse habui. Quod si post aliquot horas continuas tandem inveni, quod quzsivi, editionis mez librum, sectionem, paginam et id genus indices alios adscripsi, Auctoris indicibus vel una additis, vel, si aperte falsi fu- erunt, omissis: sin autem in investigando operam et oleum, quod aiunt, perdidi; paucis verbis, ut plurimum vero apposito hoc signo f, id ipsum indicavi 3°.
In ipsis autem transcribendis testimoniis ita versatus sum, ut, si illa e Grecis Patribus et Auctoribus fuerunt petenda, ipsa illorum verba Greeca ponerem, Latinamque eorum versionem, in gratiam lingue Greece expertium, simul adderem: nisi hc in ipso Auctoris sermone jam exstaret. Ille enim sepissime auctorum suorum verba,
30 [Nearly the whole of these citations I have succeeded in correcting and sup- plying in their proper places, as I have stated in my Introduction prefixed to the first volume of this edition. Ep.]
Ὀ 2
ί
ΧΧ THE FIRST PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS.
Anglice quidem reddita, suis intermiscuit, que ego inibi lingua La- tina, versioni mee consentanea, exhibeo. lLatinorum autem verba ibidem vel in annotationibus Latine sisti oportuisse, per se patet. Non ingratum autem Lectori futurum puto, quod nonnunquam loca paullo longiora descripsi, ubi nervum probandi, cui intentus Auctor fuit, sepe duobus tribusve verbis indicari potuisse quis existimaverit. Etsi enim ipse Auctor multa testimonia hoc modo excerpsit, quod a scopo ipsius haud alienum fuit, quando lectori Anglicano vulgari potissimum se scripsisse profitetur; mihi tamen testimonia in con- textu et coherentia sermonis ob oculos ponere placuit, quod Lecto- rem de eorum sensu et probandi virtute alias ex vero judicare non posse credidi. Quod si quem locum nimis longum esse vidi, satius omnino duxi in sola allegatione acquiescere, quam, aliquot chartze latera complendo, libri molem illiusque, simul sumptus atque pretium adaugere.
Heec sunt, que de hac primi voluminis editione monere volui. De reliquorum voluminum versione nihil certi promitto, ne Divine Pro- videntiz, a qua res mortalium pendent, temere antevertere velle videar. Quod si Deus longiorem hujus lucis usuram, vires animi et corporis, necessarium etiam otium concesserit, et si has hujus operis primitias publico gratas esse intellexero, fieri potest, ut conscientibus et approbantibus iis, quorum consilio hunc laborem suscepi, in in- cepto pergam. .
Quod reliquum est, Benevolum Lectorem adhuc rogo, ut si qua errata typographica observaverit, ea ipse emendet. In parando enim exemplari ad finem usque occupato aliisque negotiis districto mihi non licuit ea investigare et colligere.
Deo autem Optimo Maximo pro auxilio mihi prestito gratias ex animo ago; ipsumque oro, ut hanc qualemcumque operam meam in- fructuosam esse ne patiatur. Scripsi Glauche ad Halas Magde- burgicas, Nonis Martiis 1724.
Jo. Henr. Griscnovivs.
THE PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS
TO THE SECOND PART OF HIS VERSION OF
THE ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICE.
LECTORI BENEVOLO S.
Quvum™ anno superiore libros duos priores OricinuM sive ANTI- quitatum Eccuesiasticarum Josephi Binghami Latine redditos, unoque volumine comprehensos, in lucem publicam edidi; de reli- quorum quidem voluminum subsequutura versione nihil certi polli- citus sam; quibusdam tamen conditionibus in incepto me perrectu- rum declaravi.
Quemadmodum igitur, quod ad istarum conditionum ultimam at- tinet, non multo post tum privatis non nullorum epistolis ac ser- monibus, tum publicis aliorum scriptis, intellexi, laborem istum meum non inutilem haberi; ita, quando Deus O. M. priores etiam mihi clementissime indulsit, Junio mense exeunte pedem ulterius promovi, et mediocre aliquod spatium, quantum per ordinarias oc- cupationes licuit, huc usque emensus sum. Quatuor nimirum se- quentes libros, tertium, quartum, quintum et sextum, absolvi, quos hoe secundo volumine nunc in vulgus exire jubeo.
Quo modo in hac elaboratione versatus sim, nihil attinet hic exponere, quia eandem, quam in primo volumine inii, viam sum prosequutus ; qua de re in premissa isti volumini Przefatione, quan- tum necesse fuit, dixi, adeoque Benevolum Lectorem eo remitto.
Indicem ex virorum doctorum desiderio, qui de primo volumine id publice monuerunt, in hosce priores sex libros subjungere, animus mihi initio fuit; sed re magis deliberata mutavi consilium, satius esse ratus, ad totius operis finem hunc ipsum reservare: ubi Lectori hac in re, Deo bene juvante, cumulatissime satisfiet. Interim in generaliore cujusque voluminis conspectu precipuas materias, quis- quis querere volet, reperire facile poterit.
Supersunt adhuc libri septemdecim: viginti enim tres de hoc. argumento Auctor conscripsit, eosque decem voluminibus divulgavit.
ΧΧΙ THE SECOND PREFACE
Quorum ultimum quum anno 1722 edidisset, proxime insequuto 1723 31, diem suum obiit.
In hujus celeberrimi viri e vita excessum in novis Londinensibus inscriptio queedam publicata, et ab honoratissimo quodam amico inde excerpta, atque, ubi primum volumen modo prodierat, Londino ad me missa fuit: quam si nunc etsi paullo serius cum Benevolo Lectore communicavero, rem non ingratam ipsi me facturum con- fido. Ita vero se habet:
Obstupesce, Viator ! Venerandi Cineres hic sunt reconditi 82 Josephi Binghami, M.A. Collegii Universalis apud Oxonienses Quondam Socii; Cujus multiplicem si spectes Doctrinam, Si exactam veteris Discipline Et consuetudinum Ecclesiasticarum notitiam, Quam multis scriptis prodidit, Cyprianica A‘tate vel etiam Ignatiana Vixisse agnoscas, Nisi quod non esset Episcopus. At vee seculo meritorum immemori, Ingrato, Quum, qui Patriarchatum in Ecclesia meruit, Non nisi Havanti? in Agro Hantoniensi Parochus obiit.
31 Quo mense et die mortuus sit, resciscere nondum potui. Aiunt auctumno inclinato in hiemem id factum esse. [On August the 17th, 1723. See the Life, among the Prolegomena, prefixed to the first volume of this edition of the entire Works. Ep.]
32 [This phrase is more classically correct than conduntur, which is the reading of the original from the pen of Mr. Edward Clarke. Grischovius has slightly altered some other clauses. See the Life, as cited at the end of the preceding note. Ep.]
33 Cl. Binghamus primum Rector of Headborn-Worthy, near Winchester, et postea inde Havantum translatus, Rector of Havant sese nominavit, quo ipso non ludo literario, uti quidem ista appellatio in nostris oris eum sensum suppeditat, sed ecclesiz utriusque loci preefuisse intelligendus est. In Anglia enim, quemad- modum interprete eodem amico didici, inter ecclesiz alicujus ministros is Rector dicitur, qui primus et ordinarius animarum pastor est, et die Dominica solemni- orem ad populum concionem recitat, si quidem simul majores recipiat decimas. Quas si non 1116 primarius pastor, sed vel patronus ecclesiz vel ecclesia ipsa colligat, tum non Recfor, sed lingua patria Curate * nuncupatur: licet easdem
* (Or more properly Vicar, the term Curate in our ecclesiastical language, as we well know, designating the man who is actually charged with the duties of the cure, that is, the care of souls, whether Rector, Vicar, or Stipendiary. It is not surprising that the German divine should have written somewhat indistinctly in
OF GRISCHOVIUS. ΧΧΠ
Quod reliquum est, operam me daturum, recipio, ut (ἐὰν ὁ Κύριος θελήσῃ, καὶ ζήσωμεν) tertium volumen hoc secundo paullo amplius vertente anno appareat, et reliqua septem suo quodque tempore
consequantur..-Scripsi Glauche ad Halas Magdeburgicas 8 Kal. Mart. 1725.
Jo. H. Griscuovivs.
alioquin, quas Rector, functiones obeat. Eandem appellationem postea in Hen- rici Spelmanni Glossario Archaiologico, Londini anno 1687 edito, inveni, ubi p- 480 b. hee leguntur: Rector Ecclesiae] Lind. De Abbate dictum. Chart. Ala- man. 43. Sacro-sancta ecclesia S. Galluni, qui (leg. que) est constructa in pago Durgania, ubi ipsus in corpore requiescit, et Joannes Abbas ad presens Rector ecclesie esse videtur. Huc spectant etiam, que Henricus Ludolphus Benthemus habet in libro suo Germanico de Ecclesiarum et Scholarum Anglicanarum statu, Ρ. 218. π. 7. Nun folgen, inquiens, die Ruraldeans, vor diesem Archipresbyter! genennet... Hierauf kommen die priesier eines ieden Kirchspiels, welche von ihnen gemeiniglich Rectors oder auch Vicars genennet werden. Confer sis etiam ibid. pp. 509, 510, 511, 512, ubi in Constitutionibus Ecclesiz Anglicane, quas auctor lingua Latina exhibet, frequens Rectorum mentio fit. Que quum ita sint, non dubitavi, ad indicandum Binghami nostri munus, appellationem Rec- toris, addito vocabulo Ecclesia, in fronte hujus Latin editionis adhibere: quum alias ecclesiarum nostrarum stilo pastorem primarium, vel simpliciter pastorem, dicere ipsum potuissem.
this note, intended not for us but for his countrymen, or that he should have confounded our popular use of Curate with its stricter sense. The minister officiating in a sole charge, the incumbent being non-resident, was termed Curate correctly enough; but in course of time the name has been popularly given to any stipendiary doing the duty of another man, and permanently helping him under the bishop’s license ; though, strictly, such a hireling is not a Curate, but only an assistant minister. Ep. ]
THE PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS
TO THE LAST PART OF HIS VERSION OF
THE ORIGINES ECCLESIASTICS.
LECTORI BENEVOLO 5.
Uttimum Orieinum sivé AnTiquITATUM EccLESIASTICARUM Jo- sephi Binghami volumen lingua Latina jam edo, simulque fidem meam libero, quam in secundi voluminis Preefatione dedi. Monu- erant videlicet viri quidam docti, quum primum volumen exiisset, addendum fuisse Indicem: quibus ego tum respondi, sub finem totius operis desiderio ipsorum me, Deo bene juvante, cumulatissime satis esse facturum. Id nunc demum me prestitisse perspicient. Triplicem enim sub calcem libri vicesimi tertii, qui in hoc volumine continetur, Indicem exhibeo, unum Rerum, alterum Auctorum, ter- tium Conciliorum.
Ipse quidem clarissimus Auctor noster tres Indices operi suo sub- junxit: enimvero preterquam quod Index Rerum in hac Latina editione multo locupletior, quam in Anglicana, facta est, secundus et tertius posteriores duos Binghamianos longissime superant, vel alia potius apparent forma. Quanquam enim Vir Doctissimus aucto- rum, quibus usus est, non nomina solum, (sicut alias plerumque fieri solet,) sed editiones etiam indicavit; locum tamen, ubi hunc istum in opere suo allegarit, adscripsit nullum. Eandem rationem se- quutus est in Indice Conciliorum, quippe in quo preter nomina, numerum canonum et annum, ad quem unumquodque celebratum fuit, nihil habet. In hac autem Latina editione singulis Patribus, Auctoribus et Conciliis paginas, ubi locus quidam vel canon citatus est, annotavi 34: ita quidem, ut, si plures alicujus scriptoris libri allegati fuerint, ad evitandam in evolvendis allegationibus con-
34 [I could have wished to have done so myself. I did think of it, especially with respect to the Canons of the Councils. But I found it too great an under- taking, not to mention the augmentation of the Indices by several sheets, which
it would have caused. If considered desirable, it may be supplied in a future edition. Ep.]
THE THIRD PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS. XXV
fusionem et tedium, distincte eos posuerim. Quam rem multis lectoribus gratam me fecisse persuasus sum. Quum enim in hasce Oricinzs ingens notabilium sententiarum farrago ex omnis generis scriptoribus congesta sit, talis Index, qui, ubicunque ex hoc illove auctore auctorisque libro hic ille locus allegatus sit, plane indicat, illis mirifice prodesse potest, qui de simili vel cognato argumento commentantur, auctores vero quoslibet, quibus opus eis est, nancisci nequeunt. Quod ipsum et mihi in hac adornanda versione sepius usu venit. Quando scilicet Auctor noster de quadam materia ad scriptoris alicujus testimonium provocavit, neque vero illud inter- posuit; tum ego, pro instituti mei ratione, illud exscribere cupiens, si ipsius libri compos fieri non potui, quzsivi vel in Albertino, vel Chamierio, vel alio quopiam auctore; et beneficio istiusmodi Indi- cum haud raro eum ipsum locum non sine gaudio reperi, quam Binghamus innuit.
Preeterea in gratiam eorum, quibus Latinam hanc editionem cum Anglicana conferendi copia est, hoc quoque de Indice Auctorum Binghamiano monendum duxi, viginti circiter scriptores 35, partim alios scriptorum allegatorum libros 36, ibi legi, quos, quantumvis diligentissime quesitos, nuspiam in ipsis voluminibus allegatos de- prehenderim, adeoque in hujus editionis Indice omiserim ; contra ea, non paucos omissos esse 37, quos in colligendis allegationibus oc-
35 Ex. gr. Joannem Baleum, Martinum Chemnitium, Franciscum Halloix, Joannem Phocam, Joan. Mariam Thomasium, &c. [These authors and some others of the same kind my Ancestor seems to have put down in his Index, because, though he does not expressly cite them in the notes, he nevertheless distinctly refers to them or mentions them generally in the text. They will be found for the most part in my improved Index Auctorum. See, e. g., vol. 8. p- 207. No. 72. Ibid. p. 223. No. 163. Ibid. p. 263. No. 365. Ibid. p. 299. No. 606. Ibid. p. 325. No. 763. Eb.]
36 Ut Henr. Dodwell. De Jure Laicorum Sacerdotali contra Hugonem Gro- tium: Christ. Korthold. De Variis Scripture Editionibus: Jacob. Usser. De Suc- eessione Ecclesie, &c. [See my Index Auctorum also, as before, p. 245. No. 241.2. Ibid. p. 276. No. 439. 3. Ibid. p. 327. No. 782. 2. In those places the full titles of these works respectively are given. Ep.]
37 Constitutiones Apostolorum : Petri Lambecii Comment. de Bibl. Vindobo- nensi: Joannis Garnerii Librum Diurnum Romanorum Pontificum, &c. {The Apostolical Constitutions, I conceive, my Ancestor regarded as included in his allegation of Cotelerius. See the Index, as before, p. 236. No. 204.1. All real omissions I believe I have supplied even more minutely than Grischovius himself did. See No. 19, 33, 34, 36, 45, 62, 71, 90, 111, 116, 129, 136, 141, 153, 158, 164, 195, 198, 208, 209, 210, 221, 225, 226, 232, 239, 240, 242, 269, 287, 361, 363, 365, 367, 371, 414, 426, 438, 450, 453, 468, 473, 474, 484, 490, 503, 521, 535; 536, 538, 555, 582, 586, 612, 619, 626, 643, 645, 653, 656, 664, 675, 683, 686, 695, 703, 704, 714, 715, 719, 729, 730, 761, 777, 778, 781, 783, 787, 807, 820, 829, 838. Eb.]
XXVvi THE THIRD PREFACE
cupatus observarim, et hic interposuerim. Quod de Indice etiam Conciliorum notatum volo.
Ceterum uti Auctor noster, sub operis sui finem, gratum animum adversus eos, a quibus se adjutum esse intellexit, declaravit publice ; ita et meas partes esse arbitror, idem ut faciam.
Gratias itaque ago iis, qui vel publice38 vel privatim laborem meum approbarunt, meque, ut in incepto pergerem, cohortati sunt. Plurimum autem illis me debere profiteor, qui ex bibliothecis pro- priis 39, vel alienis, quibus preefecti sunt 4°, libros mihi suppeditarunt, vel integra loca excerpta mecum communicarunt 41. Pro qua insigni liberalitate et humanitate ipsis omnia officia, que quidem a me pro- ficisci possunt, promitto.
Non minus autem cum Auctore nostro Deum Immortalem laudo et concelebro, quod et mihi hoc dedit clementissime, ut hane Latinze Versionis telam, ante hos sex annos4 exorsam, etsi aliquando morbo
38 Post D. Joannem Franciscum Buddeum, cujus mortem, de qua his ipsis diebus nuntius huc allatus est, cum bonis omnibus, ecclesiz evangelicz causa, doleo, in Przefatione volumini primo przmissa, mihi innotuerunt clarissimi auc- tores novorum literariorum, que inscribuntur: Auserlesene Theologische Biblio- thec, oder, Griindliche Nachrichten von denen neuesten und besten Theolo- gischen Bichern; et: Neue Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen.
39 Ex nostre Academiz doctoribus, honoris causa nomino Nicolaum Hiero- nymum Gundlingium, ἢ. t. Pro-Rectorem Magnificum, quem per aliquot heb- domades graviter zgrotantem Deus respiciat propitius, et in commoda utilita- temque Academize convalescere, si velit, jubeat! Paulum Antonium, Joannem Henricum Michaelem, et Justum Henningium Boehmerum. Ex Lipsiensibus, Joannem Burcardum Menckenium.
40 Horum in numero sunt, Christianus Benedictus Michaelis, P. P. O. cui Academie Fridericiane ; D.Joannes Fridericus Bieckius, et D. Joannes Georgius Franckius JCti, quorum huic post istum Ecclesize Mariane; Joannes Henricus Callenbergius, P. P. cui Orphanatrophei; Hieronymus Freyerus, Pedagogii Pegii inspector, cui istius Schole bibliotheca commissa est: et, qui hoe nomine pri- mum laudandus erat, Henricus Julius Elers, bibliopola quaondam Orphanotrophei solertissimus, superiore anno, mense Sept. beate defunctus; cujus e penu ple- rosque selectiores et pretiosiores libros, 6. g. Acta Sanctorum; Cesaris Baronii Annales ; Bibliothecas Patrum ; Scriptores Byzantinos; Philippi Labbei tomos Conciliorum, et Patres Greecos et Latinos tantum non universos depromere mihi licuit. Nec pretereundus est, qui illius in locum successit, Henricus Zopfius.
41 Id iterum iterumque fecerunt Guelpherbyti, Petrus Schillingius, Serenis- simo Duci Brunsvicensium et Luneburgensium, Augusto Gulielmo, a concioni- bus aulicis, ex Bibliotheca ista celeberrima Ducali: Goth, Joannes Fridericus Heusingerus, illustris Gymnasii Sub-Con-Rector, ex Ducali et Vockerodtiana : et Lipsize, G. Keyselitius, M. A. et Catecheta ad xdem D. Petri, e publicis pri- vatisque. .
42 [My Ancestor was occupied full twenty years with the original composi- tion, Grischovius thus owns to sia for the period of his labours, and I have been engaged upon my edition for eight or ten years, though I could perhaps have
OF GRISCHOVIUS. XXVli
acutissimo interruptam, salvus et incolumis deduxerim. Faxit Ipse, qua est bonitate, ut multa ex hoc, utut in se exiguo, labore in rem Christianam pariter ae-literariam redundent emolumenta, et hec ipsa cedant in Sanctissimi Nominis sui gloriam laudemque sempiternam ! Glauche ad Halas Magdeburgicas, 3 Kal. Decembr. 1729.
Jo. Henr. GriscHovivus, Osterodanus Halberstadiensis. done all in four or five, could I have worked continuously. If we were to calcu-
late the periods which other editors have expended in the same direction, how large would be the amount of human lifetime employed on this subject! Ep.]
THE PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS
TO HIS
TRANSLATION OF THE SUPPLEMENTAL PIECES,
which first appeared in the folio edition of Bingham’s works.
LECTURIS SALUTEM.
Post Oriaines Eccuesiasticas Josephi Binghami, quarum volu- men decimum et ultimum ante hos octo annos et menses quatuor edidi, jam nova scriptorum ejusdem celeberrimi viri collectio in lucem prodit.
Diverso tempore et occasione hee scripta olim ab Auctore edita sunt separatim, deinde autem post obitum illius cum Orieinisus junctim excusa apparuerunt. Dissertationes quatuor sunt, Sermo unus. Tres ex istis in Originipus passim citantur; atque inde mihi, in interpretatione illarum occupato, de nomine et argumento innotuerunt. Postea ubi, procurante Orphanotrophei nostri biblio- pola, novam istam editionem ex Anglia apportatam accepi, opportu- nitatem nactus sum hec illis subjuncta opuscula perlustrandi peni- tusque pernoscendi.
Quo facto de tribus prioribus Dissertationibus sic existimavi, non utile tantum fore sed necesse etiam esse, in gratiam eorum, qui Oricines possident, Latinitate eas donari: quod ad quedam non parvi momenti capita, in primis illa de baptismis laicorum et heereti- corum, eorumque pretio ac valore; de ordinationibus item heeretico- rum, uberius explicanda conscriptas esse cognoveram 43.
De quarta Dissertatione 44, quum esset ab argumento priorum
43 Quod ipsum de prima Dissertatione Cl. Auctor in proxime sequenti Preefa- tione* claris verbis indicat : de duabus posterioribus ex ipso utriusque argumento, magis quidem polemice vel potius apologetice tractato, liquet.
44 Tempore fuit sine dubio omnium prima f et ante ipsas ORIGINES jam sub superioris fortassis seeculi exitum aut certe sub hujus initium edita: quod ex con- clusione, ubi Gallos exsules in Anglia compellat, colligi posse videtur.
* [The Preface to the First Part of the Scholastical History of Baptism by Laymen. See vol. 9, of this edition of the entire Works. Ep.]
+ [The French Church’s Apology for the Church of England, in the year 1706. Ep.]
THE LAST PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS. Xxix
et ipsarum Orictnum diversa, dubium mihi aliquamdiu fuit, quid statuerem. Rationibus autem ab utraque parte diligentius perpen- sis, pervicit ea cogitatio, que interpretationem suadebat: cujus rei etiam eos, quibus illam aperui, inveni approbatores; nec dubito, quin emptores et lectores plerique, si non universi, idem hoc institu- tum sint comprobaturi.
Quamvis enim ad Oricines Eccuzstasticas, ut dixi, proprie referri nequeat hec Commentatio ; ejusmodi tamen est, ut theologie, in primis elenctice, cultoribus valde prodesse possit. Nam contro- versias, que inter sic dictos Episcopales ab una, et Presbyterianos ab altera parte, in hodicrnum usque diem, agitantur, et quas omnino expedit perspectas habere, patefacit et illustrat, vindiciasque Eccle- siz Anglicane adversus precipuas Dissentientium objectiones com- plectitur.
Dantur quidem, fateor, libri satis multi, qui de istis controversiis tractant, plerique autem lingua Anglica, quam intelligere non omni- bus datum est, evulgati sunt; et qui Latini exierunt, in nostris oris rariores sunt, et cariores quam ut a quovis, istarum rerum cupido, possint comparari. Accedit, quod Auctor peculiarem abalienatos Anglos convincendi et ad Ecclesiz suze communionem reducendi inierit rationem, a nullo antea initam: quemadmodum ipse in Epi- stola Dedicatoria et Prefatione narrat.
Excipit hanc Dissertationem unus quidam Sermo, quem, quum illam interpretatus essem, vel ideo addendum duxi, ut opera Aucto- ris plena et integra exhiberem. Brevis quidem est, at argumenti prestantia maxime commendabilis. Agit enim de misericordia, qua in peccatores ad frugem redeuntes utitur Summum Numen: quam doctrinam consolationis plenissimam, licet aliunde jam cognitam et ipso fortassis usu perceptam, in fine horum operum recognovisse neminem reor pcenitebit.
Plura in horum scriptorum commendationem non addo. Quando enim Auctor in OrierNn1Bus suis incredibilem variarum rerum scien- tiam magnumque judicium prodidit, et summam inde famam atque existimationem in orbe literato, ipsis etiam adversariis ejus fatenti- bus 45, consequutus est; unusquisque conjectura ante, quam ad ip- sam lectionem accedat, facile poterit prospicere, quales hasce com- mentationes offensurus sit, ab homine tam docto et in primis erudito elucubratas.
45 In Actis Eruditorum, que Lipsie publicantur, singula earum volumina magna cum laude recensita leguntur. Postquam Latine prodierunt, iidem viri docti, qui ista Acta colligunt, et alii id sibi maximopere probari declararunt pub- lice, quod hoc modo communi eruditorum usui eximius iste antiquitatum eccle- siasticarum thesaurus reclusus esse.
ΧΧΧ THE LAST PREFACE OF GRISCHOVIUS.
De opera, quam ego ad interpretandas illas contuli, non habeo, quod preedicem : hoc tantum, quod olim de primo operum volumine dixi, de hoc ultimo etiam affirmare possum, me id egisse fideliter, ut verbis Auctoris mei non tantum alienum sensum ne darem, sed ut ea etiam perspicue et plane redderem: quam curam illis quoque locis adhibui, quee ex aliorum libris, Anglice vel Gallice scriptis 46, inter- posuit. Indices hee opuscula non habent preter unum perbrevem 47, in quo 150 Binghamus libros, in quarta solum Dissertatione a se usurpatos, nominavit. Ego autem auctores omnes, quotquot in integro hoc volumine vel Jaudantur vel refutantur, consignavi: et paginas, in quibus leguntur, perinde ut in Indice Auctorum Orte1- N1BuSs subjuncto, adscripsi. Quam rem lectoribus gratam me fecisse confido.
Quod superest, gratias Deo Optimo Maximo ago, quod vitam mihi et vires concessit, ut hunc etiam laborem exantlarim. Faxit idem Clementissimus Deus, ut ego et lectores omnes misericordiam, quam in scriptorum suorum ultimo commentatus est Auctor, propter Jesum Christum, Filium ipsius crucifixum et morti traditum eun- demque 6 mortuis resuscitatum, in via vere pcenitentize et fidei con- sequamur. Hale Magdeburgice, in Orphanotropheo Glauchensi. Pridie Kal. Aprilis, 1738.
Ji H.-G:
46 Cujusmodi ex istis sunt collectz, Rubricee et Canones Ecclesiz Anglicanze universi et preter libros Anglice inscriptos, alii quidam Latinum titulum in fronte gerentes, 6. g. Falkneri Libertas Ecclesiastica, Molinei Novitas Papismi, &c. Ex his autem canones e synodis nationalibus et disciplina Ecclesiarum Reformatarum Galliz deprompti omnes, nec non diverse epistole et disserta- tiones suo quzeque loco nominate,
47 [It will be observed that I have added separate Indices both of Authors and Matter to each of the last two volumes of this edition, containing the Lay- Baptism in the ninth volume, and the French Church’s Apology in the tenth volume. Ep.]
CONTENTS
OF THE FOURTH, FIFTH, SIXTH, AND SEVENTH BOOKS
OF
THE ANTIQUITIES OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
BOOK IV.
OF THE ELECTIONS AND ORDINATIONS OF THE CLERGY, AND THE PARTICULAR QUALIFICATIONS OF SUCH AS WERE TO BE OR- DAINED.
CHAPTER I.
Of the several ways of designing persons to the ministry, in the apostolical and primitive ages of the Church.
Secr. I. Four several ways of designing persons for the ministry.—Of the first way, by casting lots, r.—II. The second way, by making choice of the first-fruits of the Gentile converts, 3.—III. The third way, by particular direction of the Holy Ghost, 4.—IV. The fourth way, by common suffrage and election, 9.
CHAPTER II.
A more particular account of the ancient method and manner of elections of the clergy.
Sect. I. The different opinions of learned men concerning the people’s power anciently in elections, 10.—II. The power of the people equal to that of the inferior clergy in the election of a bishop, 15.—III. This power not barely testimonial, but judicial and elective, 16.—IV. Evi- dences of this power from some ancient rules and customs of the
ΧΧΧΙ CONTENTS OF BOOK IV.
Church. As, first, that no bishop was to be obtruded on an orthodox people without their consent, 17.—V. Secondly, this further confirmed from examples of the bishops’ complying with the voice of the people against their own inclination, r8.—VI. Thirdly, from the manner of the people’s voting at elections, 19.—VII. Fourthly, from the use and office of interventors, 21.—VIII. Fifthly, from the custom of the people’s taking persons, and having them ordained by force, 22.—IX. Sixthly, from the title of fathers, which some bishops upon this account by way of com- pliment gave to their people, 22.—X. What power the people had in the designation of presbyters, 23.—XI. Whether the Council of Nice made any alteration in these matters, 23.—XII. Some exceptions to the ge- neral rule. First, in case the greatest part of the Church were heretics or schismatics, 26.—XIII. Secondly, in case of ordaining bishops to far distant places, or barbarous nations, 27.—XIV.Thirdly, in case an inter- ventor or any other bishop intruded himself into any see without the consent of a provincial synod, 27.—XV. Fourthly, in case of factions and divisions among the people, 28.— XVI. Fifthly, the emperors sometimes interposed their authority to prevent tumults in the like cases, 29.—X VII. Sixthly, the people sometimes restrained to the choice of one out of three, which were nominated by the bishops, 30.—X VIII. Lastly, by Justinian’s laws the elections were confined to the optimates, and the inferior people wholly excluded, 31.—XIX. How and when princes and patrons came.to have the chief power of elections, 32.
CHAPTER III.
Of the examination and qualifications of persons to be ordained to any office of the clergy in the Primitive Church. And first, of their faith and morals.
Sect. I.—Three inquiries made about persons to be ordained, respecting, first, their faith; secondly, their morals; thirdly, their outward quality and condition, 34.—II. The rule and method of examining their faith and learning, 35.—III. The irregular ordination of Synesius considered, 36.—IV. A strict inquiry made into the morals of such as were to be ordained, 38.—V. For which reason no stranger to be ordained in a foreign church, 38.—VI. Nor any one who had done public penance in the church, 39.—VII. No murderer to be ordained, nor adulterer, nor one that had lapsed in time of persecution, 41.—VIII. No usurer, or seditious person, 45.—IX. Nor one who had voluntarily dismembered his own body, 45.—X. Men only accountable for crimes committed after baptism, as to what concerned ordinations, 48.—XI. Except any great irregularity happened in their baptism itself. As in the case of clinic baptism, 49.—XII. And heretical baptism, 50.—XIII. No man to be ordained, who had not made all his family Catholic Christians, 51.—XIV. What methods were anciently taken to prevent simoniacal promotions, 52.
CONTENTS OF BOOK IV. XXXill
CHAPTER IV.
Of the qualifications of persons to be ordained, respecting their outward state and condition in the world.
Sect. I. No soldier to be ordained, 54.—II. Nor any slave or freedman without the consent of the patron, 56.—III. Nor any member of a civil company or society of tradesmen, who were tied to the service of the commonwealth, 57.—IV. Nor any of the curiales or decuriones of the Roman government, 58.—V. Nor any proctor or guardian, till his office expired, 61.—VI. Pleaders at law denied ordination in the Roman Church, 61.—VII. Also energumens, actors, stage-players, &c., in all Churches, 62.
CHAPTER V.
Of the state of digamy and celibacy in particular ; and of the laws of the Church about these in reference to the ancient clergy.
Sect. I. No digamist to be ordained, by the rule of the Apostle, 63.— Il. Three different opinions among the Ancients about digamy. First, that all persons were to be refused orders as digamists, who were twice married after baptism, 63.—III. Secondly, others extended the rule to all persons twice married, whether before or after baptism, 65;.—IV. Thirdly, the most probable opinion of those who thought the Apostle by digamists meant polygamists, and such as married after divorce, 65.—V. No vow of celibacy required of the clergy, as a condition of their ordination, for the three first ages, 67—VI. The vanity of the contrary pretences, 70.—VII. The clergy left to their liberty by the Nicene Council, 71.—VIII. And other Councils of that age, 72.
CHAPTER VI.
Of the ordinations of the primitive clergy, and the laws and customs generally observed therein.
Sect. I. The canons of the Church to be read to the clerk before the bishops ordained him, 74.—II. No clerk to be ordained ἀπολελυμένως, .46.—III. Exceptions to this rule very rare, 77.—IV. No bishop to ordain another man’s clerk without his consent, 79.—V. No bishop to ordain in another man’s diocese, 80.—VI. The original of the four solemn times of ordination, 82.—VII. Ordinations indifferently given on any day of the week for three centuries, 85.—VIII. The ceremony usually performed in the time of the oblation at morning-service, 86.— IX. The church the only regular place of ordination, 87.—X. Ordina- tion received kneeling at the altar, 87——XI. Given by imposition of hands and prayer, 87.—XII. The sign of the cross used in ordination, 89.—XIII. But no unction, nor the ceremony of delivering vessels into the hands of presbyters and deacons, 90.—XIV. Ordinations con- cluded with the kiss of peace, 90.—XV. The anniversary-day of a bishop’s ordination kept a festival, gr. BINGHAM, VOL. Il. Cc
XXXIV CONTENTS OF BOOK V.
CHAPTER VII. The case of forced ordinations and re-ordinations considered.
Srcr. I. Forced ordinations very frequent in the Primitive Church, 92.— II. No excuse admitted in that case, except a man protested upon oath that he would not be ordained, 93.—III. This practice afterward pro- hibited by the imperial laws and canons of the Church, 94.—IV. Yet a bishop ordained against his will had not the privilege to relinquish, 95. V. Re-ordinations generally condemned, 96.—VI. The proposal made by Cecilian to the Donatists examined, 97.—VII. Schismatics some- times re-ordained, 98.—VIII. And heretics also upon their return to the Church, in some places, 100.
BOOK V. OF THE PRIVILEGES, IMMUNITIES, AND REVENUES OF THE CLERGY IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I. Some instances of respect which the clergy paid mutually to one another.
Sect.I. The clergy obliged to give entertainment to their brethren travelling upon necessary occasions, 104.—II. And to give them the honorary privilege of consecrating the eucharist in the church, 106.— III. The use of the litere formate, or commendatory letters, in this re- spect, 107.—IV. The clergy obliged to end all their own controversies among themselves, 108.—V. What care was taken in receiving accusa- tions against the bishops and clergy of the Church, το.
CHAPTER II. Instances of respect showed to the clergy by the civil government. Parti- cularly of their exemption from the cognizance of the secular courts in ecclesiastical causes.
Sect. I. Bishops not to be called into any secular court to give their testimony, 113.—II. Nor obliged to give their testimony upon oath, by the laws of Justinian, 115.—III. Whether the single evidence of one bishop was good in law against the testimony of many others, 116.— IV. Presbyters privileged against being questioned by torture, as other witnesses were, 117.—V. The clergy exempt from the ordinary cogni- zance of the secular courts in all ecclesiastical causes, 118.—VI. This evidenced from the laws of Constantius, 119.—VII. And those of Va- lentinian and Gratian, 119.— VIII. And Theodosius the Great, 120.— IX. And Arcadius and Honorius, 121.—X. And Valentinian the Third, and Justinian, 121.—XI. The clergy also exempt in lesser criminal causes, 122.—XII]. But not in greater criminal causes, 123.—XIII. Nor in pecuniary causes with laymen, 124.—XIV. Of the necessary distinc- tion between the supreme and subordinate magistrates in this business of exemptions, 125.
CONTENTS OF ΒΟΟΚΎ. XXXV
CHAPTER III.
Of the immunities of the clergy in reference to taxes and civil offices and other burdensome employments in the Roman empire.
Sect. I. No divine right pleaded by the ancient clergy to exempt them- selves from taxes, 126.—II. Yet generally excused from personal taxes, or head-money, 128.—III. But not excused for their lands and posses- sions, 131.—Of the tribute called, aurum tironicum, equi canonici, &c., 135.—V. The Church obliged to such burdens as lands were tied to be- fore their donation, 136.—VI. Of the chrysargyrum or lustral tax, and the exemption of the clergy from it, 138.—VII. Of the metatum. What meant thereby, and the exemption of the clergy from it, 141.—VIII. Of the superindicta and extraordinaria. The clergy exempt from them, 142.—IX. The clergy sometimes exempt from contributing to the repa- ration of highways and bridges, 143.— X. As also from the duty called angarie, and parangarie, §c., 144.—XI. Of the tribute called dena- rismus, uncie, and descriptio lucrativorum ; and the Church’s exemption from it, 145.—XII. The clergy exempt from all civil personal offices, 146. —XIII. And from sordid offices both predial and personal, 147.—XI1V.
_ Also from curial or municipal offices, 148.—XV. But this last privilege confined to such of the clergy as had no estates but what belonged to the Church, by the laws of Constantine, 151.—X VI. Constantine’s laws a little altered by the succeeding emperors in favour of the Church, 152.
CHAPTER IV. Of the revenues of the ancient clergy.
Sect. I. Several ways of providing a fund for the maintenance of the clergy. First, by oblations, some of which were weekly, 157.—II. And others monthly, 158.—III. Whence came the custom of a monthly division among the clergy, 159.—1V. Secondly, other revenues arising from the lands and possessions of the Church, 160.—V. These very much augmented by the laws of Constantine, 161.—VI. Whose laws were confirmed, and not revoked by the succeeding emperors, as some mistake, 161.—VII. Thirdly, another part of church-revenues raised by allowances out of the emperor’s exchequer, 165.—VIII. Fourthly, the estates of martyrs and confessors dying without heirs settled upon the Church by Constantine, 167.—IX. Fifthly, the estates of clergymen, dying without heirs and will, settled in like manner, 167.—X. Sixthly, Heathen temples and their revenues sometimes given to the Church, 168.—XI. Seventhly, as also heretical conventicles and their revenues, 169.—XII. Eighthly, the estates of clerks, deserting the Church, to be forfeited to the Church, 170.—XIII. No disreputable ways of augment- ing church-revenues encouraged. Fathers not to disinherit their children to make the Church their heirs, 170.—XIV. Nothing to be demanded for administering the sacraments of the Church, nor for con- secrating churches, nor interment of the dead, 171.—XV. The oblations
Cc 2
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of the people anciently one of the most valuable parts of church- revenues, 174.
CHAPTER V. Of tithes and first-fruits in particular.
Sect. I. Tithes anciently reckoned to be due by divine right, 176.—II. Why not exacted in the apostolical age and those that immediately followed, 178.—III. In what age they were first generally settled upon the Church, 179.—The original of first-fruits, and the manner of offering them, 181.
CHAPTER VI.
Of the management and distribution of the revenues of the ancient clergy.
Srcr. I. The revenues of the whole diocese anciently in the hands of the bishop, 182.—II. And by his care distributed among the clergy, 183.— III. Rules about the division of church-revenues, 184.—IV. In some churches the clergy lived all in common, 185.—V. Alterations made in these matters by the endowment of parochial churches, 186.—VI. No alienations to be made of church-revenues or goods, but upon extra- ordinary occasions, 187.—VII. And that with the joint consent of the bishop and his clergy, with the approbation of the metropolitan or some provincial bishops, 100.
BOOK VI.
AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL LAWS AND RULES RELATING TO THE EMPLOYMENT, LIFE, AND CONVERSATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CLERGY.
CHAPTER I.
Of the excellency of these rules in general, and the exemplariness of the clergy in conforming to them.
Sect. I. The excellency of the Christian rules attested and envied by the Heathens, 191.—II. The character of the clergy from Christian writers, 193.—IlII. Particular exceptions no derogation to their general good character, 194.—IV. An account of some ancient writers which treat of the duties of the clergy, 196.
CHAPTER II. Of laws relating to the life and conversation of the primitive clergy.
Sect. I. Exemplary purity required in the clergy above other men. Reasons for it, 197.—II. Church-censures more severe against them
CONTENTS OF BOOK VI. XXXVI}
than any others, 200.—III. What crimes punished with degradation: viz. theft, murder, perjury, &c., 202.—IV. Also lapsing in time of persecution, 203.—V. And drinking and gaming, 205.—VI. And ne- gotiating upon usury. The nature of this crime inquired into, 206.— VII. Of the hospitality of the clergy, 212.—VIII. Of their frugality and contempt of the world, 214.—IX. Whether the clergy were an- ciently obliged by any law to part with their temporal possessions, 216. —X. Of their great care to be inoffensive with their tongues, 219.— XI. Of their care to guard against suspicion of evil, 221.—XII. Laws relating to this matter, 223.—XIII. An account of the agapete and συνείσακτοι, and the laws of the Church made against them, 224.— XIV. Malevolent and unavoidable suspicions to be contemned, 228.
CHAPTER III.
Of laws more particularly relating to the exercise of the duties and offices
of their function.
Sect. I. The clergy obliged to lead a studious life, 228.—II. No pleas allowed as just apologies for the contrary, 231.—III. Their chief studies to be the Holy Scriptures and the approved writers and canons of the Church, 233.—IV. How far the study of Heathen or heretical books was allowed, 236.—V. Of their piety and devotion in their public addresses to God, 239.—VI. The censure of such as neglected the daily service of the Church, 240.—VII. Rules about preaching to edi- fication, 241.—VIII. Of fidelity, diligence, and prudence, in private addresses and applications, 244.—IX. Of prudence and candour in composing unnecessary controversies in the Church, 250.—X. Of their zeal and courage in defending the truth, 252.—Of their obligations to maintain the unity of the Church; and of the censure of such as fell into heresy or schism, 258.
CHAPTER IV.
An account of some other laws and rules, which were a sort of out-guards and fences to the former.
Secr. I. No clergyman allowed to desert or relinquish his station without just grounds and leave, 261.—II. Yet in some cases a resignation was allowed of, 263.—III. And canonical pensions sometimes granted in such cases, 266.—IV. No clergyman to remove from one diocese to another without the consent and letters dimissory of his own bishop, 267.—V. Laws against the βακάντιβοι, or wandering clergy, 270.—VI. Laws against the translations of bishops from one see to another, how to be limited and understood, 271.—VII. Laws concerning the re- sidence of the clergy, 273.—VIII. Of pluralities and the laws made about them, 276.—IX. Laws prohibiting the clergy to take upon them secular business and offices, 278.—X. Laws prohibiting the clergy to be tutors and guardians, how far extended, 280.—XI. Laws against their being sureties, and pleading causes at the bar, in behalf of them-
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ΧΧΧΥΠῚ CONTENTS OF BOOK VII.
-selves, or their churches, 281.— XII. Laws against their following secular trades and merchandize, 281.— XIII. What limitations and -exceptions these laws admitted of, 283.—XIV. Laws respecting their outward conversation, 287.—XV. Laws relating to their habit, 288.— XVI. The tonsure of the Ancients very different from that of the Romish Church, 290.—XVII. Of the corona clericalis, and why the clergy were called coronati, 291.— XVIII. Whether the clergy were _ distinguished in their apparel from laymen, 292.—XIX. A particular account of the birrus and pallium, 295.—XX. Of the collobium, dal- matica, caracalla, hemiphorium, and linea, 297.
CHAPTER V.
Some reflections upon the foregoing discourse, concluding with an Address to the Clergy of the present Church.
Sect. I. Reflection 1. All laws and rules of the ancient Church not ne- cessary to be observed by the present Church and clergy, 301.—iI. Reflection 2. Some ancient rules would be of excellent use, if revived by just authority, 302.—III. Reflection 3. Some ancient laws may be complied with, though not laws of the present Church, 302.—IV. Re- flection 4. Of the influence of great examples, and laws of perpetual obligation, 303.—V. Some particular rules recommended to observa- tion. First, relating to the ancient method of training up persons for the ministry, 305.—VI. Secondly, their rules for examining the quali- fications of candidates for the ministry, 307.—VII. Thirdly, their rules about private address, and the exercise of private discipline, 309.— VIII. Fourthly, their rules for exercising public discipline upon delin- quent clergymen, who were convicted of scandalous offences, 310.— IX. Julian’s design to reform the Heathen priests by the rules of the Christian clergy, an argument to provoke our zeal in the present age, 311.—X. The Conclusion, by way of Address to the Clergy of the pre- sent Church, 315.
BOOK VII. OF THE ASCETICS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
CHAPTER 1.
Of the difference between the first ascetics and monks, and of the-first original of the monastic life.
Sect. I. Ascetics always in the Church; monks not so, 318.—II. This difference acknowledged by some ingenuous writers in the Romish Church, 318.—III. What the primitive ascetics were, 319.—IV. When the monastic life first began, 323.—V. In what the ascetics differed from monks, 326.—VI. What other names they were called by, 327.
CONTENTS OF BOOK VII. XXX1X
CHAPTER II. Of the several sorts of monks, and their ways of living in the Church.
Secr. I. Several sorts-of monks distinguished by their different ways of living, 328.—II. The first called anchorets, ἀναχωρηταὶ, 528.---111. The second, cenobite, or synodite, 329.—IV. The third, sarabaite, 330.—V. Of the stylite or pillarists, 331.—VI. Of secular monks, 333.—VII. All monks originally no more than laymen, 334.—VIII. In what cases the clerical and monastic life might be conjoined, 337.—IX. The original of canons regular, 342.—X. Of the monks called acemete, or watchers, 343.—XI. Of those called βοσκοὶ, or grazers, 344.—XII. Of the Bene- dictins and gyrovagi, in Italy, 344.—XIII. Of the Apostolics in Britain and Ireland, 346.—X1V. Of some uncommon names of monks in the ancient Church, 348.
CHAPTER III.
An account of such ancient laws and rules as relate to the monastic life, chiefly that of the cenobites.
Sect. I. The curiales not allowed to turn monks, 352.—II. Nor servants without ther master’s consent,353.— III. Nor husbands and wives without mutual consent of each other, 354.—IV. Nor children without the con- sent of their parents, 357.—V. Children, though offered by their parents, not to be retained against their own consent, 357.—VI. Of the tonsure and habit of monks, 359.—VII. No solemn vow or profession required of them, 362.—VIII. What meant by their renunciation of the world, 363.—IX. Of the difference between the renouncing and the communi- cative life, 366.—X. All monks anciently maintained by their own labour, 367.—XI. Proper officers appointed in monasteries for this purpose ; viz. decani, centenarii, patres, &c., 370.—XI1I1. The power of the fathers or abbots very great in point of discipline over the rest, 371. —XIII. Allowed also some peculiar privileges in the Church, 373.— XIV. Yet always subordinate to the power of bishops, 374.—XV. The spiritual exercises of monks. First, perpetual repentance, 376.—XVI. Secondly, extraordinary fasting, 377.—XVII. Thirdly, extraordinary devotions, 379.— XVIII. Of laws excluding monks from offices, both ecclesiastical and civil, 385.— XIX. No monks anciently encroaching on the duties or rights of the secular clergy, 386.—XX. Not allowed at first to dwell in cities, but confined to the wilderness, 388.—X XI. What exceptions that rule admitted of, 389.—XXIJ. Whether monks might betake themselves to a secular life again, 392.—XXIII. Marriage of monks anciently not annulled, 394.—X XIV. What punishments were ordinarily inflicted on deserters, 395.
CHAPTER IV. The case and state of virgins and widows in the ancient Church.
Sect. I. Of the distinction between ecclesiastical and monastical virgins, 397.—II. Whether they were under any profession of perpetual vir-
xl
CONTENTS OF BOOK VII,
ginity, 398.—III. When first made liable to the censures of the Church for marrying against their profession, 399.—IV. The marriage of pro- fessed virgins never declared null, 400.—V. Liberty granted by some laws to marry, if they were consecrated before the age of forty, 401.— VI. Of their habit, and form, and manner of consecration, 402.—VII. Of some privileges bestowed on them, 407.—VIII. Of the name νονὶς, and nonne, and its signification, 408.—IX. Some particular observations relating to the widows of the Church, 409.
THE ANTIQUITIES
~ THE ANTIQUITIES
OF THE
CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
BOOK IV. OF THE ELECTIONS AND ORDINATIONS OF THE CLERGY, AND THE PARTICULAR QUALIFICATIONS OF SUCH AS WERE TO BE ORDAINED.
CHAP. L.
Of the several ways of designing persons to the ministryin + the apostolical and primitive ages of the Church.
1. HAVING thus far given an account of all the orders of Four seve- the clergy in the primitive Church, both superior and inferior, ῥερλῶς eby together with the several offices and functions that were an- persons for nexed to them, I now proceed to consider the rules and me- Pay Ὅτ thods that were observed in setting apart fit persons for the frst way,
os . : : y casting ministry, especially for the three superior orders, which were jots, always of principal concern. And here, in the first place, it will be proper to observe, that in the apostolical and following ages there were four several ways of designing persons for the ministry, or discovering who were most fit to be ordained; the first of which was by casting lots; the second by making choice of the first-fruits of the Gentile converts; the third by parti- cular direction and inspiration of the Holy Ghost; and the last in the common and ordinary way of examination and elec- tion. The first method was observed in the designation of Matthias to be an Apostle, as we read Acts i, 23—26, where it is said, that the disciples themselves first appointed two,
BINGHAM, VOL. Il. B
,o
9 Ways of designing
Joseph called Barsabas, and Matthias; and then praying to God that he would shew whether of those two he had chosen, they gave forth their lots, and the lot fell upon Matthias. St. Chrysostom! says ‘ they used this method because as yet the Holy Ghost was not descended on them, and they had not at this time the power of choosing by inspiration; and there- fore they committed the business to prayer, and left the deter- mination to God.’ The author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, under the name of Dionysius?, fancies that God answered their prayer by some visible token: but if so, this had not been choosing by lot, as the Scripture says it was, but a quite different method of election. However, interpreters generally agree that there was something extraordinary in it. Dr. Light- foot? thinks Matthias had no other ordination to his apostleship ; for the Apostles did not give him any ordination by imposition of hands after this, as they did to presbyters afterwards; and that, if true, was extraordinary indeed. Others reckon the extraordinariness of it to consist in the singular way of elect- ing and designing him to that office by lot; for they say? all ecclesiastical history scarce affords such another instance: and I confess there are not very many, but some few there are, which shew that that method of electing was not altogether so singular as is commonly imagined. For in Spain it was once the common practice,.as may be concluded from a canon® of
1 Hom. 5. in τ Tim. 1, 18. (t. 11. Ρ. 574 ¢.) “Emel οὐδὲ of ᾿Απόστολοι IIvevpatos μετεῖχον, ὅτε τὸν Ματθίαν ἐξελέξαντο" ἀλλ᾽ εὐχῇ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐπι- τρέψαντες ἐγκατέλεξαν αὐτὸν TO, τῶν ᾿Αποστόλων ἀριθμῷ.
2 Hierarch. Eccles. c. 5. p. 367. (t. 1. p. 238 ἃ.) Δοκεῖ μοι τὰ Λόγια κλῆρον ὀνομάσαι θεαρχικόν τι δῶρον, ὑποδηλοῦν ἐκείνῳ τῷ ἱεραρχικῷ χορῷ τὸν ὑπὸ τῆς θείας ἐκλογῆς ἀναδεδειγ- μένον.
3 On Act. 1, 21. (v.8. p. 38.(..... The Apostles could not ordain an Apostle, &c.
4 Vid. Dodwell. Dissert. 1. in Cypr. s..17. p. 4. (p. 7.).... Hujus sortium, in sacrorum ministrorum electione, usus post tempora Apo- stolorum vel nulla exstant omnino, vel quam paucissima, vestigia..... Miminerunt et alii episcoporum ma-
nifestissimis Dei suffragiis consti- tutorum, Gregorii Thaumaturgi et Alexandri Carbonarii Gregorius Nys- senus, Alexandri Hierosolymitani Eusebius et Fabiani Romani. De sortitione tamen altissimum ubique silentium, &c.
5 C. 3. (t.5. p. 1605 e.) Hoc etiam innovandum custodiendumque in omnibus sancta statuit synodus, ut secundum priscorum canonum con- stituta vel synodalium epistolas presulum premonentes, nulli dein- ceps laicorum liceat ad ecclesiasti- cos ordines, pretermisso canonum preefixo tempore, aut per sacra re- galia, aut per consensionem cleri, vel plebis, vel per electionem assen- sionemque pontificum, ad summum sacerdotium aspirare ac provehi : sed cum per canonum conscripta tempora ecclesiasticos per ordinem,
§ I, 2. persons to the ministry. 3
the Council of Barcelona, anno 599, which orders ‘ that when a vacant bishopric is to be filled, two or three shall be elected by the consent ofthe clergy and people, who shall present them to the metropolitan and his fellow-bishops, and they,
7 haying first fasted, shall cast lots, leaving the determination to Christ the Lord; then he on whom the lot shall fall shall be consummated by the blessing of consecration.’ There is nothing different in this from the first example, save only that in this there is express mention of a consecration afterward, which is not in the history of Matthias; and yet perhaps there might be a consecration in his case too, though not expressly men- tioned; but I leave this to further inquiry.
2. The second way of designation was by making choice of The second the first-fruits of the Gentile converts to be ordained to the nia ὅπ ministry. For these, expressing a greater zeal than others, by choice of their readiness and forwardness to embrace the gospel, were ἐμ ἤτδι generally pitched upon by the Apostles as best qualified for Gentile propagating the Christian religion in the world. Clemens ἜΠΠ Romanus, in his Epistle to the Corinthians®, says ‘ the Apo- stles, in all countries and cities where they preached, ordained their first converts bishops and deacons for the conversion of others; and ‘that they had the direction of the Spirit for doing this. And hence the author that personates the same Cle- mens, in his pretended Epistle to James, bishop of Jerusalem, giving him an account of the reasons that moved St. Peter to ordain him, says’? ‘it was because he was chief of the first- fruits of his converts among the Gentiles.’ Some compare this to the right of primogeniture among the ancient patriarchs, which entitled the first-born to the priesthood; and I will not deny but there might be something of allusion in it: but then the parallel will not hold throughout, for in the latter case it
rit, benedictio consecrationis accu- mulet.
speciali opere desudando, probate vitz adminiculo comitante, conscen-
Es —S sl - .
—— eS
derit gradus, ad summum sacerdo-
tium, si dignitati vita responderit, auctore Domino provehatur. Ita ta- men, ut duobus aut tribus, quos ante consensus cleri et plebis elege-
rit, metropolitani judicio ejusque co- episcopis przsentatis, _preeunte episcoporum jejunio, Chri-
uem sors,
sto Domino terminante, monstrave-
6 Ep. 1. ad Corinth. ἢ. 42. (Cotel. V. I. p. 170.) Kara χώρας οὖν καὶ πό- λεις κηρύσσοντες καθέστανον τὰς ἀπαρχὰς αὐτῶν, δοκιμάσαντες τῷ Πνεύματι εἰς ἐπισκόπους καὶ διακόνους τῶν μελλόντων πιστεύειν.
7 Ἐρ. δα Jacob. n. 3. (ibid. p. 606.) Σὺ yap δι’ ἐμοῦ τῶν σωζομένων ἐθνῶν εἶ κρείττων ἀπαρχή.
B 2
The third way by particular direction
of the Holy
Ghost.
4 Ways of designing
was not any natural right, but personal merit attending their primogeniture, that entitled the first converts to the Christian priesthood. ‘
8. Which will appear further by considering that many of them were ordained by the particular direction of the Holy Ghost: for so the words δοκιμάζοντες τῷ Πυεύματι, in Clemens Romanus, may be understood to signify the Spirit’s poimting out the particular persons whom he would have to be ordained; which I observed to be the third way of designation of persons to the ministry, very usual in those primitive times of the Church. Thus Timothy was chosen and ordained “ according to the prophecies that went before on him,” 1 Tim. i, 18; whence his ordination is also called, “ the gift that was given him by prophecy,” 1 Tim. iv, 14. In regard to which the ancient in- terpreters, Chrysostom’ and Theodoret?, say ‘ he had not any human vocation, but was chosen by divine revelation, and or- dained by the direction of the Spirit.’ Clemens Alexandrinus, in his famous Homily entitled Quis Dives salvetur, observes the same of the clergy of the Asiatic Churches, whom St. John ordained after his return from the isle of Patmos; he says}, ‘they were such as were signified or pointed out to him by the Spirit. I know indeed Combefis puts a different sense upon these words, and says"! ‘the designation here spoken of means not any new or distinct revelation, but I know not what divine predestination of the persons; or else their ordination itself, which was the seal or consignation of the Spirit;’ and ‘that there is no authority for the common sense which interpreters put upon this passage.’ But as he owns his notion to be sin-
8 Hom. 5. in 1 Tim, τ, 18. (t. 11. Yeas προβληθῆναι διδάσκαλον" ἀλλὰ
p- 574 ἃ.) Τί ἐστιν, ἀπὸ προφητείας ; ἀπὸ Πνεύματος ᾿Αγίου᾽ προφητεία γάρ ἐστιν, οὐ τὸ τὰ μέλλοντα λέγειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ τὰ παρόντα" ἐπεὶ καὶ ὁ Σαοὺλ κατὰ προφητείαν ἐδείχθη ἐ ἐν τοῖς σκεύ- εἐσι κρυπτόμενος. ὁ γὰρ Θεὸς τοῖς δι- καίοις ἀποκαλύπτει. προφητεία ἢ ἦν καὶ τὸ λέγειν, ᾿Αφορίσατέ μοι τὸν Παῦ- λον καὶ τὸν Βαρνάβαν. οὕτω καὶ ὁ Τιμόθεος ἡρέθη.
91ὴ eund. loc. (t. 3. part. I. p. 645.) Ov yap ἀνθρωπίνης, φησὶ, τε- τύχηκας κλήσεως" ἀλλὰ κατὰ θείαν ἀποκάλυψιν τὴν χειροτονίαν ἐδέξω" εἰκὸς δὲ οὐ μόνον αὐτὸν ἐξ ἀποκαλύ-
καὶ κατὰ τοιοῦτόν τινα τρόπον καὶ τῆς ἐξ a ἀρχῆς κλήσεως ἀπολαῦσαι. 10 Ap. Euseb. 1. 3. Ὁ. 23. (v. 1. Ρ- 113. 5: ). εν (Ὅπου μὲν ἐπισκόπους καταστήσων, ὅπου δὲ ὅλας ἐκκλησίας ἁρμόσων, ὅπου δὲ κλήρῳ ἕ ἕνα γέ τινα κληρώσων τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πνεύματος σημαινομένων.---ΟΟηξ, ap. Combefis. Auctar. Noviss. (part. 1. p. 185 a. 8.) 11 In loc. cit. (p. 192 6. 15.).. 0. Quos Spiritus designasset divina po- tius preedestinatione, quam nova ali- qua et distincta revelatione, quam nec Clemens significavit, nec ulla probat auctoritas, &c.
IV. 1
ve ὙΡ -
persons to the ministry. 5
gular, and contrary to the sense of all other learned men, so it
is evidently against matter of fact and ancient history, which
affords several other instances of the like designations in the following ages. I will give an instance or two out of many. Eusebius says!? ‘Alexander bishop of Jerusalem was chosen κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν, by revelation, and an oracular voice, which signified to some ascetics of the Church that they should go forth out of the gates of the city, and there meet him whom God had appointed to be their bishop ;’ which was this Alex- ander, a stranger from Cappadocia, coming upon other busi-: ness to Jerusalem. He was indeed bishop of another place before, but his translation to the see of Jerusalem was wholly by divine direction; which is the thing I allege it for. We have another such instance in the election of Alexander, sur- named Carbonarius, bishop of Comana, mentioned by Gregory Nyssen in the Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus. This Alexan- der was a Gentile philosopher, and a very learned man, who upon his conversion to Christianity, that he might avoid ob- servation, and follow his philosophical studies with the greater privacy, in his great humility betook himself to the trade of a collier, whence he had the name of Carbonarius. Now it hap- pened, upon the vacancy of the bishopric of Comana, that the citizens sent to Gregory Thaumaturgus to desire him to come and ordain them a bishop; but they not agreeing in their choice, one, by way of jest and ridicule, proposed Alexander
the collier; who being discovered!3 by special revelation to
Gregory Thaumaturgus to be a man of extraordinary virtues and worth, who had submitted to that contemptible calling only to avoid being taken notice of, and being found, upon a due inquiry, to be the man he was represented to be, was
121, 6. c. 11. (v. 1. p. 268. 17.) Καὶ δὴ μηκέθ᾽ οἷού re ὄντος λειτουρ- γεῖν διὰ λιπαρὸν γῆρας, τὸν εἰρημένον ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐπίσκοπον ἑτέρας ὑπάρ- χοντα παροικίας, οἰκονομία Θεοῦ ἐπὶ τὴν ἅμα τῷ Ναρκίσσῳ λειτουργίαν ἐκάλει, κατὰ ἀποκάλυψιν νύκτωρ αὐ- Ὁ ῆρῇ ὁράματος φανεῖσαν" ταύτῃ δ᾽
ὥσπερ κατά τι θεοπρόπιον ἐκ τῆς τῶν Καππαδοκῶν γῆς, ἔνθα τὸ πρῶτον τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἠξίωτο, τὴν πορείαν ἐπὶ τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα εὐχῆς καὶ τῶν τόπων ς ἕνεκεν πεποιημένον, φιλο-
ρονέστατα οἱ τῇδε ὑπολαβόντες ἀ- ελφοί" οὐκέτ᾽ οἴκαδε αὐτῷ παλι- νοστεῖν ἐπιτρέπουσι, καθ᾽ ἑτέραν ἀπο- κάλυψιν καὶ αὐτοῖς νύκτωρ ὀφθεῖσαν, μίαν τε φωνὴν σαφεστάτην τοῖς μά- λιστα αὐτῶν σπουδαίοις χρήσασαν" ἐδήλου γὰρ προελθόντας ἔξω πυλῶν τὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ προωρισμένον αὐτοῖς ἐπί- σκοπον ὑποδέξασθαι. 13. Greg. Nyssen. ap. Vit. Greg. Thaumaturg. ({. 3. p. 562 a.) Ei ταῦτα κελεύεις, κι τ. A.
6 Ways of designing ΤΥ thereupon unanimously chosen by all the Church to be their bishop, and immediately ordained by St. Gregory. Cyprian often speaks of this divine designation in the case of Celeri- nus!+ and Aurelius!’, when they were but to be ordained readers. And he says also!® ‘he had a divine direction to translate Numidicus from another Church to the Church of Carthage. And Sozomen? tells us, from Apollinarius, ‘ that Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, appointed Athanasius his successor by divine command. For some time before his death it was signified to him by divine revelation that no one should succeed him but Athanasius; and therefore when he lay upon his death-bed he called Athanasius by name, who was then absent, and fled for fear of being made bishop; and, another of the same name who was present answering to the eall, he said nothing to him, but called Athanasius again ; which he did several times, whereby it was at last understood that he meant the Athanasius that was fled, to whom, though absent, he then prophetically said, Thinkest thou that thou art escaped, Athanasius? No; thou art not escaped.’ It were easy to add many other instances of the lke nature, but these are sufficient to shew against Combefis, that in those early ages men were sometimes designed to the ministry by parti- cular divine revelation and prophecy, or else the ancients themselves were wonderfully deceived.
Whilst I am upon this head, I must suggest two things further. First, that a dove’s lighting upon the head of any man at an election was usually taken for a divine omen ; and commonly the person who had that sign was looked upon as pointed out by ’ the Spirit, and accordingly chosen before all others as having a sort of emblem of the Holy Ghost. Eusebius 18 observes, it was
14 Kp. 34. [al. 39.] ad Cler. Carth. (p. 223.) Referimus ad vos Celeri- num fratrem nostrum..... clero nostro non humana suffragatione, sed divina dignatione conjunctum. Qui cum consentire dubitaret, ec- clesiz ipsius admonitu et hortatu in _visione per noctem compulsus est, ne negaret nobis, suadentibus, &c.
15 Ep. 33. [al. 38.] (p. 222.)..... Expectanda non sunt testimonia humana, cum precedunt divina suffragia.
16 Ep. 35. [al. 40.] (p. 225.)..-.. Admonitos nos et instructos sciatis dignatione divina, ut Numidicus ge ἀμ adscribatur presbytero- rum Carthaginiensium numero.
17 L, 2. c. 17. (v. 2. p. 66. 8.)... ᾿Αλέξανδρος ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπος, διάδοχον αὐτοῦ κατέλιπεν ᾿Αθανάσιον, θείαις προστάξεσιν, ὡς ἡγοῦμαι, ἐπὶ αὐτὸν ἀγαγὼν τὴν ψῆφον. .
18 ΕΣ. 29. (ν. : p- 204...}.».. Ὃ Φαβιανὸς παρὼν, οὐδενὸς μὲν ἀν- θρώπων εἰς διάνοιαν ἤει" ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν
45:
this that turned the election upon Fabian bishop of Rome, and
—I ee ail
persons to the ministry. 7
gave him the preference before all others, though he was a stranger. ‘No-one at first thought of choosing him, but a dove being observed by the people to settle upon his head,
they took it for an emblem of the Holy Ghost, which hereto-
fore descended upon our Saviour in the form of a dove; and thereupon with one consent, as if they had been moved them- selves by the Holy Ghost, they cried out ἄξιον, he was worthy,’ which was the word then used to signify their consent ; ‘and so without more ado they took him and set him upon the bishop’s throne.’ The election of Severus bishop of Ravenna, and that
οὗ Euortius bishop of Orleans, were determined the same way,
as Blondel!9 has observed out of their Lives in Surius; and
ἀθρόως ἐκ μετεώρου περιστερὰν κα- ταπτᾶσαν ἐπικαθεσθῆναι τῇ αὐτοῦ κε- “φαλῇ μνημονεύουσι, μίμημα ἐνδεικνυ- “μένην τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Σωτῆρα τοῦ ἁγίου Τινεύματος ἐν εἴδει περιστερᾶς καθό- δου" ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τὸν πάντα λαὸν ὥσπερ ὑφ᾽ ἑνὸς Πνεύματος θείου κινηθέντα ὁμόσε, προθυμίᾳ πάσῃ καὶ μιᾷ ψυχῇ, ἄξιον ἐπιβοῆσαι" καὶ ἀμελλήτως ἐπὶ τὸν θρόνον τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς λαβόντας αὐτὸν
t tvat.
19 Apol. s. 3. (p. 426.) Anno cir- citer 345 veniens in ecclesiam [ Ra- vennatem,| ubi erat populus cum sacerdotibus congregatus, quod es- set vili et deformi opertus habitu, post templi ostium latitabat Severus, &c.—Conf. Sur. Vit. Sanctor. seu de SS. Histor. Febr.1. (t.1. p. 809.) Accidit, ut Ravenne episcopus ex hac vita migraret, et ecclesia illa pastore orbaretur. Conveniunt igi- tur frequentes episcopi et ex propin- quis et remotis locis, ut tante civi- tati pontificem solito more preefice- rent atque consecrarent. Illis vero co tis, Severus domi laborans, uxori dicit, Vadam ocius, et videbo quis sit futurus antistes noster. Cui uxor, Sede hic, inquit, et tuum ne- gotium age. Nam si velis vacare otio, non erit in rem nostram. Sive vero tu illic adsis, sive domo resi- deas, te pontificem non creabunt. Mlle porro, Liceat mihi, ait, cum bo- ma pace tua illue ire. Respondit conjunx, Fac ut lubet; nam, sine
dubio, simulatque fueris ingressus, episcopus ordinaberis. Dixit hoc illa salse et irridicule: sed vir Dei illico abiit ; et veniens in ecclesiam, ubi erat populus cum sacerdotibus congregatus, quod esset vili et de- formi opertus habitu, post templi ostium latitabat. Precibus vero pro more absolutis, ecce columba nive candidior e clo descendens ejus capiti insidet. Id ille conspicatus, columbam a se abigit: at illa per aéra circumvolitans tertio rediit su- per caput ejus, tamquam in columba diceret Spiritus Sanctus, Ad quem respiciam, nisi ad pauperculum et contritum spiritu, et trementem ser- mones meos? Ea autem res stupo- rem attulit omnibus, qui ibi tum aderant e clero et populo, et in commune laudes gratesque egerunt Deo, bonorum omnium largitori. Mox igitur productus est e suo lati- bulo vir sanctus, et vel invitus rap- tus ad sedem pontificiam, unctusque oleo exsultationis et unguento sacri chrismatis, ut fieri solet ad eam dig- nitatem vocatis.—Sur. ibid. Sept. 7. (t. 5. p. 124.) Ubi eo [ad ecclesiam S. Stephani Aureliz] ventum est, Euortius tamquam ignotus stat jux- ta ostiarium. Paulo post jubent epi- scopi obserari fores; et ipsi, humi prostrati, cum multo gemitu et la- crimis rogant Deum, ut indicet quem velit ordinari episcopum. Con- jungebat vero etiam suos gemitus
8 Ways of designing IV. i.
the inquisitive reader may furnish himself with other instances from his own observation. The other thing I would suggest is, that sometimes an accidental circumstance was so providen- tially disposed, as to be taken for an indication of the divine will, and approbation of an election. Sulpicius Severus makes this observation particularly upon a circumstance that hap- pened in the election of St. Martin, bishop of Tours. Some of the provincial bishops, who were met at the place, for very unjust reasons opposed his election; and more especially one, whose name was Defensor, was a violent stickler against him. Now it happened that the reader, who was to have read that day, not being able to get in due time to his place, by reason of the press and crowding of the people, and the rest bemg in
populus universus, jurgiorum finem petens a Domino, et exspectans quid dicturi essent episcopi. Illis ergo sic orantibus et plangentibus, colum- ba, divinitus missa, per fenestram mirabili splendore radiat: atque in ecclesiam involans, cum claro stre- pitu totam fere zdem pervagatur, tamquam investigans quippiam. Cer- nens autem beatum Euortium januze inherentem in ejus capite residet. Ille vero manibus eam abigit. Eo signo valde permotus populus tanto instantius orabat Dominum, ut il- lum Spiritum mitteret, qui in co- lumba in Christum baptizatum de- scendit. Columba autem, ut se suo functam ministerio ostenderet, per ostium ,quo ingressa erat, rursus avo- lavit. ‘lum vero perstrepens popu- lus letitie effertur: episcopi vero et ordines omnes accurate perqui- runt, quisnam ille sit, in cujus ca- pite columba sederit? Ibi rursus quedam exstitit et sermonum et hominum discrepantia, aliis dicen- tibus, ostiarium esse: aliis vere non ostiarium, sed ejus similem quem- dam. Iterum ergo ad preces re- deunt sacerdotes, rogantque Domi- num, ut jubeat redire denuo colum- bam. Non sprevit Deus illorum preces: columba redit, per omnem fere ecclesiam circumvolitat, et tan- dem in caput beati Euortii advolat. Ille, rei novitate perterritus, rursus eam repellit, eaque repulsa exit e templo. Exoritur populi strepitus ;
jubent episcopi hominem, in quo tantum miraculum visum esset, ad se accedere; rogant ab eo, quibus ex locis eo venerit? aut quo profi- cisci velit? Respondet ille, quem- admodum jam ante responderat os- tiario. Ih igitur, se exauditos a Domino sentientes, gratias ei agunt, quod ex ea urbe ad ipsos pastorem miserit, ex qua priscis temporibus religionis propagandz causa piissi- mos predicatores misisset. Deinde precipiunt beatissimo Euortio, ut cum ipsis ad orationem se submit- tat, et in altare caput immittat : orantque Dominum, ut tertio mira- culo ostendere velit, num ille sit, we elegit ad ecclesiam illam tuen-
am ac fovendam. Nondum finie- rant preces, et ecce columba, plausu ingenti alas concutiens, ad locum, in quo prius vir Dei steterat, se confert ; et eum non inveniens, tam- quam inquirens ubi sit; coram omni- bus circumvolitat. Erant tum ibi non pauci episcopi, qui dicerent acciri de- bere etiam eos, quorum electio eccle- siam illam vulnerasset, ut viderent, num illis presentibus ad Euortium columba se reciperet. Acciti sunt igitur, et cum starent cum Euortio inter episcopos, columba circumvo- litans sensim ferebatur in sublime, tandemque se submittens, in unius Euortii capite requievit. ‘Tum om- nes acclamarunt, dignum illum esse sacerdotio, quippe quem ipse Domi- nus eligeret, &c.
§ 3, 4. persons to the ministry. 9
a little confusion upon that account, one of those that stood by, taking up a book, read the first verse that he lighted upon, which happened to be those words of the 8th Psalm, “ Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise, because of thine enemies, that thou mightest destroy the enemy and defensor.” For so it seems the vulgar Gallican translation then read it, — ut destruas inimicum et defensorem. These words were no sooner read but the people gave a shout, and the adverse party were confounded. ‘And so,’ says our author 2°, ‘it was generally believed that this Psalm was read by divine appointment, that Defensor the bishop might hear his own work condemned, whilst the praises of God were per- fected, in St. Martin, out of the mouth of babes and sucklings, and the enemy was at once both discovered and destroyed.’
By what has been said the reader now will be able to judge of the meaning of the ancients when they speak of parti- cular divine designations of persons to the ministry of the Church.
4. The fourth and last way of designation was by the ordi- The fourth nary course of suffrage and election of the Church: the method pir of which in general was so accurate and highly approved, that frage and one of the Roman emperors, though an heathen, thought fit to “°°#°™ give a great character and encomium of it, and propose it to himself as an example proper to be imitated in the designation and choice of civil officers for the service of the empire. For so Lampridius?! represents the practice of Alexander Severus.
‘ Whenever he was about to constitute any governors of pro- vinces, or receivers of the public revenues, he first proposed their names, desiring the people to make evidence against them, if any one could prove them guilty of any crime; but if
20Sulpic. Sever. Vit. B. Martin.c.7. vel procuratores, id est, rationales,
. 225. (p. 472.) Ita habitum est, ordinare, nomina eorum proponebat,
ivino nutu Psalmum hune lectum hortans populum, ut si quis quid fuisse, ut testimonium operis sui haberet criminis, probaret manifes- Defensor audiret, quia ex ore infan- tis rebus; si non probasset, subiret tium atque lactentium in Martino pcenam capitis: dicebatque grave Domini laude perfecta, et ostensus esse, quum id Christiani et Judzi pariter et destructus est inimicus. __ facerent in’ preedicandis sacerdoti-
21 Vit. Alexandr. Sever. c. 45. (int. bus, qui ordinandi sunt, non fieri in Aug. Hist. Scriptor. p. 570.) Ubi provinciarum rectoribus, quibus et aliquos: voluisset vel rectores pro- δον hominum committerentur vinciis «dare, vel preepositos facere, et capita.
10 Method of the
they accused them falsely, it should be at the peril of their own lives; saying, it was unreasonable, that, when the Christians and Jews did this in propounding those whom they ordained their priests and ministers, the same should not be done in the appointment of governors of provinces, in whose hands the lives and fortunes of men were intrusted.’ This argues, that all imaginable care was taken in the election of Christian ministers, since their practice in this respect has such ample testimony from the heathens. And indeed all modern writers agree upon the matter in general, that anciently elections were made with a great deal of caution and exactness: but as to the particular methods that were used, men are strangely divided in their accounts of them; by which means, there is no one subject has been rendered more intricate and perplexed than this of elections, which has even frighted some from attempting to give an account of it. But I must not wholly disappoint my readers through such fears; and therefore I shall briefly ac- quaint them with the different sentiments of modern authors, who have handled this subject, and then clear what I take to be the true state of the case, from evident proofs of ancient history, which shall be the business of the next chapter.
CHAP. II.
A more particular account of the ancient method and manner of elections of the clergy.
The differ. 1. ΤῊΝ grand question in this affair, upon which learned
ent sas men are so much divided, is concerning the persons who had a 10ns O
learned Tight to vote in the elections of the clergy. Some think the aceite ae people were never allowed any other power save only to give people’s their testimonials to the party elected, or to make objections,
tiently in. if they had any just and reasonable exceptions, against him ;
elections. go Habertus22, and Sixtus Senensis23, and Bellarmin2¢. Others
22 Archierat. ad Rit. Elect. ob- ani] verba expendantur, neuter eo- serv. I. (p. 436.).... Plena illa et rum jus eligendi episcopum populo absoluta per populum electio, nun- attribuit; sed hoc tantum fuisse in- quam ecclesiz presertim Grecize dicant a rectoribus ecclesie plebi placuit; bene quidem consensus ple- concessum, ut ipsi, populo presen- bis et approbatio, vel etiam postu- te, sub oculis omnium delegerentur,
latio, sed electid neutiquam. ut digni atque idonei publico judicio 23 Biblioth. 8S. 1. 5. annot. 118. comprobarentur, ne ulla post ordi- (t. 2. p. 88 ἅ. 9.) ... Si recte utri- nationem retractandi occasio rema~
usque doctoris [Origenis et Cypri-. neret: unde et Lampridius, scriptor
IV. i.
election of the clergy. 1
say the people were absolute and proper electors, and that from apostolical right, which they always enjoyed for a succes- sion of many ages. This opinion is advanced, and with great show of learning asserted by Blondel?>, against Sancta Clara and the rest of the other opinion. De Marca®6 takes a middle way between those two extremes: he says the people had as much power anciently as any of the clergy below bishops; that is, their consent was required in the promotion of a bishop as well as their testimony; yet he will not allow this to be called electing: for the designation election or judgment, he says, still belonged only to the metropolitan, together with the synod of provincial bishops. And though we read sometimes of their giving their vote or suffrage; yet that, he says, ‘is only to be understood of suffrage of consent, not the suffrage
of election.” But Mr. Mason27, in answer to Pamelius, who had
advanced something of this notion before De Marca, rejects this as a deluding distinction, and asserts that the people had properly a voice or suffrage of election; and he quotes Bishop Andrews?’ for the same opinion. Yet he does not carry the point so high as to maintain with Blondel, that it was of un- alterable right, but left by God as a thing indifferent, to be ordered by the discretion of the Church, so all things be done
a nostra religione alienus, in Vita
signandi episcopi clero et populo Alexandri Augusti refert consue-
tribuit ; ipsam vero designationem
visse prius nomina eorum, qui ec- clesiz preficiendi erant, proponi palam, ut si quid contra eum popu- us haberet, id in medium proferret,
&e.
- 24 De Cler. 1.1. ¢. 7. (t.2. p. 246d.) Jus eligendi summum pontificem ceeterosque ecclesiz pastores et mi- nistros, non convenit populo jure divino. Sed si quid aliquando in hac re populus potuit, id totum ha- buit ex conniventia vel concessione pontificum, &c.
- 2 Apol. s. 3. (pp. 379, seqq.) No- vatianum a Novato, &c.
. 26 De Concord. 1.8. c. 2. n. 2. (p. 1112.) Ceterum si negotium is- tud referatur ad primam originem, morumque vetustz ecclesie et anti- quorum canonum ratio habeatur, constans est illa sententia, que so- lum testimonium et consensum de-
sive electionem et judicium metro- politano una cum synodo provincia- lium episcoporum. In quo testimo- nio dando non reperio discrimen aliquod constitutum a veteribus in- ter clerum civitatis et populum. A®quo enim jure hac in parte ute- bantur, et utriusque consensus ad suscipiendum episcopum exspectan- dus erat. Tota quippe, ut jam dixi, auctoritas erat penes episcopos, et precipue penes metropolitanum, qui rebus gestis τὸ κῦρος adhibebat, ut is aed Synodus Niczena.
Consecration of Bishops, b. 4. ch. 4. (pp. 159, 160.) Yet the suf- frages of the people, &c.
Respons. ad Apol. Bellarmin. c. 13. (p. 313.) Preesentia quidem ple- bis apud Cyprianum includit testi- monium de vita, nec excludit suffra- gium de persona, &c.
12
honestly and in order.
Method of the
And this seems to have been the
opinion of Spalatensis29, Richerius®°, Justellus*}, Suicerus®?,
and some other learned men of both Churches.
Others there
are who distinguish between the times preceding the Council of Nice and those that followed after; for they think, whatever power was allowed the people in the three first ages, was taken away by that Council, and the Councils of Antioch and Lao-
dicea that followed not long after.
29 De Repub]. Eccles. 1. 3. c. 3. Ὡ. 42. (t. 1. p. 411 ἃ. 10.) Et quo- niam qui excludunt plebem nostri ab electionibus episcoporum, plebis partes non alias ponunt antiquitus, nisi ut testimonium reddat de vita et moribus promovendi: ut errare se cognoscant, si non sint satis tot testimonia jam allata, in quibus multo plus tribuitur plebi quam tale testimonium ; legant Acta Concilii Chalcedonensis ...legant etiam Al- cuinum, [de Divin. Offic. c. 36.4 ubi sic scribit; Cum episcopus ci- vitatis fuerit defunctus, eligitur alius a clero seu populo, &c.
80 Hist. Concil. 1. 1. ¢. 12. ἢ. 18. (p. 389.) C. 22. [C. 4. Constant. ] sic habet: Promotiones atque con-~ secrationes, &c. .... Huic canoni concordat 12..... ad cujus intelli- gentiam Cardinalis Cusanus, (lib. 2. de Concordantia, cap. 32.) demon- strans invitis dari non posse episco- pum: quam in rem laudat Can. de Neptis 31, quest. 2, quo docetur, sicut in matrimonio carnali, sic in ecclesia, unum corpus _ spirituale constitui debere ex episcopo et plebe, ac proinde consensum neces- sarium videri: quoniam non du- bium, inquit, inter episcopum et ecclesiam matrimonium esse, (3. quest. 1. can. Audivimus.) et propterea (1. quest. 1. can. Ordi- nationes,) dici ordinationes, que non fiunt communi consensu cleri et populi secundum canonicas sanc- tiones, et ab iis, ad quos consecratio pertinet, non comprobari et falsas judicari; quoniam qui taliter ordi- nantur, non per ostium, id est, per Christum intrant, sed, ut ipsa veri- tas testatur, fures sunt et latrones. Et ratio hujus est, quoniam consen-
So Schelstrate33, in his
sus de essentia matrimonii est. Di- versitas enim ordinum preposito- rum et subjectorum pro conserva- tione reipublice ordinata est; ut dum reverentiam exhibent minores potioribus, et potiores minoribus dilectionem, vera concordia ex di- versitate contexeretur, ut recte offi- ciorum gereretur administratio ; ut Dist. 89. can. Ad hoc, et Dist. 45. can. Licet. Igitur ex concordan- tia subsistit ecclesia. Quare invitis preses non recte preponitur, de quo pulcre Dist. 95. can. Esto. Sed oportet quod ille, qui preest, ab omnibus quibus preest consti- tuatur, tacite vel expresse: sin au- tem aliter presumtum fuerit, viri- bus carere dubium non est, quia irritum est: Dist. 66. can. Archi- episcopus: qui dicit alibi, Oportet ut ille, qui omnibus preesse debet, ab omnibus eligatur, &ce.
31 Not. inc. 6. C. Chalced. (t. 1. Ρ- 92.) Is fuit vetus mos ecclesiz in episcopis ordinandis, ut rogarentur suffragia non modo cleri, sed etiam populi, atque ut omnium de eo, qui ordinandus erat, judicia sciscitaren- tur, illius nomen plebi publice pro- ponebatur, facta omnibus potestate quidquid vellent eis objiciendi, &c.
32 thes. Eccles. in voce ἐπίσκο- mos. (t.1. p. 1181 a.) Antiquissimis temporibus episcopi a tota ecclesia, ex pastoribus et plebe composita, fuerunt electi. .... Usque ad Inno- centium IJ. mos ille in Ecclesia Ro- mana fuit observatus, ut plebis con- sensus in electionibus et suffragium requireretur. Ep.
C. Antioch, Restitut. ap. Schol. in ¢. 19. (p. 599.) Canon imnovat quartum Niczenum, et eadem statuit cum duodecimo Laodiceno: id quod
IV. ἢ.
§1.
election of the clergy.
13
Dissertations upon the Council of Antioch, where he quotes Christianus Lupus and Sirmond for the same opinion. But this is exploded as a-groundless fiction, not only by Spalatensis3+ and Bishop Pearson, but also by Richerius®®, Cabassutius37, Valesius**, Petavius®°, De Marca?°, and other learned persons
statuit, ubique observatum fuit a tempore Niczeni Concilii, a quo om- nes fatentur plebis suffragia non amplius fuisse in usu. ,
De Republ. Eccles. part. 1. 1, 3. 6. 3. n. 12. (p. 402. a. 10.) Jam vero post concilium Niczenum, in electionibus eumdem prorsus vete- rem morem perpetuo ecclesiam ad nostra pene tempora servasse, ut a clero et populo fieret, ex patribus et rebus gestis; ex conciliis et juribus; ex Rom. pont. attestationibus et de- cretis, jam sumo probandum, &c.
35 Vindic. Ignat. part. 1. ¢. 11. (Cotel: v. 2. p. 324.) O preclaram et subtilem distinctionem, &c.
86 Hist. Concil. 1. 1. c. 2. n. 7. (p. 18.) Notandum contra Valesium (tertia libri de Suprema Po- testate Pape, questione sexta, circa medium, ubi canonem quartum Niczenum explicat,) patres Niczenos non abstulisse populo jus eligendo- rum episcoporum, sed tantum pre- cepisse electionem populi et cleri a metropolitano confirmari, et ab epi- scopis provincie fieri oportere. Nam dehinc semper populus in sua possessione Ὃς ae pastores conti- nuavit, idque hac synodali epistola clare ostenditur, ubi nominatim ha- betur episcopum Alexandriz debere populi electionem confirmare.
Notit. Concil. c. 17. [ad ce. 4. C. Nicen.] p. 83. (p. 109.) Nulla- tenus hic audiendus Theodorus Bal- samon, scribens in hunce can. 4, epi- scopos olim quidem fuisse ab uni- versa plebe electos. Quia tamen in hisce popularibus comitiis multa jactabantur indecora in eos, quorum proponebatur electio, fuisse isto Ni- ceno canone consuetudinem illam abrogatam, statutumque ut soli epi- scopi eligerent. Sed errat Balsa- mon, cum nullum hic appareat ab- rogationis vestigium : et constet pereeque post Nicenum concilium,
ut prius, admissa in episcopis eli- gendis populorum suffragia: sic tamen ut moderationi et regimini subessent episcoporum. Quemad- modum in Atheniensium olim re- publica πρόεδροι popularibus suf- fragiis preerant, ut docet Julius Pollux, 1. 8.
38 Not. in Euseb. 1. 6. c. 43. (v. 1. p- 314. n. 3.) Presbyteri olim ab episcopo ordinari non poterant sine consensu cleri et populi. Ac de populi quidem suffragio in electio- ne presbyterorum testantur patres concilii Niczeni in Epistola Synodica ad episcopos Aigypti (d.1.) Deni- que adeo necessarium fuit plebis suffragium in electione presbytero- rum, ut szpenumero in ecclesia plebs tumultuosis vociferationibus presbyterum aliquem fieri postula- ret et cogeret, &c.
39 Not. in Synes. Ep. 67. (p. 56.) Quo in canone [Niceno 4.] de epi- ‘ scopi creatione ipsa, sive electione, agitur ; que ita populi suffragiis permitti solebat, ut iis moderandis ac gubernandis adessent, imo pre- essent episcopi. Nec audiendus Balsamo, ‘qui ad hunc canonem observat, ‘ Olim quidem episcopos a populo consuevisse deligi; sed quod in suffragiis ferendis, de eo- rum vita quedam interdum minus decora et honesta jactarentur, mo- rem illum hoc canone abrogatum fuisse ; ac deinceps statutum, ut ab episcopis ea fieret electio.? Quo nihil dici potest absurdius. Non enim popularia suffragia Niceenus iste canon sustulit; sed his, uti dixi, moderandis, vel cum illis etiam episcoporum auctoritatem jussit ad- hiberi. Quemadmodum Athenis po- pularibus concionibus aderant πρό- εδροι, ut docet Julius Pollux, lib. 8, et Harpocratio. Quin etiam multo post Niczenum concilium tempore perseveravit in ecclesia, ut a populo
14
Method of the
of the Roman communion, who think the fathers of the Nicene Council made no alteration in this matter, but left all things as they found them. Some again distinguish between the election of bishops and the other clergy, and say the people’s consent was only required in the election of bishops, but not in the promotion of the inferior clergy. So Cabassutius4! and Bishop Beveridge ‘2, who reckons this so clear a point, that there is no
dispute to be made of it.
Yet Valesius disputes it, and asserts
the contrary 48, ‘that anciently presbyters were not to be or-
crearentur episcopi; idque et pon- tificum Romanorum et conciliorum decreta sanxerunt.
40 De Concord. 1. 8. c. 3. n. 4. (p. 1117.) Ex quibus canonibus [c. Niceen.4, Antioch. 19, Laodic. 13. | aperte conficitur, episcoporum pro- motionem judicio synodi plenissime permissam. Et ne consultatio, que cum clero et plebe habenda est, auctoritate canonis fulta, contuma- ces redderet civium animos episco- porum judicio, ejus mentio omissa est in canonibus; relicta interim consuetudine jam recepta de trac- tatu electionis habendo cum clero et plebe civitatis. Jus itaque epi- scoporum canone firmatum est. Quod pertinet ad populum, consue- tudini relictum est.
41 Notit. Concil. c. 36. (Ed. Lug- dun. 1670. p. 196. et Venet. 1703. Ρ. 136.) Probatum invictis testimo- nis fuit superius ad Niceenum ca- nonem quartum, ad episcoporum electionem admissa olim fuisse ple- bis suffragia. Secus tamen fieri so- litum fuit circa minorum sacerdo- tum et inferiorum ecclesiz mini- strorum electionem, ut ex isto ca- none decimo tertio perspicuum sit. Populi quidem testimonium de vita et moribus ordinandi requirebatur. Juxta illud 1 Tim. 3. oportet illum et testimonium habere bonum ab iis, qui foris sunt. Quin immo non- numquam populus ipse aliquem proponebat, et postulabat ordinari : testatur enim Paulinus, Ep. 45, se Barcinone in Hispania fuisse ab episcopo Lampio initiatum clero, et sacratum ad illius populi postulatio- nem. Item refert Aug., Ep. 225,
fuisse Pimanum ab Hipponensi po- pulo instanter postulatum, ut ad clerum promoveretur. Insuper, ne quid huc pertinens omittatur, Ac- tuum Apost. 1, non soli Apostoli, sed tota ecclesia Matthiam elegit, et Joseph Barsabam, ut ex eis unus adsumeretur. Et Act. 6. credentium convocata multitudo septem diaco- nos elegit. Verum ad illud primum caput testatur Chrysostomus, Pe- trum potuisse quidem per se ipsum merito eligere, sed maluisse per mo- destiam et prudentiam universe ec- clesize gratificari. Postulationis au- tem, que fiebant episcopis a populo, nihil habuisse preter supplicationes: eet jus ullum, aut obligationem induxisse, certum est. [ Differently worded in the larger editions, Lugd. 1680. (p.153.) and 1685. (p. 152.) ῃ. 9. ad c. 13. Synod. Laodic. sub Damaso. Ep. |]
42 Not. in c. 6. C. Chalced. ad vocab. ἐπικηρύττοιτο. (t. 2. append. p. 113.) Non quidem inficias eam, quin ἐπικηρύττω sepius palam et per preconem aliquid denuntiare et predicare significet, neque etiam me latet, suffragia olim cleri popu- lique publice rogata esse, priusquam episcopus ordinaretur: sed qua ta- men ratione Christophorus Justellus hane vocem eo. sensu hic usurpari asseruerit, non video. Etiamsi enim episcoporum nomina publice propo- sita fuerint priusquam antiquitus ordinarentur; idem tamen in pres- byterorum, aliorumque inferiorum clericorum ordinationibus numquam obtinuisse, notius est, quam ut pro- batione indigeat, &c. ᾿
43 See note 38, preceding.
5 1s 2. election of the clergy. 15
dained by the bishop without the consent of the clergy and people.’ Bishop Stillingfleet, who is one of the last that has considered this matter, gives us his sense in these following observations. First‘+, ‘that the main ground of the people’s interest was founded upon the Apostle’s canon, “ that a bishop must be blameless and of good report;” and therefore,’ he Says*>, ‘the people’s share and concern in elections, even in Cyprian’s time, was not to give their votes, but only their tes- timony concerning the good or ill behaviour of the person.’ Secondly*®, ‘that yet upon this the people assumed the power of elections, and thereby caused great disturbances and dis- orders in the Church.’ Thirdly, ‘that to prevent these, many bishops were appointed without their choice, and canons made for the better regulating of them.’ Fourthly, ‘ that when there were Christian magistrates, they did interpose as they thought fit, notwithstanding the popular claim, in a matter of so great consequence to the peace of Church and State.’ Fifthly, ‘ that upon the alteration of the government of Christendom, the in- terest of the people was secured by their consent in parlia- ments; and that, by such consent, the nomination of bishops was reserved to princes, and the patronage of livings to parti- cular persons.’
In this great variety of judgments and opinion of learned men, it will be no crime to dissent from any of them; and therefore I shall take the liberty to review their opinions, and express impar- tially what I take to be agreeable or disagreeable in any of them to ancient history and the rules and practice of the Church.
2. And here, first of all, it will be proper to observe, that The power there was no one universal unalterable rule observed in all κε goede
times and places about this matter; but the practice varied fo that of according to the different exigencies and circumstances of the pray Church, as will evidently appear in the sequel of this history. a ors In the meantime, I conceive the observation made by De bishop. Marea thus far to be very true: ‘that whatever power the in-
ferior clergy enjoyed in the election of their bishop, the same
was generally allowed to the people, or whole body of the
Church, under the regulation and conduct of the metropolitan
44 Unreasonableness of Separation, is plain even from St. Cyprian, &c. part ἢ 8. 25. p. 312. (ν. 2. p. O11.) 46 Ibid. p. 317. (p. 614.) That the 45 Ibid. p. 316. (p. 61g.) And this people, &c.
16 Method of the
and synod of provincial bishops.’ For their power, whatever it was, is spoken of in the very same terms, and expressed in the same words. Some call it consent; others, suffrage or vote; others, election or choice; but all agree in this, that it was equally the consent, suffrage, vote, election, and choice both of clergy and people. Thus Cyprian‘? observes of Cornelius, ‘that he was made bishop by the testimony of the clergy and suffrage of the people;’ where it is evident the words testi- mony and suffrage are equally ascribed both to clergy and people. Socrates+’, speaking of the election of Chrysostom, says ‘he was chosen by the common vote of all, both clergy and people.’ And Theodoret describes the election of Eusta- tius, bishop of Antioch, after the same manner, when he tells Ὁ519. ‘he was compelled to take the bishopric by the common vote of the bishops and clergy and all the people.’ Siricius 5° styles this ‘the election of the clergy and people;’ and Ce- lestin>!, ‘the consent and desire of the clergy and people ;’ and Leo>?, both ‘the consent, and election, and suffrage’ or votes ‘ of the people ;’ who adds, also, ‘that in case the parties were di- vided in their votes, then the decision should be referred to the judgment of the metropolitan, who should choose him who had most votes, and greatest merit to recommend him.’ From all which, and many other passages that might be alleged to the same purpose, it is very evident that the power of the clergy and people was equal in this matter, and that nothing was challenged by the one that was not allowed to the other also. 3. And hence it appears further, that this conjunctive power of clergy and people was not barely testimonial, but, as bishop
This power not barely testimo-
47 Ep. 52. [al. 55.] ad Antonian. p. 104. (p. 243.) Factus est ... autem Cornelius episcopus . . de clericorum pene omnium testimonio, de plebis, que tum adfuit, suffragio.
550.0. 2.18, Ὁ; Pp. σοῦ. 232) οἷς Ψηφίσματι κοινῷ ὁμοῦ πάντων, κλή- ρου τέ φημι καὶ λαοῦ, κ.τ.λ.
ΤΟ £.9%. Ἢ, p. 30: ,. 6... Ψήφῳ κοινῇ κατηνάγκασαν ἀρχιερεῖς τε καὶ ἱερεῖς καὶ ἅπας ὁ λεώς, ὁ φιλό-
ριστος.
50 Ep.1.ad Himer. Tarracon. c.10. (CC. t. 2. p. 1021 ἃ.) Presbyterium vel episcopatum {al. presbyterio vel episcopatui] si eum cleri ac plebis
evocaverit electio, non immerito so- cietur.
51 Ep. 2. c. 5. (ibid. p. 1621 a.) Nullus invitis detur episcopus: cle- ri, plebis, et ordinis consensus et desiderium requiratur.
52 Ep. 84. ad Anastas. c. 5. (CC. t. 3. p. 1385 a.) Cum de summi sacer- dotis electione tractabitur, ille omni- bus preeponatur, quem cleri plebis- que consensus concorditer postula- rit; ita ut si in aliam forte perso- nam partium se vota diviserint, me- tropolitani judicio is alteri preefera- tur, qui ae et studiis juvatur et meritis, &c.
election of the clergy. 17
§ 3, 4. Andrews and Mr. Mason assert, a judicial and effective power, nial, but by way of proper suffrage and election; and that as well in the ee its time of Cyprian-as afterwards, For Cyprian speaks both of testimony and suffrage belonging to both clergy and people; and says further 58, ‘ that that is a just and legitimate ordina- tion which is examined by the suffrage and judgment of all, both clergy and people.’ So that they were then present at the choice of their bishop, not merely to give testimony con- cerning his life, but, as bishop Andrews words it, to give their vote and suffrage in reference to his person. Which observa- tion will be further evidenced and confirmed by proceeding with the account of several rules and customs generally observed in these elections.
4. One of these was, that no bishop was to be obtruded on Evidences any orthodox people against their consent. I say, an orthodox hows ὩΣ people; for in case the majority of them were heretics or some an- schismatics, the practice was different, as will be shewed here- °°? beergg after: but where they were all Catholics, and could agree upon 8 = the a Catholic and deserving bishop, they were usually gratified in As first, their choice, and no person was to be put upon them against ἘΝ no δὰ:
gy igi p was to their inclination. Sometimes the bishops in synod proposed a be obtruded person, and the people accepted him: sometimes, again, the Sisdat pea people proposed, and the bishops consented; and where they ple without were unanimous in a worthy choice, we scarce ever find they μετ Ἔ were rejected. If they were divided, it was the metropolitan’s care to unite and fix them in their choice, but not to obtrude upon them an unchosen person. This we learn from one of Leo’s Epistles>4, where he gives us at once both the Church’s rule and practice, and the reasons of it. ‘In the choice of a bishop,’ says he, ‘let him be preferred whom the clergy and people do unanimously agree upon and require: if they be di- an, 68, [al. 67.] ad Fratr. His- 54 Ep. 84. ut supra. (CC. ibid. a.)
; pan. p. 172. (p. ob ) Coram omni Si in aliam forte personam partium : synagoga ju Deus constitui sa- se vota diviserint, metropolitani ju-
cerdotem, id est, instruit et ostendit ordinationes sacerdotales non nisi sub populi adsistentis conscientia fieri oportere, ut plebe presente vel detegantur malorum crimina, vel bo- norum merita preedicentur, et sit or- dinatio justa et legitima, que omni- um suffragio et judicio fuerit exami- nata.
BINGHAM, VOL. Il.
dicio is alteri preeferatur, qui majo- ribus et studiis juvatur et meritis : tantum ut nullus invitis et non pe- tentibus ordinetur, ne plebs invita episcopum non optatum aut con- temnat, aut oderit, et fiat minus re- ligiosa quam convenit, cui non licu- erit habere quem voluit.
σ
18 Method of the - IV. i
vided in their choice, then let the metropolitan give preference to him who has most votes and most merits: always provided, that no one be ordained against the will and desire of the people, lest they contemn or hate their bishop, and become ir- religious or disrespectful, when they cannot have him whom they desired.’ The transgression of this rule was objected as a great crime to Hilarius Arelatensis, by the emperor Valenti- nian the Third >>, ‘that he ordained bishops in several places against the will and consent of the people, whom when they would not admit of, because they had not chosen them, he used armed force to settle them in their sees, introducing the preachers of peace by the violence of war.’ Leo>® objects the same thing to him, saying, ‘that he ought to have proceeded by another rule, and first to have required the votes of the citizens, the testimonies of the people, the will of the gentry, and the election of the clergy: for he that was to preside over all, was to be chosen by all.’ This evidently shews that the suffrage of the 8 was then something more than paeuy testimonial. Secondly, 5. Another asipsitaton is, that in many cases the voices of the ἜΣ people prevailed against the bishops themselves, when they
ther con-
Spel ΤῸΝ happened to be divided in their first proposals. Thus it hap- xam ο ehebiuhone? pened in the famous election of St. Martin, bishop of Tours,
comets which has been mentioned in the last chapter, sect.3. The voice of the people were unanimously for him; Defensor, with a great party
tie τοὶ of bishops, at first was against him: but the voice of the people
their own prevailed, and the bishops complied and ordained him. Philo~ eames storgius gives us such another instance. Demophilus, bishop of Constantinople, with some other bishops suspected of Arianism, meeting at Cyzicum, to ordain a bishop there, the people first made a protestation against them, ‘that unless they would anathematize publicly Aétius and Eunomius, both in word and writing, they should ordain no bishop there.’ And when they:
᾿ 59 Novel. 24. ad calc. Cod. Theod. dicaturos] per bella ducebat.
(t. 6. append. p.12.)....Indecenter δ0 Ep. 89. ad Episc. Vienn. (CC. t. alios, invitis 0) apna civibus, 3. p. 1398 c.) Expectarentur certe ordinavit. Quiquidem,quoniam non vota civium, testimonia populorum, facile ab his, qui non elegerant, re- quereretur honoratorum arbitrium,’ cipiebantur, manum sibi contrahe- electio clericorum....... Qui pre-’ bat armatam....et ad sedem qui- fecturus est omnibus, ab omnibus etis pacem predicaturus [leg. pre- eligatur.
5; 6. election of the clergy. 19
had complied to do this, they still insisted on their privilege 57,
‘that no one should be ordained but one of their own choos-
ing;’ which was one who, as soon as he was ordained, preached
the catholic doctrine of the Ὁμοούσιον, that the Son was of the
same substance with the Father. Ancient history will furnish
the reader with many other instances of the like nature.
- 6. Another evidence of the people’s power in elections is the Tiirdly, d Ξ aie . from the
manner of their voting, or the way of giving their assent or manner of
dissent to the ordination of any person; which was threefold. the people’s
: . . . ° voting at
For either, first, they were unanimous in their vote for or elections.
against a man, and then their way was to express their mind
by a general acclamation, crying out with one voice, ἄξιος, or
ἀνάξιος, dignus or indignus, as the word then was, he is worthy
or unworthy. Instances of which form the reader may find in
St. Ambrose**, St. Austin, Eusebius ©, Philostorgius®, Pho-
tius®, the author of the Constitutions®, and several others.
Or else, secondly, they were divided in their choice, and then
they expressed their dissent in particular accusations of the
parties proposed, and sidings, and sometimes outrageous tu-
mults. St. Chrysostom reflects upon this way in his Books
of the Priesthood, when he tells us, ‘that in those popular
solemnities,’ which were then customarily held for the choice of
ecclesiastical rulers, ‘ one might see a bishop exposed to as many
accusations as there were heads among the people.’ And the
ἄξιός ἐστιν ἀληθῶς τῆς λειτουργίας...
καὶ συνθεμένων αὐτῶν ἐκ τρίτου ἄξιον 7
εἶναι, ἀπαιτείσθωσαν of πάντες σύν-
57 L. 9. 6. 13. (V. 3. Ρ. 531. 4. ++: Οὐχ ἕτερόν τινα ταύτην ἐλθεῖν ἀνα- σχόμενοι, GAN ὃν αὐτῶν αἱ ψῆφοι προσέταττον. θημα, κ. τ.λ.
88 De Dignit. Sacerdot. c. 5. (t. 2. 64 De Sacerdot. 1. 3. c. 15. (t. 1. p. φρο Ρ. 363 a.) ... In ordinatio- 793 6.) Βούλει σοι καὶ ἕτερον ἐπι- nibus eorum clamant et dicunt, δείξω ταύτης τῆς μάχης εἶδος, μυρίων . »
us es,’ et ‘ Justus es.’
59 Ep.110. [al.213.](t. 2. p. 789 g.) Dignus et Justus est, dictum est vicies
60 L. 6. c. 29. See ch. 1. s. 3. the
latter part of n. 18. p. 7.
“611, 9. δ. 10. (v. 3. p. 580. 10.) .« «Πολλοὶ δὲ τοῦ παρόντος ὄχλου, ἐν τῇ Δημοφίλου καθιδρύσει, ἀντὶ τοῦ Δξιος ἀνεβόων τὸ ᾿Ανάξιος.
Biblioth. cod. 256. (p. 1413. 35.)
Ὁ λαὸς μιᾷ φωνῇ σὺν αὐτῷ βασιλεῖ ἐπὶ πλείους ὥρας ἐβόα rd” Agus.
6 1. 8. c. 4. (Cotel. v. 1. p. 391.)
» ... Ek τρίτου πάλιν πυθέσθωσαν, εἰ
ἐμπεπλησμένον κινδύνων ; ἴθι δὴ καὶ διάκυψον εἰς τὰς δημοτελεῖς ἑορτὰς, ἐν αἷς μάλιστα τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν ἀρχῶν τὰς αἱρέσεις ποιεῖσθαι νόμος" καὶ τοσαύταις ὄψει κατηγορίαις τὸν ἱερέα βαλλόμενον, ὅσον τῶν ἀρχομέ- νων τὸ πλῆθός ἐστι. πάντες yap οἱ δοῦναι κύριοι τὴν τιμὴν, εἰς πολλὰ τότε σχίζονται μέρη" καὶ οὔτε πρὸς ἀλλήλους, οὔτε πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν λα- χόντα τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν, τὸ τῶν πρεσβυ- τέρων συνέδριον ὁμογνωμονοῦν ἴδοι τις ἄν" ἀλλ᾽ ἕκαστος καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἑστή- κασιν, ὃ μὲν τοῦτον, ὁ δὲ ἐκεῖνον αἷ- ρούμενος.
C 2
20 Method of the IV. ii.
account that is given not only by Ammianus Marcellinus®, but by Socrates ®, and the other historians, of the tumult raised at Rome in the election of Damasus, shews that the people were indulged in something more than barely giving testimony, else they had hardly run into so great a heat and ungovernable tu- mult. There was also a third way of expressing their consent, which was by subscribing the decree of election for greater security, that no party might pretend afterward that they had not given assent to it. Thus it was in the election of Meletius, bishop of Antioch, who was chosen by common consent both of Catholics and Arians, each party presuming him to be of their own opinion. The election-paper was subscribed by all, Theo- doret says®7, and put into the hands of Eusebius Samosatensis, which Constantius, when Meletius proved a Catholic, demanded to have had destroyed, but with all his menaces he could not extort it from him. St. Austin 68 gives the like account of the election of Eradius, his successor at Hippo, which for some reasons he got done in his own lifetime. He first ordered the notaries of the Church to take the acclamations of the people in writing, and then required all that could write to subscribe the instrument themselves. And this was the common way, whenever the metropolitan could not be present at the elec- tion; then the decree of the whole Church was drawn up in writing, and carried to him for his consent and approbation. The remains of which custom may still be seen in the ancient Ordo Romanus®?, where there is a form of a decree, which the clergy and people were to sign upon their choice of a
65 L, 247. c. 3. (p. 480.) Damasus et Ursinus, supra humanum modum ad rapiendam episcopatus sedem ardentes, scissis studiis asperrime conflictabantur, ad usque mortis vulnerumque discrimina adjumentis utriusque progressis: que nec cor- rigere sufficiens Juventius nec mol- lire, coactus vi magna secessit in suburbanum. Et in concertatione superaverat Damasus, parte que ei favebat instante, &c.
66 L. 4. c. 29. tot. (v. 2. p. 251. 20.)
67 L, 2. 6.31. tot. (v. 3. p. 118. 5.)
68 Ep. 110. [al. 213.]. (t. 2. p. 789 6.) A notariis ecclesiz, sicut
cernitis, excipiuntur que dicimus, excipiuntur que dicitis, et meus sermo, et vestre acclamationes in terram non cadunt.—Ibid. (p. 790 f.) ... Hoc ad ultimum rogo, ut gestis istis dignemini subscribere qui po- testis.
69 Ap. Bibl. Patr. t. 10. p. 104. (ap. Bibl. Max. t. 13. p. 708 b.) Tit. Decretum, quod clerus et populus firmare [al. formare] debet de electo episcopo. .... Ut omnium nostrum vota in hanc electionem convenire noscatis, huic decreto canonico promptissima voluntate singuli ma- nibus propriis roborantes subscrip- simus.
§ 6, 7. election of the clergy. 21
bishop, and present it to the metropolitan and the synod, in order to his consecration: in which case, if the metropolitan found him upon examination to be a person every way quali- fied, as they represented him, he then confirmed and ratified their choice, and so proceeded immediately to his ordination. All which argues that the people had something of a decisive power in elections, and that their suffrage was not merely testimonial. ἢ
7. This is further evident from the use and office of inter- Fourthly, ventors in the Latin Church, whose business was to promote ἤρα ‘he | and procure a speedy election of a new bishop in any vacant νυ δ" οὐραῖς see, as I have had occasion to shew in another place7°. For in the Roman and African Churches, upon the vacancy of a bishopric, it was usual for the metropolitan to grant a com- mission to some of his provincial bishops to go to the vacant church, and dispose the clergy and people to be unanimous in the choice of a new bishop; and when they were agreed, they petitioned the metropolitan by the interventor to confirm their choice, and with a synod of provincial bishops to come and ordam him whom they had elected. Or else they drew up an instrument in writing, subscribed both by the interventor and themselves, and presented the new elect bishop to the metro- politan, who ordained him in his own Church. This was the practice of the Roman province in the time of Symmachus and Gregory the Great, as appears from their Epistles, which give directions to the interventors, or visitors, as they call them, concerning their behaviour in the present case. ‘ Let no one,’ says Symmachus’!, ‘ draw up an instrument of election without the presence of the visitor, by whose testimony the agreement of the clergy and people may be declared.’ And Gregory, writing to Barbarus, bishop of Beneventum and visitor of the Church of Palermo, bids him7? endeavour to make the clergy clerum plebemque ejusdem ecclesiz
admonere festinet, ut, remoto stu- dio, uno eodemque consensu talem
v.1. p. 170.
70 B. 2. ch. 1 (06. +. 4. p.1296 a.)
71 Ep. 5. c. 6. ‘Decretum sine visitatoris presentia
nemo conficiat, cujus testimonio
clericorum ac civium possit unani-
mitas declarari
- 21.11. Ep. 16. (CC. t. 5. p.
1521 .).. Dilectio tua ad preedictam [Panormitanam] ire pro-
perabit, et assiduis adhortationibus
sibi preeficiendum expetant sacerdo- tem, qui et tanto ministerio dignus valeat reperiri, et venerandis cano- nibus nullatenus respuatur. Qui dum fuerit postulatus cum solemni- tate decreti omnium subscriptioni- bus roborati, et dilectionis tue testi-
a2 - Method of the IV. ii.
and people unanimous in their presentation of a worthy person to be their bishop, who could not be rejected by the canons ; and then drawing up their petition in form of a decree, signed with all their hands, and the letters testimonial of the visitor, they should send him to Rome for consecration.’ Nothing can be plainer than that here the clergy and people made the choice of their bishop, with the assistance of a visitor or inter- ventor, and. then presented him to the metropolitan, who, if he had no canonical exception against him, confirmed their choice, and proceeded to his ordination.
Fifthly, 8. As a further evidence of this power and privilege indulged
from the ς . : ‘
custom of 0 the people, it may be observed likewise, that it was custom-
thepeople’s ary in those days for the people in many places to lay violent
taki : sone, and hands upon persons, and bring them by force to the bishop to σφώ, .- be ordained. Thus Possidius7 tells us it was in the ordination
dained by of St. Austin: ‘the people seized him and brought him to the
sia bishop, requiring, with one voice, that he would ordain him presbyter, whilst he in the mean time wept abundantly for the force that was put upon him.’ Paulinus’* says the same of himself, ‘ that he was ordained presbyter by force and the irre- sistible violence of an inflamed and zealous people.’ And there are many other instances of the like nature.
Sixthly, 9. I observe but one thing more relating to this matter,
Ba fe: which was the compliment that some bishops passed upon their
ose saggy people upon this account, styling them fathers, in regard to the shops upon Share and influence they had in their designation and election. op gg St. Ambrose himself75, speaking to his people, addresses him- compliment self to them in this style: ‘Ye are my fathers, who chose me en gg to be bishop; ye, I say, are both my children and fathers ;
children in particular, fathers all together.’ In which words
he plainly refers to that providential consent of the people of
monio literarum, ad nos sacrandus occurrat.
73 Vit. August. c. 4. (t. 10. ap- pend. p. 260 c.) Eum ergo tenue- runt, et, ut in talibus consuetum est, episcopo ordinandum intule- runt, omnibus id uno consensu et desiderio fieri perficique petentibus, magnoque studio et clamore flagi- tantibus, ubertim eo flente, &c.
- 74 Ep. 35. [al.24.|imt. Epp. August.
(t. 2. p. 35 e.)... A Lampio apud Barcilonem in Hispania, per vim inflammate subito plebis, sacratus sum.—Vid. Paulin. Ep. 6. ad Sever. p- Iol.
75 In Luce. 1. 8. c. 17. [corrige, c. 18. v. 20.] (t. 1. p. 1489 e.) Vos enim mihi estis parentes, qui sacer- dotium detulistis: Vos, inquam, filii vel parentes, filii singuli, uni- versi parentes.
68... election of the clergy. 23
Milan, who, when they were divided before into several fac- tions, as soon as Ambrose was named, all unanimously con- spired together in his election. These are some of those col- lateral evidences that may be brought to prove that anciently the clergy and people joined in a common vote in the election of their bishop, and that their suffrage was something more than testimonial, especially in the fourth and fifth ages, in the Latin Church; where, as De Marca owns, the people’s request was chiefly considered.
10. Nor was this privilege only indulged them in the election hig pow- of their bishop, but sometimes in the designation of presbyters ple hed in also. For St. Austin and Paulinus were but to be ordained the desig- | presbyters, when that forcible constraint just now spoken of presbyters. was laid upon them by the people. Besides, St. Jerom says expressly, ‘that presbyters and the other clergy were as much chosen by the people as the bishops were.’ And Possi- dius?7 notes this to have been both the custom of the Church and St. Austin’s practice in the ordinations of priests and clerks, to have regard to the majority or general consent of Christian people. And Siricius, who speaks the sense and practice of the Roman Church, says7®, ‘ that when a deacon was to be ordained either presbyter or bishop, he was first to be chosen both by the clergy and people.’ And therefore I cannot so readily subscribe to the assertion of those learned men, who say that bishops before their ordination were propounded to the people, but not presbyters or any other of the inferior clergy.
11. As to those who assert that the people were anciently Whether
indulged in these matters before the Council of Nice, but that ay ae ay
—s
76 Ep. 4. [al. 125.] ad Rustic. (t. τ. p. 938 d.e.) .. Cum te vel po- pulus vel pontifex civitatis in clerum elegerit, agito que clerici sunt.—In Ezek. 1. 10. c. 32. p. 609. (t. 5. p. 396 a.)... Speculator ecclesiz, vel episcopus vel presbyter, qui a po- pulo electus est.
77 Vit. August. c. 21. (t. 10. ap-
pend. p. 272.) In ordinandis vero
otibus et clericis consensum jorem
istianorum et consue- ecclesize eccpencns esse arbitrabatur. [Tres MSS., Fossa- tensis, Vedastinus, et Cisterciensis, majorum. De sacerdotum ordina-
tione Cyprianus in Epistola ad cle- rum et plebem Hispaniarum scripta, poy nove editionis est ordine 67,
it ordinatio, inquit, justa et legi- tima, que omnium suffragio et judi- cio fuerit examinata. Et ibidem Sabini episcopi ordinationem laudat de universe fraternitatis suffragi factam. Ed. Bened, in loc. ΕΟ
78 Ep.1.ad Himer. Tarracon. c.10. (CC, t. 2. p. 1021 ἃ.) Exinde jam accessu temporum presbyterium vel episcopatum, si eum cleri ac plebis evocarit electio, non immerito sor- tietur.
234 Method of the TV. i,
made any alteration in these matters.
their power was abridged by a new decree of that Council, they are evidently under a mistake. For it is certain the — Nicene Fathers made no alteration in this affair, but left the whole matter as they found it; for though in one of their canons79 it is said, ‘ that the presence, or at least the consent, of all the provincial bishops, and the confirmation or ratifica- tion of the metropolitan shall be necessary to the election and ordination of a bishop;’ yet that is not said to exclude any ancient privilege that the people enjoyed, but only to establish the rights of metropolitans and provincial bishops, which Mele- tius, the schismatical Egyptian bishop, had particularly in- vaded, by presuming to ordain bishops without the authority of his metropolitan, or consent of his fellow-bishops in the pro- vinces of Egypt. That nothing else was designed by that canon is evident from this, that the same Council, in the Synodical Epistle written to the Church of Alexandria, expressly men- tions the choice of the people, and requires it as a condition of a canonical election. For, speaking of such Meletian bishops as would return to the unity of the Catholic Church, it says®°, ‘that when any Catholic bishop died, Meletian bishops might succeed in their room, provided they were worthy, and that the people chose them, and the bishop of Alexandria ratified and confirmed their choice.’ Our learned bishop Pearson 81 has rightly observed, that Athanasius himself was thus chosen, after the Nicene Council was ended; which is a certain argu- ment, that the people’s right was not abrogated in that Council,
79 Ὁ. 4. (t. 2. p. 29 d.) Ἐπίσκοπον προσήκει μάλιστα μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ καθίστασθαι" εἰ δὲ δυσχερὲς εἴη τὸ τοιοῦτο, ἢ διὰ κατε- πείγουσαν ἀνάγκην, ἢ διὰ μῆκος ὁδοῦ, ἐξ ἅπαντος τρεῖς ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ συναγο- μένους, συμψήφων γινομένων καὶ τῶν ἀπόντων, καὶ συντιθεμένων διὰ γραμ- μάτων, τότε τὴν χειροτονίαν ποιεῖ- σθαι τὸ δὲ κῦρος τῶν γινομένων δί- δοσθαι καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐπαρχίαν τῷ μητροπολίτῃ.
80 Vid. Ep. Synod. C. Nicen. ap. Theodor. 1. 1. 6. 9. (Vv. 3. p. 32. 34.) —Item ap. Socrat. 1. 1. ¢. 9. (v. 2. p. 28. 19.) Εἰ δέ τινα ποτὲ συμβαίη ἀναπαύσασθαι τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, τηνικαῦτα συναναβαίνειν εἰς τὴν τιμὴν
τοῦ τετελευτηκότος, τοὺς ἄρτι προσ- ληφθέντας, μόνον εἰ ἄξιοι φαίνοιντο, καὶ ὁ λαὸς αἱροῖτο, συνεπιψηφίζοντος αὐτῷ καὶ ἐπισφραγίζοντος τοῦ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπισκόπου.
81 Vindic. Ignat. part. 1. 6. 11. (Cotel. v. 2. p. 324.)... Eusebiani, qui creationem §S. Athanasii abro- gare voluerunt, defectum popularis electionis objiciebant, et episcopi Agypti, in synodo congregati, epi- stola ad omnes Ecclesize Catholicz episcopos scripta, contrarium magna animi contentione asseruerunt. ... Quod neque hi neque illi fecissent, si populi suffragia in eligendo epi- scopo antiquitus locum nullum ha- buissent. 2
—eE δμω
δ ἀμ»...
election of the clergy. 25
The Eusebian party made it an objection against him, ‘ that he had not the choice of the people; but the bishops of Egypt assembled in synod, in their Synodical Epistle, do with great earnestness maintain the contrary, asserting 53 ‘ that the whole multitude of the people of the Catholic Church, as if they had been all united in one soul and body, cried out, requiring Atha- nasius to be ordained bishop.’ Whence Gregory Nazianzen** also says of him, ‘ that he was brought to the throne of St.
“Mark, ψήφῳ τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς, by the suffrage of all the people.’
It were easy to add many other instances and proofs of the like nature to the time of the Council of Chalcedon, when the
people of Alexandria still enjoyed their ancient privilege, as
appears from several passages in Liberatus*+, who says of Pro- terius, and some other of their bishops, ‘ that they were chosen by the nobles, and the decree and voice of all the people.’ But I shall say no more upon this head, but only allege two canons of the fourth Council of Carthage, which comprise the whole practice of the Church in relation to this matter ;—the one*> deecreeing, ‘ that the ordination of a bishop should always be by the consent of four parties, the clergy, the laity, the provincial bishops, and the metropolitan, whose presence or authority was principally necessary in all such cases.’ The other canon 56
orders, ‘that no bishop shall ordain any clergymen without eonsulting with his clergy, and asking the consent, approba-
Ap. Athanas. Apol. 2. [s. Apol. rent. .... Novissime in Proterium
contr. Arian.] t. 2. p. 726. (t. 1.
part. 1. p. 101 f. 4.) .. Πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος καὶ mas ὁ λαὸς τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλη- σίας, ὥσπερ ἐκ μιᾶς ψυχῆς καὶ σώμα- τὸς συνεληλυθότες, ἀνεβόων, ἔκραζον, αἰτοῦντες ᾿Αθανάσιον ἐπίσκοπον.
88 Orat. 21. (t. 1. p. 377 ¢.) Οὕτω μὲν οὖν καὶ διὰ ταῦτα, ψήφῳ τοῦ
"λαοῦ παντὸς, οὐ κατὰ τὸν ὕστερον
νικήσαντα πονηρὸν τύπον, οὐδὲ φονι-
“κῶς τε καὶ τυραννικῶς, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποστο-
λικῶς τε καὶ πνευματικῶς, ἐπὶ τὸν Μάρκου θρόνον ἀνάγεται, οὐχ ἧττον ~ εὐσεβείας ἢ τῆς προεδρίας διά-
os. % Breviar. c. 14. (CC. t. 5. p.
763 c.) Collecti sunt ergo nobiles
civitatis, ut eum, qui esset vita et sermone pontificatu dignus, elige-
omnium [al. universorum] sententia declinavit.—C. 15. (ibid. p. 764 d.) Scripsit imperator Leo duci Alex- andriz Stile, ut pelleret quidem ab pacts modis omnibus Timo- theum, inthronizaret autem alium decreto populi, qui synodum vindi- t
caret. 85 C, 1. (t. 2. p. 1199 c.) Cum... consensu clericorum et laicorum, et conventu totius provinciz episco- porum, maximeque metropolitani vel auctoritate vel presentia, ordi- netur episcopus. : 86 C, 22. (ibid. p. 1201 6.) Ut epi- scopus sine consilio clericorum suo- rum clericos non ordinet; ita ut ci- vium [assensum, et] conniventiam,
-et testimonium querat.
96 Method of the IV. ii.
tion, and testimony of his people.’ This seems to have been the most common and ordinary practice of the Church.
12. But then, as all general rules have their exceptions, so it cannot be denied but that this rule varied sometimes, or at rule. First, least had its limitations and restrictions: and I shall not do ee justice to the reader, nor the subject neither, unless I mention φνόμῇ ofthe those also. Here therefore we are to observe, in the first place, were om that this rule did not hold when the greatest part of any ott atice, Church were turned heretics or schismatics. or in that case,
had elections been made by the general suffrage of the people, none but heretical or schismatical bishops must have been or- dained. And therefore in the time of the great prevalency of Arianism, and the long schism of the Donatists, the Church did not tie herself always to act precisely by this rule. We find it objected by the Donatists in the collation of Carthage’, ‘that the Catholics made bishops in many places, where they had no people ;’ that is, no Catholic people, for they were all Donatists ; consequently those bishops were ordained not only without, but against the consent of the people. And this I take to be the case of those bishops mentioned in the seventeenth and eighteenth canons of the Council of Antioch; one of which says 88, ‘that if any bishop is ordained to preside over a people, and does not take upon him his office, and go to the church to which he is ordained, he shall be excommunicated till he com- plies, or a provincial synod determines otherwise about him ;’ and the other says%9, ‘if such a bishop absents from his dio- cese, not by his own default, but διὰ τὴν τοῦ λαοῦ παραίτησιν, because the people refuse to receive him, in that case he shall be honoured as a bishop, though not admitted to his own church.’ These canons were made at a time when the Arian
* Some ex- ceptions to the general
87 C. 182. (ibid. p. 1399 c.) Peti-
-lianus episcopus dixit: Sic etiam tu -[Alypius] multos habes per omnes -agros dispersos :
immo crebros ubi habes, sane et sine populis habes. 88 [C. 17. (ibid. p. 599 a.) Ei tis ἐπίσκοπος χειροθεσίαν ἐ ἐπισκόπου λα- βὼν, καὶ ὁρισθεὶς προεστάναι λαοῦ,
-μὴ καταδέξοιτο τὴν λειτουργίαν, μηδὲ "πείθοιτο ἀπιέναι εἰς τὴν ἐγχειρισθεῖ- 'σαν αὐτῷ ἐκκλησίαν, τοῦτον εἶναι
ἀκοινώνητον, ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἀναγκασθεὶς κα-
ταδέξοιτο, ἢ ὁρίσοι τι περὶ αὐτοῦ ἡ τελεία σύνοδος τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρ- χίαν ἐπισκόπων. Grischov.
89 [C. 18. (ibid. b.) Εἴ τις ἐπί- σκοπὸς χειροτονηθεὶς εἰς παροικίαν,
μὴ ἀπέλθῃ εἰς ἣν ἐχειροτονήθη, οὐ παρὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ αἰτίαν, ἄλλ᾽ τοι διὰ τὴν τοῦ λαοῦ παραίτησιν, ἢ δὲ ἑτέραν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἐξ αὐτοῦ γενομένην, τοῦτον μετέχειν τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τῆς λειτουρ-
γίας, k.t. λ. Grischov.]
$12, 13, 14. election of the clergy. Q7
faction had raised great commotions in the Church, which pro-
bably made some bishops unwilling to go to their churches,
and others could not be admitted, because the faction strongly prevailed against them; and in both of them, it is supposed,
the ordinations were made without asking the people’s con-
sent; of which practice we have frequent instances in ecclesi-
astical history in cases of the same nature.
_ 18. Another exception to the rule was, when bishops were Secondly, to be ordained for very distant countries, or barbarous nations. μεν seach When Athanasius ordained Frumentius, bishop of the Indies at bishops to Alexandria, as the historians report, no one can imagine that set anges he had the formal consent, though he might have the pre- barbarous sumptive approbation, of all his people. As neither can we eae suppose the bishop of Tomi, in Scythia, to be chosen by his
people, when he was the only bishop?! in all that region, and commonly ordained at Constantinople, as, by the twenty-eighth
canon of the Council of Chalcedon”, the bishops of barbarous
nations were appointed to be.
14. In case an interventor, or visitor, who was sent to pro- Thirdly,
cure a speedy election in any vacant see, got himself settled in "8 ὅπ
90 Ruffin. 1. τ. fal. το. ς. 9.
c. 23. (ν. 3. p. 54. 45.) Ὁ δὲ Φρου- (p: 225 Ὁ. 12.) Frumentius Alexan- μέ ,
pevrios... τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου καταλα-
pergit, dicens, equum non esse opus occultare dominicum. Igitur rem omnem, ut gesta est, ex-
τον episcopo, et monet, ut provi- eat virum aliquem dignum, quem, congregatis jam plurimis Christianis et ecclesiis constructis in barbarico solo, episcopum mittat. Tum vero A ius (nam is nuper sacerdo- tium susceperat) attentius et pro- pensius Frumentii dicta gestaque considerans, in concilio sacerdotum ait, Et quem alium inveniemus virum talem, in quo sit Spiritus Dei in ipso, sicut in te, qui hec ita possit im- plere? Et tradito ei sacerdotio, re- dire eum cum Domini gratia, unde venerat, jubet.—Socrat. 1. 1. ¢. 19. (νυν. 2. p 51. 5+) ᾿Αθανάσιος .. αὐτὸν Φρουμέντιον τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἀναδέξα- σθαι παρεσκεύασεν, εἰπὼν μὴ ἔχειν “αὐτοῦ ἐπιτηδειότερον" γίνεται δὴ τοῦ- to’ καὶ Φρουμέντιος ἀξιωθεὶς τῆς ἐπι- “σκοπῆς, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ινδῶν παραγί- νεται χώραν, κ.τ.λ.---ΤΠοούογ, 1. 1.
βὼν πόλιν, τὸν τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐδίδαξε πρόεδρον, ὡς ᾿Ινδοὶ λίαν ποθοῦσι τὸ νοερὸν εἰσδέξασθαι φῶς. ᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ τηνικαῦτα τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐκείνης κατεῖχε τοὺς οἴακας" ὃς τῶν διηγημά- τῶν ἐκείνων ἀκούσας, καὶ τίς σου, ἔφη, ἄμεινον καὶ τὴν τῆς ἀγνοίας ἀχλὺν ἀποσκεδάσει τοῦ ἔθνους, καὶ τοῦ θείου κηρύγματος αὐτοῖς ἀποίσει τὴν αἴ- γλην᾽ ταῦτα εἰπὼν, καὶ τῆς ἀρχιερατι- κῆς αὐτῷ χάριτος μεταδοὺς, εἰς τὴν τοῦ ἔθνους ἐξέπεμψε γεωργίαν.
91 Sozom. 1. 8. c. 19. (Vv. 2. p. 807. 5+) + Σκύθαι, πολλαὶ πόλεις ὄν- τες, ἕνα πάντες ἐπίσκοπον ἔχουσιν.
92 [C, 28. (t. 4. p. 770 b.) Ὥστε τοὺς τῆς Ποντικῆς, καὶ τῆς ᾿Ασιανῆς, καὶ τῆς Θρᾳκικῆς διοικήσεως μητρο- πολίτας μόνους, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖς βαρβαρικοῖς ἐπισκόπους τῶν προειρη- μένων διοικήσεων χειροτονεῖσθαι ἀπὸ τοῦ προειρημένου ἁγιωτάτου θρόνου τῆς κατὰ Κωνσταντινούπολιν ἁγιωτά- τῆς ἐκκλησίας. Grischov.]
28 Method of the tor, or any the see by the interest which he had gained in the people
sng al during his administration, yet he was not allowed to continue jruded ἴῃ the possession of that see, though he had made never so mself into any Strong a party among the people, or had the consent of them soya all; as appears from a canon of the fifth Council of Carthage, of aprovin- which is also inserted into the Code of the African Church. cal synod. ‘The case was the same with any vacant bishops,—énloxomot oxoddfovres,—as the canons call them, who were ordained to such places as would not receive them. If any of them in- truded themselves into any vacant Church, without the consent of the metropolitan and a provincial synod, they were to be re- jected, though all the people were unanimous in choosing them; as the Council of Antioch decreed, in express terms, against such invaders: ‘If,’ say they 93, ‘a vacant bishop transfers him- self into a vacant church, and seizes the throne by stealth, without the authority of a full synod of the province, he shall be discarded, though all the people, upon whom he thrust him- self, should agree in the choice of him.’ The same Council has another canon, which prohibits any bishop to remove from one diocese to another, either of his own accord, or by the compulsion of the people: which plainly implies, that in all such cases no regard was had to the choice of the people, when they pretended to act without the concurrence of a provincial synod. Fourthly, | 15. When the people were divided in their choice, and could atveaaipl ἃ not unanimously agree upon any one, then, to prevent further divisions disputes, and the mischievous consequences of faction and divi- a sion, it was usual for the metropolitan and the synod to choose an indifferent person, whom no party had named, and prefer him before all the competitors of the people. And this was usually done with good success: for the people commonly were
ashamed of their own choice, and universally acquiesced in
98. C. 8. (t. 2. p. 1216 6.) Consti- φαρπάζει τὸν θρόνον δίχα συνόδου tutum est [8]. placuit] ut nulli in- τελεῖας" τοῦτον ἀπόβλητον εἶναι, καὶ tercessori licitum sit, cathedram, cui εἰ πᾶς ὁ λαὸς, ὃν ὑφάρπαζεν, ἔλοιτο intercessor datus est, quibuslibet αὐτόν. populorum studiis, vel seditionibus 9% C, 21. (ibid. 572 a.) Ἐπίσκοπον retinere.-—Vid. Cod. Eccles. Afric. ἀπὸ παροικίας ἑτέρας εἰς ἑτέραν μὴ ἘΣ 74: (ibid. p. 1094 e.) μεθίστασθαι, μήτε αὐθαιρέτως ἐπιρ-
C. τό. (ibid. p. 568 6.) Et τις ρίπτοντα ἑαυτὸν, μήτε ὑπὸ λαῶν ἐκ- ἐπίσκοπος σχολάζων, ἐπὶ σχολάζου- βιαζομένον, μήτε ὑπὸ ἐπισκόπων ἀναγ- σαν ἐκκλησίαν ἑαυτὸν ἐπιρρίψας, t- καζόμενον. .
TV. ii.
§ 15, 16.
this. Sidonius Apollinarius% gives us a famous instance, in the ordination of John, bishop of Chalons. ‘A triumvirate of competitors, whose characters were not extraordinary, had, by different interests, drawn the people into three very great fac- tions; to remedy which the metropolitan, privately consulting with his fellow-bishops, but taking none of the people into
_ council, ordained this John, to the surprise of them all: but,’ as our author observes, ‘it was managed with that prudence, that though the advice of the people was not taken, yet the holy man was ordained, to the astonishment of the factious and confusion of the wicked, with the general acclamations of the good, and the contradictions and opposition of none.’ And this was a common method in case of incurable divisions among the people.
16. Sometimes the emperors interposed their authority, and Fifthly,
themselves nominated the person whom they would have to be ἴδ 8 °™Pe
rors some-
ordained bishop, when they found by experience what dan- times inter- gerous tumults these popular elections raised among the people. a τοι
Thus it was in the case of Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, —-
who was nominated by Theodosius only. For the people were the ike
not so much as consulted in the matter; but the emperor or- °°: dered the bishops to give him in a catalogue of fit persons, re- serving the power of election entirely to himself. Nay, when some of the bishops objected against Nectarius ‘that he was but a catechumen, and unbaptized;’ the emperor, notwithstand- ing, persisted in his choice ; and the bishops complied, and im- mediately baptized and ordained him, as Sozomen% informs us,
election of the clergy. 29
% L. 4. Ep. 25. (p. 309.) Postquam episcopus Paulus junior discesserat
ecesseratque, exceperunt pontifi- cale concilium varie voluntates oppi- danorum, nec non et illa, que bonum publicum semper evertunt, studia privata, que quidam triumviratus accenderat competitorum: quorum hic antiquam natalium prerogati- vam ΠΝ destitutus morum dote ructabat: hic per fragores parasiti- cos, culinarum suffragio comparatos, Apicianis plausibus ingerebatur: hic, apice votivo si potiretur, tacita i tione promiserat, ecclesiastica plau- soribus suis prede predia fore. Quod ubi viderunt sanctus Patiens
et sanctus Euphronius, qui rigorem firmitatemque sententiz sanioris, preter odium gratiamque, primi tenebant, consilio cum coépiscopis prius clam communicato, quam pa- lam prodito, strepituque furentis turbee despecto, jactis repente mani- bus arreptum, nihilque tum minus, quam que agebantur, optantem sus- picantemque, sanctum Ioannem, vi- rum honestate, humanitate, mansu- etudine insignem, .... stupentibus factiosis, erubescentibus malis, ac- clamantibus bonis, reclamantibus nullis, collegam sibi consecravere, 97 1,. 7. c. 8. (ν. 2. Ρ. 358.)
30
Socrates 98 takes notice of the same prerogative made use of by Theodosius Junior, upon the like occasion, who nominated Nes- torius to the see of Constantinople, διὰ τοὺς κενοσπουδιστὰς, by reason of factious and vain-glorious persons in the Church. And, for the like reason, the same author 99 tells us, upon ano~ ther vacancy, to prevent tumults in the election, he gave his mandate to the bishops to enthrone Proclus in the church. De Marca! will furnish the reader with other instances, and eccle- siastical history with more, to the same purpose.
Method of the TV. ic
Sixthly, 17. Sometimes, again, we find the people and clergy were il ρϑα δι confined in their choice to take one out of three, that were first restrained nominated by the bishops in council. Thus it was in France oe of im the time of the second Council of Arles, anno 452, when that one out Council made an order about elections to this purpose?: ‘ that at ear in the ordination of a bishop this rule should be observed: the by the be bishops ‘shall nominate three, out of which the clergy and shops. | people shall have power to choose one.’ Other laws? appointed
98 Τῷ 7. ¢. 29. (ibid. p. 377. 34-)
Mera τὴν τελευτὴν Σισιννίου ἐδόκει τοῖς κρατοῦσι, μηδένα μὲν διὰ τοὺς κε- νοσπουδαστὰς ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προχειρίζεσθαι" καίτοι πολ- λῶν μὲν τὸν Φίλιππον, πολλῶν δὲ τὸν Πρόκλον χειροτονηθῆναι σπευ- δόντων" ἐπήλυδα δὲ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας καλεῖν ἐβούλοντο. . τριμήνου οὖν διαδραμόντος, ἄγεται τὰ τῆς ᾿Άντιο- χείας ὁ Νεστόριος.
99 L. 7. c. 40. (ibid. p. 390. 25.) Ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος “σοφῶς τοῦ πράγματος προενόησεν" ἵνα “γὰρ μὴ πάλιν περὶ ἐπιλογῆς ἐπισκόπου (ή- τησις > καὶ ταραχὴν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ κινήσῃ, μὴ μελλήσας, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι κειμέ- νου τοῦ σώματος Μαξιμιανοῦ, τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐπισκόποις ἐνθρονίσαι τὸν
ge! ἐπέτρεψεν. 1 De Concord. 1. 8. c. 9. n. 8. (p.
1139.) Quandoque contentionum subortarum occasione reges, neces- sario veluti remedio, ad ecclesiz qui- etem electione sua palatina uteban- tur. Quod probatur diserte ex auc- tore antiquo Vitz sancti Leodega- rii. ‘ Incubuit,’ inquit, ‘causa ne- cessitatis, ut in Augustodunensi urbe Leodegarium ordinare deberent epi- scopum. Siquidem nuper inter duos
contentio de eodem episcopatu ex- orta fuerat, et usque ad sanguinis effusionem certatum. Cumque unus ibidem occubuisset in morte, et al- ter pro perpetrato scelere datus fu- isset in exilii trusionem; tunc Bathil- dis regina, que cum Lothario filio Francorum regebat palatium, divino, ut credimus, inspirato consilio, ad memoratam urbem hunce direxit vi- rum, ut ibidem esset episcopus! Circa idem tempus, id est, anno 664, optimates et rectores palatii consilium dederunt Childerico regi, ut Landebertum preeficeret ecclesize Trajectensi: “ cui i regis imperio plebs omnis consensit,’ inquit auctor Vitee, &e.
2 C.54. (t.4. p. 1077 ¢.) Placuit in ordinatione episcopi hunc ordinem custodiri, ut ..... tres ab episcopis nominentur, de “quibus clerici vel cives erga unum elegendi habeant potestatem.
ὃ Vid. C. Barcinon. c. 3. (t. 5. p. 1605 e.).... Ad summum sacerdo- tium ....provehatur: ita tamen, ut duobus aut tribus, quos ante con- sensus ‘cleri et plebis elegerit, me- tropolitani judicio ejusque coepisco- pis presentatis, quem sors, preeun-
δ 17, 18.
election of the clergy. 91
the clergy and people to nominate three, and the metropolitan
and provincial bishops to cast lots, which of the three should be ordained; which was the rule of the Spanish Church in the
time of the Council of Barcelona, anno 599.
_ 18. We find also, in Justinian’s laws, that a considerable al- Lastly, teration was made in this affair wherever those laws took ea εν: place. For thereby the inferior sort of the common people {he pus were wholly cut off from having any concern in these elections, confined to which were now confined to the clergy and the optimates, or pa j persons of better rank and quality in every Church. For so, the inferior by two of his Novels*, it is expressly provided, ‘that when a Pty ὩΣ bishop is to be ordained for any city, the clergy and chief men “luded.
of the city shall meet, and nominate three persons, drawing up
an instrument, and inserting therein upon their oath, that they
choose them neither for any gift, nor promise, nor friendship,
nor any other cause, but because they know them to be of the
true Catholic faith, and of honest life, and good learning, &c.
That out of these three, one that is best qualified may be
chosen by the discretion and judgment of the ordainer.’ De
Marca thinks the Council of Laodicea long before made a
canon® to the same purpose, forbidding the elections of the
clergy to be committed τοῖς ὄχλοις, vili plebecule, as De Marca
te episcoporum jejunio, Christo Domino terminante, monstraverit, benedictio consecrationis accumu-
4 Novel. 123. c. 1. (t. 5. p. 538.) Sancimus igitur, quoties opus fu- erit episcopum ordinari, clericos et primates civitatis, cujus futurus est episcopus ordinari, mox in tribus abso decreta facere, propositis eis
rosanctis Evangeliis, periculo su- arum animarum dicentes in ipsis de- cretis, quia neque propter aliquam donationem, neque propter aliquam promissionem, aut amicitiam, aut ali- am quamlibet causam; sed scientes eos rectz et catholice fidei, et ho- nestz esse vite, et literas nosse, hos elegerunt, &c..... Ut ex trium per- sonarum [leg. tribus personis|, pro uibus talia decreta facta sunt, me- lor ordinetur electione et periculo ordinantis. — Novel. 137. ¢. 2. (p. 609.) Jusjurandum autem suscipere
eum qui ordinatur per diversas [leg. Divinas] Scripturas, quod neque per se ipsum, neque per aliam personam dedit quid, aut promisit, neque post- hae dabit, vel ordinanti ipsum, vel his qui sacra pro eo suffragia fece- runt, vel alii cuiquam ordinatione de ipso faciende nomine, &c.—Conf. Cod. Justin. 1.1. tit.3. de Epise. leg. 41. (t.4. p.110.).. Διὰ τοῦ παρόντος νόμου θεσπίζομεν, ὁσάκις ἂν ἐν οἷἱᾳδή- ποτε πόλει ἱερατικὸν θρόνον σχολάσαι συμβαίῃ, ψήφισμα γίνεσθαι παρὰ τῶν οἰκούντων τὴν αὐτὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ τρισὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ ὀρθῇ πίστει, καὶ βίου σεμνό- τητι, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς μεμαρ- τυρημένοις, ὥστε ἐκ τούτων τὸν ἐπι- τηδειότερον εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προχει- ρίζεσθαι.
δ C. 13. (t. 1. p. 1497 6.) Περὶ τοῦ μὴ τοῖς ὄχλοις ἐπιτρέπειν Tas ἐκλογὰς ποιεῖσθαι τῶν μελλόντων καθίστασθαι εἰς ἱερατεῖον.
32 Method of the IV. i:
renders it®, that is, to the common and inferior sort of people. But it is not certain the canon intended the prohibition in that sense; or if it did, it was of no force: for the people continued their ancient practice for some ages after that Council. How- ever, upon the whole matter, it appears that this power of the people did never so universally obtain, but that it was limited in several cases by certain restrictions, and varied according to the different state of times and nations.
How and 19. At last, upon the breaking of the Roman empire, the ae ἘΞΑ Gothic kings in France and Spain were generally complimented patrons with a share in these elections, and their consent was as neces- ae a sary as any other to the ordination of bishops within their do- sree 2c minions. By which means their power quickly increased into
a prerogative of nominating solely, and all others had little else to do but to accept their nominations; which the reader that is curious in this matter may find discoursed at large by De Marca’, in his account of the change that was made in the French and Spanish Churches in after-ages, which it is none of my business here further to pursue. As to the power of no- mination in inferior patrons, it is generally agreed by learned men§& that it came in upon the division of dioceses into distinct
6 De Concord. 1.8. ¢.6.n.8.(p. from the cathedral churches, where
1128.) Quare canonis istius [ Laodi- ceni decimi tertii] decretum secu- tus Justinianus suis legibus diserte clerum et primates populi solos ad electiones episcoporum admisit, neg- lectis turbis: quarum assensus non erat negligendus, sed inter suffragia legitima non censebatur. Sic enim accipienda sunt verba canonis, ut plebis interventio prohibeatur, non autem, ut sola ejus violentia arcea- tur, &c.
7 1014. 1. 8. c. 9. (pp. 1136, 5644.) De electionibus episcoporum Gallico- rum, &¢.—C. το. (pp. 1145, 5644.) De praxi antiqua Hispanica circa electiones episcoporum, &c.
8 Unreason. of Separat. part 3. S. 25. p. 326. (v. 2. p. 617.) As to the inferior right of patronage, it is justly thought to bear equal date with the first settlements of Chri- stianity in peace and quietness. For when it began to spread into re- moter villages and places distant
the bishop resided with his presby- ters, as in a college together, a ne- cessity was soon apprehended of having presbyters fixed among them. For the Council of Neocesarea mentions the ἐπιχώριοι πρεσβύτεροι, the country presbyters, c. 13, whom the Greek Canonists interpret to be such as then were fixed in country cures; and this Council was held ten years before the Council of Nice. In the time of the first Council of Orange, A. D. 441, ex- press mention is made of the right of patronage reserved to the first founders of churches, c. 10, viz. If a bishop built a church on his own land in another bishop’s diocese, yet the right of presenting the clerk was reserved to him. And this was con- firmed by the second Council of Arles, c. 36, A. D. 452. By the constitution of the emperor Zeno, A. D. 479, the rights of patronage are established upon the agreements
Ԥ 19.
election of the clergy. 33
parishes, and the founding of churches in country places. For to give greater encouragement to such pious and useful works, the founder of any church, who settled an endowment upon it, was allowed to retain the right of presentation to himself, to nominate a fit clerk to the bishop for his approbation. That which led the way to this practice was a decree of the first Council of Orange 9, anno 441, wherein this power and privilege was first granted to bishops: ‘ that if any bishop was disposed to found a church in the territory of another bishop, the bishop of the diocese where the church was built should consecrate it; reserving to the founder the right of nominating such clerks as he should desire to have in his own church, whom the bishop of the diocese should ordain at his request; or if they were
already ordained, he should allow them to continue without any
molestation.’ And this canon is repeated in the second Council of Arles !°, in the editions of Sirmond and Labbe, though it be wanting in some others. After this, by the laws of Justinian, all founders of churches and their heirs are allowed to nominate their own clerks upon the right of patronage to those churches. ‘If any man builds an oratory,’ says one of his Novels!’, « and
at first made in the endowments of churches. This constitution was confirmed by Justinian, A. D. 541; and he allows the nomination and presentation of a fit clerk: and the —_— were settled shang “stereos » a8 appears the nin Council of Toketo, “te A. D. 650: and many canons were made in se- veral Councils about regulating the rights of patronage, and the endow- ments of thurches; till at last it ob- tained, by general consent, that the patron might transmit the right of pon to his heirs, and the ishops were to approve of the per- sons ted, and to give institu- on A Mg oat 3 e pees of » in istle to Ix. lead that their μα bial the right of patronage from the first planting of Christianity here. For those upon whose lands the churches were built, and at whose cost charges were endowed, thought they had t reason to reserve the nomina- tion of the clerks to themselves. And this, Joh. Sarisburiensis saith, BINGHAM, VOL. I.
was received by a general custom of this whole kingdom. So that the right of patronage was at first built upon a very reasonable considera- tion; and hath been ever since re- ceived by as universal a consent as any law or custom among us, &t.
C.9. (t.3. p. 1449 ¢.)... Reser- vata zedificatori episcopo hac gratia, ut quos desiderat clericos in re sua videre, ipsos ordinet is in cujus ci- vitatis territorio est; vel si jam or- dinati sunt, ipsos habere acquiescat. es entire canon is somewhat dif- erently worded in Labbe’s edition. The sense is the same. See the next note. Ep.]
W Anno 452. c. 36. (t. 4. p.- 1015 b.) Si quis episcopus in alienz civitatis territorio ecclesiam edifi- care disponit .. non prasumat dedi- cationem, que illi omnimodis reser- vanda est, in cujus territorio eccle- τ assurgit ; reservata zdificatori,
6, Il Novel. 122. 6. 18. (t. 5. Ρ. 549.) Si quis oratorii domum fabricaverit, et voluerit in ea clericos ordinare,
D
94 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iu. either he or his heirs are minded to have clerks ordaimed thereto; if they allow maintenance to them, and they be worthy persons, such as they nominate shall be ordained.’ And the bishop has no power to ordain any other, unless the persons so nominated be unqualified by the canons. Another Novel}? allows the bishop liberty to examine them, and judge of their qualifications; but if he finds them worthy, he is obliged to ordain them, having in that case no power to refuse them. They who would see more of this matter may consult our learned bishop Stillingfleet 18, who gives an account of the pro- gress of it in future ages; which being foreign to my subject, 1 return to the business of elections in the ancient Church, and proceed to give an account of the several qualifications that were necessarily required in persons to be elected and ordained to any office or dignity in the Church.
CHAP. III.
Of the examination and qualifications of persons to be or- dained to any office of the clergy in the primitive Church. And, first, of their faith and morals.
Three in- 1, Berore any person could regularly be elected or ordained λυ ῳμέθαβθν any clerical office in the Church, the electors and ordainers ee 4 eee obliged to make several inquiries concerning him, which respecting, 1 think may be reduced to these three heads; the examination aaa of his faith, his morals, and his outward state and condition in andly, their thé world. The two first of these they were most strict in can- oe. τς vassing and examining, because they were more essential and outward necessary to the ministry ; but the third they did not omit, be- drier cause the peculiar state of those times did more especially re-
condition. quire it. For then men were tied by the laws of the Empire to
aut ipse aut ejus heeredes: si ex- pensas ipsis clericis ministrant, et dignos denominant, denominatos ordinari. Si vero qui ab eis eligun- tur, tanquam indignos_ prohibent sacre regule ordinari: tunc sanc- tissimus episcopus quoscunque pu- taverit meliores ordinari procuret. 12 Novel. 57. c. 2. (t. 5. p. 298.) ... Decernimus si quis edificans ecclesiam aut etiam aliter expendens in ea ministrantibus alimenta, volu- erit aliquos clericos statuere: non
esse ei fiduciam ullam, quos vult per potestatem deducere tue reve- rentize ad ordinandos eos, sed exa- minari a tua sanctitate: sententia- que tua et qui pontificalem sedem rexerit, semper hos suscipere ordi- nationem, qui tuz beatitudini, et qui postea opportune videbuntur Seer et Dei ministerio digni, Ὁ, ‘ :
13 Unreasonableness of Separa- tion, part 3. p. 327. See note 8, preceding.
εὐ τὰν ον, «, ὦ
§ 1, 2. -
bear the offices of the State according to their quality and sub- stance, and those offices were commonly inconsistent with the offices of the Church; which made it necessary to inquire, be- fore men were ordained, whether they were under any obliga- tion to the State, or obnoxious to any distinct power: for fear the Church should seem to encroach upon other men’s rights, or bring trouble upon herself, by having her clergy recalled to a secular life again 2. The trial of their faith and orthodoxy, under which I also The rule comprehend their learning, was made three ways; partly by eo onreR obliging the electors to give in their public testimony of them ; ; ing a
partly by obliging the persons elected to answer to certain in- jearning.
Faith and morals. 35
oS EO ee
in Die
terrogatories, or questions of doctrine, that were put to them; and partly by making them subscribe a body of articles, or confession of faith, at the time of their ordination. By a law of Justinian’s!%, the electors themselves were to declare upon oath, in the instrument or decree of election, if it were a bishop that was chosen, that they knew him to be a man of the true Catholic faith, and of good life and conversation, &e. And, by the same law, the bishop to be ordained was required to give in @ libel, or form of confession of his faith, subscribed with his own hand; and to repeat the form of prayer used at the oblation of the holy eucharist and at baptism, with the other prayers of the Church. Which was an intimation that he al- lowed and approved the liturgy or public service of the Church. The fourth Council of Carthage! prescribes a particular form of examination by way of interrogatories to the bishop who was to be ordained, which is too long to be here inserted; but it consists chiefly of such questions as relate to the articles of the Creed, and doctrines levelled against the most noted here-
18 Novel. 137. c. 2. (t. 5. p- 609.)
és ue ipsorum jurare se- cundum Divina El ai. et ipsis psephismatibus inscribi ..... quod scientes ipsos rect ᾿ catholice fidei et honestz vite, .... ipsos ele- gerint. .... Exigi etiam ante omnia ab eo, qui ‘ordinandus est, libellum ejus propria pe pee rang? complec- tentem que ad rectam ejus fidem pertinent. Enunciari etiam ab ipso et sanctam oblationis formulam, que in sancta communione fit, et
eam que fit in baptismate precatio- nem, et reliquas deprecationes.
14 Ὁ. 1. te. 2. p.1198d.) Qui episcopus ordinandus est, antea ex- aminetur, si natura sit prudens, si docibilis, si moribus temperatus, si vita castus, si sobrius, si semper suis negotiis cavens, [vacans, Labbe marg. | si humilis, si affabilis, si misericors, 8] literatus, si in lege Domini instructus, si in Scriptura- rum sensibus cautus, si in dogma- tibus ecclesiasticis exercitatus, &c,
D2
96
Qualifications for ordination :
IV. ii.
sies, that either then were or lately had been predominant in the Church. Orders also are there given to examine whether the candidate be well instructed in the law of God, and able to expound the sense of Scripture, and be thoroughly exercised in the doctrines of the Church. By which we may judge what due precaution was then taken to admit none but persons rightly qualified, as to their faith, to the chief administrations
of the Church.
The irregu- 3. Upon which consideration it has seemed very difficult to
lar ordina-
tion of Sy- Some learned men to account for the practice and conduct of nesius con- Theophilus of Alexandria, in ordaining Synesius, at the same time that he professed he could not yet believe the doctrine of the resurrection, and some other articles of the Christian Faith. Baronius’, and Habertus!®, and our learned bishop Taylor’7, reckon he only dissembled, and used. this stratagem to avoid being ordained. But had this been the case, it had still been a just canonical exception against him ; for the Canons 18 forbid the ordination of any one, who accuses himself as guilty of any heinous crime, whether his accusation be true or false; for he proves himself guilty either by confessing a truth, or at least
sidered.
by telling a lie about it.
But indeed the case of Synesius was.
no feigned case, for he spake the real sense of his soul; as ap- pears, not only from what the historian’? says of it, but from the account which he himself gives in one of his Epistles 2° to
15 Anno 410. (t.5. p. 318 e.).... Errore maxime labuntur, qui putant heec serio fuisse a Synesio incul- cata, &c.
16 Archierat. ad Profess. Fid. ob- serv. I. (p. 500.) Ad hoc etiam meo judicio non nihil facit illa quamvis simulata Synesii, cum ad Cyrenen- sem. episcopatum posceretur, con- testatio, qua minabatur, se palam facturum, quid in mente haberet de anime ante corpus exsistentia, &c.
17 Duct. Dubit. Ὁ. 3. ch. 2. p. 495. (Rule 5. 8. 18. Works, v.13. p. 367.) Synesius, bishop of Ptolemais, &c.
18 Vid. C. Valentin. c. 4. (t.2. p. 905 6.) Quicunque se sub ordina- tione vel diaconatus, vel presbyterii, vel episcopatus, mortali crimine dix- erint esse pollutos, a supradictis or- dinationibus esse submovendos, reos scilicet vel veri confessione, vel men-
dacio falsitatis.
i> Evagr. 1 3. ἘΠ τ 5. p- 270. 7.) Οὗτος μὲν Συνέσιος ᾿ μὲν τὰ ἄλλα πάντα λόγιος" φιλοσο- φίαν δὲ οὕτως ἐς τὸ ἀκρότατον ἐξ- ἤσκησεν, ὡς καὶ παρὰ Χριστιανῶν θαυμασθῆναι, τῶν μὴ προσπαθείᾳ ἢ ἀντιπαθείᾳ κρινόντων τὰ ὁρώμενα" πείθουσι δ᾽ οὖν αὐτὸν τῆς σωτηριώ- δους παλιγγενεσίας ἀξιωθῆναι, καὶ τὸν ζυγὸν τῆς ἱερωσύνης ὑπελθεῖν, οὔπω τὸν λόγον τῆς ἀναστάσεως πα- ραδεχόμενον, οὐδὲ δοξάζειν ἐθέλοντα" εὐθυβόλως εὖ μάλα στοχασάμενοι, ὡς ταῖς ἄλλαις τἀνδρὸς ἀρεταῖς ἕψεται καὶ ταῦτα, τῆς θείας χάριτος μηδὲν ἐλλειπὲς ἔχειν ἀνεχομένης" καὶ οὐκ ἐψεύστησαν τῆς ἐλπίδος, K. τ. λ.
20 Ep. 105. p. 397. (Ρ. 249 Ὁ. 1.) Οἶσθα δ᾽ ὅτι πολλὰ φιλοσοφία τοῖς θρυλλουμένοις τούτοις ἀντιδιατάττεται δόγμασιν" ἀμέλει τὴν ψυχὴν οὐκ a&e-
— ee
Faith and morals. 37
his brother Euoptius: < You know,’ says he, ‘ that philosophy teaches the contrary to many of those generally received doc- trines. Therefore I cannot persuade myself that the soul is postnate to the body; I cannot say that the world and all its parts shall be dissolved; I look upon the resurrection to be ἱερόν τι καὶ ἀπόρρητον, a sort of mystical and ineffable thing, and am far from assenting to the vulgar opinions about it..... And now being called to the priesthood, I would not dissemble these things, but testify them both before God and man.’ This asseveration seems too solemn and serious to be the speech of one who was only acting a part, and dissembling his opinion ; and therefore it is more probable that he was in earnest, as Lucas Holstenius?! more fully shews in a peculiar Dissertation upon this subject against Baronius. Valesius®*, to vindicate Theophilus, says Synesius altered his opinions before he was ordained; but that is more than can be proved. The best ac- count of the thing is that which is given by Holstenius, ‘ that it was the man’s admirable virtues, and excellent qualifications in other respects, and a great want of fit men in those difficult times, that encouraged Theophilus to ordain him, in hopes that God would enlighten his mind, and not suffer so excellent a person long to labour under such errors in religion.’ But the fairest colours that can be put upon it will hardly justify a fact so contrary to the rules of the Church. The instance was sin-
habuisse, jure merito credas, &c. 22 Not. in Evagr. 1. 1. c. 15. (ibid. n. 2.)...... Baronius......
ὦσω ποτὲ σώματος ὑστερογενῆ νομί- few" τὸν κόσμον οὐ φήσω καὶ τ᾽ ἄλλα μέρη συνδιαφθείρεσθαι" τὴν καθωμι-
λημένην ἀνάστασιν ἱερόν τι καὶ ἀπόρ- βητον ἥγημαι, καὶ πολλοῦ δέω ταῖς τοῦ πλή ὑπολήψεσιν ὁμολογῆσαι «« καλούμενος (ἃ. 7.) δ᾽ εἰς ἱερωσύνην, οὐκ ἀξιῶ προσποιεῖσθαι δόγματα" ταῦτα Θεὸν, ταῦτα ἀνθρώπους μαρ-
μαι. at Dissert. 8. de Synes. ap. Vales. ad cale. Theodor. Lect. (v. 3. p. 613. 82.) Ipsa Synesii verba adeo qui-
icua sunt, adeo certa et manifesta, ut qua ratione in dubium vocari possint, plane non videam. Contestationes vero adeo sanctis ac religiosis verbis sunt concepte, ut qui lis ludere, aut eludere alios vo- luerit, eum et conscientiam ΕΝ que profligasse, et veritatem, De- umque veritatis preesidem ludibrio
cuncta illa ... non serio dici censet, sed ficte atque simulate, ut episco- tus onus declinaret. Verum hanc aronii sententiam merito impro- bavit Petavius. Multo enim verisi- milius esse dicit, Synesium hee ad fratrem suum scripsisse, sicut tunc sentiebat. Postea vero a Theophilo aut aliis sacerdotibus edoctum, an- tequam episcopus fieret, veram de resurrectione sententiam amplexum esse.—Petay. Vit. Synes. p. 4. (No- tar. ad calc. Oper. p. 4.) ... Multo verisimilius est, hoc illum initio ita, ut in animo habebat, adseverasse ; ac paullo post ab Theophilo, aliisve doctis viris persuasum veritati ces- sisse, antequam episcopus fieret.
98 Qualifications for ordination : IV. in.
gular, and never made a precedent, or drawn into imitation ; the general practice of the Church being, as has been shewed, to examine men’s orthodoxy, and require their assent and sub- scriptions to the rule of faith before their ordination.
A strict a 4. Their next inquiry was into the morals of the person to ulry mace . . . . a. be ordained; and here the examination was very strict and
morals of accurate. For then the custom was generally to ordain such
such as
were to be only as were known to all the people, and of whose life and
ordained. character they were satisfied, and could bear testimony to them. ‘ The bishops and presbyters who preside over us,’ says Tertullian 38, ‘are advanced to that honour only by public tes- timony.’ ‘The law,is,’ says Cyprian, ‘to choose bishops in the presence of the people, who have perfect knowledge of every man’s life, and are acquainted with the tenour of their actions by their conversation.’
ὸ = hese 5. Upon which account the laws forbad the ordination of
stranger to Strangers in any Church to which they did not belong. Op-
be ordained tatus2> makes it an objection against the Donatists, that in the in a foreign ὖ Cat
Church. Roman see they never had a bishop who was a citizen of Rome,
but still their succession in that city was supplied by Africans
and strangers. Whereas, on the contrary, he challenges?é
them to shew, when ever the Church at any time brought a
Frenchman or a Spaniard into Afric, or ordained a stranger
to a people that knew nothing of him. In the Civil Law we
have a constitution of Honorius?’, the emperor, to this pur-
pose, ‘that no clerks should be ordained out of any other
possession or village, but only that where their church was.’
Or if any one thinks that decree was made rather for reasons
_ of state, he may read the same in the canons of the Church;
as in the Council of Eliberis?8, which decrees, ‘that no stranger
23 Apol. c. 39. (p. 31 a.) Preesi- dent [apud nos] probati quique se- niores, honorem istum non pretio, sed testimonio adepti.
24 Ep. 68. [al. 67.] p. 172. (p. 289.) Episcopus deligatur plebe pree- sente, que singulorum vitam ple- nissime novit, et uniuscujusque ac- tum de ejus conversatione perspexit.
25 L, 2. p. 48. (p. 38.) Quid est hoc, quod pars vestra in urbe Rome episcopum civem habere non potuit ? Quid est quod toti Afri et peregrini
in illa civitate sibi successisse nos- cuntur.
26 Ibid. p. 51. (p. 43.) Numquid nos adduximus Hispanum et [8]. aut] Gallum? Aut nos ordinavimus ignorantibus peregrinum ?
27 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1.16. tit. 2. de Episcopis, leg. 33. (t. 6. p. 70.) ... Clerici, non ex alia possessione vel vico, sed ex eo ubi ecclesiam esse constiterit, ordinentur.
28 C. 24. (t. 1. p. 973 d.) Omnes, © qui peregre fuerint baptizati, eo
§ 4, 5,6. faith and morals. 39
baptized in a foreign country should be ordained out of the province where he was baptized, because his life and con- versation could not be known.’ And this rule was gene- rally observed, except in some extraordinary cases, when either public fame had made a man eminent and noted over all the world, or there were some particular reasons for going against the rule, of which I have given an account in an- other place?9. ¢ 6. The strictness of this examination as to men’s morals will Nor any appear further from this,—that the commission of any scan- jag vine dalous crime, for which a man was obliged to do penance in Public pe- the church, did for ever after, according to the rules and dis- τς Οἰρ πο of those times, render that person irregular and inca- pable of holy orders. For though they granted pardon and absolution and lay-communion to all offenders that submitted to the discipline of public penance, yet they thought it not proper to admit such to clerical dignities, but excluded them from the orders and promotions of the Church. At least it was thus in most of the Western Churches in the fourth and fifth — centuries, as appears from the Latin writers of those ages. The Epistles of Siricius and Innocent shew it to have been the practice of the Roman Church in their time. For Siricius says®° ‘no layman, after public penance and reconciliation, was to be admitted to the honour of the clergy: because though they were cleansed from the contagion of all their sins, yet they ought not to touch the instruments of the sanctuary, who themselves before had been the instruments and vessels of sin.’ The letters of Innocent®! are to the same purpose. And so for the French Churches we have the testimony of Genna- dius, and the second Council of Arles#?, and Agde*4 ; and for
quod eorum minime sit cognita vita, placuit, ad clerum non esse promo- vendos in alienis provinciis.
29 See Ὁ. 2. ch. 10. 8. 3. v.1. p. £25.
80 Ep.1.ad Himer.Tarracon. c.14. (CC. t. 2. p. 1022 a.) Post pcenitu- dinem ac reconciliationem nulli un- quam laico liceat honorem clericatus adipisci: quia quamvis sint omnium peccatorum contagione mundati, nulla tamen debent gerendorum sa- cramentorum instrumenta suscipere, qui dudum fuerint vasa vitiorum.
81 Ep. 22. 6. 3. (CC. ibid. p. 1274 a)... Ubi peenitentiz reme- dium necessarium est, illic ordina- tionis honorem locum habere non posse decernimus.
82 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 72. [al. 39- | (int. Oper. τὸν ae t. 8. append. p. 79 c.) Maritum duarum post bap- tismum matronarum clericum non ordinandum...... neque eum, qui og peenitentia mortalia crimina
eflet.
88 C. 25. (t. 4. p. 1014 8.) Hi, qui
ΤΥ. ii.
the Spanish Churches, a canon of the first Council of Toledo, which allows not penitents to be ordained, except in case of necessity, and then only to the offices of the inferior orders, door-keepers, and readers. The practice of the African Churches is evident from the fourth Council of Carthage®®, which decrees, ‘that no penitent should be ordained, though he was a good man at the present: and if any such was or- dained by the bishop’s ignorance, not knowing his character, he should be deposed, because he did not declare that he had been a penitent at the time of his ordination.’ By this we may understand what Optatus means, when, speaking of the Dona- tists, who made some of the Catholic children do public pe- nance in the Church, he says ‘they thereby gave them a wound, which was intended 37 to cut them off from the benefit of ordination ;’ plainly referring to this rule in the Church, that he who had done public penance was thereby made inca- pable of ordination; which seems also to be St. Austin’s mean- ing, when, speaking of a Christian astrologer, who had done penance for his fault, he says* ‘ his conversion perhaps might
40 Qualifications for ordination:
post sanctam religionis professio- nem apostatant et ad seeculum re- deunt et postmodum peenitentiz re- media non requirunt, sine pceni- tentia communionem penitus non accipiant, quos etiam jubemus ad clericatus officium non admitti.
34 C. 43. (ibid. p. 1390 ἃ.) De penitentibus id placuit observare, quod sancti patres nostri synodali sententia censuerunt, ut nullus de his clericus ordinetur, &c.
35 C. 2. (t. 2. p. 1223 6.) Poeni- tentes non admittantur ad clerum, nisi tantum necessitas aut usus exe- gerit, et tunc inter ostiarios depu- tentur, vel inter lectores. [Labbe reads this canon in the singular number,—Placuit ut de pcenitente non admittatur, &c. Ep. ]
36 C. 68. (ibid. p. 1205 c.) Ex peenitentibus, quamvis sit bonus, cle- ricus non ordinetur. Si per igno- rantiam episcopi factum fuerit, de- ponatur a clero, quia se ordinationis tempore non prodidit fuisse poeni- tentem.
37 L. 2. p. 59. (p. 55.) Invenistis pueros, de poenitentia sauciastis, ne
aliqui ordinari potuissent.
88 Append. Enarrat. Ps. 61. [juxt. Ed. Paris. 1637.].... Posset videri, quia sic conversus est, clericatum
uzerere in ecclesia? &c. [juxt. Ed.
ened. (t. 4. p. 605 f.)..... Posset videri, quia si conversus esset, cleri- catum queereret in ecclesia? Peenitens est; non querit nisi solam misericor- diam.—Ep. 50. [al.185.] ad Bonifac. (t. 2. p. 660 6.) Si ergo, inquiunt, oportet ut nos extra ecclesiam et adversus ecclesiam fuisse pceniteat, ut salvi esse possimus; quomodo post istam pcenitentiam apud vos clerici, vel etiam episcopi perma- nemus? Hoc non fieret, quoniam revera, quod fatendum est, fieri non deberet, &c......Ut enim (ibid. g. et p. 661.) constitueretur in ecclesia, ne quisquam post alicujus criminis peenitentiam clericatum accipiat, vel ad clericatum redeat, vel in cleri- catu maneat; non desperatione in- dulgentiz, sed rigore factum est discipline ... Sed ne forsitan, etiam detectis criminibus, spe honoris ec- clesiastici, animus intumescens su- perbe ageret poenitentiam, severis-
86,7.
ἢ make some think he intended to get an office among the clergy ; of the Church: but no,’ says he, ‘he is a penitent; he seeks nothing more but only a pardon and absolution:’ meaning, that a person in his circumstances could not pretend to sue for orders by the rules and canons of the Church. But we are to note, that this is always to be understood of public penance, not of private; for the Council of Girone or Gerunda®9 in Ca- talonia expressly makes this distinction between public penance in the church, and private penance in time of sickness; making the one to incapacitate men from taking orders, but not the other. And in all other canons, where this distinction is not expressed, it is always to be understood. For it was only that penance which left some public mark of disgrace upon men, which unqualified them for the orders of the Church. But
this rule might be dispensed with in extraordinary cases; and
there are some learned men, who think it was not so generally
insisted on in the three first ages of the Church: [but Origen*°
speaks of it as the rule of the Church in his time. ]
7. As to particular crimes, there were a great many that un- No mur-
qualified men, whether they had done public penance for them mea or not; such as the three great crimes of murder, adultery, nor adul- and lapsing in time of persecution. The Council of Toledo#! (7%, 2" sets murder in the front of those sins which exclude men from bad lapsed holy orders. The crimes of fornication and adultery are noted cabo : upon the same account by those called the Apostolical Canons‘, #"- the Council of Neo-Czsarea**, the Council of Nice*+, Eliberis*5,
Faith and morals. 41
Peenitente vero dicimus de eo qui
sime placuit, ut post actam de cri- i bili peenitentiam, nemo post baptismum, aut pro homi-
sit clericus, ut desperatione tempo- ralis altitudinis medicina major et verior esset humilitatis.
39 Anno 517. c. 9. (t. 4. p. 1569 a.) Qui egritudinis languore depressus, peenitentiz benedictionem, quam viaticum deputamus, per commu- nionem acceperit; et postmodum reconvalescens caput peenitentie in ecclesia publice non subdiderit; si prohibitis vitiis non detinetur ob- noxius, admittatur ad clerum.
40 [Cont. Cels. 1. 3. p. 143. See oa ΩΝ part of n. 47, following.
D.
41 Tolet. 1. c. 2. (t. 2. p. 1223 e.)
cidio, aut pro diversis criminibus, gravissimisque peccatis publicam peenitentiam gerens, sub cilicio [al. concilio] divino fuerit reconciliatus altario.
42 C, 60 al. 61. (Cotel. [c. 53-] ν. I. p. 445.) Εἴ τις κατηγορία γένηται κατὰ πιστοῦ πορνείας, ἢ μοιχείας, ἣ ny ιν τινὸς ἀπηγορευμένης πράξεως, καὶ ἐλεγχθείη, εἰς κλῆρον μὴ ἀγέσθω [al. π᾿ ‘cba. |
43 C. 9. [t. 1. p. 1481 6.7 Πρεσβύ- τερος, ἐὰν προη κὼς σώματι προ- αχθῇ καὶ ὁμολογήσῃ, ὅτι ἥμαρτε πρὸ τῆς χειροτονίας, μὴ προσφερέτω, μένων ἐν τοῖς λοιποῖς, διὰ τὴν ἄλλην σπουδήν,
42 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iii.
and several others. Nay, the Council of Neo-Cesarea goes a little further, and decrees*®, ‘that if any man’s wife committed adultery whilst he was a layman, he should not be admitted to any ecclesiastical function; or if she committed adultery when he was in office, he must give her a bill of divorce and put her away, otherwise be degraded from his office.’ As to the crime of lapsing and sacrificing in time of persecution, Origen 47 as- sures us it was the custom of the Church in his time to exclude such as were guilty of it from all ecclesiastical power and go- vernment. And Athanasius4® says the same, ‘that they were allowed the privilege of repentance, but not to have any place among the clergy.’ Or if any were ignorantly ordained, they were to be deposed as soon as they were discovered, by a rule of the great Council of Nice 49. Which was no new rule, but the ancient rule of the whole Catholic Church: for Cyprian °° says ‘it was agreed upon at Rome, and in Afric, and by the
K.T.A rA.—C, 10. (ibid. d. )‘ Ομοίως ὁ διά- κονος, ἐὰν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ) ἁμαρτήματι περι- πέσῃ; τὴν τοῦ ὑπηρέτου τάξιν ἐ ἐχέτω.
410, 2. (t. 2. p. 29 6.) Εἰ, προϊόν- τος τοῦ χρόνου, Ψυχικόν τι ἁμάρτημα εὑρεθῇ περὶ τὸ πρόσωπον, καὶ edey- xotro ὑπὸ δύω ἢ ἢ τριῶν μαρτύρων, πε- παύσθω 6 τοιοῦτος τοῦ κλήρου.
45 (, 30. (t-1. p.974 a.) Subdia- conos eos ordinari non debere, qui in adolescentia sua fuerint meechati ; eo quod postmodum, per surreptio- nem, ad altiorem gradum promove- antur: vel si qui sunt in preteritum ordinati, amoveantur.
46 (Ὁ, 8. (ibid. p. 1481 A.) Turn τι- νος μοιχευθεῖσα λαϊκοῦ ὄντος, ἐὰν ἐ- λεγχθῇ φανερῶς, ὁ ὁ τοϊοῦτος εἰς ὑπη- ρεσίαν ἐλθεῖν οὐ δύναται. Ἐὰν δὲ καὶ μετὰ τὴν χειροτονίαν μοιχευθῇ, ὀφεί- λει ἀπολῦσαι αὐτήν" ἐὰν δὲ συζῇ, οὐ δύναται ἔχεσθαι τῆς ἐγχειρισθείσης αὐτῷ ὑπηρεσίας.
47 Cont. Cels. 1. 83: P. 145. (. 1. Ρ. 481 d. ) Oia δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς ἀγωγὴ καὶ περὶ ἁμαρτανόντων, καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ἀκολασταινόντων, obs ἀπελαύ- νουσι τοῦ κοινοῦ οἱ κατὰ τὸν Κέλσον παραπλήσιοι τοῖς ἐν ταῖς ἀγοραῖς τὰ ἐπιρρητότατα ἐπιδεικνυμένοις 5 καὶ τὸ μὲν τῶν Πυθαγορείων σεμνὸν δικασκά- λιον κενοτάφια τῶν ἀποστάντων τῆς 'σφῶν φιλοσοφίας κατεσκεύαζε, λογι-
ζόμενον νεκροὺς αὐτοὺς γεγονέναι" οὗ- τοι δὲ ὡς ἀπολωλότας καὶ τεθνηκότας τῷ Θεῷ τοὺς ὑπ᾽ ἀσελγείας τινος ἀτόπου νενικημένους, ὡς νεκροὺς πεν- θοῦσι: καὶ ὡς ἐκ νεκρῶν ἀναστάντας, ἐὰν ᾿ ἀξιόλογον ἐνδείξωνται μεταβολὴν, χρόνῳ πλείονι τῶν κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς εἰσαγο- μένων ὕστερόν ποτε προσίενται εἰς οὐ- δεμίαν ἀρχὴν καὶ προστασίαν τῆς λε- γομένης ἐκκλησίας τοῦ Θεοῦ καταλέ- γοντες τοὺς φθάσαντας, μετὰ τὸ προσ- ἐληλυθέναι τῷ λόγῳ, ἐπταικέναι.
48 Ep. δὰ Rufinian. (t. I. part. 2.
Ρ. 768 e. .). . Καὶ ἤρεσεν ὅπερ ὧδε καὶ rarraxod, ὥστε τοῖς μὲν. καταπεπτω- κόσι καὶ προϊσταμένοις τῆς ἀσεβείας, συγγινώσκειν. μὲν μετανοοῦσι, μὴ δι- δόναι δὲ αὐτοῖς τόπον κλήρου.
49 C. 10. (t. 2. p. 32 ¢.) Ὅσοι mpo- εχειρίσθησαν τῶν παραπεπτωκότων κατὰ ἄγνοιαν, ἢ καὶ ,προειδότων τῶν προχειρισαμένων, τοῦτο οὐ προκρίνει τῷ κανόνι τῷ ἐκκλησιαστικῷ" γνω- σθέντες γὰρ καθαιροῦνται.
*0 Ep. 68. [4]. 67.] p. 174. (p. 290.)... Cum jampridem nobiscum, et cum omnibus episcopis in toto mundo constitutis, etiam Cornelius, collega noster. . decreverit, ejusmodi homines ad peenitentiam quidem a- gendam posse admitti; ab ordina- tione autem cleri, atque sacerdotali honore prohiberi.
ee δ νον ὁ. 0.
ζω ΤΌ SS |” = _— =
Faith and morals. 43
bishops of the whole world, that such men might be admitted to repentance; but should be kept back from the ordinations of the clergy and the honour of the priesthood.’ Upon this ac-
count the Arians themselves, though they were not much given
to act by rules, sometimes thought fit to deny men ordination ; as Athanasius*! and Socrates5? say they did by Asterius, the
sophist, whom they would not ordain because he had sacrificed
in time of persecution. But they were far from being constant to this rule: for if Philostorgius*? says true, the leading bi- shops of the Arian party,—Eusebius of Nicomedia, Maris of Chalcedon, Theognis of Nice, Leontius of Antioch, Antonius of Tarsus, Menophantus of Ephesus, Numenius, Eudoxius, Alexan- der, and Asterius of Cappadocia,—all sacrificed in the Diocle- tian persecution. But then it must be owned that some of these were ordained bishops in the Church before the Arian heresy began to appear : whence we must conclude, that either the bishops who ordained them knew nothing of their lapsing, or else that the Church herself sometimes granted dispensa- tions in this ease also. Baronius*+ and some others lay it to the charge of Eusebius, the historian, that he sacrificed in time of persecution. Petavius>>,and Huetius "6, and Mr. Pagi’,
51 De Synod. Arim. et Seleuc. t. 1. p. 887. (t.1. part. 2. p. 584 6. n. 18.) Αστέριος δέ τις ἀπὸ Καππαδοκίας, πολυκέφαλος σοφιστὴς, εἷς ὧν τῶν περὶ Ἑὐσέβιον, ἐπειδὴ θύσας ἐν τῷ προτέρῳ διωγμῷ, τῷ κατὰ τὸν πάπ- πον Κωνσταντίου, οὐκ ἠδύνατο παρὰ αὐτῶν εἰς κλῆρον προαχθῆναι, K.T.A.
δ2 L. 1. c. 46. (v. 2. p. 72. 13.) Συνῆν δὲ ὁ ᾿Αστέριος συνεχῶς καὶ τοῖς ἐπισκόποις, τοῖς μάλιστα τὴν ᾽Αρει- ανῶν δόξαν μὴ ἀθετοῦσι' καὶ δὴ καὶ εἰς τὰς συνόδους ἀπήντα, ὑποδῦναι μιᾶς πόλεως ἐπισκοπὴν προθυμούμε- vos" ἀλλ᾽ ἱερωσύνης μὲν ἠστόχησε, διὰ τὸ ἐπιτεθυκέναι κατὰ τὸν διωγμόν.
58 1,2. c. 14. (Vv. 3. p. 484. 22.)... Ods καὶ ἑλληνίσαι φησὶ ἐνδόντας τῇ τῶν τυράννων βίᾳ" κ.τ.λ.
δ4 Anno 325- Π. 8, (t. 3. p. 447 b.) Potamon . . .invectus est voce magna contra Eusebium, et dixit: Tu sedes, Eusebi, et Athanasius innocens stans a te judicatur? Quis tulerit talia! Dic mihi tu: nonne mecum fuisti in carcere tempore persecutionis? Et
ego quidem oculum amisi pro veri- tate: tu vero nihil mutilatum in corpore habere videris, neque testi- monium — confessionem tri- buisti, sed stetisti vivens, nulla parte detruncata. Quomodo discessisti e carcere? nisi quod promisisti iis, qui necessitatem nobis persecutionis in- tulerunt, id quod nefarium est, te facturum esse, aut sane fecisti?
6° Animadvers. in Epiphan, Her. 64. n. 2. (P. 259.) Verisimile igitur est Origenem, cum in Decii persecu- tione adfecta jam etate lapsus esset, in Palestinam recessisse, ac “τὶ mortuum esse,
56 Origenian. 1. 1. c. 4. ἢ. 4. (t. I. p. 21.) Nicephorus, &c.
57 Crit. in Baron. an. 251. n. 6. (t. 1. p. 239.) Negat Baronius, Ori- genem in hac Decii persecutione lapsum, ejusque sententiam Valesius in Notis Eusebianis secutus est, Preeferenda tamen sententia Petavii in Animadversionibus ad Epipha- nium, Heresi 64..c.2, et ad Librum
44
Qualifications for ordination :
bring the same charge against Origen out of Epiphanius, the first reporter of the story; whilst Valesius>* and du Pin>9 un- dertake to vindicate the reputation of Origen from so foul an
aspersion. Eusebius.
And Hanckius® and Dr. Cave®! do the same for I will not interpose in these controversies, but only
observe, that if the accusations brought against those two per- sons were true, the consequence must be, either that persons who had lapsed might be ordained, or at least continue in their orders undeposed, when the Church saw fit to dispense with her ordinary rule; which probably was not sc:strict, but that
ejusdem de Ponderibus et Mensuris c. 18, atque Huetii 1. 1. Origenia- norum, 6.4, sancto Epiphanio id as- serenti fidem adhibendam censen- tium. Hee Epiphanii verba: Ob eximiam sanctitatem et eruditionem summam in invidiam est adductus, &c. Que verba licet ab aliquo Ori- geniani nominis hoste in Epiphanii textum intrusa dicat Baronius, ta- men vel ipsa styli similitudo, ut in- 48: Petavius, satis Epiphanio adju- icat. Facti illius etiam meminerunt Nemesius, c. 20, Leontius Byzan- tius, et Justinianus imperator ad- versus Origenis errores, qui a Syn- odo Quinta probatus est. Et pro- fecto incredibile videtur, hunc impe- ratorem in Encyclica Epistola ad uni- versos episcopos destinata, que in Concilii Quinti Acta refertur, vel qui nomine ejus eamdem scripsit, men- dacium re nulla postulante con- fictum, patribus in os objecisse viris non illiteratis, et rei inaudite novi- tatem procul dubio miraturis, ejus- que falsitatem facile perspecturis.
58 Not. in Euseb. 1. 6. c. 39. (v. 1. p. 302.2.)... De AXthiope adversus Origenem subornato, et de abnegata fide, nihil hic dicit Eusebius: sed et Baronius cuncta hee fabulosa esse merito censuit. Nemesius tamen, in libro de Natura Hominis, 6. 30, nar- rationem illam Epiphanii confirmat.
59 Bibliotheque, t.1. p. 444. (t. I. p. 146. note n.) Saint Epiphane I’ac- cuse de s’estre approché des autels, et d’avoir fait semblant d’offrir de Vencens aux dieux; mais cette his- toire, et presque tout ce que Saint Epiphane rapport d’Origénes, est tibelodx. et fait ἃ plaisir par quel-
que ennemi d’Origénes, qui a trompé Saint Epiphane homme assez cré-
᾿ dule.
60 De Scriptor. Byzant. part. 1. 6.1. n.158. (p. 73.) Sed crimen il- lud, quod ab inimicis Eusebio per altercationes objectum quidem, cu- jus autem convictus non fuit, in du- bium merito venit. Quin, cum cre- dibile non sit, Eusebio si gentilium diis sacrificasset, per istius rei con- scios Ceesariensem episcopatum po- ea vel collatum vel permissum fu- isse; potius vero simile, quoniam Eusebius ex carcere salvus emissus erat, alios ea gratia non dimissos, suspicionis materiam consecutos, il- lum non sine culpa, vel sacrifican- tis, vel sacrificaturi, custodia digres- sum : cum tamen ex ea potuerit 8110 modo liberari.
61 Hist. Liter. (v. 1. p. 128.) Hine postea nata adversariis ejus calumni- andi materie, ipsum nempe carceri inclusum idolis immolasse. Objece- runt id ei, anno 335, synodo Tyrie inter alios presidenti confessores fgyptii, et in his preecipue Potamo episcopus Heracliensis. Verum si accusasse sufficiat, quis erit inno- cens? Odio et livore ducti tela in il- lum undique arripiebant: neque ul- lum hac in re testem proferunt, preter levem guemdam rumuscu- lum, seu rumoris potius suspicio- nem, quod nec ipse diffitetur Pota- mo, nulla alia ex causa ortum, quam quod Eusebius ex carcere salvus et illesus evaserat. Quid? quod si immolasset, ex rigida istius tempo- ris disciplina, omni clericali gradu excidisset, certe ad superiorem ordi- nem neutiquam promovendus.
IV. iii.
Faith and morals. 45
it might admit of some relaxation, when proper occasions and cases extraordinary seemed to require it.
8. Another crime, which unqualified men for orders in those No usurer
times, was sedition or rebellion ; for he that stood convicted of ee treasonable practices was never to be ordained. This appears from the fourth Council of Carthage®, which joins the sedi- tious and usurers together, and excludes them both from ordi- nation. As to the crime of usury, I shall not here stand to ex- plain the nature of it, which will be done in a more convenient place®, but only observe that this crime, in the sense in which the ancients condemned it, was of such an odious and scandal- ous nature, as to debar men that had been guilty of it from the honour and privilege of ordination. Whence Gennadius, speaking of the practice of the Latin Church and the qualifica- _ tions required in persons to be ordained, says, ‘they must not be men convicted of taking usury.’ In the Greek Church, at least in the province of Cappadocia, the rule seems not to have been altogether so strict; for St. Basil’s Canons® do not abso- lutely exclude such from the ministry, but allow them to be ordained, ‘provided they first gave away to the poor what they had gained by usury, and promised not to exercise it for the future.’
9. Another crime, which made a man irregular and de- Nor one barred him from the privilege of ordination, was the disfigur- heeds ing or dismembering of his own body. If any man indeed tismem. happened to be born an eunuch, there was no law against his own body. ordination: for Eusebius says® Dorotheus, presbyter of An- tioch, was an eunuch from his mother’s womb. And Socrates and Sozomen® say of Tigris, presbyter of Constantinople, that
62 Ὁ, 67. (t. 2. p. 1205 c.) Seditio- narios nunquam ordinandos clericos, sicut nec usurarios.
63 B. 6. c. 2. 8. 6.
64 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 73. [al. 39-] (int. oper. August. t. 8. append, p- 79 d.) .... Neque illum, qui usu- ras accepisse convincitur.
C. 14. ap. Bevereg. Pand. t. 2. p- 71. (CC. t. 2. p. 1729 a.) Ὁ τό- κους νων, ἐὰν καταδέξηται τὸ ἄδικον κέρδος εἰς πτωχοὺς ἀναλῶσαι, καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ, τοῦ νοσήματος τῆς φιλοχρηματίας ἀπαλλαγῆναι" δεκτός
ἐστιν εἰς ἱερωσύνην.
66 L. 7. a 32. (v. 3. p. 366. 18.) Ἦν δ᾽ οὗτος τῶν μάλιστα ἐλευθερίων νον τὴν φύσιν δὲ ἄλλως εὐνοῦχος, οὕτω πεφυκὼς ἐξ αὐτῆς γενέσεως" κι T.A,
87 1,. 6. 6.15. (Vv. 2. P. 332+ 9.) Ἐ- κέλευον δὲ παρεῖναι ἅμα αὐτῷ Σεραπί- wva, καὶ Τίγριν εὐνοῦχον πρεσβύτε- ρον, καὶ Παῦλον ἀναγνώστην.
681, 8, c. 24. (ibid. p.357. 18.) Ἐν τῷ τότε καιρῷ καὶ Τίγριος πρεσβύτε- pos τῆς ἐσθῆτος γυμνωθεὶς, καὶ κατὰ νώτου μαστιγωθεὶς, πόδας καὶ χεῖρας
46 IV. im...
Qualifications for ordination :
he was made an eunuch by a barbarian master. Or if a man had suffered the loss of any member by the cruelty of the per- secutors, as many confessors in the Diocletian persecution had their right eyes bored out and their left legs enfeebled, in that case there was no prohibition of their ordination, except they were utterly incapacitated from doing the office of ministers, by being made blind or deaf or dumb. For so those called the Apostolical Canons ® determined: ‘A man that hath lost an eye, or is maimed in his leg, may be ordained bishop, if he be otherwise worthy. For it is not any imperfection of body that defiles a man, but the pollution of his soul. Yet if a man is deaf or blind, he shall not be made bishop; not because he is pol- luted, but because he will not be able to perform the duties of his function.’ The Council of Nice adds a third case, in which it was lawful to ordain dismembered persons; which was, when in case of a mortal distemper the physicians thought it neces- sary to cut off one limb of the body to save the whole. All these were excepted cases, and the prohibition of the canons did not extend to them; but the crime was when ‘any one dis- membered himself in health,’ as the Nicene canon7° words it: such an one was not to be ordained; or if he was ordained, when he committed the fact he was to be deposed. The Aposto- lical Canons’! give this reason for it: ‘because such an one is in effect a self-murderer, and an enemy of the workmanship of God.’ Nor was it any excuse in this case, that a man made himself an eunuch out of a pretended piety, or to avoid forni- cation. or such were liable to the penalty of the canon, as
δεδεμένος διαταθεὶς, διελύθη τὰ ἄρθρα" ἐγένετο δὲ οὗτος βάρβαρος τὸ γένος, οὐκ ἐκ γενετῆς εὐνοῦχος" κι. τ. 69-Cc. 76, 77. (Cotel. [e. 69.] v. Ρ- 447.) Εἴ τις ἀνάπηρος ἢ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν, ἢ ἢ τὸ σκέλος πεπληγμένος, ἄξιος δέ ἐστιν, ἐπίσκοπος "γενέσθω" οὐ γὰρ λώβη σωμάτων αὐτὸν μιαίνει, ἀλλὰ Ψυχῆς μολυσμός. --- Κωφὸς δὲ ὼν καὶ τυφλὸς, μὴ γινέσθω ἐπίσκο- πος οὐχ ὡς μεμιασμένος, fal. βε- βλαμμένος,] ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μὴ τὰ ἐκκλησι- γε Ὁ: bag Pores . (t. 2. p. 28.) Εἴ τις ἐν νόσῳ ὑπὸ ἰατρῶν ἐχειρουργήθη, ἢ ἢ ὑπὸ βαρβάρων ἐξετμήθη, οὗτος μενέτω ἐν
τῷ ,κλήρφ᾽ εἰ δέ τις ὑγιαίνων ἑαυτὸν ἐξέτεμε, τοῦτον καὶ ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ ἐξε- ταζόμενον πεπαῦσθαι προσήκει" καὶ ἐκ τοῦ δεῦρο μηδένα τῶν τοιούτων χρῆναι προάγεσθαι" ὥσπερ δὲ τοῦτο πρόδη- λον, ὅτι περὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευόντων τὸ πρᾶγμα, καὶ τολμώντων ἑαυτοὺς ἐκ- τέμνειν, εἴρηται" οὕτως εἴ τινες ὑπὸ βαρβάρων ἢ ἢ δεσποτῶν εὐνουχίσθησαν, εὑρίσκοιντο δὲ ἄλλως ἄξιοι, τοὺς τοι- οὕτους εἰς κλῆρον προσίεται ὃ κανών. 71 Ὁ. 21. (Cotel. [c. 17.} Vv. I. p. 440.)...°O ἀκρωτηριάσας ἑαυτὸν, μὴ γωάσθω. κληρικός" αὐτοφοντὴς [8]. αὐτοφονευτὴς | γάρ ἐστιν [ ἑαυτοῦ] καὶ τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ δημιουργίας ἐχθρός.
Ὁ ΤΥ
Faith and morals. 47
well as any others: which is noted by Gennadius7? and the Council of Arles7?. And indeed the first reason of making the canon was to prevent that mistaken notion of piety which had once possessed Origen?*; who, taking those words of our Savi- our, “there are some that make themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven’s sake,” in a wrong sense, fulfilled them li- terally upon himself. And the Valesian heretics carried the matter a little further, asserting that men ought to serve God after that manner; and therefore they both made themselves eunuchs, and all that came over to them, as St. Austin7> in-
forms us. It was to correct and discountenance these erroneous
opinions and practices that the Church at first made this rule ; which was so nicely observed, that we scarce meet with two in- stances to the contrary in afterages. Leontius made himself an eunuch to ayoid suspicion in his converse with the virgin Eustolium: but he was deposed from the office of presbyter for the fact, and it gave occasion to the Council of Nice to renew the ancient canon against such practices; so that when the Arians afterward ordained him bishop of Antioch, the histo- rians7® tell us, the Catholics generally declaimed against his
72 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 72. [al. 39-] (int. Oper. August. t. 8. ae pend. p. 79c.)... Neque eum [ordi- nandum] qui semetipsum quolibet corporis sui membro, indignatione aliqua vel justo injustove timore su- peratus, truncaverit.
73 Arelat. 2. c. 7. (t. 4. p. 1012 ὃ.) Hos, qui se, carnali vitio repugnare nescientes, abscindunt, ad clerum
ire non posse.
74 Vid. Euseb. 1. 6. c. 8. (v. 1. Ρ 264. 23.) Ἔν τούτῳ δὲ τῆς κατηχή- σεως ἐπὶ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας τοὖργον ἐπιτελοῦντι, τῷ ᾿Ωριγένει πρᾶγμά τι
Ἶ αι, φρενὸς μὲν ἀτελοῦς καὶ νεανικῆς πίστεώς γε μὴν ὁμοῦ καὶ σωφροσύνης μέγιστον δεῖγμα περι- ἔχον" τὸ γὰρ, Εἰσὶν εὐνοῦχοι οἵτινες εὐνούχισαν ἑαυτοὺς διὰ τὴν βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν, ἁπλούστερον καὶ νεανι- κώτερον ἐκλαβὼν, ὁμοῦ μεν σωτή- ριον φωνὴν ἀποπληροῦν οἰόμενος" ὁμοῦ δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ νέον τὴν ἡλικίαν ὄντα, μὴ ἀνδράσι μόνον, καὶ γυναιξὶ δὲ τὰ θεῖα προσομιλεῖν ὡς ἂν πᾶσαν τὴν
τοῖς ἀπίστοις αἰσχρᾶς διαβο-
λῆς ὑπόνοιαν ἀποκλείσειε, τὴν σωτή- ριον φωνὴν ἔργοις ἐπιτελέσαι ὡρμήθη, κι τ. A.—Epiphan. Heer. 64. Origen. Nn. I1t. (t. 1. p. 527 a.) Φασὶ δὲ Kai τοῦτον τὸν ᾿Ωριγένην ἐπινενοηκέναι €- αὐτῷ κατὰ τὸ σωμάτιον" οἱ μὲν λέ- γουσι νεῦρον ἀποτετμηκέναι διὰ τὸ μὴ ἡδονῇ ὀχλεῖσθαι, μηδὲ ἐν ταῖς κινή- σεσι ταῖς σωματικαῖς φλέγεσθαί τε καὶ πυρβολεῖσθαι" ἄλλοι δὲ οὐχί φη- σιν, ἀλλὰ ἐπενόησέ τι φάρμακον ἐπι- θεῖναι τοῖς μορίοις, καὶ ἀποξηρᾶναι.
75 De Heres. c. 37. (t. 8. p. τὶ d.) Valesii et seipsos castrant, et hospi- tes suos, hoc modo existimantes Deo se debere servire.
76 Socrat. 1. 2. c. 26. (v. 2. p. 119. 29.).... Δεόντιος 6 τῆς ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ ἐκκλησίας τότε προεστηκώς᾽ ὅστις ἥ- νικα πρεσβύτερος ἦν, ἀφηρέθη τῆς ἀξίας, ὅτι γυναικὶ συνδιημερεύων Ev- στολίῳ ὄνομα, καὶ τὴν εἰς αὐτὴν ai- σχρὰν ὑπόνοιαν ἐπικρύψαι σπουδά- σας, τῶν γενητικῶν ἐξέτεμεν ἑαυτὸν, καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ παρρησιέστερον τῇ γυναικὶ συνδιῆγεν, ὡς μὴ ἔχων δὲ ἃ εἰς αὐτὴν διεβάλλετο᾽ γνώμῃ δὲ καὶ
48 Qualifications for ordination : IV. ii.
ordination as uncanonical. The only instance, that looks like a dispensation with this rule, is what we have in Baronius con- cerning Timotheus, bishop of Alexandria, ordainng Ammon, the Egyptian monk, who to avoid being ordained had cut off his own right ear, to make himself irregular; notwithstanding which, Baronius’7 says, Timotheus ordained him, and justified what he did with this expression: ‘that this law indeed was observed by the Jews; but, for his own part, if they brought to him a man without a nose, that was but of good morals, he would ordain him bishop.’ But there is some reason to question the truth of this narration; for not only Palladius, whom Ba- ronius cites, but Socrates78 and Sozomen, in telling the story, seem rather to intimate that he was not ordained. However, supposing it to be true, it is a singular instance, and we shall hardly find such another in all the history of the Church: which shews how cautious the ancients were in observing this rule, that they might not bring any disrepute or scandal upon the Church.
10. But in all these and the like cases there is one thing particularly to be observed, that the crimes, which made men irregular, were generally understood to be such only as were committed after baptism. For all crimes committed before baptism were supposed to be so purged away in the waters of baptism, as that a perfect amnesty passed upon them, and men, notwithstanding them, were capable of ordination. So that not only the crimes which men committed whilst they were hea- thens, but such as they fell into when they were catechumens, were overlooked in this inquiry, when their morals came to be examined for ordination. This is evident, not only from the known case of St. Austin, whose faults were never objected to
Men only accountable for crimes committed after bap- tism, as to what con- cerned ordi- nation.
σπουδῇ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἰζωνσταντίου τῆς A Judeis lex ἰδία servatur. Ego si
ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ ἐκκλησίας προεβλήθη ἐ-
πίσκοπος μετὰ Στέφανον, ὃς Πλάκιτον
διεδέκτο πρότερον .---- heodor. 1]. 2. c.
.24. (ν. 3. p. 105. 29.) Ἔν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ
δὲ μετὰ Στέφανον, ὃς Φλάκιτιον δια- δεξάμενος τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν ἐξη-
λάθη συλλόγων, Λεόντιος τὴν προ-
εδρίαν ἐδέξατο, παρὰ τοὺς ἐν Νικαίᾳ γραφέντας ὅ ὅρους ταύτην λαβών" ἐκτο- μίας γὰρ ἣν, αὐτουργὸς γενόμενος τῆς τόλμης.
77 An. 385. n. 30. (0. 4. p. 523 ἃ.)
dederitis mihi aliquem etiam nari- bus truncum, sed moribus probum, non eum dubitabo episcopum fa- cere.
78 1. 4. c. 23. (v. 2. Ρ. 242. 6.) οὗ- Tos ὁ ᾿Αμμώνιος εἰς ἐπισκοπὴν ἑλκό- μενος, k.T.A.—Conf. Sozom. 1. 1. 6. 14. (ibid. p.29.)—Pallad. Hist. Lau- βίας, c. 12. (ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. t. 2. p. 914 b.) Ὃ ᾿Αμμώνιος οὗτος, oT
§ 10, 11. Jaith and morals, 49
him at his ordination, because they were only such as preceded his baptism; but also from the rule made in the Council of Aneyra, in the case of such as lapsed into idolatry whilst they were only catechumens. For the canon79 says, ‘ that such as sacrificed before baptism, and were afterward baptized, might be promoted to ecclesiastical dignities, as persons that were ; cleansed from all crimes by the sanctification of baptism.’ It is ’ true, that only one crime of sacrificing is here specified; but by parity of reason the rule must be understood to extend to all other cases of the like nature; and so the practice of the Church has commonly determined. ;
11. Yet here again we must observe, that if any great irre- Except any gularity happened in men’s baptism itself, such crimes were AeA always objected against them, to debar them from ordination. happened Thus it was frequently with those who were baptized only with vase ὡ clinic baptism in time of sickness or urgent necessity, when self. As in |
they had carelessly deferred their baptism to such a critical βτυλοοῦν
moment, and might have had it sooner, had it not been their “™- own default. This delaying of baptism was always esteemed a very great crime, and worthy of some ecclesiastical censure ; and therefore the Church, among other methods which she took to discountenance the practice of it, thought fit to punish persons who had been guilty of it, and had put themselves upon the fatal necessity of a clinic baptism, by denying them : ordination. We have a canon 89 in the Council of Neo-Czxsarea : to this purpose: ‘ If any man is baptized only in time of sick- } ness, he shall not be ordained a presbyter, because his faith was not voluntary, but as it were of constraint; except his subsequent faith and diligence recommend him, or else the scarcity of men make it necessary to ordain him.’ And that this was an old rule of the Church appears from the account which Cornelius*! gives of the ordination of Novatian to be
79 C. 12. (t. 1. p. 1460.) Τοὺς πρὸ τοῦ βαπτίσματος τεθυκότας, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα βαπτισθέντας, ἔδοξεν εἰς τάξιν προάγεσθαι, ὡς ἀπολουσαμέ-
νους.
80 C. 12. (ibid. p. 1483 b.) "Edy νοσῶν tis φωτισθῇ, εἰς πρεσβύτερον ἄγεσθαι οὐ δύναται" οὐκ ἐκ προαιρέ- σεως γὰρ ἡ πίστις αὐτοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐ ἀνάγκης" εἰ μὴ τάχα διὰ τὴν μετὰ
BINGHAM, VOL. Π.
ταῦτα αὐτοῦ σπουδὴν καὶ πίστιν, καὶ διὰ σπάνιν ἀνθρώπων.
81 Ap. Euseb. 1. 6. c. 43. (v. I. Ρ. 314. 16.) “Os διακωλυόμενος ὑπὸ παντὸς τοῦ κλήρου, ἀλλὰ Kal λαϊκῶν πολλῶν᾽ ἐπεὶ μὴ ἐξὸν ἦν τὸν ἐπὶ κλί-
ς διὰ νόσον περιχυθέντα, ὥσπερ καὶ ar itr els κλῆρον τινὰ γενέσθαι, ἠξί- woe συγχωρηθῆναι αὐτῷ τοῦτον μό- νον χειροτονῆσαι.
E
50 presbyter.
Qualifications for ordination :
He says the clergy and many of the people ob-
jected against it, alleging that it was not lawful to ordain one who had been baptized upon his bed in time of sickness; and that the bishop was forced to intercede with them to give way to his ordination, as a matter of grace and favour; which shews that the ordination of such was contrary to the common
rule and practice of the Church.
12. In like manner they who were baptized by heretics were “not ordinarily allowed clerical promotion when they returned to the bosom of the Catholic Church. The Council of Eliberis®?
is very peremptory in its decree ;
‘that, whatever heresy they
came from, they should not be ordained; or that, if any such were already ordained, they should be undoubtedly degraded.’ Pope Innocent 88 testifies for the same practice in the Roman Church, saying, ‘It is the custom of our Church to grant only lay-communion to those that return from heretics, by whom they were baptized, and not to admit any of them to the very lowest order of the clergy.’ But it must be confessed, that the Council of Nice dispensed with the Novatians * in this respect, allowing their clergy, though both baptized and ordained among them, to be received with imposition of hands, and retain their orders in the Church. And the African fathers. granted the same indulgence to the Donatists, to encourage them to return to the unity of the Catholic Church. For in the Council of Carthage, anno 397, which is inserted into the African Code 85, a proposal was made, ‘ that such as had been baptized among he Donatists in their infancy by their parents’ fault, without their own knowledge and consent, should, upon
82 C. si. (t. 1. p. 976b.) Ex omni heeresi qui ad nos fidelis ve- rerit, [al. fidelis si venerit. | minime est ad clerum promovendus. Vel si qui sunt in preeteritum ordinati, sine dubio deponantur.
83 Ep. 22. c. 4. (t. 2.
entibus ab hereticis, qui tamen illic baptizati sint, per manus impositio- nem laicam tantum tribuere com- munionem, nec ex his aliquem in clericatus honorem vel exiguum subrogare, ~
84 C. 8. (ibid. p. 32 6.) Περὶ τῶν
> , ‘ ς \ 7 ὀνομαζόντων μὲν ἑαυτοὺς καθαρούς
p. 1274 b.) Nostrz vero lex est ecclesiz, veni-:
ποτε, προσερχομένων δὲ τῇ καθολικῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἔδοξε τῇ ἁγίᾳ καὶ μεγάλῃ συνόδῳ ὥστε, χειροθετουμένους αὖ- τοὺς, μένειν οὕτως ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ.
8 Ὁ, 48, [4]. 47.] (ibid. p. 1071 b.) "Hpecer, iva ἐρωτήσωμεν τοὺς ἀδελ- φοὺς καὶ συνιερεῖς ἡμῶν Σιρίκιον καὶ Σιμπλικιανὸν περὶ μόνων τῶν νηπίων τῶν παρὰ τοῖς Δονατισταῖς ᾿βαπτιζο- μένων, μήπως τοῦτο, ὅπερ οἰκείᾳ προ- θέσει οὐκ ἐποίησαν, τῇ τῶν γονέων πλάνῃ ἐμποδίσῃ αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὸ μὴ προκόπτειν εἰς ὑπουργίαν τοῦ ἁγίου θυσιαστηρίου, ὅταν πρὸς τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκκλησίαν σωτηριώδει προθέσει. ἐπιστρέψωσι.
IV. ut.
Faith and morals. 51
their return to the Church, be allowed the privilege of ordina- tion;’ and in the next Council*® the proposal was accepted, and a deeree passed accordingly in favour of them. By which we may understand, that this was a piece of discipline that might be insisted on or waived, according as Church-governors in prudence thought most for the benefit and advantage of the Church. But in case the persons so returning had been bap- tized by such heretics, whose baptism was null, and to be re- iterated in the church ;—as the baptism of the Paulianists, or Samosatenian heretics, was ;—in that case, it was determined by the great Council of Nice 57, that such persons, when they were rebaptized, might be ordained. For baptism, as has been noted before, set men clear of all crimes; and their former bap- tism being null, that was reckoned their only baptism which they received at their return to the Catholic Church; and no crimes, committed before that, were then to prejudice their ordination in the Church.
13. I cannot here omit to mention another qualification re- No man to quired of persons to be ordained, because it was of great use pe esse and service in the Church ; which was, that none should be ad- not made mitted, at least to the superior degrees of bishops, presbyters, marsh or deacons, before they had made all the members of their lic Chri- family Catholic Christians. This is a rule we find in the third Council of Carthage 58, which was equally designed to promote the conversion of pagans, Jews, heretics, and schismatics, who are all opposed to Catholic Christians. And it was a very
86 C, 58. (al. 57:) (ibid. -1083 b.) μενοι, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῷ Χριστῷ πιστεύ- ᾿Επειδὴ ἐν τῇ ἀνωτέρᾳ ὁρισθὲν σαντες, μ Τριάδος τὰ ἁγιάσματα μέμνηται ἅμα ἐμοὶ ἡ ὑμετέρα ὁμοψυ- ety xia, ὥστε τοὺς τοῖς Δονατισταῖς . 19. (ibid. Ρ. ρϑδιβωλα κέν εἶτα προ
δον βαπτιζομένους, μηδέπω δυνα-
4] ἃ.) Περὶ τῶν
υγόντων
= q ‘
κειν τῆς πλάνης αὐτῶν
rn ie μετὰ τὸ εἰς Keipay λογισς- νέσθαι, ἐπιγνω-
εν a τῆς She δ ων ΤῊ τὴν λότητα ἐκείνων βδελυττομένους πρὸς τὴν κα- θολικὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκκλησίαν, τὴν ἀνὰ πάντα τὸν κόσμον διακεχυμένην, τάξει ἀρχαίᾳ διὰ τῆς ἐπιθέσεως τῆς χειρὸς ine yr rh ἦε
τῆς πλάνης ὀνόματος pm ew ἐμ- τοῦ πασνα εἰς τάξιν κληρώσεως, ὁπό-
ταν τὴν ἀληθινὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἰδίαν ἑαυ- τῶν ἐλογίσαντο τῇ πίστει προσερχό-
τῇ καθολικῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ὅ ὅρος ἐκτέθειται ἀναβαπτίζεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἐξάπαντος" εἰ δέ τινες ἐν παρεληλυθότι χρόνῳ ἐ ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ “ξητάοδησαν, εἰ Ἂν» ἄμεμ- πτοι καὶ ἀνεπίληπτοι φανεῖεν, ἀνα- βαπτισθέντες χειροτονίσθωσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐπι-
σκόπου.
88 C. 18. (ibid. p.1170b.) Ut episcopi, presbyteri, et diaconi non ordinentur, priusquam omnes, qui sunt in domo eorum, Christianos catholicos fecerint.
E2
52 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iii.
proper rule in that case; since nothing could be more disadvan- tageous or dishonourable to religion than to have any counte- nance or secret encouragement given to its opposers by those who were designed to serve at the altar. Besides that, this was but a proper way of making reprisals upon the heathen religion. For Julian had made a like decree for his pagan- priests, in opposition to the Christians 59, charging Arsacius, high-priest of Galatia, ‘ that he should admit none to the priest’s office who tolerated either servants, or children, or _ wives, that were Galileans; and did not come with their whole family and retinue to the worship of the gods in the idol- temples.’ It had been a great omission and oversight in the governors of the Christian Church had they not been as care- ful to secure the interest of the true religion in the families of their ministers as that pagan prince was to secure a false re- ligion among his idol-priests; and therefore had there been nothing more than emulation in the case, yet that had been a sufficient reason to have laid this injunction upon all the candi- dates of the Christian priesthood. er wah 14. There is but one qualification more I shall mention under this head, which was, that men should come honestly and le-
anciently
taken 0 gally to their preferment, and use no indirect or sinister arts
prevent si- .
moniacal to procure themselves an ordination. Merit, and not bribery,
promotions’ was to be their advocate, and the only thing to be considered in all elections. In the three first ages, whilst the preferments were small, and the persecutions great, there was no great danger of ambitious spirits, nor any great occasion to make laws against simoniacal promotions. For then martyrdom was, as it were, a thing annexed to a bishopric; and the first per- sons that were commonly aimed and struck at were the rulers and governors of the Church. But in afterages ambition and bribery crept in among other vices, and then severe laws were made, both in Church and State, to check and prevent them. Sulpicius Severus takes notice of this difference betwixt the ages of persecution, and those that followed, when he says 9,
89 Ep. ad Arsac. ap. Sozom. 1. 5. ἀνέχοιντο τῶν οἰκετῶν, ἢ υἱέων, ἢ τῶν c. 16. (v. 2. p. 203. 43.)...Ts iepa- Ῥαλιλαίων γαμετῶν, ἀσεβούντων μὲν τικῆς λειτουργίας ἀπόστησον, εἰ μὴ εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς, ἀθεότητα δὲ θεοσεβείας προσέρχονταε μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ παί- προτιμώντων.
δων καὶ θεραπόντων τοῖς θεοῖς, ἀλλὰ 90 Sacr. Hist. 1. 2. p. 99. (p. 385.)
ξ 14.
faith and morals. 53
‘that in the former men strove who should run fastest to those glorious combats, and more greedily sought for martyrdom by honourable deaths, than in aftertimes, by wicked ambitions, they sought for the bishoprics of the Church.’ This implies, that i in the age when Sulpicius lived, in the fifth century, some
arts were used, by particular men, to advance them- selves to the preferments of the Church. To correct whose ambition and ill designs, the Church inflicted very severe cen- sures upon all such as were found guilty of simony, or, as some then called it, Χριστεμπορείαν, the selling of Christ. The Council of Chalcedon decreed 95, ‘ that if any bishop gave ordi- nation, or an ecclesiastical office or preferment of any kind, for money, he himself should lose his office, and the party so pre- ferred be deposed.’ And the reader may find several other constitutions of the same import, in those called the Aposto- lical Canons% ; the Council of Constantinople under Genna-
dius, anno 269: ; the second Council of Orleans®, Bracara%,
Quippe certatim gloriosa in certa- mina ruebantur, multoque avidius tum ia gloriosis mortibus Sere: quam nunc episcopa- oe vis ambitionibus appetuntur. Ep. Alexandr. Alexandrin. ap. Theodor. 1. 1. c. 4. (v. 3. Ρ- 9- 24.) Oi δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου χριστεμπορείαν θεωροῦντες, οὐκ ἔτι τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπο ιν ἐκαρτέρησαν. Tee ἐπίσκοπος ἐπὶ χρέμασι χρρετονῶν ποιήσαιτο, καὶ εἰς πράσιν καταγάγῃ. .. ἐπὶ χρήμασιν ἐπίσκοπον, ἢ xepert- api ἢ πρεσβύτερον, ἢ διάκονον, ἢ ἕτερόν τινα τῶν ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ καταριθ-
μουμένων, ἣ π οιτὸ ἐπὶ χρήῆμα- σιν ἢ οἰκόνομον, ἢ ἔκδικον, ἢ προσμο- _ ψάριον, ἢ ὡς τινὰ τοῦ κανόνος, δι
αἰσχροκέρδειαν οἰκείαν" ὁ τοῦτο ἐπι- » ἐλεγχθεὶς, περὶ τὸν οἰκεῖον rege βαθμόν' καὶ ὁ χειροτο- νούμενος μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς κατ᾽ ἐμπορίαν ὠφελείσθω χειροτονίας ἢ προβολῆς, ἀλλ᾽ ἔστω age τῆς ἀξίας, ἣ τοῦ ρ ἐπὶ χρήμασιν καὶ μεσιτεύων Φφα- νείη τοῖς οὕτως αἰσχροῖς καὶ ἀθεμίτοις ἥμμασιν, καὶ οὗτος, εἰ μὲν κληρικὸς
εἴη, τοῦ οἰκείου ἐκπιπτέτω βαθμοῦ"
εἰ δὲ λαϊκὸς, ἢ μονάζων, ἀναθεματι- ζέσθω.
98 C. 29. μι 41.} (Cotel. [c. 23.} Υ.1. Ὀ. 441.) Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος κοσμι- κοῖς ἄρχουσι χρησάμενος, δι’ αὐτῶν ἐγκρατὴς γένηται ἐκκλησίας, καθαιρεί- σθω, καὶ ἀφοριζέσθω, καὶ οἱ κοινω- νοῦντες αὐτῷ πάντες.
%4 Ep. Synod. (t. 4. p. 1026 b.) ὋὉ δεσπότης ἡ ἡμῶν καὶ Θεὸς καὶ “Σωτὴρ ᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστὸς ἐ ἐγχειρίσας τοῖς ἁγί- os αὐτοῦ μαθηταῖς τοῦ εὐαγγελίου τὸ κήρυγμα! καὶ διδασκάλους τούτους ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην ἀνθρώποις ἐξ- αποστεῖλας, παρεκελεύσατο διαρρή- δην, ἣν εἰλήφασι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δωρεὰν, ταὕτης καὶ αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἀνθρώποις με- ταδιδόναι δωρεὰν, μὴ κτωμένους ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς χαλκὸν, ἢ ἢ ἄργυρον, ἢ χρυσὸν,
τινα περιουσίαν, ἄλλως ὅλως ὑλικὴν ἢ γεώδη. . ταύτην τὴν ἐντολὴν, οὐ μό- νον ἐκείνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡμῖν δι ἐκείνων ἐνετείλατο, K.T. A.
% C, 3. (ibid. p. 1780 d.) Ne quis episcopus de quibusfibet causis, vel episcoporum ordinationibus, czte- rorumque clericorum, aliquid pre- sumat accipere: «quia sacerdotem nefas est cupiditatis venalitate cor- rumpi.—C. 4. (ibid.) Si quis sacer- dotium per pecunie nundinum ex- secrabili ambitione quesierit, abji- ciatur ut reprobus : quia apostolica sententia donum Dei esse precipit
δ4 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iv.
and many others. The imperial laws also were very properly contrived to prevent this abuse: for by one of Justinian’s laws it was enacted, ‘ that, whenever a bishop was to be chosen, the electors themselves should take an oath, and insert it into the election-paper, that they did not choose him for any gift, or promise, or friendship, or any other cause, but only because they knew him to be a man of the true catholic faith, and an unblamable life, and good learning.’ And in another of his laws 98, where this same injunction is repeated, it is further provided, ‘ that the party elected shall also at the time of his ordination take an oath, upon the Holy Gospels, that he nei- ther gave nor promised, by himself or other, nor hereafter will give to his ordainer, or to his electors, or any other person, any thing to procure him an ordination.’ And for any bishop to ordain another without observing the rule prescribed, is de- position by the same law, both for himself and the other whom he ordained.
These were some of those ancient rules to be observed in the examination of men’s lives and morals, before they were consecrated to the sacred function, or admitted to serve in any of the chief offices of the Church.
CHAP. IV. Of the qualifications of persons to be ordained, respecting their outward state and condition in the world. No soldier 1. A THIRD inquiry was made into men’s outward state and ως ὁ condition in the world. For there were some callings and states of life which debarred men from the privilege of ordination, not because they were esteemed absolutely sinful vocations, but because the duties attending them were commonly incompatible and inconsistent with the offices of the clergy. Of this nature were all those callings which come under the general name of Militia Romana, which we cannot so properly English, the military life, as the service of the empire. For it includes se- veral offices, as well civil as military; the Romans, as Gotho-
pecuniz trutina“minime comparan- dent. Et non aliquo pretio gratia
dum. Dei et impositio manuum venum- % Bracar. 3. c. 3. (t. 5. p. 897 ἃ.) detur. © | Placuit ut de ordinationibus cleri- 97 Novel. 123. cap.1. See ch. 2.
corum episcopi munera nulla susci- 8, 18. p. 31. ἢ. 4. first pay piant, sed, sicut scriptum est, quod 98 Novel. 137. c.2. See ibid. n. 4. gratis donante Deo accipiunt, gratis second part.
ἘΝ
Re συ τ adel
᾿ a ΦΎΎ ῬΨΟΥΨΥ ἊΝ
Ta
§ 1.
55
fred99 and other learned persons! have observed, calling all inferior offices by the name of militia. So there were three sorts of it, militia palatina, militia castrensis or armata, and militia presidialis or cohortalis ; the first including the officers of the emperor’s palace; the second, the armed soldiery of the camp; and the third, the apparitors and officials of judges and governors of provinces; all which were so tied to their service, that they could not forsake their station. And for that reason, the laws of the State forbad any of them to be entertained as ecclesiastics, or ordained among the clergy. Honorius, the emperor, particularly made a law? to this pur- pose, ‘that none, who were originally tied to the military life, as some were even by birth, should, either before or after they were entered upon that life, take upon them any clerical office, or think to excuse themselves from their service, under the notion of becoming ecclesiastical persons.’ The canons of the Church seem to have carried the matter a little further; for they forbad the ordination of any who had been soldiers after baptism, because they might perhaps have imbrued their hands in blood. This appears from the letters of Innocent the First, who? blames the Spanish Churches for admitting such persons into orders, alleging the canons of the Church against
outward state and condition.
99 In Cod. Theod. 1. 12. tit. 1. de Decurioribus, leg. 63. (t. 4. p. 414.).... Militia appellatione hoc zevo omne officium et obsequium publicum dictum est.
1 Valesius, Not. in Sozom. l. 5. 6. 4. (Vv. 2. p. 185. n. 1.) Triplex. . fuit militia apud Romanos. ima et honoratissima est Palatina: eorum scilicet qui in palatio militabant. Secunda fuit castrensis sive armata. Tertia fuit cohortalis; eorum scilicet κω in officio preefectorum et preesi-
um militabant.—Pagi, Crit. in Ba- ron. an. 375. ἢ. 12. (t. I. p. 542.) Observat ‘aah πεῖ λιμὸν gs δὰ zvo militie et militandi, στρατείας καὶ στρατεύεσθαι, voce designari
ue officia muniaque pub- lica: unde militia non tantum ar- mata, sed etiam togata tina, officialium advocatorum militia, λει- τουργία, tandem omne publicum ministerium, atque adeo municipa-
lia quoque seu curialia officia muni- aque tae patria.
2 Cod. Theod. 1. 7. tit. 20. de Veteranis, leg. 12. (t. 2. p. 434-)..- Quoniam plurimos vel ante mili- tiam, vel post inchoatam, nec per- actam, latere objectu piz religionis agnovimus, dum se quidem voca- bulo clericorum ...defendunt, nulli omnino tali excusari objectione per- mittimus, &c.
3 Ep. 24. c. 2. (CC. t. 2. p. 1281 ἃ.) Quantos ex aliqua militia, qui cum potestatibus obedierunt [al. obedi- rent] severa necessario precepta sunt executi.—Ibid. c. 6. (p.1282 b.) Ne quispiam, qui post baptismum militaverit, ad ordinem debeat cleri- catus admitti—Vid. Ep. 2. ad Vic- tric. Rothomag. c. 2. (p.1250¢.).. Si
quis post remissionem peccatorum εν κα ἄρας militiz szecularis habue-
rit, ad clericatum omnino admitti non debet.
δθ Qualifications for ordination : IV. iv. it. The first Council of Toledo‘ forbids any such to be ordained
- deacons, ‘ though they had never been concerned in shedding
of blood; because, though they had not actually shed blood,
yet by entering upon the military life they had obliged them-
selves, if occasion had so required, to have done it.’ Which
seems to import, that soldiers might be allowed in the inferior
services, but were not to be admitted to the sacred and supe-
rior orders of the Church.
2. Another state of life which debarred men from the privi- lege of ordination was that of slaves or vassals in the Roman empire; who, being originally tied by birth or purchase to their patron’s or master’s service, could not legally be ordained, because the service of the Church was incompatible with their other duties; and no man was to be defrauded of his right under pretence of an ordination. In this case, therefore, the patron was always to be consulted before the servant was or- dained. Thus in one® of those called the Apostolical Canons we find a decree, ‘ that no servants should be admitted among the clergy without the consent of their masters, to the griev- ance of the owners and subversion of their families. But if a servant be found worthy of an ecclesiastical promotion, as One- simus was, and his master give his consent, and grant him his freedom, and let him go forth from his house, he may be ordained.’ The Council of Toledo has a canon® to the same purpose; and the Council of Eliberis’ goes a little further, and says ‘ though a secular master,’ that is, an heathen, as Albaspinzeus interprets it, ‘had made his servant a freeman, he should not be ordained.’ The reason of which is conceived to be, that such masters gave
Nor any slave or freedman without the consent of the patron.
4 C. 8. (ibid. p. 1224 e.) Si
καὶ συγχωρήσουσιν οἱ δεσπόται, καὶ quis post baptismum militavit, et
- Ψ, a ἐλευθερώσουσι, kal τοῦ οἴκου ἑαυτῶν
chlamydem sumpserit, aut cingu- lum [ad necandos fideles,| etiamsi gravia [al. graviora] non admiserit, si ad clerum admissus fuerit, [al. fuit| diaconii non accipiat dignita- tem.
5 Ὁ. 82. [4]. 81.] (Cotel. [e. 73.] V.I. p. 447.) Oixéras eis κλῆρον προ- χειρίζεσθαι ἄνευ τῆς τῶν δεσποτῶν γνώμης, ἀνατροπὴν τὸ τοιοῦτο ἐργά- ζεσθαι" εἰ δέ ποτε καὶ ἄξιος φανείη ὁ οἰκέτης πρὸς χειροτονίαν βαθμοῦ, οἷος καὶ ὁ ἡμέτερος ᾽Ονήσιμος ἐφάνη,
ἐξαποστελοῦσι, γινέσθω.
6 Tolet. 1. c. 10. (t. 2. p. 1225 a.) Clericos, si quidem obligati sint [al. si qui obligati sunt] vel pro equa- tione, vel [de] genere alicujus do- mus, non ordinandos, nisi probatz vite fuerint, et patroni [al. patrono- rum] consensus accesserit.
7 Ὁ. 80. (t. 1. p. 979 a.) Prohi- bendum est, ut liberti, quorum pa- troni in seculo fuerint, ad clerum provehantur [al. non promovean- tur. |
—— ee ee χὰ..." Ὅν »-
outward state and condition. 57
them only a conditional freedom, and still retained a right to exact certain services and manual labours of them, which would not consist with the service of the Church. The imperial laws®
also made provision in this case, that no persons under such
obligations should be admitted to any offic¢ of the clergy; or if they were admitted merely to evade their obligations, their masters should have power to recall them to their service, unless they were bishops or presbyters, or had continued thirty years in some other office of the Church. By which it appears that the ordination of such persons was prohibited only upon a civil account; not because that state of life was sinful, or that it was any undervaluing or disgrace to the function to have such persons ordained, but because the duties of the civil and ecclesiastical state would not well consist toge- ther.
8. For the same reason the laws forbad the ordination of Nor any any persons who were incorporated into any society for the Moree, service of the commonwealth, unless they had first obtained company the leave of the society and prince under whom they served. of ΒΞ This is the meaning of that law of Justinian? which forbids me who any of those called ταξεῶται or cohortales, that is, the officers to the ser- or apparitors of judges, to be ordained, unless they had first Vice of the spent fifteen years in a monastic life. And the first Council wealth. of Orleans!® requires expressly, either the command of the prince, or the consent of the judge, before any such secular
officer be ordained. By the laws of Theodosius Junior! and
8 Valentin. 3. Novel. 12. ad calc. cohortales neque decuriones clerici
Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 26.) Nullus originarius, inquilinus, ser- vus, vel colonus ad clericale munus accedat ... ut vinculum debitz con- ditionis evadat. . . . Originarii(p. 27.) sane vel servi, qui jugum natalium declinantes ad ecclesiasticum se or- i transtulerunt, exceptis epi- scopis et presbyteris, ad dominorum jura t, si non in eodem offi- cio annum tricesimum compleve- vee τ ovel, 123. 6. 15. (t. 5. ἢ. 547.) Sed neque curialem, aut Patcislon, clericum fieri permittimus ... Nisi forsan monasticam vitam aliquis eo- rum ἜΝ μον quindecim τ τω implevit. e passage, as cite the author, reads thus, Sed ἔν
Junto. .... Dempto, si monachicam aliquis ex ipsis vitam non minus quin- decim annis transegerit :—a more exact rendering of the Greek. Vid. Ed. Amstel. 1663. p. 171. <n
10 Ὁ. 4. (t. 4. p. 1405 d.).... Nul- lus secularium ad clericatus officium preesumatur, nisi aut cum regis jus- sione, aut cum judicis voluntate.
11 Novel. 26. de Corporatis Urb. Rom. ad cale. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 13.) Illustris magnificen- tia tua pragmatici nostri tenore com- perto sciat, corporatum urbis Ro- mz, qui, non expleto ordine cceepti officii, priusquam ad primum iter favos ad locum emeritus pervenerit, ad militize cujuslibet cingulum se credidit transferendum, corporibus,
58 Qualifications for ordination : IV. iv.
Valentinian the Third 13, all corporation-men are forbidden to be ordained; and if any such were ordained among the infe- rior clergy, they were to be reclaimed by their respective companies; if among the superior, bishops, presbyters, or deacons, they must provide a proper substitute, qualified with their estate, to serve in the company from whence they were taken. The reader that is curious in this matter may find several other laws in the Theodosian Code!8, made by the elder Valentinian and Theodosius the Great, with respect to particular civil societies so incorporated for the use of the public; no member of which might be ordained, but either they must quit their estates, or be liable to be recalled to the service which they had unwarrantably forsaken.
Noranyof 4. For reasons of the same nature the canons were precise theeuria’s; in forbidding the ordination of any of those who are com-
nes, of the Roman go- vernment.
monly known by the name of curiales, or decuriones, in the Roman government; that is, such as were members of the curia, the court, or common-council of every city. These were men who by virtue of their estates were tied to bear the offices of their country; so that out of ther body were chosen all civil officers, the magistrates of every city, the collectors of the public revenue, the overseers of all public works, the pontifices or flamens who exhibited the public games and shows to the people, with abundance of others
quibus nomen suum ante dicaverat, oportere revocari: sive etiam in clericorum numero reperitur, usque ad diaconis locum similis precepti conditio teneatur, &c.
12 Novel. 12. (ibid. pp. 26. et 27.) li....qui.... diaconi ordinati sunt, suffectos pro se dare debebunt. Si non habent, unde sibi hac ratione prospiciant, ipsi ad nexum proprium reducantur. Ceeteris inferioris gra- dus ad competentia ministeria re- trahendis: exceptis episcopis atque presbyteris: servatis tamen, que de patrimonio talium personarum le- gum precedentium statuta sanxe- runt.... Ita ut hujus conditionis diaconus domino pro se vicarium reddat, omni pariter peculio resti- tuto.
13 L, 14. tit. 4. de Suariis, leg. 8. (t. 5. p. 178.) Eos etiam, qui ad cle- ricatus se privilegia contulerunt, aut
agnoscere oportet propriam functio- nem, aut ei corpori, quod declinant, proprii patrimonii facere cessionem. —L. 14. tit. 3. de Pistoribus, leg. 11. (ibid. p. 159.) Hae sanctione gene- raliter edicimus, nulli omnino ad ecclesias, ob declinanda pistrina, li- centiam pandi: quod si quis in- gressus fuerit, amputato privilegio Christianitatis, sciat se omni tem- pore ad consortium pistorum et posse et debere revocari.— L. 8. tit. 5. de Cursu Publico, leg. 46. (t. 2. p. 553-).... In his vero, qui non terrena sed ceelestia privilegia queesiverunt, hoc custodiendum esse sancimus, ut si quemquam ex hujus- modi genere hominum jam tenet religio sacrosancta, ejusque operam non potest accipere mancipatus, fa- cultates memorati cursus publicus consequatur.
δ9
whose offices are specified by Gothofred'+ to the number of twenty-two, which I need not here recite. These were always men of estates, whose substance amounted to the value of three hundred solids, which is the sum that is specified by Theodo- sius Junior 15 as qualifying a man to be a member of the curia: and both they and their estates were so tied to civil offices that no member of that body was to be admitted into any ecclesiastical office till he had first discharged all the offices of his country, or else provided a proper substitute, one of his relations qualified with his estate, to bear offices in his room. Otherwise the person so ordained was liable by the laws of the empire, of which I give a more particular account here- after!® in the next book, to be called back by the cwria from an ecclesiastical to a secular life again. Which was such an inconvenience to the Church, that she herself made laws to prohibit the ordination of any of these curiales, to avoid the trouble and molestation which was commonly the consequent of their ordination. St. Ambrose'7 assures us, ‘ that some-
outward state and condition.
14 Paratitlon. Cod. Theod. 1. 12. tit. 1. de Decurionibus. (t. 4. p. 380.) Inter alia [curialium] munera, hec erant. 1. Cure publice iis com- i 2. Ad prosecutiones destinabantur. 3. Pecuniarum ci- vitatis publicarum administratio eis committebatur. 4. Exactio item an- nonarum. 5. Adscriptio. 6. Sus- ceptores in aliis provinciis creaban- tur, compulsores. 7. Susceptores suo periculo το ρα σονας 8. Judi- cum precepta exsequebantur. 9. Gesta municipalia nie his fiebant. 10. Mansiones, horrea, pagi his committebantur. κι, Preepociti mansionum, horreorum pagis crea- bantur. 12. Procuratores metallo- rum ex his fiebant. 13. Descrip- tionibus, contributionibus facultates eorum subjecte erant. 14. Calefa- ciendis thermis apud Antiochiam aliquid prestabant. 15. Adde et alia munera, veluti legationis, &c. 16. Ut postliminio reversi suis sedi- bus redderentur, auxilium suum de- ferre debebant. 17. Palatiorum a transeuntium injuriis et a senio vin- dicandorum cura eos quoque pertinebat; operum publicorum cu-
ram gessere, et reipublice pecuniez. 18. Pericula ordinis complurima erant; aurum coronarium ab his prestabatur. 19. Cursus publici mancipatus ad hos aliquando perti- nuit, aliquando non. 20. Non suf- ficientibus his qui ad cursus clayu- laris procurationem eligendi erant, curiales ad hoc munus vocati. 21. Providebant, quo pacto pastui mili- tarium animalium sine lesione pro- vincialium consuleretur. 22. Curia- lium munera inferiora fuere proto- typiz et exactiones: scribe et logo- graphi curiarum munera. 19 Novel. 38. ad cale. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 17.) Illam quoque m Thepositio nostra non preeter- it, ut quisquis civis vel incola dein- ceps in multo obnoxius, cujus ta- men substantia trecentorum solido- rum non exsuperat quantitatem, fuerit repertus, habeat adipiscendi clericatus liberam facultatem. Eum vero cujus patrimonium majore quam definivimus zstimatione cen- sebitur, liceat curiz secundum ve- tera statuta sociari. 16 B. 5. ch.
17 Ep. 29. Pi aot ad Theodos.
60 ΤΥ. ἦν:
Qnalifications for ordination :
times presbyters and deacons, who were thus ordained out of the curiales, were fetched back to serve in curial offices after they had been thirty years and more in the service of the Church.’ And therefore, to prevent this calamity, the Council of Illyricum, mentioned by Theodoret!8, made a decree ‘ that presbyters and deacons should always be chosen out of the inferior clergy, and not out of these curiales, organy other officers of the civil government.’ Innocent, bishop of Rome, frequently refers to this rule of the Church in his Epistles 19, where he gives two reasons against their ordination. First, ‘that they were often recalled by the curia to serve in civil offices, which brought some tribulation upon the Church.’ Secondly, ‘ because many of them had served in the office of flamens2° after baptism, and were crowned, as the heathen high-priests were used to be, while they exhibited the public games and shows to the people.’ Which, though it was in- dulged by the Civil Law in Christian magistrates, yet the Church reckoned a crime, for which men were sometimes obliged to do public penance, as appears from the canons of the Council of Eliberis?!; and consequently such a crime as made men irregular and incapable of ordination. So that upon both accounts these curtales were to be excluded from the orders of the Church. And though this rule by the im- portunity of men was sometimes transgressed, yet the laws both of Church and State always stood in force against such ordinations; and sometimes the ordainers themselves were punished with ecclesiastical censures. Of which there is a
(t. 2. p. 954 6. n. 29.).... Per tri- ginta et innumeros annos presbyteri quidam gradu functi, vel ministri ecclesiz retrahuntur ἃ munere sacro, et curie deputantur.
18 L. 4. c. 0. (Vv. 3. p. 159. 14.) Ὁμοίως te καὶ πρεσβυτέρους καὶ dia- κόνους, ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἱερατικοῦ τάγ- ματος.... καὶ μὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ βουλευτη- ρίου καὶ στρατιωτικῆς ἀρχῆς. [1α. Labb. CC. t. 2. p. 821 ο. Ep. ]
19 Ep. 4. c. 3. (CC. t. 2. p.1261 a.) De curialibus .... manifesta ratio est, quoniam etsi inveniantur hujus- modi viri qui debeant clerici fieri, tamen quoniam sepius ad curiam repetuntur, cavendum ab his est
propter tribulationem, que szpe de his ecclesiz provenit.
20 Ep. 24. c. 4. (ibid. 1282 b.) Ne- que de curialibus aliquem venire ad ecclesiasticum ordinem posse, qui post baptismum vel coronati fuerint, vel sacerdotium, quod dicitur, sus- tinuerint, et editiones publicas cele- braverint, &c.
21C, 4. (t. 1. p. 971 a.).... Fla- mines, qui non immolaverint, sed munus tantum dederint, eo quod se a funestis abstinuerunt sacrifi- ciis, placuit, in fine eis preestari com- munionem : acta tamen legitima poe- nitentia.
61
outward state and condition.
famous instance related by Sozomen2?, who says the Council of Constantinople, anno 360, deposed Neousa/feom: his bishop- ric for ordaining some of these curiales bishops. Sozomen indeed calls them πολιτευόμενοι, but that is but another name for curiales, whom the Greeks otherwise term βουλευταὶ, counsellors ; and the Latins municipes, burghers, or corpora- tion-men ; and minor senatus®, the little senate of every city, in opposition to the great senate of Constantinople and Rome. These persons, whatever denomination they went by, were so entirely deyoted to the service of the commonwealth, that till they had some way or other discharged that duty, they might not, as appears, be admitted to serve in any office of the Church.
5. Indeed it was a general rule in this matter, as we learn Nor any from one of the Councils of. Carthage‘, ‘that no one was to be Proctor or ordained who was bound to any sobalbs service.’ And for that till his office reason it was decreed by the same Council”, at least for the a Churches of Afric, ‘that no agent or factor in other men’s business, nor any guardian of orphans, should be ordained, till his office and administration was perfectly expired; because the ordination of such would otherwise turn to the reproach and defamation of the Church.’ But, if I mistake not, this prohibition did not extend to the inferior orders, but only to those whose office was to serve at the altar.
6. In some Churches there seems also to have been an ab- Pleaders at solute prohibition and rule against ordaining advocates or ee pleaders at law, not only whilst they continued in their pro- in the fession, but for ever after. This seems to have been the custom eon
~ 221. 4. c. 24. (v. 2. DP. 170. 30.) tioni vestree videtur procuratores et
Νέωνα δὲ [καθαιροῦσι] ὡς .... ἀπεί- actores, tutores etiam seu curatores ρους τινὰς ἱερῶν γραφῶν καὶ θεσμῶν pupillorum, si debeant ordinari? Gra- ἐκκλησίας, ἀπερισκέπτως πολιτευο- tus episcopus dixit: Si post deposita μένους ὄντας, ἐπισκόπους καταστή- universa, et reddita ratiocinia, actus σαντα. vite ipsorum fuerint comprobati in
- 88 Majorian. Novel. 1. ad calc. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 32.) Curiales servos esse reipublice ac viscera civitatum nullus_ ignorat, quorum coetum recte appellavit an- tiquitas minorem senatum. C. 9. (t. 2. p. 1825 b.) Obnoxii alienis negotiis non ordinentur. 25 C. 8. (ibid. a.) Magnus episco- pus Aptungensis dixit: Quid dilec-
omnibus, debent et cum laude, cleri, si postulati fuerint, honore mune- rari. Si enim ante libertatem nego- tiorum vel officiorum ab aliquo sine consideratione fuerint ordinati, ec- clesia infamatur. Universi dixerunt:
omnia statuit sanctitas tua: ideoque tua nostra est quoque sen- tentia.
62 Qualifications for ordination. IV. iv.
of the Roman and Spanish Churches. For Innocent, bishop of Rome, in a letter2® to the Council of Toledo, complains of an abuse then crept into the Spanish Church, which was, that many who were exercised in pleading at the bar were called to the priesthood. To correct which abuse, as he deemed it, he proposed this rule to them to be observed?7, ‘that no one who had pleaded’ causes after baptism should be admitted to any order of the clergy.’ What particular reasons the Church of Rome might then have for this prohibition I cannot say; but it does not appear that this was the general rule of the whole Catholic Church. For the Council of Sardica?® allows a lawyer even to be ordained bishop, if he first went regularly through the offices of reader, deacon, and presbyter; which shews, that the custom as to this particular was not one and the same in all Churches.
7. The reader may find several other cautions given by Gennadius29 against ordaining any who had been actors or stage-players ; or energumens, during the time of their being possessed; or such as had married concubines, that is, wives without formality of law; or that had married harlots, or wives divorced from a former husband. But I need not insist upon these, since the very naming them shews all such persons to have been in such a state of life, as might reasonably be accounted a just impediment of ordination. It will be more material to inquire, what the ancients meant by digamy, which, after the Apostle, they always reckoned an objection against a man’s ordination ’—And whether any vow of perpetual celi-
Also ener-
stage-play- ers, &c. in all Church- es.
26 Ep. 24. ad C. Tolet. Ἂς. 4. (CC. ibid. p. 1281 c.).... Quantos ex eis, qui post acceptam baptismi gratiam, in forensi exercitatione versati sunt, et obtinendi pertinaciam suscepe- runt, accitos [8]. adscitos| ad sacer- dotium esse comperimus ?
27 Ibid. c. 6. (b.) Ne quispiam ... ad ordinem debeat clericatus ad- mitti...qui causas post acceptum baptismum egerit.
28 C. το. (ibid. p. 636 b.) Ὅσιος ἐπίσκοπος eine’ Kal τοῦτο ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι νομίζω, ἵνα μετὰ πάσης ἀκριβείας καὶ ἐπιμελείας ἐξετάζοιτο, ὥστε ἐάν τις πλούσιος, ἢ σχολαστικὸς ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀξιοῖτο ἐπίσκοπος γίνεσθαι, μὴ
πρότερον καθίστασθαι, ἐὰν μὴ καὶ ἀναγνώστου, καὶ διακόνου, καὶ πρεσ- βυτέρου ὑπηρεσίαν ἐκτελέσῃ" ἵνα καθ᾽ ἕκαστον βαθμὸν, ἐάνπερ ἄξιος νομισ- θείη, εἰς τὴν ἁψίδα τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς κατὰ προκοπὴν διαβῆναι δυνηθείη.
29 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 72. [8]. 39.| (int. Oper. August. t. 8. ap- pend. p. 79 d.)..... Neque eum [ordinandum] qui unam quidem, sed concubinam, non matronam ha- buit. Neque illum qui viduam, aut repudiatam, vel meretricem in ma- trimonio sumpsit .... Neque illum, qui usuras accepisse convincitur, aut in scena lusisse dignoscitur.
$7. v. 1, 2. Of digamy and celibacy. 63
bacy was exacted of the ancient clergy, when they were admitted to the orders of the Church ’—Which, because they are questions that-eome properly under this head, it will not be amiss to resolve distinctly, but briefly, in the following chapter.
CHAP. V. Of the state of digamy and celibacy in particular, and of the
laws of the Church about these in reference to the ancient
clergy.
1. As to what concerns digamy, it was a primitive apostolical ne bay rule, ‘that a bishop or a deacon should be one who was the ordained, husband of one wife only,’ on which rule all the laws against Py the tule digamy in the primitive Church were founded. But then we postle. are to observe, that the ancients were not exactly agreed about the sense of that apostolical rule; and that occasioned different notions and different practices among them in reference to the ordination of digamists.
2. One very common and prevailing notion was, that all Three dif- persons were to be refused orders as digamists who were twice ᾿πεαρὸς, τᾷ married after baptism, though legally and successively to two — — wives one after another. For though they did not condemn gamy: 1. second marriages as sinful and unlawful with the Novatians a ey and Montanists, yet upon presumption that the Apostle had were to be forbidden persons twice married to be ordained bishops, they S7™s¢ ¢™ repelled such from the superior orders of the Church. That gamistswho this was the practice of some Churches in the time of Ori- santa ip gen, may appear from what he says in his Comments upon ‘er>aptism. St. Luke®°, ‘that not only fornication, but marriages excluded men from the dignities of the Church; for no digamist could be either bishop, or presbyter, or deacon, or deaconess in the Church.’ Tertullian, when he became a Montanist, laid hold of this argument, and urged it to decry second marriages in all persons; pleading*!, ‘that a layman could not in decency
desire licence of the ecclesiasties to be married a second time,
#0 Hom. 17. in Luc. p. 228. (t.3. 581 De Monogam. 6. 11. (Ρ. 531 ¢-) P- 953 e.) Ab ecclesiasticis dignitati- Qualis es id matrimonium postulans, us non solum fornicatio, sed et quod eis, a quibus postulas, non nuptie repellunt: neque enim epi- licet habere? Ab episcopo mono- scopus, nec presbyter, nec diaconus, Ὁ, a presbyteris et diaconis ejus- nec vidua, possunt esse digami. em sacramenti, &c.
64
Laws of the Church
seeing the ecclesiastics themselves, bishops, presbyters, and
deacons were but once married
; which he repeats frequently in several parts®? of his writings.
And it cannot be denied,
but that many other ancient writers, St. Ambrose®?, St. Jerom*4, Gennadius®°, Epiphanius®®, and the Councils of Agde®7 and
Carthage**, put the same sense
82 De Exhort. Castitat. ¢c. 7. (p. 521 d.) Ecce enim in veteri lege animadverto castratam licentiam sz- pius nubendi..Apud nos plenius atque instructius [al. structius | prescribitur, unius esse matrimoni oportere, qui alleguntur in ordinem sacerdotalem. Usque adeo quos- dam memini digamos loco dejectos. —Ad Uxor. 1. 1. c. 7. (p. τόρ c.) Quantum detrahant, [fidei] quan- tum obstrepant sanctitati nuptiz secunde, disciplina ecclesiz et pre- scriptio Apostoli declarat, cum di- gamos non sinit presidere, etc.
© De Ofc. ἼἽς 2. 6. 80. 1% 2; Ρ. 66 b. n. 257.) De castimonia au- tem quid loquar, quando una tan- tum, nec repetita permittitur co- pula? Et in ipso ergo conjugio lex est, non iterare conjugium, nec se- cundz conjugis sortiri conjunctio- nem. Quod plerisque mirum vide- tur, cur etiam ante baptismum ite- rati conjugii ad electionem muneris et ordinationis prerogativam impe- dimenta generentur ; cum etiam de- licta obesse non soleant, si lavacri remissa fuerint sacramento. Sed intelligere debemus, quia baptismo culpa dimitti potest, lex aboleri non potest. In conjugio non culpa, sed lex est. Quod culpz est igitur, in baptismate relaxatur: quod legis est, In conjugio non solvitur.
34 Ep. 2. [al. 52.] ad Nepotian. (t. I. p. 267 a. ἢ. 16.) Preedicator con- tinentiz nuptias ne conciliet. Qui Apostolum legit dicentem, Superest, ut qui habent uxores, sic sint, quasi non habeant; cur virginem cogit ut nubat? Qui de monogamia sacerdos est, quare viduam hortatur, ut di- gama sit?—Ep. 11. [al.123.] ad A- geruch. (ibid. p. 898 d. n. 6.).... Considera, quod vidua non eligatur, nisi unius viri uxor: et nos pu- tamus sacerdotum hoc tantum esse privilegium, ut non admittatur ad
upon the words of the Apostle.
altare, nisi qui unam habuerit uxo- rem. Non solum enim ab officio sacerdotii digamus excluditur, sed et ab eleemosyna ecclesiz, dum in- digna putatur stipe, que ad se- cunda conjugia devoluta est. Quam- quam lege sacerdotali teneatur, et laicus, qui talem preebere se debet, ut possit eligi in sacerdotium. Non enim eligitur, si digamus fuerit. Porro eliguntur ex laicis sacerdotes. Ergo, et laicus tenetur mandato, per quod ad sacerdotium pervenitur. —Ep. 83. [al. 69.] ad Ocean. (ibid. p- 412 e. ult. lm. et p. 413 a. n. 3.) In utraque Epistola ['Timothei et Titi] sive episcopi, sive presbyteri ..jubentur monogami in clerum eligi.
85 De Eccles. Dogmat. c. 73. [al. 39.| (int. Oper. August. t. 8. ap- pend. p. 79 c.) Maritum duarum post baptismum matronarum cleri- cum non ordinandum.
36 Expos. Fid. ἢ. 21. (t. 1. p. 1104 a.) Δευτερόγαμον οὐκ ἔξεστι δέχεσθαι ἐν αὐτῇ [ἐκκλησίᾳ εἰς ἱερω- σύνην, κἄντε ἐγκρατευόμενος εἴη χῆ- ρος, [corruptus hic locus. Petav. in marg.| ἀπαρχῆς τάξεως ἐπισκόπου, καὶ πρεσβυτέρου, καὶ διακόνου, καὶ ὑποδιακόνου' μετὰ ταύτην τὴν ἱερω- σύνην λοιπὸν ἀναγνωστῶν τάγμα ἐξ ὅλων τῶν ταγμάτων, τουτέστι παρ- θένων, καὶ μοναζόντων, καὶ ἐγκρατευο- μένων, καὶ χηρευσάντων, καὶ τῶν ἔτι ἐν σεμνῷ γάμῳ.
87 C. 1. (t. 4. p. 1383 a.) ... Pla- cuit de bigamis aut internuptarum maritis, quamquam aliud patrum statuta decreverint, ut qui huc us- que ordinati sunt, habita misera- tione, presbyterii vel diaconatus no- men tantum obtineant; officium vero presbyteri consecrandi, et mi- nistrandi hujusmodi diacones non presumant.
38 Carth. 4. c. 69. (t. 2. p. 1205 ¢.) Simili sententiz subjacebit episco-
$3, 4.
ΟΝ i a μ΄ -.-.- “ὦ. ee,
respecting digamy and celibacy. 65
Only Epiphanius puts a distinction between the superior and inferior orders, making the rule in this sense obligatory to the former, but not to the latter.
8. Some there are again who gave the rule a stricter expo- Secondly, sition, making it a prohibition not only of ordaining persons ("S's Si, twice married after baptism, but also such as were twice mar- Tule to all ried before it, or once before and once after ; as many Gentiles oe sngaali and catechumens happened to be in those times, when baptism Ted, τῆνον was administered to adult persons. St. Ambrose 29 was of or after opinion, that even these were to be excluded from ordination ; »“ and so it was decreed by Innocent, bishop of Rome*°, and the Council of Valencia*! in France. But this opinion was ge- nerally rejected by others as furthest from the sense of the Apostle.
4. The most probable opinion is that of those ancient writers Thirdly, who interpret the Apostle’s rule as a prohibition of ordaining robable polygamists, or such as had married many wives at the same opinion of
; st is hose wh time ; and such as had causelessly put away their wives, and chought hs
pus, si sciens ordinaverit clericum eum, qui viduam aut repudiatam uxorem habuit, aut secundam. 39 Ep. 82. [al. 63.] ad Vercellens. (t. 2. p. 1037 a. n. 63.) Plerique ita mentantur, unius uxoris virum dici post baptismum habite; eo quod baptismo vitium sit ablutum, quo afferebatur impedimentum. Et vitia quidem atque peccata diluun- tur omnia; ut si quis contamina- verit suum corpus cum plurimis, quas nulla conjugii lege sociaverit, remittantur ei omnia: sed conjugi non resolvuntur, si quis iteraverit ; culpa enim lavacro, non lex solvi- tur: nulla enim culpa conjugii, sed lex est. ... Ideo et postolus legem posuit, dicens: Si quis sine crimine est, unius uxoris vir. Ergo qui sine crimine est, unius uxoris vir, tene- tur ad legem sacerdotii suscipiendi : qui autem iteraverit conjugium, cul- pam quidem non habet coinquinati, sed τοῖβς δας exuitur sacerdotis. 40 Ep. 2. c. 6. (CC. t. 2. p. 1251 a.) .... Ne aliquibus existimetur, ante baptismum si forte quis accepit ux- orem, et, ea de seculo recedente, al- teram duxérit, in baptismo esse di-
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
missum, satis errat a regula: quia in baptismo peccata remittuntur, non acceptarum uxorum numerus aboletur.—Ep. 23. c. 6. (ibid. p. 1278 ἃ.) Nec illud debere admitti, quod aliquanti pro defensione pravi erroris opponunt, et asserunt, quod ante baptismum [μα accepta non debeat imputari quia in baptismo]| omnia dimittuntur; non intelligen- tes hujusmodi, quod sola in baptis- mo omnia [al. peccata] dimittuntur, non uxorum numerus aboletur. [The words between the first pair of brackets are not read in Labbe. Ep.|—Conf. Ep. 22. ς. 2. (ibid. p. 1272 e.) Deinde ponitur, non dici τι tae bi um, eum qui cate- chumenus habuerit atque amiserit uxorem, &c.
41 C. 1. (ibid. p. 905 a.) Sedit igitur neminem post hanc synodum, qua ejusmodi illicitis vel sero suc- curritur, de digamis, aut internup- tarum maritis, ordinari clericum
Nec requirendum, utrumne initiati sacramentis divinis, anne gentiles, hac se infelicis sortis ne- cessitate macularint, cum divini preecepti casta sit forma.
F
Apostle by digamists meant po- lygamists, and such as. married after a di- vorce.
66 Laws of the Church
married. others after divorcing the former; which were then very common practices both among Jews and Gentiles, but scandalous in themselves, and such as the Apostles would have to be accounted just impediments of ordination. This is the sense which Chrysostom 42 and Theodoret +4? propose and defend as most agreeable to the mind of the Apostle. And it is cer- tain that second marriages in any other sense were not always an insuperable objection against men’s ordination in the Chri- stian Church. For Tertullian‘* owns that there were bishops
-among the Catholics who had been twice married; though, in
his style, that was an affront to the Apostle. And it appears from the Letters of Siricius+> and Innocent*¢ that the bishops of Spain and Greece made no scruple to ordain such generally among the clergy; for they take upon them to reprove them for it. Theodoret, agreeably to his own notion, ordained one Irenzeus bishop, who was twice married; and, when some ob- jected against the legality of the ordination upon that account,
42 Hom. το. in 1 Tim. 3, 2. (t. 11. Ῥι 598 f.).. “Μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἄνδρα" οὐ νομοθετῶν τοῦτό φησιν, ὡς μὴ εἶναι ἐξὸν ἄ ἄνευ τούτου γίνεσθαι, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἀμετρίαν κωλύων" ἐπειδὴ ἐπὶ τῶν Ἴου- δαίων ἐξῆν καὶ δευτέροις ὁμιλεῖν γά- μοις, καὶ δύο ἔ ἔχειν κατὰ ταὐτὸν γυναῖ- kas" τίμιος γὰρ ὁ γάμος. τινὲς δὲ, ἵ ἵνα μιᾶς γυναικὸς ἀνὴρ ἧ, φασὶ τοῦτο εἰ- ρῆσθαι.----Οοπῇ. Hom. 2. in Tit. 1, 6. (p. 738 a. Je Emoropicer τοὺς aipe- TLKOUS Tous τὸν γάμον διαβάλλοντας, δεικνὺς, ὅ ὅτι τὸ πρᾶγμα οὔκ ἐστιν ἐνα- γὲς, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτω τίμιον, ὡς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ δύνασθαι καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ἅγιον. ἀναβαίνειν θρόνον. ἐν ταὐτῷ δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀσελγεῖς κολάζων, καὶ οὐκ ἀφεὶς μετὰ δευτέρου γάμου τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐγχειρίζεσθαι ταύ- την᾽ ὁ γὰρ πρὸς τὴν ἀπελθοῦσαν μη- δεμίαν φυλάξας εὔνοιαν, πῶς ἂν οὗτος γένοιτο προστάτης καλός: ; τίνα δὲ οὐκ ἂν ὑποσταίη κατηγορίαν : ; ἴστε γὰρ ἅπαντες, ἴστε ὅτι εἰ μὴ κεκώλυται παρὰ τῶν νόμων τὸ δευτέροις ὁμιλεῖν γάμοις, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως πολλὰς ἔχει τὸ πρᾶγμα κατηγορίας" οὐδεμίαν οὖν παρέχειν λαβὴν τοῖς ἀρχομένοις τὸν ἄρχοντα βούλεται.
43 In 1 Tim. 3, 2. (t. 3. part. 1.
Ρ. 653.) Πάλαι γὰρ sleeper kal acs καὶ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, καὶ δύο καὶ
τρισὶ καὶ πλείοσι γυναιξὶ νόμῳ γάμου κατὰ ταὐτὸν συνοικεῖν" τινὲς. Oe καὶ νῦν, καίτοι τῶν βασιλικῶν νόμων δύο κατὰ ταὐτὸν ἄγεσθαι κωλυόντων γυ- ναῖκας, καὶ παλλακῖσι μίγνυνται, καὶ ἑταίραις" ἔφασαν τοίνυν, τὸν θεῖον ᾿Απόστολον εἰρηκέναι, τὸν μιᾷ μόνῃ γυναικὶ συνοικοῦντα , σωφρόνως, τῆς ἐπισκοπικῆς ἄξιον εἶναι χειροτονίας" οὐ γὰρ τὸν δεύτερον, φασὶν, ἐξέβαλε γάμον, ὅγε πολλάκις τοῦτο γενέσθαι κελεύσας.
44 De Monogam. 6. 12. (p. 533 b.) Quod [al. quot] enim et digami president apud vos, insultantes uti- que Apostolo?
45 Ep, τ. δα Himer. Tarracon. c. 8. (CC. t. 2. p. 1021 a.).. Apostolus. . unius uxoris virum tam sacerdotem,
uam diaconum fieri debere man- avit. Quz omnia ita a vestrarum regionum despiciuntur episcopis, quasi in contrarium magis fuerint constituta.
46 Ep. 22. ad Episc. Macedon. 6.1. (ibid. p. 1272 d.) Eos, qui viduas accepisse suggeruntur uxores, non solum clericos effectos agnovi, ve- rum etiam usque ad infulas summi sacerdotii pervenisse : quod contra legis esse preecepta nullus ignorat.
ΟῚ " iy i
84, 5. respecting digamy and celibacy. 67 he defended it by the common practice of other Churches. * Herein,’ says he*7, “1 followed the example of my predeces- | sors. Alexander, ἜΡΚᾺ of the apostolical see of Antioch, with | Acacius of Bercea, ordained Diogenes, a digamist; and Praylius ordained Domninus of Ceesarea, a digamist likewise. Proclus, bishop of Constantinople, received and approved the ordination of many such; and so do the bishops of Pontus and Palestine, among whom no controversy is made about it.’ From hence it appears, that the practice of the Church varied in this matter ; and that therefore Bellarmin and other Romanists very much abuse their readers when they pretend that the ordination of digamists, meaning persons twice lawfully married, is both against the rule of the Apostle and the universal consent and practice of the Church.
5. They still more abuse their readers in pretending that a No vow of vow of perpetual celibacy, or abstinence from conjugal society, parson Ste: was required of the clergy, as a condition of their ordination, jen clergy, even from the apostolical ages. For the contrary is very evi- pes Saal dent from innumerable examples of bishops and presbyters, πὰς σενχ'
or the who lived in a state of matrimony without any prejudice to three first their ordination or function. It is generally agreed by ancient “6° writers that most of the Apostles were married. Some*® say, all of them, except St. Paul and St. John. Others say, St. Paul
was married also, because he writes to his yoke-fellow, whom
es δ
_ 47 Ep. 110. ad Doma. (t. 4. part. 2. p. 1180.) Eis τὸ τῆς διγαμίας, τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν ἠκολουθήσαμεν" καὶ γὰρ ὁ τῆς μακαρίας καὶ ὁσίας μνήμης ᾿Αλέ-
ς, ὁ τὸν ἀποστολικὸν τοῦτον
ρο
cel θρόνον, σὺν τῷ μακαριω- τάτῳ ᾿Ακακίῳ τῆς Βεροίας ἐπισκόπῳ, τὸν τῆς a8 μνήμης Διογένην εἰν μορφὴ ἔγαμον ὄντα ὡσαύτως
καὶ ὁ μακάριος Πραὔλιος Δομνῖνον τὸν πο νν δέγαμον ὄντα" ἔθει τοίνυν ἠκολουθήσαμεν, καὶ ἀνδράσιν ἐπισήμοις, καὶ ἐπὶ γνώσει καὶ βίῳ πολυθρυλλήτοις" πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα τοιαῦτα δεδιδαγμένος ὁ τῆς μακαρίας μνήμης Πρόκλος, ὁ τῆς Κωνσταντι- νουπολιτῶν ἐ ἐπίσκοπος, καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν χειροτονίαν ἐδέξατο, καὶ ἔγραψεν ἐπ- away καὶ θαυμάζων. ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ οἱ πρωτεύοντες τῆς Ποντικῆς διοική- σεως θεοφιλέστατοι ἐπίσκοποι, καὶ οἱ
Παλαιστῖνοι πάντες, καὶ; “οὐδεμία ἀμ- φιβολία περὶ τούτου γεγένηται.
48 Ambros. al. Hilar. Diacon. in 2 Cor. 11, 2. (t. 2. append. p.-198 b.) Omnes Apostoli, exceptis Joanne et Paulo, uxores habuerunt.— Epiphan. Her. 78. Antidicomar. n. 10. (t. 1. Ρ. 1042 ¢. ) Ei ἦ ἦσαν δὲ τέκνα τῇ Μα- ρίᾳ, καὶ εἰ ὑπῆρχεν αὐτῇ ἀνὴρ, τίνι λόγῳ παρεδίδου τὴν Μαρίαν τῷ Ἴω- άννῃ, καὶ Tov’ Ιωάννην τῇ Μαρίᾳ; τίνι δὲ λόγῳ Πέτρῳ μᾶλλον οὐ παρα- δίδωνι; 408 δὲ τῷ λόγῳ ᾿Ανδρείᾳ, Ματθαίῳ τε; καὶ Βαρθολομαίῳ ; ἀλλὰ δῆλον ὅτι ᾿Ιωάννῃ διὰ τὴν παρθενίαν. —Cotelerius cites Eusebius, Basil, and some others, for the same opin- ion. Vid. Not. in Ignat. Ep. ad Philadelph. Interpolat. n. 4. See note 52, following.
F 2
08 Laws of the Church IV. v. they interpret his wife. Phil. 4,3. This was the opinion of Clemens Alexandrinus‘?, wherein he seems to be followed by Eusebius 5°, and Origen®!, and the author of the interpolated Epistle to the Church of Philadelphia®? under the name of Ignatius; whom some modern Romanists, mistaking him for the true Ignatius, have most disingenuously mangled, by erasing the name of Paul out of the text: which foul dealing bishop Usher*? has exposed, and Cotelerius*4 does in effect confess it, when he owns that the author himself wrote it, and that he therein followed the authority of Clemens, Origen, and Eusebius. But passing by this about St. Paul, which is a mat- ter of dispute among learned men, the major part inclining to think that he always lived a single life, it cannot be denied that others of the Apostles were married. And in the next ages after them we have accounts of married bishops, presby- ters, and deacons, without any reproof or mark of dishonour set upon them. As to instance in a few, Valens, presbyter of Philippi, mentioned by Polycarp>>; Chsremon, bishop of Ni- lus, an exceeding old man, who fled with his wife to mount Arabion in time of persecution, where they both perished to- gether, as Eusebius®® informs us. Novatus was a married presbyter of Carthage, as we learn from Cyprian’s Epistles’.
49 Strom. 3. p. 448. (p. 525. 18.) Καὶ ὅγε Παῦλος οὐκ ὀκνεῖ ἔν τινι ἐπι- στολῇ τὴν αὐτοῦ προσαγορεύειν σύ- ζυγον, ἣν οὐ περὶ ἑκόμιζεν, διὰ τὸ τῆς ὑπηρεσίας εὐσταλές. °
© 1... 3. c. 30. (¥. I. ἂς 14. 252) Where the words of Clement, quoted in the preceding note, are recited, reading προσαγορεῦσαι.
51 In Rom. 1. p. 459. (t. 4. p. 461 c.) Paulus ergo, sicut quidam tradunt, cum uxore vocatus est: de om dicit, ad Philippenses scribens,
ogo etiam te, germana compar, &c.
52 Ep. ad Philadelph. n. 4. (Cotel. v. 2. p. 80.)...‘Qs Πέτρου, καὶ Tav- ov, kal τῶν ἄλλων ᾿Αποστόλων τῶν γάμοις προσομιλησάντων.
δ8 Dissert. in Ignat. c. 17. tot, (Cotel. ibid. pp. 226—228.) Inter- polator Ignatii, &c.
54 Not. in loc. cit. (ibid. n. 43.) Amplectitur Ignatiaster opinionem Clementis Alexandrini, Στρωματέων 3. p. 448, et aliorum quorumdam,
ortam ex pravo intellectu Paulino- rum textuum, Philipp. 4, 3. et 1 Co- rinth. 9, 5. quam refert etiam nec re- fellit Eusebius, Hist. 1. 3. c. 30; ut modeste fit a Nicephoro, 6. 44. 1.2: queeque per Origenem, initio ex- planationum in Epistolam ad Ro- manos, simpliciter cum opposita sententia proponitur.
55 Ep. ad Philipp. ἢ. 11. (Cotel. ibid. p. 189.) Valde..contristor pro illo [Valente] et pro conjuge ejus.
56 L. 6. c. 42. (v. 1. p. 308. 18.) Χαιρήμων ἦν ὑπεργήρως τῆς Νείλου καλουμένης ἐπίσκοπος πόλεως. Οὗτος εἰς τὸ ᾿Αράβιον ὄρος ἅμα τῇ συμβίῳ φυγὼν οὐκ ἐπανελήλυθεν.
7 Ep. 49. [8]. 52.] ad Cornel. (p. 238.) Uterus uxoris [Novati] calece percussus, et abortione pro- perante in parricidium partus ex- pressus. Et damnare nunc audit sacrificantium manus; cum sit ipsa nocentior pedibus, quibus filius, qui nascebatur, occisus est.
δ. 5.
respecting digamy and celibacy. 69
Cyprian himself was also a married man, as Mr. Pagi®* con- fesses; and so was Cecilius®?, the presbyter, that converted him. As also Numidicus, another presbyter of Carthage, of whom Cyprian tells us this remarkable story: ‘that in the Decian persecution he saw his own wife, with many other mar- tyrs, burnt by his side; whilst he himself, lying half burnt,
_and covered with stones, and left for dead, was found expiring
by his own daughter, who drew him out of the rubbish, and brought him to life again.’ Eusebius®! assures us that Phileas, bishop of Thmuis, and Philoromus had, each of them, both a wife and children ; for they were urged with that argument by the heathen magistrate to deny their religion in the Diocletian persecution; but they generously contemned his argument, and gave preference to the laws of Christ. Epiphanius® says Marcion the heretic was the son of a bishop, and that he was excommunicated by his own father for his lewdness. Domnus also, bishop of Antioch ®, is said to be son to Demetrian, who
Γ ἔῃ me Baron. ~ a n. 4.
-} (t I. p. 231. aronlus ον "δὶ didnt ar Hires uxo- rem habuisse. [The learned author has evidently mistaken Pagi, who contradicts the statement of Baro- nius in proof that St. Cyprian was a married man. En]
59 Vid. Pont. Vit. Cypr. (p. 3.) Erat sane illi etiam de nobis contu- bernium viri justi et laudabilis me- morize Cecilii, et etate tune et ho- nore presbyteri, qui eum ad agniti- onem veram divinitatis a seculari errore correxerat. Hunc toto honore atque omni observantia diligebat, obsequenti veneratione suspiciens, non jam ut amicum anime cozqua- lem, sed tamquam nove vite pa- rentem. Denique, ille demulsus ejus obsequiis, in tantum dilectionis im- mense merito provocatus est; ut, de szculo excedens, arcessitione jam proxima commendaret illi con- jugem ac liberos suos, et quem fe- cerat de sectee communione partici-
; postmodum faceret pietatis em.
60 Ep. 35. [al. 40.] (p.225.). . Qui- que [Numidicus presbyter] uxorem adhzrentem lateri suo, concrematam simul cum ceteris, vel conservatam
‘Kal αὐτοῦ τοῦ δικαστοῦ παρ
magia dixerim, letus aspexit, &c.
61 L. 8. c.g. (v. 1. p. 386. 43.) Οἷος Φιλόρωμος ἦν, ... Φιλέας τε τῆς Θμυϊτῶν ἐκκλησίας ἐπίσκοπος ... οἵ καὶ μυρίων ὅσων πρὸς αἵματός τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων ἀντιβολούντων, ἔτι μὴν τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀξίας ἀρχόντων, πρὸς δὲ οῦν- τος, ὡς ἂν αὐτῶν οἶκτον λάβοιεν φειδώ τε παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ποιήσοιτο" οὐδαμῶς πρὸς τῶν τοσούτων ἐπὶ τὸ φιλοζωῆσαι μὲν ἑλέσθαι, καταφρονῆ- σαι δὲ τῶν περὶ ὁμολογίας καὶ ἀρνή- σεως τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν θεσμῶν ὑπ- ἤχθησαν, κ. τ.λ.
62 Her. 42. Marcion. ἢ. 1. (t. 1. Ρ. 302 c.) Χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος προσ- φθείρεται παρθένῳ τινὶ, καὶ ἐξαπατή- σας τὴν παρθένον ἀπὸ τῆς ἐλπίδος αὐτήν τε καὶ ἑαυτὸν κατέσπασε, καὶ τὴν φθορὰν ἀπεργασάμενος, ἐξεοῦται τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπὸ τοῦ ἰδίου πατρός" ἦν γὰρ αὐτοῦ ὁ πατὴρ δι ὑπερβολὴν εὐλαβείας τῶν διαφανῶν, καὶ σφόδρα τῆς ἀληθείας ἐπιμελομένων, διαπρέ- Tov ἐν τῇ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς λειτουργίᾳ.
63 Ap. Euseb. 1]. 7. c. 30. (Υ.1. p. 363. 21.) ᾿Ηναγκάσθημεν οὖν ἀντι- τασσόμενον αὐτὸν τῷ Θεῷ καὶ μὴ εἴκοντα ἐκκηρύξαντες, ἕτερον ἀντ᾽ αὖ- τοῦ τῇ καθολικῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καταστῆσαι ἐπίσκοπον Θεοῦ προνοίᾳ, ὡς πεπεί-
70 Laws of the Church IV. Ὁ was bishop of the same place before him. It were easy to add abundance of more such instances; but these are sufficient to shew that men of all states were admitted to be bishops and
presbyters in the primitive ages of the Church.
The vanity 6, The most learned advocates of the Roman Communion of the con- Ὰ
trary pre. have never found any other reply to all this, save only a tences.
groundless pretence of their own imagination, that all married. persons, when they came to be ordained, promised to live separate from their wives by consent, which answered the vow of celibacy in other persons. This is all that Pagi® or Schelstrate © have to say in the case, after all the writers that have gone before them; which is said not only without proof, but against the clearest evidences of ancient history, which manifestly prove the contrary. For Novatus, presbyter of Carthage, whose case Pagi had under consideration, was cer- tainly allowed to cohabit with his wife after ordination; as ap- pears from the charge that Cyprian ® brings against him, that he had struck and abused his wife, and thereby caused her to miscarry ; for which crime he had certainly been thrust out, not only from the presbytery, but the Church also, had not the persecution coming on so suddenly prevented his trial and condemnation.’ Cyprian does not accuse him for cohabiting with his wife, or begetting children after ordination, but for murdering his children which he had begotten; which was indeed a crime that made him liable both to deposition and excommunication; but the other was no crime at all, by any law then in force in the African or in the Universal Church. There seems indeed in some places to have been a little tendency towards introducing such a law by one or two
opeba, τὸν τοῦ μακαρίου Δημητριανοῦ καὶ ἐπιφανῶς προστάντος πρὸ τούτου τῆς αὐτῆς παροικίας υἱὸν Δόμνον, ἅπα- σι τοῖς πρέπουσιν ἐπισκόπῳ καλοῖς κεκοσμημένον.
64 Crit. in Baron. an. 248. n. 4. [4]. 6.] (t. 1. p. 232.)...Annotarunt hee similiave exempla aliud non probare, quam ex matrimonio junc- tis ad sacerdotium fuisse promotos, ues postea matrimonio usos osten- dere debuisset Pearsonius, ut ejus argumentum vim haberet.
65 Eccles. Afric. dissert. 3. 6. 4.
ap. Pagi, ibid. (Schelstr. p. 157. ad fin. Schol.. 5.) Hos omnes nihil aliud voluisse, quam ex matrimonio junctis ad sacerdotium fuisse pro- motos, recte adnotat Pamelius, ad- dens, nullibi scriptum. reperiri, hos postea matrimonio usos : quod om- nis antiquitas semper tradiderat, continentize legem sacris illis ordi- nibus esse adnexam, unde et canon, Pudicitie custodes etiam ab uxori- bus se abstineant. ;
. δ6 Ep. 4g. [al. 52.] p.97. See 8. 5.1.57, preceding. '
ae
86,7. respecting digamy and celibacy. 71
zealous spirits; but the motion was no sooner made, than it was quashed immediately by the prudence and authority of wiser
men. Thus Eusebius observes, ‘ that Pinytus, bishop of Gnossus
in Crete, was for laying the law of celibacy upon his brethren ;
but Dionysius®’, bishop of Corinth, wrote to him, that he should consider the weakness of men, and not impose that heavy burden upon them.’ And thus matters continued for
three centuries without any law, that we read of, requiring celibacy of the clergy at the time of their ordination.
_ 7. In the Council of Nice, anno 325, the motion was again The clergy renewed, that a law might pass to oblige the clergy to abstain ποδῶν a | from all conjugal society with their wives, which they had εν “—— | married before their ordination. But the proposal was no sooner made than Paphnutius, a famous Augyptian bishop, and
one himself never married, vigorously declaimed against it, saying, ‘so heavy a burden was not to be laid upon the elergy ; that the marriage-bed was honourable, and that they should not by too great severity bring detriment on the Church : for all men could not bear so severe an exercise, and
the chastity of the wives so separated would be endangered also.— Conjugal society,’ he said, ‘was chastity, and it was enough that such of the clergy as were not married before’
their ordination should continue unmarried, according to the ancient tradition of the Church; but it was not proper to separate any one from his wife which he had married whilst
he was a layman.’ This said, the whole council agreed to
stifle the motion that had been made, and left every man to
his liberty as before. So Socrates®* and Sozomen®? tell the story; to which all that Valesius7°, after Bellarmin, has to say
is, ‘ that he suspects the truth of the thing, and desires leave
to dissent from his historians.’ Which is but a poor evasion,
in the judgment of Du Pin himself7!, who thus reflects upon
them for it. ‘Some question the truth of this story,’ says
67 Ep. ad Pinytum, ap. Euseb. * 6 L. 1. c. 23. (ibid. p.41-) 1. 4. c. 23. (v. 1. p. 186. 11.) ... Ἐν 70 Not. in Socrat. loc. cit. (ibid. ἡ Πίνυτον τῆς παροικίας ἐπίσκοπον p. 39. n.1.).... Tota hec narratio παρακαλεῖ, μὴ βαρὺ φορτίον τὸ πέρι δε Papheratio et de ccelibatu clerico- ἁγνείας ἐπαναγκὲς τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐπι- rum prorsus suspecta mihi vide-
‘va, τῆς δὲ τῶν πολλῶν καταστο- tur. oe ἀσθενείας. 71 Bibliothéque t. 2. p. 253- ((.. 2. ~ 8 Lia. c. τα, (ν. 2. Ρ. 38,) - p. 318.) Quelques-uns doutent de
72 Laws of the Church IV. v.
he, ‘ but I believe they do it for fear the story might prejudice the present discipline, rather than from any solid proof they have for it. But they should consider that this canon is purely a matter of discipline, and that the discipline of the Church may change according to the times, and that it is not neces- sary for the defence of it to prove that it was always uniform in all places.’ So that in the judgment of that learned Roman- ist, there is no question to be made but that the Council of Nice decreed in favour of the married clergy, as the historians relate it did; and that then the practice was different from that of the present Church of Rome, which others are so unwilling to have the world believe.
Andother 8. It is as evident from other Councils of the same age that ουρρεῦκῃ °f the married clergy were allowed to continue in the service of the
Church, and no vow of abstinence required of them at their ordination. Socrates72 observes, that the Council of Gangra anathematized Eustathius the heretic, because he taught men to separate from such presbyters as retained their wives which they married while they were laymen, saying, their commu- nion and oblations were abominable. The decree is still extant among the canons of that Council?, and runs in these words : ‘If any one separate from a married presbyter, as if it were unlawful to participate of the eucharist, when such an one ministers, let him be anathema.’ The Council of Ancyra gives leave74 to deacons to marry after ordination: ‘ If they protested at their ordination that they could not contmue in an unmarried state they might marry, and yet continue in their office, having in that case the bishop’s licence and permis- sion to do it.’ And though the Council of Neo-Czsarea in one
\ A , « “a > /. kal τὴν κοινωνίαν ὡς μῦσος ἐκκλίνειν ἐκέλευε.
78 C, Gangr. c. 4. (t. 2. p. 419 a.)
la vérité de cette histoire. Je crois quils le font plutét dans la crainte quils ont que ce fait ne
donne quelque atteinte 4 la disci- pline d’a présent, que parce qu’ils en aient quelque preuve solide. Mais ces personnes devroient considérer ro ce réglement est purement de iscipline, et que la discipline de VEglise peut changer suivant les temps, &c. 721. 2. ¢. 43. (v. 2. P. 149. 10.) . IpeoBurépou γυναῖκα ἔχοντος, ἣν κἅμῳ λαϊκὸς ὧν ἠγάγετο, τὴν εὐλογίαν
Εἴ τις διακρίνοιτο παρὰ πρεσβυτέρου γεγαμηκότος, ὡς μὴ χρῆναι λειτουρ- γήσαντος αὐτοῦ προσφορᾶς μεταλαμ- βάνειν, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω.
74 C. τος (ἢ; Σ. Β. 1460 d.) Διάκο- vol, ὅσοι καθίστανται, παρ᾽ αὐτὴν τὴν κατάστασιν εἰ ἐμαρτύραντο καὶ ἔφα- σαν χρῆναι γαμῆσαι, μὴ δυνάμενοι οὕτως μένειν, οὗτοι μετὰ ταῦτα αμή- σαντες ἔστωσαν ἐν τῇ ὑπηρεσίᾳ, διὰ τὸ ἐπιτραπῆναι αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου.
ἌΝ ae
ee ΟΝ,
a αδο:ΡΟ-
respecting digamy and celibacy. 73
canon?> forbids unmarried presbyters to marry after ordina- tion, yet such as were married before ordination are allowed by another canon7° to continue without any censure, being only obliged to separate from their wives in case of fornication. The Council of Eliberis7’, indeed, and some others in this age, began to be a little more rigorous toward the married clergy ; but it does not appear that their laws were of any great force. For Socrates? says ‘ even in his time, in the Eastern Churches, many eminent bishops begat children of their lawful wives ; and such as abstained did it not by obligation of any law, but their own yoluntary choice. Only in Thessaly, Macedonia, and Hellas, the clergy were obliged to abstain under pain of ecclesiastical censure ;’ which, he says, was occasioned ‘ by bishop Heliodore’s writing his book called his Ethiopics.’ So that as yet there was no universal decree against married bishops in the Greek Church, much less against presbyters and deacons. But the Council of Trullo, anno 692, made a difference between bishops and presbyters, allowing presbyters, deacons, and all the inferior orders to cohabit with their wives after ordina- tion 79, and giving the Roman Church a smart rebuke for the
75 ©. 1. (ibid. 1480 6.) Πρεσβύτε- μετὰ τὸ κληρικὸς γενέσθαι συγκαθευ- ρος ἐὰν γήμῃ, τῆς τάξεως αὐτὸν μετα- δήσας αὐτῇ, ἀποκήρυκτος γίνεται" τῶν τίθεσθαι. ἐν ᾿Ανατολῇ πάντων γνώμῃ ἀπεχομέ-
76 C. 8. (ibid. p. 1481 d.) Γυνή νων, καὶ τῶν ἐπισκόπων, εἰ καὶ βού-
a ee
Tivos μοιχευθεῖσα λαϊκοῦ ὄντος, ἐὰν ἐλεγχθῇ φανερῶς, ὁ τοιοῦτος εἰς ὑπη- ρεσίαν ἐλθεῖν οὐ δύναται" ἐὰν δὲ καὶ τὴν χειροτονίαν μοιχευθῇ, ὀφεί-
εἰ ἀπολῦσαι αὐτήν" ἐὰν δὲ συζῇ, οὐ δύναται ἔχεσθαι τῆς ἐγχειρισθείσης
atep ἐπηροσίαι. οὐ C. 33. (ibid. 974 «ς.) Placuit in totum prohiberi episcopis, presby- teris, et diaconibus, vel omnibus clericis positis in ministerio, absti- nere se a conjugibus suis, et non generare filios: quicumque vero fe- cerit, ab honore clericatus extermi- netur.—Conf, C. Arelat. 2. c. 2. (t.4. p. 1or1 ἃ.) Assumi aliquem ad Peednkimn non posse in conjugii vinculo constitutum, nisi fuerit pre- missa [8]. promissa]} conversio. 78L. 5. c. 22. (v. 2. p. 296. 12.) — ἐγὼ καὶ ἕτερον ἔθος ἐν Θεσ- . Γενόμενος κληρικὸς ἐκεῖ, ἣν νόμῳ γαμήσας πρὶν κληρικὸς γένηται,
λοιντο, οὐ μὴν ἀνάγκη νόμου τοῦτο ποιούντων" πολλοὶ γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ καιρῷ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς, καὶ παῖδας ἐκ τῆς νομίμης ῆς πεποιήκασιν" ἀλ- λὰ τοῦ μὲν ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ ἔθους ἀρχη- γὸς ἩἩλιώδορος, Τρίκκης τῆς ἐκεῖ γε-
μενος" οὗ λέγεται πονήματα ἐρωτικὰ βιβλία, ἃ νέος ὧν ἔταξε, καὶ Αἰθιοπικὰ προσηγόρευσε" φυλάσσεται δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔθος ἐν Θεσσαλονίκῃ, καὶ αὐτῇ Μα- κεδονίᾳ, καὶ Ἑλλάδι.
79 Vid. C. Trull. c. 13. (t. 6. Ρ- 114 b.) Ἐπειδὴ ἐν τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐν τάξει κανόνος παραδέ- δοσθαι διέγνωμεν, τοὺς μέλλοντας διακόνου ἢ πρεσβυτέρου ἀξιοῦσθαι χειροτονίας καθομολογεῖν, ὡς οὐκέτε ταῖς αὐτῶν συνάπτονται γαμεταῖς" ἡμεῖς τῷ ἀρχαίῳ ἐξακολουθοῦντες κανόνι τῆς ἀποστολικῆς ἀκριβείας καὶ τάξεως, τὰ τῶν ἱερῶν ἀνδρῶν κατὰ νόμους συνοικέσια καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν
ἐρρῶσθαι βουλόμεθα" μηδαμῶς αὐτῶν
74 Laws and customs in IV. vi.
contrary prohibition; but yet laying an injunction upon bi- shops®° to live separate from their wives, and appointing the wives! to betake themselves to a monastic life, or become deaconesses in the Church. And so the matter was altered in the Greek Church as to bishops, but not any others. In the Latin Church also the alteration was made but by slow steps in many places; for in Afric even bishops themselves coha- bited with their wives at the time of the Council of Trullo, as appears from one? of the forementioned canons of that Coun- cil. But it is beyond my design to carry this inquiry any further; what has been already said being sufficient to shew that the married clergy were allowed to officiate in the first and primitive ages, and that celibacy in those times was no necessary condition of their ordination, as is falsely pretended by the polemical writers of the present Church of Rome.
I have now gone through the several qualifications of the ancient clergy, concerning which inquiry was made before their ordination; I come now, in the next place, to consider the solemnity of the thing itself, together with the laws and cus- toms which were generally observed at the time of ordination. -
CHAP. VI.
Of the ordinations of the primitive clergy, and the laws and customs generally observed therein.
The canons - 1. WHEN the election of a person, duly qualified according So to the forementioned rules was made, then it was the bishop’s
Church to 5 ‘ ‘ be read to office, or the metropolitan’s, if the party elect was himself a
πορ aay bishop, to ordain him. But before they proceeded to ordina- bishops or- tion, there were some other laws and rules to be observed. dained him. —
τὴν πρὸς γαμετὰς συνάφειαν διαλύον- Tes, ἢ ἀποστεροῦντες αὐτοὺς τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατὰ καιρὸν τὸν προσήκοντα ὁμιλίας, κ. τ. A.
80 Ibid. ὁ. 12. (a.) Καὶ τοῦτο δὲ εἰς
γνῶσιν ἡμετέραν ἦλθεν, ὡς ἔν τε Αφρικῇ καὶ Λιβύῃ καὶ ἑτέροις τόποις, οἱ τῶν ἐκεῖσε θεοφιλέστατοι πρόεδροι συνοικεῖν ταῖς ἰδίαις γαμεταῖς, καὶ μετὰ τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ae oe χέι- poroviay ov παραιτοῦνται . . ἔδοξεν ὥστε μηδαμῶς τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν γίνεσθαι, kK. τ.
81 Ibid. c. 48. (p. 1166 c.) H τοῦ πρὸς ἐ ἐπισκοπῆς προεδρίαν a ἀναγομένου γυνὴ κατὰ κοινὴν συμφωνίαν τοῦ οἰ- κείου ἀνδρὸς προδιαζευχθεῖσα, μετὰ τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς χειροτο- νίαν ἐν μοναστηρίῳ εἰσίτω, πόρρω τῆς τοῦ ἐπισκόπου καταγωγῆς φκοδομη- μένῳ, καὶ τῆς τοῦ ἐπισκόπου προνοίας ἀπολαυέτω" εἰ δὲ καὶ ἀξία φανείη, καὶ πρὸς τὸ τῆς διακονίας ἀναβιβασθήσε-. ται ἀξίωμα.
82 Ibid. c. 12. See n. 80, on ing.
ordinations of the clergy. 75
For, not to mention here again the oath against simony, and the subscriptions, which I have shewed before*®? were anciently required of persons to be ordained, I must not forget to note, that in the African Church a rule was made in the third Coun- ceil of Carthage**, and thence transferred into the African Code*®, ‘that before any bishop or other clergyman was or- dained, the ordainers should cause the canons of the Church to be read in his hearing, that they might not have cause to repent afterward that they had transgressed any of them.’ This rule was made at the instance and request of St. Austin, as Possidius*® notes in his Life, who says, ‘ that because he was ordained bishop of Hippo while Valerius was alive, which was contrary to the rule of the Council of Nice, which he was ignorant of at the time of his ordination, he therefore pre- yailed with the African fathers to make a decree that the canons of the Church should be read at every man’s ordina- tion.’ This rule implied a tacit promise that the party ordained would observe the canons that were read to him; but for greater security it was afterward improved into an explicit promise by a law of Justinian*’?, which requires every clerk, after the reading of the canons, to profess that, as far as it was possible for man to do, he would fulfil what was con-
83 Ch. 3. 8. 2. p. 35. and 8. 14.
ae 3 δ C. 3. (t. 2. p. 1167 d.) Placuit, ut, ordinandis episcopis vel clericis, prius ab ordinatoribus suis decreta conciliorum auribus eorum incul- centur; ne se aliquid contra statuta concilii fecisse pceniteat. [ Labbe,
asserant. |
- 8 C, 18. (ibid. 1058 ἃ.) Ἤρεσεν, ὥστε «se age ἐπισκόπου 7) κληρικοῦ, πρότερον ἀπὸ τῶν χειροτο- νούντων αὐτοὺς τὰ δεδογμένα τοῖς συν- όδοις εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς αὐτῶν ἐντίθεσθαι" ἵνα μὴ ποιοῦντες κατὰ τῶν ὅρων συν- όδου ληθῶσιν.
., 86 Vit. August. c. 8. (t. το. ap- pend. p. 262 f.) Quod in seipso [al. se postea |] fieri non debuisse, ut vivo suo episcopo ordinaretur, [postea | et dixit et scripsit, propter concilii universalis vetitum, quod jam ordi- _natus didicit: nec quod sibi factum esse doluit, aliis fieri voluit. Unde
etiam sategit, ut conciliis constitue- retur episcoporum, ab ordinatoribus deberi ordinandis, vel ordinatis, om- nium statuta sacerdotum in notitiam esse deferenda.
87 Novel. 6. c. 1. n. 8. (t. 5. p.52.) Sed etiam sic eum constitutum, et ad episcopatum preparatum, com- petens est venerabiles et undique probatas legere regulas ante ordina- tionem, quas recta et inviolata no- stra suscipit fides, et catholica Dei apostolicaque disposuit, et tradidit ecclesia...... Et si quidem ille de- claraverit, et dixerit preecepta sacra- rum regularum non se valere ser- vare; nullo modo ei ordinationem imponi. Si vero susceperit, et dix- erit, quia quantum homini est pos- sibile, complebit hc, qua his con- tinentur, tunc monere eum, et di- cere, quia, nisi heec observaverit, et a
-Deo alienus erit, et cadet a jam. dato
honore ; &c.
76 Laws and customs in
IV. vi.
tained in them. Whence no doubt came those later forms of professing obedience to the canons of the seven general Coun- cils in the Greek Church; and the oath to St. Peter, taken by the bishops of Rome in the Latin Church, that they would observe the decrees of the eight general Councils. The first of which forms may be seen at length in Habertus®*, and the other in Baronius*®?, and the book called Liber Diurnus%, by the reader that is curious to consult them.
No clerkto 2. Another rule to be observed in this case was, ‘ that be ordained every man should be fixed to some church at his ordina-
μένως. tion, and not be left at liberty to minister wherever he would,
because of several inconveniences that attended that practice.’ This rule concerned bishops, as well as the inferior clergy; for the nullatenenses of later ages, as Panormitan calls titular and utopian bishops, were rarely known in the primitive Church. For though every bishop was in some sense ordained bishop of the Catholic Church, as I have shewed before?!, yet, for order’s sake, he was always confined to a certain district in the ordi- nary exercise of his power. And so presbyters and all other inferior clergy were confined to the diocese of their own bi- shop, and might not be ordained unless they had some place wherein to exercise their function. This was the ancient cus- tom of the Church, which the Council of Chalcedon confirmed by a canon, ‘ that no presbyter, or deacon, or any other eccle-
88 Archierat. Profess. Fid. (p. 496.) Πρὸς τούτοις ἀποδέχομαι τὰς ἁγίας καὶ οἰκουμενικὰς ἑπτὰ συνόδους, αἵ τινες ἐπὶ φυλακῇ τῶν σεπτῶν δογ- μάτων συνηθροίσθησαν, καθομολογῶν τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν διωρισμένους στέργειν καὶ φυλάττειν κανόνας" καὶ τὰς ἁγίας διατάξεις, ὅσαι τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἡμῶν πα- τράσι κατὰ διαφόρους καιροὺς καὶ χρόνους ἐτυπώθησαν, πάντας ovs ἀπο- δέχονται, συναποδεχόμενος, καὶ ovs ἀποστρέφονται συναποστρεφόμενος, κι τι.
89 An. 869. (t. 10. p. 421 6.) Ego N, sancte Romane ecclesiz diaco- nus, vel presbyter, aut episcopus cardinalis electus, ut fiam per Dei gratiam hujus sancte apostolice sedis humilis minister, profiteor tibi, beate Petre, apostolorum princeps, &c.... De ceteris ecclesiz dogma- tibus sicut in universalibus Conciliis
et Constitutionibus apostolicorum pontificum, probatissimorumque ec- clesiz doctorum scriptis sunt com- mendata, id est, que ad rectitudi- nem nostre vestreque orthodox fidei a te traditionem recipiunt, con- servare, sanctaque octo universalia Concilia, id est Niceenum, Constan- tinopolitanum, et Ephesinum pri- mum, Chalcedonense Quintum quo- que, et Sextum item Constantino- politanum, et Septimum item Nicz- num, Octavum quoque Constanti- nopolitanum, usque ad unum api- cem immutilate servare, et pari ho- it ac veneratione digna habere,
ἐ:
90 Garnerii Liber Diurnus Roma- norum Pontificum, Paris. 1680. 4to. [Ap. Biblioth. Bodleian. Ep. ]
91 B. 2. c.g. v. Bs peg
92 Ὁ, 6. (t. 4. p. 758 a} Μηδένα δὲ
δ 2, 3. ordinations of the clergy. 17
siastic should be ordained at large; but be assigned either to | the city-church, or some church or oratory in the country, or a monastery; otherwise his ordination to be null and void.’ This the Latins called ordinatio localis, and the persons so or- dained, locales, from their being fixed to a certain place. As in the Council of Valentia in Spain we find a canon% that obliges every priest, before his ordination, to give a promise ‘that he will be localis, to the intent that no one should be permitted to transgress the rules and discipline of the Church with impunity :᾿ which they might easily do, if they were al- lowed to rove about from one place to another. This, in the style of Leo”, bishop of Rome, is ‘ ordination founded upon a | place,’ or, as we would say now, a title; ‘ without which,’ he says, : ‘the ordination was not to be looked upon as authentic.’ But it must be observed, that a title then did not always signify a } parochial church, or distinct cure; for this was a rule before | dioceses were divided into parishes: but the confinement laid upon men at their ordination was, that they should be fixed to their own bishop’s diocese, and officiate in the place where he appointed them.
3. There were indeed some few exceptions to this rule, but Exceptions very rare, and upon extraordinary occasions. Paulinus and whinge St. Jerom seem to have had the privilege granted them of being ordained without affixing to any church. Paulinus% says expressly of himself, ‘that he was ordained presbyter at Bar- celona with this condition, that he should not be confined to that church, but remain a priest at large.’ And St. Jerom gives?® the same account of his own ordination at Antioch,
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μὴ ἰδικῶς ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ πόλεως, ἢ κώ- μης, ἢ μαρτυρίῳ, ἢ μοναστηρίῳ ὁ χει- ροτονούμενος ἐπικηρύττοιτο. Τοὺς δὲ ἀπολύτως χειροτονουμένους ὥρισεν ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος ἄκυρον ἔχειν τὴν τοιαύ- την χειροθεσίαν, καὶ μηδαμοῦ δύνασθαι ἐνεργεῖν ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει τοῦ χειροτονήσαν-
τος.
% (Ὁ, 6. (ibid. p. 1620 a.) Nec ul- lum [8]. illum sanctorum] sacerdo- tem quispiam ordinet, qui localem se futurum primitus non sposponde- rit: ut per hoc nullus a regula vel disciplina ecclesie deviare permitta-
94 Ep. 92. ad Rustic. c.1. (CC. t. 3. p. 1405 e.)...Vana est habenda ordinatio, que nec loco fundata est, nec auctoritate munita.
% Ep.6. ad Sever.(p. 101.) Nam ea conditione in Barcinonensi ecclesia consecrari adductus sum, ut ipsi ec- clesiz non alligarer; in sacerdotium tantum Domini, non in locum Ec- clesiz dedicatus.
96 Ep. 61. ad Pammach. [al. Lib. cont. Joan. Hierosol.} t. 2. p. 181. (t. 2. p. 452 a.) Si sic presbyterium tribuis, ut monachum nobis non au-
78 Laws and customs in IV. vi,
‘that he was consecrated presbyter, with licence to continue a monk, and return to his monastery again.’ Sozomen9 relates the like of Barses and Eulogius, two monks of Edessa, ‘ that they were both ordained bishops, not of any city, but only ho- norary bishops within their own monasteries, out of respect to their eminent virtues.’ And it was such a sort of ordination that, Theodoret says9°, Flavian, bishop of Antioch, gave to Macedonius, the famous Syrian anchoret, whom he drew from his cell in the desert only to ordain him presbyter, and so let him return to the desert again. These are all the instances of this kind which I remember in ancient history. It was not as yet the custom to ordain bishops partibus infidelium, that never meant to see their bishoprics. Though afterages de- spised this rule, as Zonaras 99 complains of the Greek Church, and Habertus! cannot but lament it in the Latin; yet the an-
feras: tu videris de judicio tuo. Sin autem sub nomine presbyteri tollis mihi, propter quod seculum dereli- qui; ego habeo, quod semper ha- bui.
7 L. 6. C. 34. (V. 2. p. 268. 2I.).. Bdpons τε καὶ «Εὐλόγιος, ol καὶ ἐπι- σκοποι ἄμφω ὕστερον ἐγενέσθην, οὐ πόλεως τινὸς, ἀλλὰ τιμῆς ἕνεκεν, ἂν- ταμοιβῆς ὥσπερ τῶν αὐτοῖς πεπολι- τευμένων, χειροτονηθέντες ἐν τοῖς ἰδί- ols μοναστηρίοις.
98 Hist. Relig. c. 12. (v. 3. part. 2. p. 1207.) ᾿Επειδὴ ὁ μέγας Φλαβιανὸς τὴν μεγάλην τοῦ Θεοῦ ποίμνην ποι- μαίνειν ἐτάχθη, τὴν δὲ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἔμαθεν ἀ ἀρετὴν, (ἤδετο γὰρ; καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἁπάντων ἐφέρετο στόμασιν ) ἄγει μὲν αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ὄρους κορυφῆς, ὡς γραφῆς Kat’ αὐτοῦ γενομένης" τῆς δὲ μυστικῆς ἱερουργίας προκειμένης, προσάγει τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ, καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἐγκαταλέγει. ὡς δὲ τέλος ἔ €- λαβεν ἡ ῆ λειτουργία, καί τις αὐτῷ τοῦ- TO μεμήνυκε, (πάμπαν γὰρ ἠγνόει τὸ γεγονὸς,) τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ἐλοιδορεῖτο, καὶ λόγοις ἔβαλλεν ἅπαντας" ὕστερον δὲ τὴν βακτηρίαν λαβὼν, εἰώθει γὰρ σκηριπτόμενος διὰ τὸ γῆρας βαδίζειν, ἐδίωκεν αὐτόν τε τὸν ἀρχιερέα, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, ὅσοι παρῆσαν. ὑπελάμ- βανε γὰρ τὴν χειροτονίαν, τῆς τοῦ ὄρους αὐτὸν κορυφῆς, καὶ τῆς ποθου- μένης διαίτης ἀποστερήσειν. ἀλλὰ τό-
τε μὲν αὐτὸν μόλις τινὲς τῶν συνήθων ἀγανακτοῦντα κατέπαυσαν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὁ τῆς ἑβδομάδος συνεπεράνθη κύκλος, καὶ ἧκε πάλιν τῆς δεσποτικῆς ἑ ἑορτῆς ἡ ἡμέρα, αὖθις αὐτὸν 6 μέγας Φλαβι- ανὸς μετεπέμψατο, τῆς πανηγύρεως κοινωνῆσαι σφίσι παρακαλῶν" ὁ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀφικομένους, οὐκ ἀπόχρη ὑ ὑ- μῖν, ἔφη, τὰ ἤδη γεγενημένα, ἀλλὰ πάλιν με βούλεσθε προβάλλεσθαι πρεσβύτερον: 3 τῶν δὲ λεγόντων, ἁ ὡς οὐ δυνατὸν εἴη δὶς τὴν αὐτὴν ἐπιτεθεῖναι χειροτονίαν, οὐκ εἶξεν, οὐδὲ ἀφίκετο, ἕως αὐτὸν ὁ χρόνος καὶ οἱ συνήθεις τοῦτο πολλάκις ἐδίδαξαν.
99. Not. in Ὁ. Chalced. c. 6. (ap. Bevereg. t. I. p. 119 b.) Ὥσπερ νῦν ἕκαστον τῶν ἀρχιερέων τῆσδε τῆς" πό- λεὼς ἐπίσκοπον ὁ χειροτονῶν αὐτὸν προβληθῆναι λέγει, οὕτως τὸ παλαιὸν πᾶς χειροτονούμενος τῆσδε τῆς ἐκκλη- σίας ἱερεὺς, ἢ διάκονος, ἢ κληρικὸς ἁπλῶς ὠνομάζετο, εἰ καὶ νῦν τοῦτο πάντη καταπεφρόνηται.
1 Archierat. in c. 6. C. Chalced. ad Rit. Ordinat. observ. 3. (p. 351.) Et hanc ecclesie legem ac discipli- nam antiquam esse recte in eum canonem Zonaras animadvertit ; εἰ kal νῦν τοῦτο πάντη καταπεφρόνηται, quamvis, inquit, ea nunc plane in contemtum abierit, quod nobis per- eque legendum est.
in Κα ᾿
79
cient Church was more punctual in observing the laws, scarce ever ordaining either bishop or inferior clerk without fixing them to a certain diocese, from which, without the consent of their superiors, they were not to remove to any other.
4, And from hence arose a third rule about ordinations, that No bishop τς no bishop should ordain, or admit into his Church any clerk ‘ odin - ; belonging to another Church, without the consent of the bishop man’s clerk to whom he formerly belonged. The Councils? are very μίς την = peremptory in this decree; particularly the great Council of Nice*, and that of Sardica*, and the second of Arles 5, declare all such ordinations null and void. The first Council of Car- thage® extends the prohibition even to laymen belonging to an- other diocese : for it decrees, ‘ that as no clerk shall be received by another bishop without the letters dimissory of his own bi- shop; so neither shall any bishop take a layman out of another people, and ordain him, without the consent of that bishop out of whose people he is taken.’ The reason of which laws was, that every bishop was supposed to have a peculiar right in all the clergy and people of his own diocese; and it was very con- duciye to the peace and good order of the Church to have such rules maintained and observed. Only in the African Church the bishop of Carthage was allowed a privilege in this case, as he was exarch or primate of all the African provinces: for, by ancient custom, confirmed by a canon in the third Council of
am =:
ordinations of the clergy.
τ Se me le acai maer μος
vou tov ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, οὗ ἀνεχώ-
2 Carthag. 3. c. 21. (t. 2. p. 1170
6.) Ut clericum alienum, nisi conce- dente ejus episcopo, nemo audeat vel retinere vel promovere in eccle- sia sibi credita.—Chalced. c. 20. (t. 4. p. 766 b.) KAnpixods εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τελοῦντας, καθὼς ἤδη ὡρίσαμεν, μὴ ἐξεῖναι εἰς ἄλλης πόλεως τάττεσθαι ἐκκλησίαν, x.r.A.—Arausic. 1.c. 8. (t. 3. p-1449 a.) Si quis alibi consisten- tem clericum ordinandum putave- rit, prius definiat, ut cum ipso habi- tet. Sic quoque non sine consulta- tione ejus episcopi, cum quo ante habitavit, eum, qui fortasse non sine causa diu ab alio ordinatus non est, ordinare presumat.
ὅ 0.1 ). (t. 2. Ρ. 36 6.) Ei τολμή- σείε Tis pracat TOV €V τῷ ETE διαφέροντα, καὶ Plas. τας ἐν As
αὐτοῦ ἐκκλησίᾳ, μὴ συγκατατιθεμέ-
ρησεν ὁ ἐν τῷ κανόνι ἐξεταζόμενος, ἄκυρος ἔστω ἡ χειροτονία.
4C. 15. (ibid. p. 640 ἀ.)... Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος ἐξ ἑτέρας παρρικίας βουλη- 67 ἀλλότριον ὑπηρέτην, χωρὶς τῆς συγκαταθέσεως τοῦ ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, εἴς τινα βαθμὸν καταστῆσαι, ἄκυρος καὶ ἀβέβαιος ἡ κατάστασις ἡ τοιαύτη νομίζοιτο.
ὅ C. 13. (t. 4. p.1012e.) Si aliquis [al. Si aliquo commorationis tem- pore] invito episcopo suo, in aliena ecclesia habitans, ab episcopo loci clericus fuerit ordinatus, hujusmodi ordinatio irrita habeatur.
6 C.5. (t.2. p. 1824 b.) Non li- cere [al. debere] clericum alienum ab aliquo suscipi sine literis episcopi sui, neque apud se retinere (al. deti- ΠΕΙῸ] nec laicum usurpare sibi de
IV. vi.
Carthage’, which is also inserted into the African Code, the bishop of Carthage is allowed ‘to take a clerk out of another church, and ordain him for the service of any church under his jurisdiction ;’ but an exception in his particular case con- firms the rule in all the rest.
5. Another rule for the preservation of order in this affair was, that every bishop should confine himself to his own church, and not assume to himself the power of ordaining in the diocese of another man. So the Council of Antioch’, and those called the Apostolical Canons? determined, ‘that a bishop should not presume to ordain out of his own bounds, in cities or countries not subject to him.’ St. Austin had occasion to in- sist upon this rule in the case of Pinianus, when the people of Hippo required him to ordain him presbyter against his will, and threatened, that, if he would not, they would have another bishop to ordain him. St. Austin told them”, ‘ that no bishop could ordain him in his church without first asking his leave and permission; and that having given him a promise, that he would not ordain him against his will, he could not in honour consent that any other bishop should come and ordain him.’ Socrates! says, Epiphanius took upon him to ordain a deacon
80 Laws and customs in
No bishop to ordain in another man’s dio- 6686.
plebe aliena, ut eum ordinet sine conscientia ejus episcopi, de cujus plebe est.
7 Ὁ. 45. (ibid. p. 1176 a.)... Fuit semper hzec Scena huic sedi, ‘unde vellet, et de cujus nomine fuisset conventus, pro desiderio cujusque ecclesiz ordinare episcopum.—Conf. Cod. Eccles. Afric. c. 55. (ibid. P. 1078 e.) Περὲ τοῦ ἐξεῖναι τῷ ἐπισκό- πῳ Καρχηδόνος, ὅθεν θέλει, κλήρικον χειροτονεῖν.--- .—Vid. ibid. (p. 1079 b.) Aci ὑπῆρξεν ἡ ἡ αὐθεντία αὕτη τῷ θ όνῳ τούτῳ, ἵνα ὅθεν ἦλθε, [8]. ἤδλο καὶ περὶ ᾿οἱουδήποτε προετράπη ὀνόματος κατὰ τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ἑ ἑκάστης ἐκκλησίας ἐχειροτονήθη ἐπίσκοπον.
8 C, 22. (ibid. 572 b.) ᾿Επίσκοπον μὴ ἐπιβαίνειν ἀλλοτρίᾳ πόλει τῇ “μὴ ὑποκειμένῃ αὐτῷ, μηδὲ χώρᾳ τῇ αὐτῷ μὴ διαφερούσῃ, ἐ ἐπὶ χειροτονίᾳ. τινός" μηδὲ καθιστᾷν πρεσβυτέρους, ἢ ἢ δια- κόνους, εἷς τόπους ἑτέρῳ ἐπισκόπῳ ὑποκειμένους, | εἰ μὴ ἄρα μετὰ “γνώμης τοῦ οἰκείου τῆς χώρας ἐπισκόπου" εἰ δὲ τολμήσειέν τις τοιοῦτο, ἄκυρον εἷ-
ναι τὴν χειροτονίαν, [al. χειροθεσίαν] καὶ αὐτὸν ἐπιτιμίας ὑπὸ τῆς συνόδου τυγχάνειν.
9 C. 34. [al. 36.] (Cotel. Le: 28.} v. I. p. 442.) ᾿Επίσκοπον μὴ τολμᾶν ἔξω τῶν ἑαυτοῦ ὅρων χειροτονίας ποι- εἶσθαι εἰς τὰς μὴ ὑποκειμένας αὐτῷ πόλεις ἢ χώρας.
10 Ep. 225. [4]. 226.7 ad Albinam. (t. 2. p. 367 g.) Dicebam ego quibus poteram, qui ad nos in absidem honoratiores et graviores ascende- rant, nec a promissi fide me posse dimoveri, nec ab alio episcopo in ecclesia mihi tradita, nisi me interro- gato ac permittente, posse ordinari.
11 L, 6. ce. 12. (v. 2. Ρ. 327. 19.)
- Ἡροσορμήσας τῷ ἐπὶ ᾿Ιωάννην μαρτυρίῳ, ἀπέχει δὲ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημεῖα τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ἐξελθὼν τῆς νεὼς, σύναξίν τε ἐπιτελέσας, καὶ διάκονον χειροτονήσας, αὖθις εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσέρχεται. —C. 14. (p. 330. 7. ) Παρὰ κανόνας πράττεις πολλὰ, ὦ ᾿Επιφάνιε, πρῶτον μὲν χειροτονίαν ἐν ταῖς ὑπ᾽ ἐμὲ ἐκκλησίαις ποιησάμενος, K.T.A.
SP Ee ee
ΑΝ i ie ie
ea π γυὰ ὰν ᾽
ordinations of the clergy. 81
in the diocese of Chrysostom at Constantinople; but Chry- sostom told him, ‘that he acted contrary to canon in ordaining in Churches that_were not under his jurisdiction.’ Which shews, that this was an universal law, prevailing both in the Eastern and Western Churches. And by the same rule all me- tropolitans with their provincial bishops were confined to their own province, and might not ordain any bishop in another proyince, except they were invited by the bishops of that pro- vinee to come and give them their assistance. Which rule was
‘made in the general Council of Constantinople!2, and confirmed
in the Council of Ephesus, upon the controversy that arose between the Churches of Cyprus and the patriarch of An- tioch, who laid claim to the power of ordinations in those Churches, but was rejected in his claim, because they were out of his district, and under another jurisdiction. But it is to be observed, that these rules were only made for ordinary cases, to preserve peace and a good understanding among the bishops of the Church, whilst every one acted in his proper sphere, and kept to those bounds and limits which the laws appointed. For otherwise, as I have shewed heretofore '*, every bishop was a bishop of the whole Catholic Church, and in that capa- city authorized to ordain, or perform any other acts of the episcopal office in any part of the world, upon urgent necessity and extraordinary occasions. As Athanasius and Eusebius Samosatensis did in the times of the great prevalency of the Arian heresy; ordaining bishops and presbyters in any pro- vince or diocese, though contrary to the letter of this law, in order to preserve the Catholic faith, and a succession of ortho- dox men in the service of the Church. So that this was only a rule for common and ordinary cases. And in Cyprus, Epi- phanius says!*, they did not insist upon the rule at all one
12 C, 2, (t. 2. p. 947 b.) ᾿Ακλήτους ὑπὲρ διοίκησιν μὴ ἐπιβαί- ἴαις, ἤ τισιν ἄλλαις κκλησιαστικαῖς. 18 7. Decret. de Episc. Cypr. See before, b. 2. ch. 17. 8. 9. v. 1. 204. 0. 49. ᾿ 14 Β, 2, ch. 5, V. I. p. 94. ἰδ Ep. ad Joan, Hierosol. (t. 2.
νειν ἐπὶ χε
Ῥ. 312 c.) O vere benedicta episco-
porum Cypri mansuetudo et boni- BINGHAM, VOL. II.
tas, et nostra rusticitas, sensu tuo et arbitratu digna misericordia Dei! Nam multi episcopi communionis nostre et presbyteros in nostra or- dinaverunt provincia, quos nos com- prehendere non poteramus, et mise- runt ad nos diaconos et hypodiaco- nos, quos suscepimus cum gratia. Et ipse cohortatus sum beate me- moriz Philonem episcopum, et sanc- tum Theoprobum, ut in ecclesiis
G
82 Laws and customs in IV. vi
among another, but any bishop ordained in any other man’s diocese, as occasion required, without breach of charity; for they gave a sort of general leave to one another, as finding it most expedient for the Church in that province to use such a liberty among themselves ; though they stiffly maintained their privilege against the encroachments of all foreign sees, and more especially that of Antioch..- oe. 6. The next things to be noted in this affair are such as four solemn concern the time and place of ordination. Concerning the time coal there may several inquiries be made. 1. Whether they had originally any set and constant times of ordination, as the Church now has four times a year !—2. Whether Sunday was always the day of ordination?—3. Whether ordinations were always confined to morning-service ? As to the first inquiry, it does not certainly appear that the Church had any constant annual times of ordination before the fourth century. For Habertus 16 truly observes, ‘ that then it was more usual to ordain men singly, as the present occasions of every Church required.’ Pope Leo’7 indeed derives the jeyunia quatuor temporum, the fasts of the four seasons of the year, which are now commonly called Ember Weeks, from apostolical tradition. But, as Mr. Pagi!® and Quesnel!9 in their censures of that author observe, there is nothing more usual with him, than to call every thing an apostolical law, which he found either in the practice of his own Church, or decreed in the archives of his predecessors, Damasus and Siricius. So that all other
Cypri, que juxta se erant,ad mee (t. 1. p. 57.) Per canones igitur, in-
autem parochie videbantur eccle-
- siam pertinere, eo quod grandis es-
set, et late patens provincia, ordina- rent presbyteros, et Christi ecclesiz providerent.
, 16 Archierat. part. 8. observ. 4. (p. 130.) Tunc singuli, et quidem rari, non vero tam multi ac hodie ordinabantur.
17 Serm. 2. [al. 79. 6. 1.1 de Je- "jun. Pentecost. p. 77. (t. 1. p. 316.) ~ —It. Serm. 9. [al. 94. c. 1.] de Je-
jun. Sept. Mensis. 5. de Jejun. Quat.
Temp. p. 88. (ibid. p. 363.) — It.
Serm. 7. [al. 92. c. 1.] p. 86. (ibid. 8
. 358. 18 Crit. in Baron. an. 67. n. 10.
quit Quesnellus, .... nihil aliud Leo intelligit, quam regulam ecclesiasti- cam solo usu et traditione ecclesia- stica firmatam, quomodo sepe se- plus usurpare videtur...... Fami- liare itaque est Leoni, ut cum de apostolica traditione sermonem ha- bet, de ea loquatur, quam ab Apo- stolo Petro ecclesize Romanez relic- tam putabat. Ea vero ex B. Petri traditione descendere existimavit, quze et olim observata, et decretis sancita inveniebat eorum ecclesiz sue pontificum, quorum monumenta supererant illa tate.
19 Ap. Pagi. ibid. See preceding note,
ordinations of the clergy. 83
authors before Leo being silent upon this matter, we can lay ‘no great stress upon his authority for it. Beside, he does not so much as once intimate, that these fasts were appointed upon the account of any set and solemn times of ordinations, but upon other more general reasons. So that it is not certain ‘that the Church had any fixed times of ordination when Leo wrote, anno 450; and in the ages before it is more evident she had not. For as to bishops, it is certain the Church never ‘confined herself to any set times for the ordination of them; ‘but as soon as any bishop was dead, another was chosen and ordained in his room with all convenient speed; and in some places this was done within a day or two after his decease, as ‘has been shewed in a former book2®°. As to presbyters, and deacons, and others below them, it is evident also, that for the ‘three first ages they were ordained at all times, as the occa- sions of the Church required. Cyprian ordained Aurelius a reader upon the first of December, as bishop Pearson?! com- putes by the critical rules of calculation: and he ordained Saturus a reader, and Optatus a subdeacon, in the month of August??; neither of which were solemn times of ordination. Paulinus, who lived in the fourth century, was ordained on ‘Christmas-day, as he himself?* informs us: yet neither was that one of the four days which afterwards became the stated times of ordination. The Roman Pontifical, under the name of ‘Damasus, in the Life of almost every bishop, takes notice of the ordinations, which they made in the Roman province, of bishops, presbyters, and deacons, during their whole lives ; and always the ordinations are said to be made in the month of December ; which, if that book were of any great authority, would prove, that there was one fixed time of ordination at
20 B. 2. ch. 11. 8.2. Vv. 1. p. 132. _ 21 Annal, Cyprian. an. 250. n. 20. Ῥ. 25. (p. 20.).... Mense mbri “‘Ineunte, us cum collegis suis, inconsulto clero suo, Aurelium con- ‘fessorem ordinavit lectorem, et _ ‘dem, ut opinor, ipsis calendis De- ‘cembribus, &c.
22 Thid. n. 15. (p. 19.). .. Scripsit
ea ,mense Augusto ineunte, clerum Romanum. Scripsit etiam -eodem tempore ad Moysen et Maxi-
‘mum reliquosque confessores Rome
in earcere constitutos epistolam 28. .... Ut autem he literz solemniter, juxta morem ecclesiz, mitterentur ; Cyprianus fecit lectorem Saturum et hypodiaconum Optatum confesso- rem, easque per eosdem misit ; cujus rei statim clerum suum certiorem
facit ove 29. 23 Ep. 6. ad Sever. (p. 100 ult. lin.) .... Die Domini, quo nasci carne
dignatus est, repentina .... vi mul- titudinis.... presbyteratu initiatus sum.
G2
IV. vi
Rome, but not four. But I confess, the credit of that book cannot much be depended upon for the history of the primitive ages one way or other, it being of much later date than the title pretends; and perhaps the author only spake of an- cient things according to the custom of his own times, when one of these four times might be brought into use, which seems to have been before the time of Simplicius, anno 467. For the Pontifical, in his Life?+, adds February to December, as it does also in the Life of Gelasius. And in one of the Decrees of Gelasius2> there are no less than five stated times of ordination appointed, viz. June, September, December, the beginning of Lent, and the middle of Lent, and Saturday in the evening, in all these times, to be the precise time of ordination. Amalarius Fortunatus?6 takes notice of the change that was made in the time of Simplicius; telling us, that all the bishops of Rome before Simplicius made their ordinations always in the month of December, and that he was the first that ordained in Fe- bruary. Which no doubt he had from the forementioned pas- sages of the Pontifical, which in some places speaks of one, and in others of two solemn times of ordination, but never of four ; which argues, that these four were not as yet determined when that book was written, which, with the interpolations that it has now, was not till after the time of Justinian, as learned men generally agree. So that I leave it to further inquiry, whether there were any such fixed times of ordination in the Church of. Rome, as these authors mention, for four or five of the first centuries. In other Churches we read of none; but the instances that have been produced rather prove the con-
84. Laws and customs in
24 Vit. Simplic. (CC. t. 4. p. 1066 a.) Hic fecit ordinationes in Urbe Roma tres, per mensem De- cembrem et Februarium, ὅσο. [Cf. Vit. Gelas. (ibid. p. 1155 8.) Hic fecit ordinationes duas in Urbe Ro- ma per menses Februarium et De- cembrem. Ep. |
25 Ep. 9. ad Episc. Lucan. c. 11. fal. 1 Sa (CC. ibid. p. 1191 c.) Ordi- nationes etiam presbyterorum et diaconorum nisi certis temporibus et diebus exerceri non debent, id est, quarti mensis jejunio, septimi, et decimi, sed et etiam quadragesi- malis initii, ac mediana quadragesi-
mee die, sabbati jejunio circa vespe- ram noverint celebrandas.
26 De Offic. Eccles. 1. 2. c. 1. (ap. Bibl. Max. t. 14. p. 968 c.) Primi Apostolici [al. Apostoli] semper in Decembrio mense..... consecratio- nes ministrabant usque ad Simpli- cium, qui fuit a B. Petro quadrage- simus nonus. —Ipse primus sacravit in Februario. {And Mr. Wharton in his Auctarium of Bp. Usher’s His- toria Dogmatica de Scripturis et Sa- cris Vernaculis (p. 363.) says,—Om- nes Apostolicos a B. Petro, usque ad Simplicium Papam, ordinationes tan- tum in jejunio Decembris celebrasse,
§ δ... ordinations of the clergy. 85
trary. The inquisitive reader will be able to furnish himself with many other such instances, from which it may be con- cluded, that the times of ordination were not fixed for four of Ἄ the first centuries, since no ancient writer within that space makes any mention of them. And therefore there is no neces- sity, with Baronius®? and Bellarmin?*, to make the jejunia quatuor temporum an apostolical tradition; but it is sufficient to speak of them as an useful order of the Church, founded | upon ecclesiastical institution some ages after. a 7. The same must be said in answer to the second question, Ordinations ᾿ whether Sunday was always the day of ordination? It is See
< ly given on evident, that for the three first centuries it was not. For any day of
t ;
Mr. Pagi?9 has unanswerably proved against Papebrochius, Px au from the most certain rules of chronology, that, before the time centuries. of Constantine, the ordinations of the bishops of Rome them- selyes were performed indifferently upon any day of the week, and that the affixing them to the Lord’s-day and other solemn
festivals was the business of the fourth century. So that when
Pope Leo says®°, ‘that such ordinations as were made upon
8 e—————————@eaur”d lL ly ee eee
αν a a
———— σ .νθ
a ee
adnotavit Ivo Carnotensis in Libro MS. de Ecclesiast. Offic. c. 39. Εν.
37 An. 57. 0. 209. (t. 1. p. 516 a.) Ipsa quatuor anni temporum jejunia, quz in ecclesia servari solent, ex apostolica institutione sumpsisse rincipium, sanctus Leo absque ulla
ubitatione confirmat, &c. _ 28 De Verbo Dei non Scripto, 1. 4. Cc. 3. p. 206. (t. 1. p.171 a.) Sextum mendacium est: Calixtus jejunia saree temporum instituit: ergo m est, quod sint ex apostolica traditione. Mendacium est, quod Calixtus omnia instituerit quatuor temporum jejunia. Ipse enim, in Epist. 1, dicit, se tantum addidisse unum jejunium ad tria, que antea erant. Quocirca quod sanctus Leo, Sermon. 2. de Jejunio Pentecostes, et Sermon. 8. de Jejunio Septimi Mensis, dicit, illa jejunia esse ex apostolica traditione, non pugnat cum decreto Calixti.
29 Crit. in Baron. an. 67. n. 14 et τό. [al. ΜΕ} I. p. 57.) Ante con- stitutam a Constantino Magno eccle- siz pacem, pontificum Romanorum ordinationes quocumque die indis- criminatim peracte. Hanc regulam
tertio ecclesiz seculo tot exemplis comprobabimus, ut ea in dubium revocari minime possit. In Mar- tyrologio Hieronymiano, ad diem 28. Decembris, legitur, Rome Feli- cis et Bonifacit episcopi de ordina- tione ; que ultima verba a librario corrupta et posita loco istorum, Episc. dies ordinationis, id est, epi- scoporum. Nam in Martyrologiis aliquando legitur, Ordinatio N. epi- scopi, vel episcopatus N., vel Natale
iscopatus N., vel Natale cathedre, id est, S. Petri Antiochiz. Quare S. Felix, hujus nominis primus, anno centesimo sexagesimo nono, die vi- cesima octava mensis Decembris, qu in feriam tertiam incidebat, ordinatus est. Mitto alia exempla suis locis adducenda. Post itaque tria priora ecclesiz szcula in morem inductum, ut ordinationes tam Ro- manorum pontificum, quam cete- rorum episcoporum, diebus Domi- nicis vel festis solemnioribus perage- rentur.
30 Ep. 81. ad Dioscor. c. 1. tot. (CC. t. 3. pp. 1374, 1375.) Quod ergo a patribus, &c,
86 ΤΥ. vi.
Laws and customs in
other days than Sundays were against the canons and the tra- dition of the Fathers,’ he is to be understood, as before, to mean only the custom of his own times; if yet it was the custom when Leo lived: for there is some reason to doubt the authority either of Leo’s Epistle, or that of Gelasius, who lived not long after. For Gelasius says', ‘the ordinations of pres- byters and deacons were to be made on Saturday, in the evening.’ So that either one of these Epistles is spurious, or else the custom varied in the same century in the Church of Rome. Theceree 8. I confess Gelasius is singular in that part of his decree τῇ μᾷ ies. which fixes ordinations to evening service. For though the formed in ancients were not always precise to a certain day of the year, the time of theoblation OF a certain day of the week ; ; yet they more punctually ob- ecg served the time of the day, to give ordinations at morning service. This was a very ancient rule of the Church, as we may learn from the objection that was made against Novatian, that among his other irregularities he was ordamed at an uncanonical hour, dpa δεκάτῃ, at ten o'clock, or four in the afternoon, as Cornelius, in his Epistle to Fabian®?, lays the charge against him. The Council of Laodicea®® is still more punctual to the time, that ordinations should not be given while the hearers or catechumens were present, but at the time of the oblation. The reason of which was, that the person ordained might either consecrate, or at least participate of the eucharist at the time of his ordination. Whence Theo- doret, speaking of the ordination of Macedonius the anchoret, Says it was done® τῆς μυστικῆς ἱερουργίας προκειμένης, in the time of the mystical, that is, the communion-service. And so Epiphanius®> represents the ordination of Paulinianus, St. Je-
31 Ep. 9. ad Episc. Lucan. c. 11. fal. 13.] See before, 5. 6. the last clause of n. 25, precisely.
32 Ap. Euseb. 1. 6. c. 43. (v. 1. Ῥ. 311. 34.) Οὺς παραγενομένους, ἅτε δὴ St: ἀνθρώπους ἁπλουστέρους περὶ τὰς τῶν πονηρῶν μηχανάς τε καὶ ῥᾳ- διουργίαν, συγκλεισθέντας ὑπό τινῶν ὁμοίων αὐτῷ τεταγμένων ἀνθρώπων, ὥρᾳ δεκάτῃ μεθύοντας καὶ κραιπαλῶν- τας, μετὰ βίας ἠνάγκασεν εἰκονικῇ τινι καὶ ματαίᾳ χειρεπιθεσίᾳ ἐπισκοπὴν
αὐτῷ δοῦναι, κι τ.λ.
33 ©, 5: (t. 1. p. 1407 8.) Περὶ τοῦ μὴ δεῖν τὰς χειροτονίας ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ ἀκροωμένων γίγνεσθαι.
34 Hist. Relig. 6. 12. See before, 8. 3. p. 78. 0. 98.
35 Ep. ad Joan. Hierosol. ({. 2. p- 313 a.) Et cum ministraret in sanctis sacrificiis, rursus eum in- genti difficultate tento ore ejus or- dinavimus presbyterum, et iisdem verbis, quibus antea suaseramus,
> es ασὸνς α
§8—n. ordinations. of the clergy. 87 "
“er
rom’s brother, whom he ordained presbyter, whilst he minis- | tered in the holy sacrifice of the altar. But this is to be understood chiefly, if not only, of the three superior orders of bishops, presbyters, and deacons: for as to the rest, it was indifferent what time they were ordained, so long as it was in the church in any part of divine service.
9. But out of the church no ordination could be regularly Thechurch performed. Though there was this difference between the Sg superior and inferior orders, that the one were conferred with- of ordina- 2, in the sanctuary or altar-part, and the other without ; yet they 4 Hy both agreed in this, that the church was still the proper place | to give birth to all such orders as were to be employed in any ecclesiastical service. And therefore Gregory Nazianzen justly upbraids Maximus the cynic, who intruded himself into his see of Constantinople*®, that, being excluded from the church, he was ordained in the house of a minstrel; which was also ob-
jected to Ursinus, who was competitor with Damasus for the
see of Rome, that he was not ordained in a church?7, but in an obseure corner of the hall called Sicona [ Sicina]. | 10. As to the ceremonies used in the act of ordination itself, Ordination } beside what has been noted before in speaking of each par- Sesaling at | ticular order, it will be proper to observe some things of them the altar. in general. As, first, that the ordinations of bishops, pres- byters, and deacons were always received kneeling before the altar. So the author under the name of Dionysius represents the matter in his Rationale upon the Church’s service®*. And Theodoret mentions it as the customary rite, when, speaking of , the ordination of a bishop, he says®9 ‘ they brought him to the πρὶν table, and made him kneel on his knees by foree.’,
11. Secondly, the solemnity itself in giving the superior Given by
. imposition } ) Ἵ
ἱρρυθόριαε αὖ sederet in ordine ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀποκρύφῳ τόπῳ τῆς
ἐσσι. βασιλικῆς τῆς ἐπικαλουμενὴης Σικίνης.
Ne δας sua. (t. 2. Ρ- 15 a.) —See the PS. at the end of ch. 7, ov λυπρὸν οἰκητήριον. . 102.
; 7 ge rp καὶ Θεῷ φί- ᾿ 88 De Hierarch. Eccles. c. ᾧ: n. 7.
sub fin. et n. 8. (t. 1. p. 239 d.) Τοῖς
j Aaov SF ἔχοντες τῶν ἀποβλήτων τινὰς, δὲ ἱερεῦσι τοῖν δυοῖν ποδοῖν ἡ κλίσις Κυνῶν τυποῦσι τὸν κάκιστον ποιμέδνδΑωἀι κ.τ.λ.
Κείραντες, οὐ δήσαντες, οὐδὲ σὺν βίᾳ" ooh Ὁ c. 15. (ν. 3. Ρ. 166. 33.)
Κύων γὰρ ἦν πρόθυμος εἰς τὰ κρείσ- Πάντων ..... τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον ψηφισα-
μένων τοῦ ᾿ϑείου διάδοχον, καὶ παρὰ
37 Vid. " Socrat. 1. 4. C. 29. (v. 2. τὴν ἱερὰν τράπεζαν ἀγαγόντων τε καὶ
P- 251. 34.).... Χειροτονεῖται οὐκ ἐν κλίναι βιασαμένων τὰ γόνατα, k.T.A.
a a a 7
88 Laws and customs in IV. vi. ofhands orders was always performed by imposition of hands and sts eal prayer*®, Which is evident from St. Jerom*!, who says, ‘ that
imposition of hands was therefore added to complete the ordi- nations of the clergy, lest any one by a silent and solitary prayer should be ordained without his knowledge.’ Gregory Nyssen 12 indeed tells us a very strange story of the ordination of Gregory Thaumaturgus, how Pheedimus, bishop of Amasea, ordained him only by prayer, without imposition of hands ; for he was absent, being fled to the wilderness to avoid ordination. Notwithstanding which Phaedimus consecrated him to the bishopric of Neo-Czesarea, which he afterwards accepted. But as a learned man 45. conjectures, it is most likely that he had another ordination; or if not, this act must pass for a singular instance, contrary to the common rule and established order of the Church. The Greeks call this imposition of hands both χειροτονία and χειροθεσία, as may be seen in the canons of the Councils of Nice+4 and Chalcedon*®, Yet sometimes those words are distinguished, as in the author of the Constitutions 46, where he says πρεσβύτερος χειροθετεῖ, οὐ χειροτονεῖ, a presbyter
gives imposition of hands, but plain, that imposition of hands
40 [The Ordination-Prayers, says the author in a manuscript note on the margin of the original edition, are spoken of by Gregory Nazian- zen, Orat. 19. al. 18. de Fun. Patr. The term χειροτονία occurs, (t. I. p- 286.) but Ido not find any dis- tinct allusion to the prayers. Ep. |
41 L. τό. in Isai. c. 58. p. 265. (t.4. p.694e.).... Xetporovia, id est, ordinatio clericorum, que non 80- lum ad imprecationem vocis, sed ad impositionem impletur manus: ne scilicet vocis imprecatio clandestina clericos ordinet nescientes.
42 Vit, Greg, Np aah (. a P. 544 4.) Ὃ Φαίδιμος... . ἀντὶ χει- pos ἐπάγει TO Γρηγορίῳ τὸν λόγον ἀφιερώσαι τῷ Θεῷ τὸν σωματικῶς οὐ παρόντα.
43 Cave, Hist. Liter. (ν. 1. p. 94.)
. A Phedimo, Amasez antistite, Neo-Ceesareze episcopus ordinatur, modo plane mirabili et hactenus in- audito.... Cum enim Gregorius in solitudinem secesserat, ne a philoso- phize studiis distraheretur animus, et
does not ordain. Where it is means not ordination, but some
ut Phedimi consilium evitaret, no- vas subinde latebras queereret ; Phe- dimus impetu quodam divino pro- vectus, oratione primum ad Deum conversa, deinde sermone ad Gre- gorium habito, eum, quasi jam pre- senti manus imponeret, Deo et ec- clesiz isti episcopum consecravit. Quam provinciam, Deo animum ejus suaviter disponente, Gregorius more consueto, uti credi par est, prius ordinatus, postea lubens sus- cepit.
44 Ὁ. το. (t. 2. p. 37 6.) ᾿Ἐμνήσθη- μεν δὲ διακονισσῶν τῶν ἐν τῷ σχή- ματι ἐξετασθεισῶν, ἐ ἐπεὶ μηδὲ᾽ χειρο- θεσίαν τινὰ ἔχουσιν, ὥστε ἐξάπαντος ἐν τοῖς λαϊκοῖς αὐτὰς ἐξετάζεσθαι.
45 C. 15. (t. 4. p. 763 a.) Εἰ δέ γε δεξαμένη τὴν χειροθεσίαν, καὶ χρόνον τινὰ παραμείνασα τῇ λειτουργίᾳ, ἑαυ- τὴν ἐπιδῷ γάμῳ, ὑβρίσασα τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ χάριν, ἡ τοιαύτη ἀναθεματιζέ- σθω μετὰ τοῦ αὐτῇ συναφθέντος.
46 LL. 8, c. 28. (Cotel. ν. 1. p. 411.)
οὐ Πρεσβύτερος .... χειροθετεῖ, ov χειροτονεῖ.
ordinations of the clergy. 89
was used as well as in ordination. Neither does χειροτονία always signify ordination in ancient writers; though it does most commonly so, as Fronto Duceus‘4? and other learned persons have shewed; but sometimes it denotes no more than designation or election; as when Ignatius** uses the phrase χειροτονῆσαι θεοπρεσβύτην, only to signify the election or ap- pointment of a messenger to go upon an errand of the Church. Which I note to caution the reader against mistakes committed by some authors, who confound ordinations with elections, for want of distinguishing the critical senses of words as the subject matter requires.
12. I must further observe, that as the sign of the cross was The sign of used upon many occasions by the primitive Christians so parti- ‘Be rs eularly in their ordinations; which we learn from Chrysostom, dination. who more than once mentions it upon this occasion. ‘ If,’ says he 49, ‘ we are to be regenerated, the cross is used, viz. in bap- tism; or if we are to eat the mystical food, the eucharist ; or | to receive an ordination, we are signed with the sign of the cross.’ Upon this account, Suicerus>° notes, out of the author
ΨΙ ὺν.
» ee a ΘΟ ΙΝ
τ ΕΝ “«ο““ο«ἕ«ΨοΦῳ«Φ«ῶᾶ ὙΦ ee Ηρρ«ρρρρ«““ Ὁ“
παν Le
47 Not.inChrysost, Hom.1.ad Pop.
Antioch. p. 1. (Ed. Francof. 1699. t. 6. το em Ρ. 2 b.) De ordinatio- nibus Brixianus interpres verterat, de electionibus: atque apud pro- fanos quidem scriptores χειροτονία, que proprie manuum extensionem sonat, decretum significat, vel suf- fragiorum lationem, qua in populi comitiis magistratus deferebantur, et χειροτονεῖν per suffragia creare ; sed apud Christianos et sacros auc- tores peculiariter pro ecclesiastico- rum ministrorum ordinatione sumi- tur, qui plerique per impositionem _— accipiebant potestatem,
c.
48 Ep. ad Smyrn. n. 11. (Cotel. Vv. 2. p. 38.) Ἵνα οὖν τέλειον ὑμῶν γένηται τὸ ἔργον, καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς καὶ ἐν οὐρανῷ, πρέπει εἰς τιμὴν Θεοῦ χειρο- τονῆσαι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ὑμῶν θεοπρε- πεστάτην [al. θεοπρεσβύτην κ. τ. λ.
’ * [Cotelerius reads ἐπίσκοπον in
—Ep. ad Philadelph. ἢ. το. (Cotel. ibid. p. 85.) Πρέπον ἐστὶν ὑμῖν, ὡς ἐκκλησίᾳ Θεοῦ, χειροτονῆσαι διάκο- vov* εἰς τὸ πρεσβεῦσαι ἐκεῖ Θεοῦ πρεσβείαν, k.t..—Ep. ad Polycarp. n. 7. (Cotel. ibid. p. 97.) Πρέπει, Πολύκαρπε θεομακαριστότατε, συμ- βούλιον ἀγαγεῖν θεοπρεπέστατον, καὶ χειροτονῆσαι εἴ τινα [8]. τινὰ, ὃν] ἀγαπητὸν λίαν ἔχετε καὶ ἄοκνον, ὃς δυνήσεται Θεοδρόμος καλεῖσθαι,κ.τ.λ.
49 Hom. 55. [Ed. Bened. 54.) in Matth. c. 16, 13—23. (t.7. p. 551 Ὁ.) Kay ἀναγεννηθῆναι δέη, σταυρὸς πα- ραγίνεται" κἂν τραφῆναι τὴν μυστικὴν ἐκείνην τροφὴν, κἂν χειροτονηθῆναι, κἂν ὁτιοῦν ἕτερον ποιῆσαι, πανταχοῦ τοῦτο τῆς νίκης ἡμῖν παρίσταται σύμ-
λον.
50 Thes. Eccles, in voc. σφραγὶς. (t. 2. p. 1199. n. 2.) Manuum im- positio, que fiebat ad ordinationem, σφραγίς, consignatio, dicebatur, quia
the text, but observes (see n. 95 in
loc.) Anglican. rectius, ordinare diaconum, id est, designare diaconum, qui
legationem obeat. Ep. |
IV. vi.
90 Laws and customs in
under the name of Dionysius, that the imposition of hands in. ordination was called σφραγὶς, consignation, and σταυροειδὴς, σφραγὶς, consignation in form of a cross*', because the sign of. the cross was made on the head of him that was ordained.
But no 13. As to the ceremony of unction, I have already had oc- see. casion to shew its novelty in another place 2; together with the
ΩΝ of custom of delivering some of the holy vessels into the hands of elivering ; A : vessels into the person ordained; which, Habertus says, was never used in
ΕΔ soe θῇ giving any of the superior orders, but only the inferior, by the
ters and rule of the fourth Council of Carthage, which makes that the.
deacons. chief part of their ordination. Though Habertus®? and some others question the authority of that very Council, and reckon all its canons spurious. But that only by the way.
Ordinations 14, When the ceremony of consecration was ended, it was
ara usual for the clergy then present to salute the person newly
wat 1 ordained with the kiss of peace>+. And so being conducted to
dum manum imponerent capiti, sig- num crucis etiam in capite conse- crandi faciebant. Dionysius Areo- pagita, c. 5. de Ecclesiastica Hierar- chia, p. 314, oravpoedn σφραγῖδα vocat, et, p. 312, explicat mysterium sacerdotalis consecrationis : Exact, k.T.A. See.n..54. following.
51 See the same, ἢ. 54. [Conf. 6. 5. part. 3. n. 4. (p. 237d.) “Ἢ σταυροειδὴς δὲ σφραγὶς, κ.τ.λ. Ep. |
52 B. 2. ch. 19. 8. 17. V. I. p. 239.
53 Archierat. ad Rit. Ordinat. observ. 2. (p. 323.) ....- Martinus
ecanus, 4. parte de Sacram. Tract. de Ordin. Qu. 4. Conclusione 3. Impositio manuum videtur esse ma- teria essentialis hujus sacramenti, et a Christo instituta: porrectio vero instrumentorum videtur esse acciden- talis, et ab ecclesia introducta. Con- cilium enim Florentinum in imstrue- tione Armenorum solum meminit ma- terie accidentalis, que ab ecclesia Suit instituta ; non autem substan- tialis, quam Christus prescripsit, quia hee ex scripturis et antiquis patribus erat satis cognita, non au- tem illa. Addo, si hoc argumentum valeret, posset ita optime retorqueri: Antiqua concilia non assignat aliam materiam nisi manuum impositionem. Contra que postrema Becani verba, quia proferri possent canones ordi-
nationum Concilii 4. Carthaginen- sis, in quibus porrectionis instru-. mentorum fit aliqua mentio; mo- nendus est lector, primo fieri men- tionem solius manuum impositionis. in trium ordinum hierarchicorum, episcopi, presbyteri, et diaconi con- secratione: porrectionis vero calicis et aliorum instrumentorum in alio- rum ordinatione. Secundo, canones illos primos non esse Concilii Car- thaginensis, nec temporis illius; sed ex Libris Ritualibus posterioris se- culi illuc transpositos, ut alibi ple- nius ostenditur.
54 Vid. Dionys. Hierarch. Eccles. ς. 5: part. 2. p. 367. (t. τ. p. 237 a.) Ἑκάστῳ δὲ αὐτῶν ἡ σταυροειδὴς ἐν- σημαίνεται πρὸς τοῦ τελοῦντος ἱεράρ- χου σφραγὶς, καὶ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἀνάρ- pnows ἱερὰ γίγνεται, καὶ τελειωτικὸς ἀσπασμὸς, ἀσπαζομένου παντὸς ἱερα- τικοῦ παρόντος ἀνδρὸς, καὶ τοῦ τελέ- σαντος ἱεράρχου τὸν πρός τι τῶν εἰ- ρημένων ἱερατικῶν ταγμάτων ἀποτε- eo Oevra.—Constit. Apost. 1. 8. 6. 5. (Cotel. v. I. p. 392.) Mera τὴν mpoo- ευχὴν, εἷς τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἀναφερέτω τὴν θυσίαν ἐπὶ τῶν χειρῶν τοῦ χει- ροτονηθέντος" καὶ τῇ ἕωθεν ἐνθρονι- ζέσθω εἰς τὸν αὐτῷ διαφέροντα τόπον παρὰ τῶν λοιπῶν ἐπισκόπων, πάντων αὐτὸν φιλησάντων τῷ ἐν Κυρίῳ φιλή- ματι.
es
* ¢ q
>
13:14, 15.
his proper station belonging to his office, if he was a bishop or a presbyter, he made-his first sermon to the people. But of this, as it relates to bishops, I have given an account before.
1 As it relates to presbyters in the Greek Church, where it was more usual for presbyters to preach, the reader may find ex- amples of such sermons among those of Chrysostom®> and Gregory Nyssen*®, which they preached upon the day of their ordination.
15. I cannot omit to mention one thing more, which should The anni- haye been mentioned in another place, because it was an ho- of abichop’s nour peculiarly paid to the order of bishops; which was, that Sot ae in many places the day of their ordination was solemnly kept tival. among the anniversary festivals of the Church. On these days they had church-assemblies, and sermons, and all the other solemnities of a festival. Which appears from St. Austin’s Ser- mons*?, two of which were preached upon the anniversary of his own ordination; and in another 583, published by Sirmondus, he also mentions the day under the same title of his own anni- versary. In a fourth*? he speaks also of the anniversary of Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, inviting the people to come and keep the festival in Basilica Fausti, which was a noted
- church in Carthage. Among the Homilies also of Leo, bishop of Rome, the three first are upon the anniversary of his assumption to the pontificate. And a late learned critic® has observed, that in St. Jerom’s, and some other ancient Martyro- logies, there sometimes occur such festivals under the titles of ordinatio episcopi and natale episcopatus, that is, the ordina- tion or birthday of such or sugh a bishop. Which doubtless at first were the anniversaries of their ordination, which they themselves kept in their lifetime, and which were continued in
ordinations of the clergy. 91
55 Hom. cum Presbyter esset <4 signatus, t. 4. Ρ. 953. (t. 1. Ρ. 436.)
56 Hom. in suam Ordinat. (t. 2.
. 40, .) Psy ean. 24. et 25. ex Quinqua- ginta. [al. Hom. 383. In die anni- versaria ordinationis episcopalis. (t. 5: p. 1484 Ὁ.) et Hom. 339. In die ordinationis suz, 1.(t.eod. p.1308d.)
thy Serm. 39. ex Quadraginta a
SR editis. [al. Hom. 340. In ie ordinationis sux, 2. (t. 5. p.
1gt1a.) Ep.} 59 Hom. 32. [4]. 111. de Verb. Dom. (t. 5. Ρ. 563 g-) Dies anni-
versarius ordinationis Domini Senis Aurelii crastinus illucescit ; rogat et admonet per humilitatem meam caritatem vestram, ut ad Basilicam Fausti devotissime venire digne- mini.
60 Pagi, Crit. in Baron. an. 67. ἢ, 14. (al. 18.] (t. 1. p. 57-) In Mar- tyrologio Hieronymiano, &c. See before, s. 7. n. 29, preceding.
Forced ordinations “TV. vii.
92
memory of them after death; by which means they came to be inserted into the Martyrologies as standing festivals, denoting there neither the day of their natural birth, nor their death, as some mistake, but the day of their ordination or advance- ment to the episcopal throne. But of this more when we come to speak of the festivals of the Church.
CHAP. VII. The case of forced ordinations and re-ordinations considered.
1. For the close of this book I shall add something concern- gy ing forced ordinations and re-ordinations, which were things quent inthe that very often happened in the primitive Church. For an- primitive ciently, while popular elections were indulged, there was no- thing more common than for the people to take men by force, and have them ordained even against their wills. For though, as Sulpicius Severus complains, many men were too ambitious in courting the preferments of the Church; yet there were some who ran as eagerly from them as others ran to them; and nothing but force could bring such men to submit to an ordination. We have seen an instance or two of this already® in the cases of St. Austin and Paulinus; and ecclesiastical his- tory affords us many others. For, not to mention such as only fled or absconded to avoid ordination; such as Cyprian ®, and Gregory Thaumaturgus®, and Athanasius®, and Evagrius®, and St. Ambrose; there were some who were plainly ordained
Forced or-
61 See before, ch. 2. s. 8. p. 22.
62 Pont. Vit. Cypr. (Vit. p. 3.)... Judicio Dei et plebis favore, ad offi- cium sacerdotii et episcopatus gra- dum adhuc neophytus, et, ut puta- batur, novellus, electus est: .. Cum in dilectionem ejus et honorem totus populus adspirante Domino prosiliret, humiliter ille secessit, an- tiquioribus cedens, et indignum se titulo tanti honoris existimans, &c.
63 Greg. Nyss. Vit. Thaumaturg.
(t. 3. p. 544d.) See ch. 6.8.11. nw
42, preceding.
64 Sozom. 1. 2. 6. 17. (v. 2. p. 66. II.)...Tévye ᾿Αθανάσιόν φασιν ἀπο- φυγεῖν πειραθῆναι, καὶ ἄκοντα βιασ- θῆναι πρὸς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὴν ἐπισκο- πὴν ὑποδέξασθαι.
65 Socrat. 1. 4.°c. 22. (ibid. Ῥ.
242.9.) ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ χρόνῳ ὕστερον καὶ Εὐάγριος ὑπὸ Θεοφίλου τοῦ ἐπι- σκόπου ᾿Αλεξανδρείας πρὸς ἐπισκοπὴν συλληφθεὶς ἀπέφυγεν, κ.τ.λ.
66 Paulin. Vit. Ambros. [n. 8.7 (t. 2. prefix. append. p. 3 c.) At ille cum videret nihil intentionem suam posse proficere, fugam para~ vit: egressusque noctis medio civi- tatem, tum Ticinum se pergere pu- taret, mane ad portam civitatis Me- diolanensis, que Romana dicitur, invenitur. .. Qui inventus cum cus- todiretur a populo, missa relatio est ad clementissimum imperatorem tunc Valentinianum ..... Pendente ratione, iterum fugam paravit, atque in possessione cujusdam Leontii ae viri aliquamdiu delituit,
c.
ΠῚ Ι, ἃ, and reordinations. 93
against their wills; as Nepotian, of whom St. Jerom®’ says, ‘that when his uncle Heliodore ordained him presbyter, he wept and lamented his condition, and could not forbear ex- pressing his anger against his ordainer, though that was the only time he ever had occasion to do it.’ St. Martin, bishop of ‘Tours, was so averse from taking the bishopric, that he was forced to be drawn out of his cell by craft, and carried under a guard to his ordination, as the sacred historian® informs us. And the ordination of Macedonius, the anchoret, by Flavian, bishop of Antioch, was so much against his will, that they durst not let him know what they were about till the ceremony was over; and when he came to understand that he was ordained presbyter, he broke forth into a rage against Flavian, and all that were concerned in the action, as thinking that his ordina- tion would have obliged him to another sort of life, and de- prived him of his retirement and return to the mountains. So Theodoret, in his Lives of the Eastern Anchorets®, relates the story. And that this was a very common practice in those times, appears from what Epiphanius7° says of the custom in Cyprus; ‘that it was usual in that province for persons that fled to avoid ordination by their own bishop, to be seized by any other bishop, and to be ordained by them, and then be returned to the bishop from whom they were fled.’ Which ar- gues, that forced ordinations in those times were both practised and allowed.
2. Nor was it any kind of remonstrance or solicitation what- No excuse soever which the party could make that would prevent his or- stmitted in dination in such cases, except he chanced to protest solemnly except a upon oath against ordination. For in that case he was to be tecte4 upon set at liberty, and not to be ordained against so solemn a pro- oath that
testation. This is evident from one of the canons of St. Basil, wate
dained.
67 Ep. 3. [al. 60.] Epitaph. Nepo-
tian. (t. 1. p. e.).. Presbyter or- dinatur, Jesu bone, qui gemitus, qui ejulatus, que cibi interdictio, que fuga oculorum omnium? tum pri- mum et solum avunculo iratus est. _ 68 Sulp. Sever. Vit. B. Martin. c. 7. {p. 471.) Ita dispositis jam in iti- mere civium turbis, sub quadam custodia ad civitatem [Turones] usque deducitur, &c.
69 Hist. Relig. c. 13. See ch. 6.
8. 3. p. 78. n. 98.
% ger — Hierosol. (t. 11. p- 313 c-) Nam multi episcopi com- munionis nostre et presbyteros in nostra ordinaverunt provincia, quos nos comprehendere non poteramus, et miserunt ad nos diaconos et hy- podiaconos, quos suscepimus cum gratia, &c.—See ch. 6. 8. 5. ἢ, 155 preceding.
Forced ordinations IV. vii.
94
which says7}, ‘ that they who swear they will not be ordained, are not to be compelled to forswear themselves by being ordained.’ And this, I think, also may be collected from the account which Epiphanius gives of his own transaction with Paulinianus, St. Jerom’s brother, upon such an occasion. ‘ Pau- linianus,’ he says72,‘was one of those who fled from their bishop for fear of ordination; but providentially coming where Epi- phanius was, he caused him to be seized by his deacons, not dreaming or suspecting any thing of ordination; and when he came to it, he caused them to hold his mouth, for fear he should have adjured him by the name of Christ to set him free.’ Thus he ordained him deacon first, and presbyter some- time after, in the very same manner. Which seems to imply, that if he had suffered him to have made his protestation in the name of Christ, he could not have proceeded to his ordina- tion. But it seems nothing else but such an adjuration was available to set him free: and that is a further argument that in those times men might be ordained against their wills, and yet their ordinations stand good, and be accounted as valid as
any others.
This prac- 0. But in the next age this practice was prohibited, because ne pee of several inconveniences that were found to attend it. The bited by emperors Leo and Majorian made a law with sanctions and sn tate " penalties to prevent it; for they decreed73, ‘that no one
71 Kp. Canon. c. το. (CC. t. 2. p. 1728 a.) Οἱ ὀμνύοντες μὴ καταδέχε- σθαι τὴν χειροτονίαν, ἐξομνύμενοι μὴ ἀναγκαζέσθωσαν ἐπιορκεῖν.
72 Ep. ad Joan. Hierosol. (t. 2. Ρ. 312 c.) Quum igitur celebraretur collecta. in ecclesia ville, que est juxta monasterium nostrum, igno- rantem eum, et nullam penitus ha- béentem suspicionem, per multos diaconos apprehendi jussimus, et teneri os ejus, ne forte liberari se cupiens adjuraret nos per nomen Christi, et primum diaconum ordi- navimus, proponentes ei timorem Dei, et compellentes ut ministraret. .... Et cum ministraret in sanctis sacrificiis, rursus eum ingenti diffi- cultate, tento ore ejus, ordinavimus presbyterum, &c.
73 Novel. 2. ad calc. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 34,) Ad suscipien-
dum clericatus officium unicuique nos optionem dedisse, non legem: quia quamlibet sanctum onus, ut volentibus patimur imponi, ita ab invitis jubemus arceri. Nonnullo- rum enim persuasio sacerdotum re- luctantibus onus istud imponit, ut improvidas mentes, violentiz inter- cedentis offensa, ad odium pie reli- gionis instituat. Eo ergo licentiam hujus presumptionis excludimus, ut si quispiam probatus fuerit, vi coac- tus, sub contumelia publica clerica- tus officia suscepisse, spontaneis ac- cusationibus, vel si ipse voluerit allegare perpessa, licentiam commo- demus apud judices competentes hujusmodi admissa damnare: ut si inter leges objecta constiterint de- cem libras auri archidiaconus coga- tur inferre ei, qui pertulerit exsol- vendas: dehinc si ille desistit, accu-
and reordinations. 95
3,4. ' ‘should be ordained against his will And, ‘whereas some and canons bishops did impose the burthen of orders upon men against near ‘their consent they granted liberty in that case, either to the party himself or any other accuser to bring an action at law ᾿ ‘against the archdeacon; who was liable to be fined ten pounds ‘of gold, to be paid to the injured party, or to the informers, or ‘to the states of the city. The bishop also was to be censured ‘by his superiors, and the party ordained to be set at liberty, as if he had never been ordained.’ Pursuant to this law, John, ‘bishop of Ravenna, for a transgression of this kind, was ‘threatened to be deprived of the power of ordination by Sim- *plicius7*, bishop of Rome, anno 482. And the third Council of Orleans75, anno 538, made a decree for the French Churches, “that if any bishop ordained a clerk against his will, he should do ‘penance for the fact a whole year, and remain suspended from ‘his office till that term was expired.’ So great an alteration ‘was there made in one age in the rules and practice of the ‘Church from what they had been in the former. 4. But I must note, that, after this correction was made, Yet a bi- ‘there was still some difference to be observed between the rendey forced ordination of a bishop, and that of an inferior clerk, gainst his ‘presbyter, deacon, or. any other. For though the foremen- μέσο "Ὡς ‘tioned imperial law gave liberty to all inferiors so ordained to πον relinquish their office which was forced upon them, if they” * pleased, and betake themselves to a secular life again, yet it peremptorily denied this privilege to bishops, decreeing7®, ‘that their ordination should stand good, and that no action brought against their ordainers should be of force to evacuate -or disannul their consecration.’ Which seems to be grounded
-satoris censibus et civitatis ordini num, invitum facere forte credide-
profuturas: illo suze reddito volun- tati, qui coactus non potuit conse- crari. Et quia ab ejusmodi ausu nec episcopum a verecundia esse convenit alienum, ad apostolice sedis devocetur antistitem. In illa reverendissima sede notam illicite
_ preesumptionis incurrat.
74 Ep. 2. ad Joan. Ravenn. (CC.
«ἔν, 4. p. 1069 c.) Denuntiamus au- tem quod si posthac quidquam tale
presumpseris, et aliquem seu episco- pum, seu presbyterum, seu diaco-
ris, ordinationes tibi Ravennatis ec- clesiz vel A°miliensis noveris aufe- rendas.
75 Ὁ, 7. (t.5. p. 297 6.) Episcopus qui invitum vel reclamantem pre- sumpserit ordinare, annuali poeni- tentiz subditus missas facere non presumat.
76 Leo, Novel. 2. ad calc. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 34.) Si qui sane episcopus invitus fuerit ordina- tus, hanc consecrationem nulla vio- lari accusatione permittimus,
Forced ordinations IV. vii.
96
upon that ancient rule of the Church, mentioned in the Council of Antioch77, and confirmed in the Council of Chalcedon’, ‘that if any bishop was ordained to a church, to which he refused to go, he should be excommunicated till he complied, or something were determined in his case by a provincial synod.’ Which seems to authorize the using a sort of violence in compelling men to undergo the burden of the episcopal function ; agreeably to that other law of Leo and Anthemius in the Justinian Code79, which puts this among other qualifi- cations of a bishop, ‘that he shall be so far from ambition, as to be one rather that must be sought for and compelled to take a bishopric.’ Such were anciently the laws of Church and State relating to forced ordinations.
5. As to re-ordinations, before we can answer to the question about them, we must distinguish between the orders that were given regularly and canonically by persons rightly qualified in the Church, and such as were given irregularly by persons unqualified, or by heretics and schismatics out of the Church. As to such orders as were given regularly in the Church, they were supposed, like baptism, to impress a sort of indelible character, so as that there was no necessity upon any occasion to repeat them; but on the contrary it was deemed a criminal act so to do. The third Council of Carthage®°, following the steps of the plenary Council of Capua, or Capsa, decreed, ‘that it was equally unlawful to re-baptize and re-ordain.’ And those called the Apostolical Canons*! make it deposition
Re-ordina- tions gene- rally con- demned.
80 C, 38. (t. 2, p. 1172 6.) Illud
πες ἘΠ be Boe 569 a.) Εἴ tis autem suggerimus, mandatum nobis,
ἐπίσκοπος χειροθεσίαν ἐ ἐπισκόπου λα-
βὼν, καὶ ὁρισθεὶς προεστάναι λαοῦ, μὴ καταδέξοιτο τὴν λειτουργίαν, μηδὲ πείθοιτο ἀπιέναι εἰς τὴν ἐγχειρισθεῖ- ~ ail αὐτῷ ἐκκλησίαν, τοῦτον εἶναι ἀκοινώνητον, ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἀναγκασθεὶς ay ταδέξοιτο, ἢ ὁρίσοι τι “περὶ αὐτοῦ ἡ τελεία σύνοδος τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἐπισκόπ. Ων.
78 Act. 11. (t. 4. p. 691 c.) In the same words as the preceding quota- tion.
79L. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 30. (t. 4. p. 95.) Tantum ab ambitu
ebet esse sepositus, ut queratur cogendus, rogatus recedat, invitatus effugiat: sola illi suffragetur neces- sitas excusandi.
quod etiam in Capuensi [al. Cap- sensi] plenaria synodo videtur sta- tutum: non liceat fieri rebaptizatio- nes et reordinationes, vel transla- tiones episcoporum.
81 C. 67. [al. 68.] (Cotel. [c. 60. | v. I. p. 440.) Et tis ἐπίσκοπος, ἢ πρεσβύτερος, ἢ διάκονος δευτέραν χειροτονίαν δέξεται. παρά τινος, κα- θαιρείσθω καὶ αὐτὸς, καὶ δ᾽ χειρο- τονήσας" εἰ "μὴ δείξοι [8]. μήγε ἄρα συσταίη), ὅτι παρὰ αἱρετικῶν ἔχει τὴν χειροτονίαν. Τοὺς γὰρ παρὰ τῶν τοιούτων ᾿βαπτισθέντας ἢ ἢ χειροτονη- θέντας, οὔτε πιστοὺς, οὔτε κληρικοὺς εἶναι δυνατόν.
and reordinations. 97
δ 5,6.
both for the ordainer and ordained to give or receive a second
ordination. St. Austin®? says it was not the custom of the
Catholic Church to repeat either orders or baptism. For men | _ did not lose their orders 53, as to the internal character and : virtue, though they were suspended from the execution of their office for some misdemeanour. Optatus ** testifies the same, telling us, ‘that Donatus was condemned in the Council of Rome, under Melchiades, for re-ordaining such bishops as had lapsed in time of persecution, which was contrary to the custom of the Catholic Church.’ And others** accuse the Arians upon the same account, for re-ordaining such of the Catholic clergy as went over to their party.
6. There is indeed a passage in Optatus concerning Cecilian, The pro- bishop of Carthage, which at first view seems to import, as if seg ergs Ceeilian had been willing to have submitted to a re-ordination. ἤδη Ὁ For Optatus*®® says ‘ Cecilian sent this message to the Dona- tists exa- tist bishops, that, if Felix had given him no true ordination, as mined. they pretended, they should ordain him again, as if he were
a ee
a νυν στ τε
still only a deacon.’
82 Cont. Parmen. 1. 2. c. 13. n. 28. (t.9. Ρ. 44 b.) Primo, quia nulla ostenditur causa, cur ille, qui ipsum
ismum amittere non potest, jus dandi possit amittere. Utrumque enim sacramentum est: et quadam consecratione utrumque homini da- tur ; illud cum baptizatur, istud cum ordinatur: ideoque in catholica u-
ere non licet iterari.
_ 88 De Bon. Conjugal. c. 24. (t. 6. p- 247 a.) Manet in illis ordinatis sacramentu
τῇ ordinationis ; et, si
aliqua culpa quisquam ab officio
removeatur, sacramento Domini se-
Quod confessus sit se rebaptizasse, et episcopis lapsis manum imposu- isse ; ab ecclesia alienum est. 85 Vid. Vales. Not. in Sozom. 1. 6. c. 26. (ν. 2. p.253-n. 4.) Porro Ariani non solum rebaptizabant Catholicos, sed etiam clericos eorum ad se ve- nientes iterum ordinabant. Cujus rei insigne exemplum habemus in Libello Precum Marcellini presby- teri, p. 81, sub finem: Hic est egre-
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
But St. Austin 57, who perhaps best under-
gius et sanctissimus ille episcopus, qui cum fuisset primum a catholicis episcopis ordinatus episcopus, postea ab impio Georgio in laicorum nume- rum redactus, nihilominus ab ipso Georgio episcopus ordinatus est, in vexatione fidelium. Et paulo post: Nisi quia atrocius gessit Theodorus, cum de episcopo catholico fit laicus, piam damnans fidem, et subscribens Ariane impietati, ut ab heretico ite- rum episcopus ordinetur. Idem quo- que testatur Hieronymus in Chro- nico, de illo Hierosolymitano loquens. Cyrillus, inquit, cum a Mazximo fuisset presbyter ordinatus, et post mortem ejus ita ei ab Acacio epscopo Cesariensi et ceteris Aria- nis episcopatus promitteretur, si or- dinationem Mazimi repudiasset, dia- conus in ecclesia ministravit. In quo Ariani Donatistas videntur imitati, qui utrumque factitarunt.
86 L. τς p. 41. (p. 20.)....A Ca- ciliano mandatum est, ut si Felix in se, sicut illi arbitrabantur, nibil con- tulisset, ipsi tamquam adhuc diaco- num ordinarent Cecilianum.
87 Brevic. Collat. cum Donatist. die
H
98 IV. vil.
Schismatical ordinations
stood Cacilian’s meaning, says ‘he only spoke this ironi- cally to deride them, not that he intended to submit to a second ordination, but because he was certain that Felix and the rest of his ordainers were no traditors, as they accused them.’ So that we have no instances of re-ordaining such as were regularly ordained in the Catholic Church; it being esteemed ‘ unlawful,’ as Theodoret8* words it, ‘to give any man the same ordination twice. Whence neither in the trans- lation of bishops from one church to another do we ever read of a new ordination, but only of an enthronization or instal- ment; as of a new matriculation of presbyters and deacons, when they were taken out of one church to be settled in another. Cyprian89, speaking of his admission of Numidicus into his own church from another, where he was presbyter before, does not say he gave him a new ordination, but ‘ only a name and a seat among the presbyters of Carthage.’ And this was the constant practice of the Church in all such cases, for any thing that appears to the contrary.
Schismatics ἢ. As to such as were ordained out of the Church by soe. schismatical or heretical bishops, the case was a little different. ed.
For the Church did not always allow of their ordinations, but sometimes, for discipline’s sake, and to put a mark of infamy upon their errors, made them take a new ordination. This was decreed by the great Council of Nice in the ease of those bishops and presbyters, whom Meletius the schismatic ordained in Egypt, after he had been deposed by his metropolitan of Alexandria. ‘They were not to be admitted to serve in the Catholic Church, till they were first authorized by a more sacred ordination,’ as that Council words it in her Synodical Epistle or Directions to the Church of Alexandria. In pur-
3. c. 16. (t.9. p. 571 b.) Dixerunt 89 Ep. 35. [al. 40.] (p. 225.).....
etiam scripsisse Duantnie, quod Ce-
cilianus dixerit, ‘Si traditores sunt
qui me ordinaverunt, ipsi veniant et ordinent me.’ Quod quidem si dictum est, ideo dici potuit ad illos irridendos, quibus hoc mandasse
-perhibetur, quoniam certus erat or-
dinatores suos non esse traditores. Non enim ait, quia traditores sunt ; sed, ‘ si traditores sunt.’ &c.
88 Hist. Relig. c. 13. See ch. 6.
5. 3. p. 78. n. 98.
Admonitos nos et instructos sciatis dignatione divina, ut Numidicus presbyter adscribatur presbyterorum Carthaginiensium numero, et nobis- cum sedeat in clero.
90 Ap. Socrat. 1. I. 6. 9. (v.2. p. 27. 26.) Τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατασταθέν- Tas, μυστικωτέρᾳ χειροτονίᾳ βεβαιω- θέντας, κοινωνῆσαι ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε ἔχειν μὲν αὐτοὺς τὴν τιμὴν καὶ λει- τουργίαν, δευτέρους δὲ εἶναι ἐξάπαν- TOS πάντων τῶν ἐν ἑκάστῃ παροικίᾳ τε
eet
— ew
99
suance of this decree, Theodore, bishop of Oxyrinchus, re- ordained the Meletian presbyters upon their return to the Church; as Valesius?? shews out of Marcellinus, and Fausti- nus’s Petition to the emperor Theodosius: and other learned men are of the same opinion. Yet in some cases the Church consented to receive schismatical bishops and presbyters with- out obliging them to take a new ordination. As in Afric, St. Austin % assures us, it was the custom to allow of the ordi- nations of the Donatists, and to admit them to officiate in what- eyer station they served before their return to the unity of the Church, without repeating their ordination any more than their baptism. He repeats this in several places of his writings. And that it was so, appears both from the canons of the African Councils‘, and the concessions made in the Collation
and reordinations.
of Carthage 95, where the proposal was, ‘that the Donatist
καὶ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐξεταζομένων, τῶν ὑπὸ γοῦ void i καὶ συλλειτουργοῦ ἡμῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου προκεχειρισμένων. 91 Not. in Theodor. 1. 1. ς. 9. (v. 3. Ρ. 32. n. 2.).... Falsum est, asserunt viri doctissimi, eccle-
siam illis temporibus non probasse inationes episcoporum et pres- byterorum. Certe Marcellinus pres- byter in Libello Precum, quem ob- tulit Theodosio imperatori, diserte testatur Theodorum, Catholicum epi- scopum urbis Oxyrinchi, reordinasse pres partis Meletii. Sic enim scribit p. 83: Sane hinc vult se Ca- tholicum videri, quod et ipse quosdam nunc presbyteros seu diaconos Apol- lonit facit suasu quodam laicos, et eos iterum ordinat, ut videatur tur- pissime istius ordinationis vicem re- Serre, quam passus est. Theodorus igitur Catholicus, cum Meletianos presbyteros iterum ordinavit, in eo secutus videtur decretum synodi
Nicene. 92 Du Pin, Bibliothéque, Cent. 4. p. 251. (t. 2. p. 315.) Le concile... it a ice, &c. and note I p- 319.) on the words,—Qui est une espece de réordination. _ % Cont. Parmen. 1. 2. c. 13. (t. 9. p- 44 ¢.)....Si visum est opus esse ut eadem officia gererent ἐν gere- bant, non sunt rursum ordinati, sed sicut baptismus in eis, ita ordinatio
mansit integra, &c.—Cont. Cres- con. l. 2. c. 11. (t. 9. ie 415 6.) Quamvis enim cum apud vos ordi- nantur, non super eos invocetur nomen Donati sed Dei: tamen ita suscipiuntur, ut videtur paci et uti- litati ecclesize convenire.—Conf. Ep. 50. ad Bonifac. See n. 96, next page. —lIt. Ep. ay 270. [al. 43. ¢. 5-] (t. 2. μιῇ ς.) Et tamen qualis ipsius Beati Melchiadis ultima est prolata sententia, quam innocens, quam in- tegra, quam provida atque pacifica ; qua neque collegas, in quibus nihil constiterat, de collegio suo ausus est removere, et Donato solo, quem to- tius mali principem invenerat, ma- xime culpato, sanitatis recuperandze optionem liberam ceteris fecit, - tus communicatorias literas mittere etiam iis, quos a Majorino ordinatos esse constaret : &c.
94 Cod. Eccles. Afric. ec. 69 et 70. [4]. c. 68.] (t. 2. p. rogr a.) Av αὐ- τῶν τῶν Δονατιστῶν, οἵτινες δήποτε κληρικοὶ διορθουμένης τῆς βουλῆς πρὸς τὴν καθολικὴν ἑνότητα μετελθεῖν θελήσοιεν ...... ἐν ταῖς ἰδίαις τιμαῖς αὐτοὺς ἀναδεχθῆναι, κ.τ.λ.
% Die 1. c. 16. (ibid. p. 1352 c.) Sic [ecclesia] nobiscum teneant uni- tatem, ut non solum viam salutis inveniant, sed nec honorem episco- patus amittant.
H 2
100 Heretical ordinations IV. vii.
bishops should enjoy their honours and dignities, if they would return to the unity of the Catholic Church.’ This had before been determined in the Roman Council, under Melchiades, where the Donatists had their first hearing. For there, as St. Austin informs us, it was also decreed, ‘that only Do- natus, the author of the schism, should be cashiered; but for all the rest, though they were ordained out of the Church, they should be received upon their repentance, in the very same offices and quality which they enjoyed before.’ So that the rigour of church-discipline was quickened, or abated in this respect, according as the benefit or necessities of the Church seemed to require.
Andhere- 8, And the treatment of persons ordained by heretics was tics also 5
upon their Much of the same nature. Some canons require all such erate without exception to be re-ordained. It was so in the Greek insome Church, at the time when those called the Apostolical Canons places. were made. For the same canon27 that condemns re-ordina-
tions in the Church, makes an exception in the case of such as were ordained by heretics; pronouncing their ordination void, and requiring them to be ordained again. And this was gene- rally the practice of all those Churches, in the third century, which denied the validity of heretical baptism; for by much stronger reason they denied their ordinations. Therefore Firmilian 98, who was of this opinion, tells us also, that the Council of Iconium, anno 256, decreed, ‘that heretics had no power to minister either baptism, or confirmation, or ordi- nation.’ Nay, some of those, who allowed the baptism of here- tics, yet still continued to condemn their ordinations. As Innocent, bishop of Rome, who determines against such as were ordained by the Arians and such other heretics, ‘ that
96 Ep. 50. [al. 185. c. 10.] ad Bo- baptizare. [Vid. Cypr. Ep. 72. ad
nifac. p. 87. (t. 2. p. 661 g.) Dam- natoque uno quodam Donato, qui auctor schismatis fuisse manifesta- tus est, czteros correctos, etiamsi extra ecclesiam ordinati essent, in suis honoribus suscipiendos esse censuerunt. 97 Can. Apost. c. 67. 6. n. 81. Ep. 75. ap. Cypr. p. 221. (p. 322.) Heeretico sicut ordinare non licet, nec manum imponere, ita nec
See s. 5. p-
Steph. p. 197. (p. 309.).... Si au- tem in ecclesia non sunt [heretici, ] immo et contra ecclesiam faciunt, quomodo baptizare baptismo eccle- sie possunt? Ep.
99 Ep. 18. ad Alexandr. c. 3. (CC. t. 2. p. 1269 d.).... Non videtur cle- ricos eorum [Arianorum] cum sa- cerdotii aut ministerii cujuspiam suscipi debere dignitate ; quoniam iis [al. quibus] solum baptisma ra- tum esse permittimus, quod utique
ἘΝ el eee
as.
and reordinations. 101
they were not to be admitted with their honours in the Catholic Church; though their baptism might stand good, being administered in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.’ In another place! he says, it was the ancient rule of the Church of Rome to cancel and disannul all such ordinations; though in some places, he owns?, they were allowed: for ‘ Anisius, bishop of Thessalonica, with a Council of his provincial bishops, agreed to receive those, whom Bonosus, an heretical bishop of Macedonia, had ordained; that they might not continue to strengthen his party, and thereby bring no small damage upon the Church.’ Liberius not only admitted the Macedonian bishops to communion, but also allowed them to continue in their office, upon their sub- scription to the Nicene Creed, and abjuration of their former heresy; as Socrates?, and Sozomen‘, and St. Basil®, and others testify. In France the custom was, in the time of Clo- doyeus, to give a new imposition of hands to the Arian clergy that returned to the Catholic faith, as appears from the first Council of Orleans®, which made a decree about it. But that
in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiri- tus Sancti perficitur, &c. _ 1} Ep. 22. ad Episc. Macedon. c. 5. ibid. p. 1274 c.) Anisii quondam tris nostri, aliorumque consacer- dotum summa deliberatio hec fuit, ut Bonosus ordinaverat, ne cum eodem remanerent, ac, ne fieret al, ac fieret non] mediocre scanda- um, ordinati reciperentur.... Jam ergo quod pro remedio ac necessi- tate temporis statutum est, constat primitus non fuisse. 2 [Bonosus is called bishop of Macedonia, not because he was of the province of Macedonia, but of the larger district called the diocese of Macedonia, in the Νοῦς of the Empire and the Church. Learned men were a ms time at a loss to tell what see he was bishop of. Baronius and Petavius profess them- selves entirely ignorant of it; Chris- tianus Lupus says he was bishop of Sirmium ; but since Garnerius pub- i the works of Marius Merca- tor, it appears that he was bishop of ica: for Mercator gives him the title of Bonosus Sardicensis. Ep. ]
3 L. 4. c. 12. (v. 2. p. 224. 10.) Ὁ δὲ [Λιβέριος] αὐτοὺς προσδέξασθαι οὐδαμῶς ἐβούλετο, κ. τ. A.
4 L. 6. ς. το. (ibid. p. 231. 36.) ᾿Αποκηρύττουσι .... πᾶσαν αἵρεσιν ἐναντιουμένην τῇ πίστει τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ
v....@s δὲ τούτων ἔγγραφον ὁμολογίαν αὐτῶν ἔλαβε Λιβέριος, ἐκοι- νώνησεν αὐτοῖς.
5 Ep. 74. [al. 263.] ad Episc. Occident. (t. 3. part. 2. p. 588 ¢. n. 2.) Kal οὕτως ἀπελαθεὶς τῆς ἐπι- σκοπῆς, διὰ τὸ ἐν [τῇ Μελιτινῇ προ- καθηρῆσθαι, ὁδὸν ἑαυτῷ τῆς ἀποκατα- στάσεως ἐπενόησε, τὴν εἰς [4]. δι} ὑμᾶς ἄφιξιν" καὶ τίνα μὲν ἔστιν, προετάθη αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῦ μακαριωτά- του ἐπισκόπου Λιβερίου" τίνα δὲ, ἃ αὐτὸς συνέθετο, ἀγνοοῦμεν" πλὴν ὅτι ἐπιστολὴν ἐκόμισεν ἀποκαθιστῶσαν αὐτὸν, ἣν ἐπιδείξας τῇ κατὰ Τύανᾳ συνόδῳ, ἀποκατέστη τῷ τόπῳ.
6 Ὁ. το. (t. 4. p. 1406 ἃ) De he- reticis clericis, qui ad fidem catho- licam plena fide ac voluntate vene- rint ....id censuimus observari, ut si clerici fideliter convertuntur, et fidem catholicam integre confiten- tur, vel ita dignam vitam morum et
104 FHeretical ordinations IV. vi.
perhaps does not mean a new ordination, but only such a reconciliatory imposition of hands, as was used to be given to penitents in absolution. But if otherwise, it proves that the Church had different methods of proceeding in this case, as she judged it most expedient and beneficial for her service ; sometimes reversing and disannulling the ordinations of he- retics for discipline’s sake, and to shew her resentments of their errors; and sometimes allowing them to stand good for her own sake, to prevent greater scandals, and to encourage the straying people to return with their leaders to the unity of the Catholic faith. Upon which account the general Council of Ephesus? made an order concerning the Massalian heretics, otherwise called Euchites and enthusiasts, ‘that if any of their clergy would return to the Church, and in writing anathema- tize their former errors, they should continue in the same station they were in before; otherwise they should be de- graded, and enjoy neither clerical promotion nor communion in the Church.’ The Council of Nice® is thought to have made the like decree in favour of the Novatian clergy, only giving them a reconciliatory imposition of hands by way of abso- lution, not re-ordination. And there is nothing more certain, than that the African fathers so treated the Donatists. Parti- cularly St. Austin, in all his writings, pleads as much for the validity of heretical ordinations as heretical baptism; and says further?, ‘that when the Church judged it expedient not to suffer the Donatist bishops to officiate upon their return io the
actuum probitate custodiunt, offi- cium, quo eos episcopus dignos esse censuerit, cum impositz manus be- nedictione suscipiant. 7 Act. 7. Decret. cont. Messa- lianitas. (t..3. p. 809 b. 6.) Placuit .ut omnes, qui per universam provinciam heeretici Messaliani vel Enthusiastz sunt, vel de ejus hzere- seos morbo suspecti, sive clerici sive laici sint, conveniantur: et si qui- dem anathematizaverint, juxta ea que in predicta synodo scripto pronuntiata sunt, in scriptis; si clerici fuerint, maneant clerici; si laici, ad communionem admittantur. Quod si renuerint anathematizare ; si presbyteri vel diaconi fuerint, vel
in alio quopiam gradu ecclesiz, ex- cidant et a clero, et a gradu, et a communione: laici vero anathema- tizentur.
SC. 8. ρον 32 6.) Περὶ τῶν ὀνομαζόντων μὲν ἑαυτοὺς Καθαρούς ποτε, προσερχομένων δὲ τῇ καθολικῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἔδοξε τῇ ἁγίᾳ καὶ μεγάλῃ συνόδῳ, ὥστε χειροθετουμένους av- Tous μένειν οὕτως ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ.
9 Cont. Parmen. 1. 2. 6. 13. (t. 9. Ρ. 44 ¢.).... Et cum expedire hoc judicatur. ecclesia, ut prepositi eo- rum vyenientes ad catholicam socie- tatem, honores suos ibi non admi- nistrent ; non eis tamen ipsa ordina- tionis sacramenta detrabuntur, sed manent super eos.
+ § 8.
and reordinations. 103
Church, she did not thereby intend to deny the reality or va- lidity of their ordination, but supposed that to remain still perfect and entire in them.’ And this is what St. Austin meant by the sacrament of ordination, as he words it, or the indelible character, which was thereby imprinted; that though a man turned apostate, or was suspended or deprived for any crime, yet, if upon his repentance and satisfaction the Church thought fit to admit him to officiate again, there was no neces- sity of giving him a new ordination, no more than a new baptism, for the character of both remained entire. This was the doctrine and practice of the African Church, and most others, in the time of St. Austin.
_ [P.S. On the word Sicona or Sicina, s.9. p.87, in connection with n. 37. The author’s original edition has Sicona, which is repeated in the folio reprint of 1726, and in other more recent editions. Sicina, which Gri- schovius employs in his Latin version, seems more in accordance with the Greek of Socrates, who calls the place where Damasus was said to have been ordained Σικίνη. I have taken great pains to find some explanation or recognition of this latter term, but without success; no Lexicon, or Glossary, or Commentator affording me any information as to what this basilica or hall was, or why it was called Σικίνη. I presume it was some public building, or court-house, or council-room at Rome, and known to the contemporaries of the historian by a name as familiar then as now it is obscure. The anonymous translator of Socrates (Bagster, Lond. 1844, 8vo. p. 350.) calls it the palace of Sicinius, for which rendering he very quietly gives us no authority. ‘Truly it reads well enough in English, but is no fair version of the Greek. The historian too is speaking of a sort of Nag’s-Head-ordination, which my learned ancestor implies was the very point against Ursinus, or Ursicinus. Perhaps the term Sicinii, which is Valesius’s translation of Σικίνης, and is repeated by Reading, Cantabr. 1720, may have led the Editor of Mr. Bagster’s publication astray. But see the Vita Damasi, ap. Labd. (CC. t. 2. p. 859 6.) where we read .. Et sic constitutus est Damasus, et Ursicinum ejecerunt ab urbe, et constituerunt eum Neapoli episcopum. Binius, in his not. ad loc., says .... Pars adversa, aliquanto tempore post, Ursicinum pseudopontificem creat, atque basilicam Sicinii occupat. This throws some light on the doubtful term, and might justify a translator in rendering the passage by the hall of Sicinius, which was not a church, but a public edifice and place of business. Ep. ]
104 Instances of mutual respect
BOOK V.
OF THE PRIVILEGES, IMMUNITIES, AND REVENUES OF THE CLERGY IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
CHAP. I.
Some instances of respect, which the clergy paid mutually to one another.
The clergy 1. HAVING thus far discoursed of the necessary qualifica- obliged to .. i give enter- tions of the clergy, and the several customs observed in the — designation of them to the ministerial office; it will be proper thren tra- in the next place to speak of the respect and honour that was πε αν generally paid them upon the account of their office. Under sary occa- which head I shall comprise whatever relates to the privileges, ag exemptions, immunities, and revenues of the ancient clergy. Some particular marks of honour, as they were peculiar to this or that order, have already been mentioned in speaking of those orders; but now I shall treat of those which were more universal and common to all orders. And here it will not be amiss in the first place to say something of that courteous treatment and friendship, wherewith the clergy of the ancient Church were obliged to receive and embrace one another. Two or three instances of which it will be sufficient to observe at present. First, that wherever they travelled upon neces- sary occasions, they were to be entertained by their brethren of the clergy in all places, out of the public revenues of the Church ; and it was a sort of crime for a bishop or other clerk to refuse the hospitality of the Church, and take it from any
other. The historians, Socrates!° and Sozomen", tacitly
10 L, 6. c. 12. (v. 2. p. 327. 26.) ζούσῃ δὲ καταλύει μονῇ. .... Τὸν μὲν προτροπὴν ᾿Ιωάννου ἐξ- 11 L. 8. 6. 14. (ibid. p. 344. 1.) έκλινε, Θεοφίλῳ χαριζόμενος, ἐν ἰδια- ‘O δὲ Ἰωάννης εἰσιόντα αὐτὸν, τῇ
————_ το
ἜΚ ὉΠ ΨΎ.
§1.
ὑπαντήσει τοῦ παντὸς κλήρου
among the clergy. 105
reflect upon Epiphanius for an action of this nature, ‘ that when he came to Constantinople, where Chrysostom shewed him all imaginable respect and honour, sending his clergy out to meet him, and inviting him to an apartment, according to custom in his house, he refused the civility, and took up his habitation in a separate mansion.’ This was interpreted the same thing as breaking Catholic communion with him, as it proved in effect, for he came on purpose, by the instigations of Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, to form an accusation against him. On the other hand, to deny any of the clergy the hos- pitality of the Church, upon such occasions, was a more unpar- donable crime, and looked upon as the rudest way of denying communion. Therefore Firmilian!? smartly reproves the be- haviour of Pope Stephen, both as insolent and unchristian, towards the African bishops, who were sent as legates from their Churches to him, ‘that he neither admitted them to audience himself, nor suffered any of the brethren to receive them to his house; so not only denying them the peace and communion of the Church, but the civility of Christian enter- tainment also.’ Which was so much the greater despite and affront to them, because every private Christian, travelling with letters of credence from his own Church, might have challenged that privilege upon the ‘ contesseration of hospi- tality, as Tertullian! words it, and much more the bishops and clergy from one another. By the laws of the African Church, every bishop that went as legate of a provincial synod to that which they called a general or plenary synod, was to be provided of all things necessary in his travels from thig liberality of the Church; as appears from a canon in the third Council of Carthage, which orders", ‘ that no province should
send above two or three legates, that so they might appear ériun- litatis, ἄς, [Semler (v. 2. p. 19.)
σεν. ᾿πιφάνιος δὲ δῆλος ἦν εἴξας ! ) " ταῖς κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ διαβολαῖς" προτρα- πεὶς γὰρ ἐν οἰκήμασιν ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς καταμένειν, οὐκ ἠνέσχετο.
12 Ep. τῇ; ap. Cypr. p. 228. (p. 327.).... Ut venientibus non solum
reads contestatio. Ep
14 C, 2. (t. 2. p. 1167 c.) Placuit, ut propter causas ecclesiasticas, qué ad perniciem plebium szpe veteras- cunt, singulis quibusque annis con- cilium convocetur. Ad quod omnes
itium negaretur.
De Prescript. c. 20. (p. 209 a.) Communicatio pacis et appellatio fraternitatis et contesseratio hospita-
i et communio, sed et tectum et oe
rovincie, que primas sedes habent,
6 conciliis suis ternos legatos mit- tant, ut et minus invidiosi minusque hospitibus sumtuosi conventus plena possit esse auctoritas.
106
Instances of mutual respect
with less pomp and envy, and be less charge to their enter-
tainers.’
This implies that every Church was obliged, by
custom at least, to give them entertainment in their passage. 2. Another instance of customary respect which the clergy
were obliged to shew to one another was, that when any
bishop or presbyter came to a foreign Church, they were to
crating the; be complimented with the honorary privilege of performing
divine offices, and consecrating the eucharist in the church. This was a very ancient custom, as appears from what Irenzeus says of Anicetus, bishop of Rome, that when Polycarp came to settle the paschal controversy with him!, παρεχώρησεν τὴν εὖ- χαριστίαν τῷ Πολυκάρπῳ, which does not barely signify he gave him the eucharist, as the first translators of Eusebius render it, but he gave place to him, or liberty to consecrate the eucharist in his church. The Council of Arles 16, which turned this custom into a law, uses the very same expression about it, ‘that in every church they should give place to the bishop, that was a stranger, to offer the oblation or sacrifice.’ And the fourth Council of Carthage!” more plainly, ‘ that a bishop or presbyter visiting another church shall be received each in their own degree, and be invited to preach and conse-
crate the oblation.’
So they were to be admitted to all the
honours which the Church could shew them, the bishop was to seat his fellow-bishop in the same throne with himself, and the presbyters to do the same by their fellow-presbyters. For that the canon means by receiving them in their own degree. Which custom is referred to by the Catholic bishops in the Collation of Carthage!*, where they promise the Donatist bishops, ‘ that if they would return to the Church, they should be treated by them as fellow-bishops, and sit upon the same
15 Ep. ad Victor. ap. Euseb. 1. 5. 6. 24. (V. I. p. 249. 10.) Τούτων ov- T@S ἐχόντων ἐκοινώνησαν ἑαυτοῖς" καὶ ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ παρεχώρησεν ὁ ᾿Ανίκη- Tos τὴν εὐχαριστίαν τῷ Πολυκάρπῳ κατ᾽ ἐντροπὴν δηλονότι, καὶ per εἰ- ρήνης am ἀλλήλων ἀπηλλάγησαν, aE gw,
16 Arelat. 1. 6. 20. [al. 19.] Ut ‘peregrino episcopo locus sacrifican- di detur. [Labbe (t. 1. p. 1427 Ὁ.) reads the canon thus,—De episcopis peregrinis, qui in urbem solent ve-
nire, placuit iis locum dari ut offe- rant. Ep.]
17 C. 33. (t. 2. p. 1203 a.) Ut epi- scopi vel presbyteri, si causa visen- dee [al. visitande] ecclesiz alterius episcopi, ad ecclesiam venerint, et in gradu suo suscipiantur, et tam ad verbum faciendum, quam ad oblationem consecrandam, inyiten- tur.
18 Die 1. c. 16. (ibid. p. 1352 ἃ.) Sicut peregrino episcopo juxta con- sidente collega.
Vii
$2, 3.
thrones with them, as strangers were used to do.’ The author ‘of the Constitutions joins all these things together, saying 19,
“Let the bishop that is a stranger sit with the bishop and be invited to preach, let him also be permitted to offer the eucha- rist, or if in modesty he refuses it, let him at least be con- ‘strained to give the blessing to the people.’
8. But then it is to be observed, that these honours were not The use of to be shewed to strangers as mere strangers, but as they could γυθυναμβ ‘some ways give proof of their orthodoxy and catholicism to the enroll ‘church to which they came. And in this respect the Litera in this τοῦ
systatice, or commendatory letters, as they called them, were an of great use and service in the Church. For no strange
‘clergyman was to be admitted so much as to communicate,
much less to officiate, without these letters of his bishop, in any
‘church where he was a perfect stranger, for fear of surrepti-
‘tious or passive communion, as the Canons” call it. And
bishops were under the same obligations to take the letters of
their metropolitan, if they had occasion to travel into a foreign
country, where they could not otherwise be known. The third
Council of Carthage has a canon?! to this purpose, ‘ that no
bishop should go beyond sea without consulting the primate of
his province, that he might have his formate or letters of
‘commendation. And that the same discipline was observed in all Churches, seems clear from one of those canons of the Greek ‘Church, among those which go by the name of Apostolical 22,
‘which says, ‘ No strange bishops, presbyters, or deacons shall
19 [L. 2. c. 58. (Cotel. v. 1. p. 266.)
among the clergy. 107
(t. 2. p. 564 6.) Μηδένα ἄνευ εἰρηνι-
“Εἴ δέ τις ἀπὸ παροικίας ἀδελφὸς... .. ᾿ἐπέλθη .... εἰ ἐπίσκοπος σὺν τῷ ἐπι- ᾿σκόπῳ καθεζέσθω τῆς αὐτῆς ἀξιούμε- vos ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τιμῆς, καὶ ἐρωτήσεις αὐτὸν, ὦ ἐπίσκοπε, προσλαλῆσαι τῷ “λαῷ λόγους διδακτικούς.... ἐπιτρέ- Wes δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν εὐχαριστίαν ἀν- otoa’ ἐὰν δὲ δι’ εὐλάβειαν .... μὴ θελήση ior pad κἂν els τὸν λαὸν εὐλογίαν αὐτὸν ποιήσασθαι καταναγ- ι«κάσεις. Grischov.
20 Vid. C. Carth. 1. ¢. 7. (t. 2. p. 616 [corrige, 716] b.) Clericus vel laicus non communicet in aliena plebe sine literis episcopi sui..... nisi hoc observatum fuerit, commu- nio fiet passiva.—C, Laodic. c. 41. (t. 1. p. 1504 ἃ.) Ὅτι od δεῖ iepari- "κὸν ἣ κληρικὸν ἄνευ κανονικῶν γραμ- μάτων ὁδεύειν. --- Ο. Antioch, c. 7.
κῶν δέχεσθαι τῶν ξένων.---Ὁ. Aga- thens. c. 38. (t. 4. p. 1389 ἃ.) Cleri- cis sine commendatitiis epistolis epi- scopi sui licentia non pateat eva- gandi.—C, Chalced. c. 11. (ibid. p. 762 a.) Πάντας τοὺς πένητας καὶ δεομένους ἐπικουρίας, μετὰ δοκιμασίας, ἐπιστολίοις, εἴτουν εἰρηνικοῖς ἐκκλη- σιαστικοῖς μόνοις ὡρίσαμεν ὁδεύειν, καὶ μὴ συστατικοῖς" διὰ τὸ τὰς συστα- τικὰς ἐπιστολὰς προσήκειν τοῖς οὖσι μόνοις ἐν ὑπολήψει παρέχεσθαι προσ- ὦποις.
21 C. 28. (t. 2. p. 1171 ¢.) Placuit ut episcopi trans mare non profi-
ciscantur, nisi consulto prime sedis
episcopo, ut ab episcopo precipue flea. precipuo] possint sumere for- matam [vel ee ae
22 C. Apost. 11. [8}. 42.] (Cotel.
The clergy obliged to end all their own controver- sies among
themselves.
108 Instances of mutual respect
be received ἄνευ συστατικῶν, unless they bring commendatory
letters with them; but without them, they shall only be pro- vided of necessaries, and not be admitted to communicate, because many things are surreptitiously obtaimed.’ The translation of Dionysius Exiguus indeed denies them necessaries also; but that is a manifest corruption of the Greek text, which allows them to communicate in outward good things, but not in the communion of the Church. And this is what some think the ancients meant by communio peregrina, the communion of strangers; when such as travelled without letters of credence were hospitably entertained and provided of sustenance, but not admitted to participate of the eucharist, be- cause they had no testimonials of their life and conversation. But others give a different account of this, which I shall more nicely examine when I come to speak of the discipline of the Church, under which head the communio peregrina will come to be considered as a species of ecclesiastical censure.
4. A third instance of respect which the clergy shewed to one another was, that if any controversies happened among themselves, they freely consented to have them determined by their bishops and councils, without haying recourse to the secular magistrate for justice. Bishops, as I have had occasion to shew before?8, were anciently authorized by the imperial laws to hear and determine secular pecuniary causes, even among laymen, when both the litigants would agree upon compromise to take them for arbitrators. But among the clergy there needed no such particular compromise ; for by the
rules and canons of the Ckurch they were brought under a
general obligation not to molest one another before a secular magistrate, but to end all their controversies under the cogni- zance of an ecclesiastical tribunal. The case was somewhat different when a layman and a clergyman had occasion to go
to law together; for then the layman was at liberty to choose
[c. 26.] , ee a 441.) Μηδένα τῶν ξένων ἐπισκόπων, ἢ πρεσβυτέρων, ἢ διακόνων ἄνευ συστατικῶν [γραμμά- των] προσδέχεσθαι" (al. προσδέχεσθε' 7 καὶ ἐπιφερομένων. [δὲ] αὐτῶν, ἀνακρι-
νέσθωσαν" [καὶ ἐὰν μὲν ὦσι κήρυκες ᾿
τῆς εὐσεβείας, προσδεχέσθωσαν᾽ Co-
tel. | εἰ δὲ μήγε, τὴν χρείαν [8]. τὰ πρὸς τὰς χρείας] αὐτοῖς ἐπιχορηγή- σαντες ἢ εἰς κοινωνίαν αὐτοὺς μὴ προσ- δέξησθε" πολλὰ γὰρ κατὰ συναρπαγὴν γίνεται.
28 B. 2. ch. 7. v. I. Ρ. 105.
* [Juxt. Vers. Dionys. Exig. c. 34. (ap. Cotel. ibid.).... Nec que sunt necessaria subministrentur eis, et ad communiorum nullatenus admittan-
tur, ὅς, Ep.]
—e~-- ---
§ 4.
among the clergy. 109
his court, and was not obliged to refer his cause to any eccle- siastical judge, unless by compromise he brought himself under such an obligation. For so the imperial laws?‘ in this case had provided. Though in France in the time of the Gothic kings it was otherwise, for laymen there were not to sue a clerk in a secular court without the bishop’s permission ; as appears from a canon of the Council of Agde®5, made under Alaric, anno 506, which equally forbids a clergyman to sue a layman in a secular court, or to answer to any action brought against him there, without the bishop’s permission. But what- ever difference there was betwixt the Roman and Gothic laws in this particular, it is evident, that as to any controversies arising among the clergy themselves, they were to be de- termined before ecclesiastical judges; as appears from a canon of the Council of Chalcedon®, which is in these words: ‘ If any clergyman hath a controversy with another, he shall not leave his own bishop and betake himself to any secular court, but first have a hearing before his own bishop, or such arbitrators as both parties should choose with the bishop’s approbation : otherwise he should be liable to canonical censure.’ Which censure in the African Church was the loss of his place, whe- ther he were bishop, presbyter, or deacon, or any other in- ferior clerk, that declined the sentence of an ecclesiastical court, either in a civil or criminal cause, and betook himself to a secular court for justice. Though he carried his cause, and sentence were given on his side in a criminal action, yet he was to be deposed; or if it was a civil cause, he must lose whatever} advantage he gained by the action, as the third Council of Carthage? in this case determined: because he
24 Valentin. Novel. 12. ad cale. in er seeculari proponere.
Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 26.) In clerico petitore consequens erit, ut secundum leges pulsati forum
uatur, si adversarius suus ad episcopi vel presbyteri audientiam non preestat adsensum.
25 C, 32. (t. 4. p. 1388 ἃ.) Cleri- cus ne quenquam presumat apud secularem judicem, episcopo non permittente, pulsare. si pulsa- tus fuerit, non respondeat, nec pro- ponat, [al. respondeat, non propo- nat,] nec audeat criminale negotium
9. (ibid. p. 759 ¢.) Εἴ τις κληρικὸς πρὸς κληρικὸν πρᾶγμα ἔχοι, μὴ καταλιμπανέτω τὸν οἰκεῖον ἐπίσκο- πον, καὶ ἐπὶ κοσμικὰ δικαστήρια κατα- τρεχέτω" ἀλλὰ πρότερον τὴν ὑπόθεσιν γυμναζέτω παρὰ τῷ ἰδίῳ ἐπισκόπῳ, ἣ γοῦν γνώμῃ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, παρ οἷς τὰ ἀμφότερα μέρη βούλεται, τὰ τῆς δίκης συγκροτείσθω. εἰ δέ τις παρὰ ταῦτα ποιήσει, κανονικοῖς ὗπο- κείσθω ἐπιτιμίοις.
27 C. 9. (t. 2. p. 1168 6.) Placuit ut quisquis episcoporum, presbyte-
What care was taken
in receiving accusations of one another; which bein
against the
bishops and
clergy of
110 Instances of mutual respect
despised the whole Church, in that he could not confide in any ecclesiastical persons to be his judges. Many other Councils determined the same thing, as that of Vannes?%, Chalons292, and Mascon®°, And the Council of Milevis de- ereed3!, ‘that no one should petition the emperor to. assign him secular judges, but only ecclesiastical, under pain of de- privation.’ So great confidence did the clergy generally place in one another, and pay such a deference to the wisdom, integrity, and judgment of their brethren, that it was then thought they had no need to have recourse to secular courts for justice, but they were willing to determine all controversies of their own among themselves. And as the imperial laws did not hinder this, but encouraged it, so we seldom find any eccle- siastics inclined to oppose it, but either some factious and tur- bulent men, or such whose crimes had made them so obnoxious
that they had reason to dread an ecclesiastical censure. 5. I shall but observe one thing more upon this head, bile is the great care the clergy had of the reputation and character
g a sacred and necessary thing in
persons of their function, they did not think fit to let it be ex-
theChurch. rorum, et diaconorum, seu clerico-
rum, cum in ecclesia ei crimen fue- rit intentatum, vel civilis causa fuerit commota, si [de ]relicto ecclesiastico judicio publicis judiciis purgari vo- luerit, etiamsi pro ipso prolata fuerit sententia, locum suum amittat, et hoc in criminali actione [al. judicio]. In civili vero perdat, quod evicerit [8]. evicit,] si locum suum obtinere maluerit, [ἃ]. voluerit,| &c.
28 C. 9. (t. 4. p. 1056 a.) Cleri- cis, nisi ex permissu episcoperum suorum, secularia judicia adire non liceat.
29 Cabillon. 1. c. 11. (t. 6. p. 389 6.) Pervenit ad sanctam synodum, quod judices publici contra veternam con- suetudinem per omnes parochias, vel monasteria, que mos est episco- pis circuire, ipsi illicita preesump- tione videantur discurrere ; etiam et clericos vel abbates, ut eis preepa- rent, invitos atque districtos ante se faciant exhiberi: quod omnimo- dis nec religioni convenit, nec cano- num permittit auctoritas. . Unde omnes unanimiter censuimus sen-
tientes, ut deinceps ista debeant emendare: et si preesumptione, vel potestate qua pollent, excepta invi- tatione abbatis vel archipresbyteri, in ipsa monasteria vel parochias ali- quid fortasse preesumpserint, ἃ com- munione omnium sacerdotum eos convenit sequestrari.
30 C. pig oe 8.] (t. 5. p. 968 c.) Ut nullus clericus ad judicem se- cularem quemcumque alium fra- trem de clericis accusare, aut ad causam dicendam trahere quocum- que modo preesumat; sed omne ne- gotium clericorum, aut in episcopi sui, aut in presbyterorum, vel ar- chidiaconi presentia finiatur. Quod si quicumque clericus hoc implere distulerit, si junior fuerit, uno minus de quadraginta ictus accipiat; sin certe honoratior, triginta dierum conclusione multetur.
31 C. το. (t. 2. p. 1542 a.) Placuit ut quicunque ab imperatore cogni- tionem judiciorum publicorum peti- erit, honore proprio privetur. Si autem episcopale judicium ab impe- ratore postulaverit, nihil ei obsit,
5.
among the clergy. lll
posed to the malicious calumnies and slanders of every base ‘and false accuser. But first in all accusations, especially against bishops, the testimony of two or three witnesses was required according to the rule of the Apostle. Therefore, when the Synod of Antioch proceeded to condemn Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, upon a single testimony, the historian®? censures it as an arbitrary proceeding in them against that apostolical canon, “Receive not an accusation against an elder, but before two or three witnesses.” Secondly, the character of the witnesses was to be examined, before their testimony was to be allowed of. An heretic was not to give evidence against a bishop; as may be collected from those canons which bear the name of the Apostles, one of which*? joins these two things together ; ‘Receive not an heretic to testify against a bishop; nor a single witness, though he be one of the faithful; for the Law saith, “ In the mouth of two or three witnesses shall every word be established.’” Athanasius* pleaded the privilege of this law, when he was accused for suffering Macarius, his presbyter, to break the communion cup; he urged, ‘that his accusers were Meletians, who ought not to be credited, being schisma- tics and enemies of the Church.’ By the second Council of Carthage**, not only heretics, but any others that were known to be guilty of scandalous crimes were to be rejected from giving testimony against any elder of the Church. The first
82 Theodor. 1. 1. c. 21. (v. 3. p. 53. 2.) "Exeivns μηδένα σχεῖν μάρτυρα τῆς κατηγορίας λεγούσης, ὅρκον προὔ- τειναν ατοι δικασταί" καίτοι τοῦ νόμου διαρρήδην βοῶντος, ἐπὶ δύο
τριῶν μαρτύρων εἶναι βέβαια τὰ "λεγόμενα" καὶ ἄντικρυς τοῦ Ἀποστόλου κελεύοντος, μὴ δὲ κατὰ πρεσβυτέρου
"γινομένην γραφὴν δίχα δύο ἢ τριῶν
pov προσδέχεσθαι ἀλλὰ τῶν
"θείων οὗτοι νόμων καταφρονήσαντες,
ἀμάρτυρον κατ᾽ ἀνδρὸς τοσούτου κατ- ηγορίαν ἐδέξαντο" ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἷς εἷ-
mev ἐκείνη τὸν ὅρκον προστέθεικε, βοῶσα ἦ μὴν Ἑὐσταθίου τὸ βρέ-
os εἶναι, ὡς κατὰ μοιχοῦ λοιπὸν οἱ φιλαλήθεις τὴν ψῆφον ἐξήνεγκαν, kK. T. A.
33 C. 75. a 74-] (Cotel. [c. 67.] Vv. I. p. 440.) Εἰς ρίαν τὴν κατ
αἱρετικὸν μὴ προσδέχεσθαι, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ πιστῶν ἕνα μόνον" ἐπὶ
στόματος γὰρ δύο ἣ τριῶν μαρτύρων σταθήσεται πᾶν ῥῆμα.
34 Apol. ad Constant. t. 1. p. 731. (t. τ. part. 1. p. 234 Ὁ.) Π nxn δὲ πρὸς φανερὰν ἀπόδειξιν, εἰ καταξιώ- σειας μαθεῖν, ὅτι παρόντων μὲν ἡμῶν, οὐδὲν ἀπέδειξαν οἱ κατηγοροῦντες κατὰ Μακαρίου τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου" ἀπόντων δὲ ἡμῶν, κατὰ μόνας ἔπραξαν ἅπερ ἐθέλησαν" τὰ δὲ τοιαῦτα προηγουμέ- vos μὲν ὁ θεῖος νόμος, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ ἡμέτεροι νόμοι μηδεμίαν ἔχειν δύναμιν > ἥναντο
C. 6. (t. 2. p. 1160 6.) Placet ....ut is, qui aliquibus sceleribus irretitus est, vocem adversus majo- res natu non habeat accusandi.— (Conf. Cod. Eccles. Afric. c. 8. (ibid. p: 1054 b.) ᾿Αρέσκει.. .. rods εἴς τινα pion (al. pion] ἐμπεπλεγμένους κατὰ πατέρων φωνὴν κατηγορίας ἀποτίθε- σθαι. Ep.|
112 Instances of mutual respect
general Council of Constantinople*® distinguishes the causes upon which an accusation might be brought against a bishop; for a man might have a private cause of complaint against him, as that he was defrauded in his property, or in any the like case injured by him; in which case his accusation was to be heard, without considering at all the quality of the person or his religion. For a bishop was to keep a good conscience, and any man that complained of being injured by him was to have justice done him whatever religion he was of. But ‘if the crime was purely ecclesiastical which was alleged against him, then the personal qualities of the accusers were to be exa- mined; so that no heretics should be allowed to accuse or- thodox bishops in causes ecclesiastical, nor any excommunicate persons before they had first made satisfaction for their own crimes; nor any who were impeached of crimes of which they had not proved themselves innocent.’ The Council of Chal- cedon adds37, ‘that no clergyman or layman should be ad- mitted to impeach a bishop or a clerk, till his own reputation and character were first inquired into and fully examined.’ So careful were they in this matter not to expose the credit of the clergy to the malicious designs or wicked conspiracies of any profligate wretches whom malice or bribery might induce to accuse them. Thirdly, in case of false accusation, whether public or private, the penalty against the offender was very severe. ‘If any clergyman,’ says one of the Apostolical Canons®8, ‘unjustly reproach a bishop, he shall be deposed ; for it is written, “ Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.”’ And, by a canon of the Council of Eliberis%9, for any
36 C. 6. (ibid. t. 950 b.) Ei δὲ ἐκ- κλησιαστικὸν εἴη τὸ ἐπιφερόμενον & ἔγ- κλημα τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ, τότε δοκιμάζε- σθαι χρὴ τῶν κατηγορούντων τὰ πρόσ- ona’ ἵνα πρῶτον μὲν αἱρετικοῖς μὴ ἐξῇ κατηγορίας κατὰ τῶν ὀρθοδόξων ἐπισκόπων ὑπὲρ ἐκκλησιαστικῶν πραγ- μάτων ποιεῖσθαι" ον ν «ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ εἴ τινες τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐπὶ αἰτίαις τισὶ προκατεγνωσμένοι εἶεν καὶ ἀποβεβλημένοι, ἢ ἀκοινώνητοι. 5 ates μηδὲ τούτοις ἐξεῖναι κατηγορεῖν ἐπι- σκόπου, πρὶν ἂν τὸ οἰκεῖον ἔγκλημα πρότερον ἀποδύσωνται" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ "τοὺς ὑπὸ κατηγορίαν προλαβοῦσαν ὄντας, μὴ πρότερον εἶναι δεκτοὺς εἰς
ἐπισκόπου κατηγορίαν, i ἑτέρων κλη- ρικῶν, πρὶν ἂν ἀθώους ἑαυτοὺς τῶν ἐπαχθέντων αὐτοῖς ἀποδείξωσιν ἐγ- κλημάτων.
a C. 21. (t. 4. p. 766 c.) Κληρι- κοὺς, ἢ λαικοὺς, κατηγοροῦντας ἐπι- σκόπων, ἢ κληρικῶν, ἁπλῶς καὶ ἀδο- κιμάστως μὴ προσδέχεσθαι, εἰ μὴ πρότερον ἐξετασθῆ αὐτῶν ἡ ὑπόλη-
M55 C. 47 [al. 55.] (Cotel. v. I. Ρ. 445:) Εἴ τις κληρικὸς ὑβρίζει τὸν ἐπίσκοπον, καθαιρείσθω" ἄρχοντα γὰρ τοῦ λαοῦ σοῦ οὐκ ἐρεῖς κακῶς. [ Cotel. ὑβρίσει τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἀδίκως.
39 C. 75. (ibid. p. 978 d.) Si quis
ee νον
among the clergy. 113
man to charge a bishop, presbyter, or deacon with a false erime which he could not make good against them, was ex- communication. without hopes of reconciliation at the hour of death. Which was the usual penalty that was inflicted by that Council upon very great and notorious offenders; for which some have censured the Spanish Church as guilty of Noyatianism, but without reason, as I shall shew when I come to discourse of the discipline of the Church. Here it may be sufficient to observe, that they thought this crime one of the first magnitude, since they refused to give the external peace of the Church to such offenders, even at their last hour.
Many other instances of the like respect might here be added, but by these few the reader will be able to judge with what candour and ciyility the clergy of the primitive Church were obliged to receive and treat one another. And it would have been happy for all ages, had they walked in the same steps, and copied after so good an example.
CHAP. II.
Instances of respect shewed to the clergy by the civil govern- ment. Particularly of their exemption from the cognizance of the secular courts in ecclesiastical causes.
1. Nexr to the respect which the clergy shewed to one an- Bishops other, it will be proper to speak of the honours which were πον ἣν have done them by the civil magistrates ; which were more or less, any secular according as either the inclination and piety of the emperors ee tate led them, or as the state of the times required. These honours ‘stimony. chiefly consisted in exempting them from some sort of obliga-
tions to which others were liable, and in granting them certain privileges and immunities which others did not enjoy. Of this
kind was that instance of respect which, by the laws of Justi-
nian*°, was granted to all bishops, ‘that no secular judge
should compel them to appear in a public court to give their
testimony before him, but he should send one of his officers to
episcopum, presbyterum, vel diaco- Nulli vero judicum licebit Deo ama-
num falsis criminibus appetierit, et biles episcopos cogere ad judicium
probare non potuerit, nec in fine venire pro exhibendo testimonio;
dandam ei communionem. sed judex mittat ad eos quosdam ex 40 Novel. 123. c.7. (t.5. Ρ. 544.} personis ministrantium sibi, &c.
BINGHAM, VOL. ΤΙ. I
114 Exemption of the clergy
take it from their mouths in private.’ This law is also repeated in the Justinian Code*!, and there said to be enacted first by Theodosius the Great, a law of whose is still extant in the same words in the Theodosian Code42. But Gothofred will have it, that this law, as first enacted by Theodosius, meant no more than to exempt the clergy from being bound to give an ac- count to the civil magistrates of what judgments or sentences they passed upon any secular causes that were referred to their arbitration. And indeed it is evident that the law-terms, ad testimonium devocari and εἰς μαρτυρίαν ἐπικαλεῖσθαι, are taken in this sense by the African fathers in the fifth Council of Carthage, where it was agreed 48 ‘to petition the emperors to make a decree, that, if any persons referred a civil cause to the arbitration of the Church, and one of the parties chanced to be displeased with the decision or sentence that was given against him, it should not be lawful to draw the clergyman, who was judge in the cause, into any secular court, to make him give any testimony or account of his determination.’ This was not intended to exempt clergymen in general from being called to be witnesses in a secular court, but only to free them from the prosecutions of vexatious and troublesome men, who, when they had chosen them for their arbitrators, would not stand to their arbitration, but prosecuted them in the civil courts, as if they had given a partial sentence against them. And though it was contrary to the law to give them any such
41 L, τ. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 7. (t. 4. Ρ. 75.) Imperator Theodosius dixit, Nec honore, nec legibus episcopus ad testimonium dicendum flagitetur.
42 L. 11. tit. 39. de Fide Testium, leg. 8. (t.4. p. 327.) In consistorio Imp. Theod. A. dixit: Episcopus, &c.
43 C.1. (t.2. p. 1215 d.)....Sta- tuendum est ut qui forte in ecclesia
uamlibet causam, &c.—Conf. Cod. Raa Afric. (ibid. p. 1086 c.) Δεῖ αἰτῆσαι ἔτι μὴν, wa ὁρίσαι καταξιώ- σωσιν, ὥστε ἐάν τινες ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ οἷ- ανδήποτε αἰτίαν ἀποστολικῷ δικαίῳ τῷ ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἐπικειμένῳ γυμνά- σαι θελήσωσι, καὶ ἴσως ἡ τομὴ τῶν κληρικῶν τῷ ἑνὶ μέρει ἀπαρέσοι, μὴ ἐξεῖναι πρὸς δικαστήριον εἰς μαρτυ-
ρίαν προσκαλεῖσθαι τὸν κληρικόν" ἐκεῖνον τὸν πρότερον τὸ αὐτὸ πρᾶγμα σκοπήσαντα, ἢ καὶ σκοπουμένῳ παρα- τυχόντα καὶ ἵνα μηδὲ προσώπῳ τις ἐκκλησιαστικῷ προσήκων ἐναχθείη πε- pl τοῦ ὀφείλειν paprupeiv.—Conf. C, vulg. dict. African. c. 26. (ibid. p. 1649 d.) Petendum etiam ut statuere dignentur, ut si qui forte in ecclesia quamlibet causam, jure apostolico ecclesiis imposito, agere voluerint, et fortasse decisio clericorum uni parti displicuerit; non liceat cleri- cum in judicium ad testimonium devocari eum, qui cognitor vel pree- sens [forsan, preses| fuerit. Et nulla ad testimonium dicendum ec- clesiastici cujuslibet persona pulse- tur.
ee - “αὐ
From secular cognizance. 115
trouble, because, as I have shewed in another place“, all such determinations were to be absolutely decisive and final without appeal ; yet it is probable some secular judges in Afric might give encouragement to such prosecutions; which made the African fathers complain of the grievance, and desire to have it redressed, in the fore-mentioned canon, to which Gothofred thinks the law of Theodosius refers. But whether the law of Theodosius be thus to be limited, is a matter that may admit of further inquiry. Gothofred himself confesses that Justinian took it in a larger sense; and that is enough for me to found this privilege of bishops upon, that they were not to be called into a secular court, to give their testimony there in any case whatsoever.
2. Another privilege of this kind, which also argued great Nor obliged respect paid to bishops, was, that when their testimony was (? Se. taken in private, they were not obliged to give it upon oath, mony —— as other witnesses were, but only upon their word, as became the aa et the priests of God, laying the holy Gospels before them. For Justinian. the same law of Justinian‘, which grants them the former privilege, enacted this in their favour and behalf also. And in pursuance of that law probably the Council of Tribur+®, some ages after, decreed, ‘that no presbyter should be questioned upon oath, but instead of that only be interrogated upon his consecration, because it did not become a priest to swear upon a light cause.’ But it does not appear that this indulgence was granted to bishops before the time of Justinian. For the Council of Chalcedon 47 exacted an oath in a certain case of the Egyptian bishops; and the Council of Tyre 45 required the same of Ibas, bishop of Edessa. And there are many other instances of the like nature.
44 B. 2. c. 7. 88. 3, 4. V.1. p. 108.
wv, ἢ ἐγγύας παρέξουσιν, εἰ τοῦτο αὐ- - ides δ 2
. 6.7. (ἔ. 5. Ρ. 544.) τοῖς δυνατὸν, ἢ ἐξωμοσίᾳ καταπιστω-
itis vangeliis, secundum θήσονται, ἀναμένοντες τὴν χειροτο- quod decet sacerdotes, dicant quod νίαν τοῦ ἐσομένου ἐπισκόπου τῆς ᾿Α- noverint, non tamen jurent. λεξανδρέων μεγαλοπόλεως.
ee ee eS ΤῸΝ ὙΟΥΥ ΤΎ
46 C. 21. (t.9. p.452a.) Presbyter vero vice juramenti per sanctam con- secrationem interrogetur ; quia 88- cerdotes ex levi causa jurare non debent, &c.
Lis ty (t. tod he BET Se)» Ae:
σχήματος οἱ Bioreres. ἐπίσκοποι τῶν Alyurri-
48 Ap. pane: 9. C. Chalced. (ibid. p. 30 6.) Πρὸς τοῦτο ἀπῃτήσαμεν ἡμεῖς ν [ἃ]. ὅρκον) τὸν θεοσεβέστατον ἐπίσκοπον Ἴμβαν, ὡς πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν τῷ Hayy πράγματι λυπήσασιν αὐτὸν,
Νὰ “eri ἀντιπράττειν, ἀμνηστίαν ρεῖσθαι
12
Whether the single evidence of one bishop was good in law against the testi- mony of many others.
116 Exemption of the clergy
3. Constantine the Great granted many privileges to the clergy; but there are some, that go under his name, which were certainly never granted by him. ΑΒ his famed donation to the bishops of Rome, which Baronius‘? himself gives up for a for- gery, and De Marca 50 and Pagi>! prove it to be a spurious fiction of the ninth century, invented most probably by the same Isidore Mercator who forged the Decretal Epistles of the ancient bishops of Rome. There are other privileges fathered upon Constantine, which, though not such manifest forgeries as the former, are yet by learned men reputed of a doubtful nature; such as that which is comprised in a law under the name of Constantine at the end of the Theodosian Code®?2, where all judges are ‘ commanded to take the single evidence of one bishop as good in law against all others whatsoever.’ Gothofred is of opinion that this whole title in the Theodosian Code is spurious; and for this law in particular there are two arguments that seem to prove it not genuine. First, because Constantine himself in another law >? says, ‘ the testimony of a single witness shall not be heard in any case, no, not though
49 An. 324. n. 118. (t. 3. p. 215 by) Jam vero reliquum foret, ut .... de vulgata ila omnium ore ageremus ejusdem Constantini donatione tot tantisque controversiis agitata: sed parcimus, quod nihil preter illa, que ab aliis dicta sint, afferre pos- sumus, et eadem repetere sit onero- sum atque pariter otiosum; cum liberum sit cuique, que eo argu- mento a pluribus sunt scripta, con- sulere.
50 De Concord. 1. 6. c. 6. n. 6. (p. 806.) Alterum, quod mihi ob- servasse videor notatu dignum, nempe pallium esse genus quoddam imperatorii indumenti, cujus usum imperatores permisere patriarchis, videri prima fronte posset audacie plenum, nisi fidejussores optimos darem. Ecclesia namque Romana ita esse fatetur, que Constantini donationem, ubi scriptum est, pal- lium Romano pontifici tributum beneficio istius imperatoris, decreto Gratiani insertam suscepit. Adsen- tior sane viris eruditis, qui donatio- nem illam falsi arguunt, eo in pri- mis argumento, quod a Constantino
facta esse dicatur.
51 Crit. in Baron. an. 324. ἢ. 13. fal 16.] (t. 1. p. 400.) Donatio
onstantini prorsus supposititia, ut fere inter eruditos convenit. ...Vi- detur igitur donatio illa ab Isidoro Mercatore cum veterum pontificum pseudographis epistolis supposita. Convenit enim Isidori ingenio, stylo et characteri scribendi plane squa- lido, ac denique rationi temporis, quo primum audita, Carolo scilicet Magno imperante; cum_laudetur ab Hincmaro episcopo Rhemensi, qui tunc floruit.
52 L, τό. tit. 12. de Episc. Audi- ent. leg. 1. [al. Extravagans leg. 1. ] (t. 6. p. 304.) Testimonium, etiam ab uno licet episcopo perhibitum, omnes judices indubitanter accipi- ant, nec alius audiatur, cum testi- monium episcopi a qualibet parte fuerit repromissum.
53 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 39. de Fide Testium, leg. 3. (t. 4. p. 321.)
. Sanximus, ut unlus omnino testis responsio non audiatur, etiamsi preclare curie honore prefulgeat.
ah i eel es a a ee
§ 3, 4.
From secular cognizance. 117
the witness be a senator.’ Secondly, because the ecclesiastical laws, as well as the civil, require two witnesses, as has been noted in the last chapter; which, I think, are sufficient argu- ments to prove that no such extravagant privilege could be granted to bishops by Constantine; but I leave the reader to judge for himself, if he can find better arguments to the
4. We have better proof for another privilege that we find granted to presbyters, which was, that if any of them were called to give testimony in a public court, they should not be examined by scourging or torture, as the law directed in other eases. For by the Roman laws witnesses might be examined upon the rack, in some cases, to make them declare the whole truth; as we learn not only from the laws themselves**, but from St. Austin®> and Synesius*®, who mention several new sorts of torture, which Andronicus, the tyrannical prefect of Ptolemais, invented beyond what the law directed. But now nothing of this kind could be imposed upon any presbyter of the Church; for they were exempted from it by a law of Theodosius the Great, which is still extant in both the Codes 7, by which it also appears that it was a peculiar pri-
54 Vid. Cod. Justin. 1. 9. tit. 41. de Quest. (t. 4. p. 2427.)—It. Cod. Theod. 1. 13. tit. 9. de Naufragiis, leg. 2. (t. 5. p. 105.) Si quando causatio est de impetu procellarum, medium ex his nautis numerum na-
τῆς ἐνεγκούσης αὐτὸν ὠνησάμενον, μήτε ἡγείσθω τὶς, μήτε καλείτω Χρι- στιανόν' ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀλιτήριος ὧν τοῦ Θεοῦ πάσης ἐκκλησίας ἀπεληλάσθω πανέστιος" οὐ διότι γέγονε Πενταπό- λεως ἐσχάτη πληγὴ, μετὰ σεισμὸν,
vicularius exhibeat quzestioni, quos eum in navi, pro modo capacitatis, constat habuisse, quo eorum tor- mentis plenior veritas possit inquiri. 55 Serm. 49. de Divers. t. 10. p. 520. [al. Serm. 355. de Vit. et Mo- rib. Clericor. c. 4.] (t. 5. p. 1382 f.) Naviculariam nolui esse ecclesiam Christi. Multi sunt quidem, qui etiam de navibus acquirunt: tamen una tentatio (si esset, iret navis et naufragaret. Homines ad tormenta daturi eramus, ut de submersione navis secundum consuetudinem tur, et torquerentur a judice,
qui essent de fluctibus liberati, &c. 56 Ep. 58. (p. 201 b. 3.) ᾿Ανδρό- viKov Beas aa τὸν κακῇ Πεντα- πόλεως » καὶ φύντα, καὶ τρα- φέντα, καὶ atendévra, καὶ τὴν ἀν»
μετὰ ἀκρίδα, μετὰ λοιμὸν, μετὰ πῦρ, μετὰ πόλεμον, ἐπεξελθὼν ἀκριβῶς τοῖς ἐκείνων ἐγκαταλείμμασιν, ἄτοπα κολαστηρίων ὀργάνων γένη καὶ σχή- ματα πρῶτος εἰς g χώραν εἰσενεγ- Koy" εἴη δὲ εἰπεῖν, ὅτι καὶ μένος χρη- σάμενος, δακτυλήθραν, καὶ ποδοστρά- βην, καὶ πιεστήριον, καὶ ῥινολαβίδα, καὶ ὠτάγραν, καὶ χειλοστρόφιον᾽ ὧν οἱ προλαβόντες τὴν πεῖράν τε καὶ τὴν θέαν, καὶ τῷ πολέμῳ προαπολόμενοι, παρὰ τῶν κακῶς περισωθέντων ἐμα- καρίσθησαν, κ. τ.λ.
7 L. 11. tit: 20. de Fid. Test. leg. 10. (t. 4. p. 331.) Presbyteri citra injuriam questionis testimonium dicant; ita tamen ut falsa non si- roulent. Czteri vero clerici, qui eorum gradum vel ordinem subse- quuntur, si ad testimonium dicen-
Presbyters privileged against be- ing ques- tioned by torture, as other wit- nesses were.
The clergy exempt from the ordinary cognizance of the secu- lar courts in all eccle- siastical causes.
118 Exemption of the clergy
vilege granted to bishops and presbyters, but to none below them: for the rest of the clergy are excepted, and left to the common way of examination, which in other cases the law di- rected to be used.
5. But the next privilege I am to mention was a more uni- versal one that extended to all the clergy; which was their exemption from the ordinary cognizance of the secular courts in several sorts of causes. Τὸ understand this matter aright, we must carefully distinguish two things. First, the different kinds of causes in which the clergy might be concerned; and, secondly, the different powers of the inferior courts from that of the supreme magistrate, who was invested with a peculiar prerogative-power above them. The want of attending to which distinctions is the thing that has bred so much confu- sion in modern authors upon this subject, and especially in the Romish writers, many of which are intolerably partial in their accounts, and highly injurious to the civil magistrates, under pretence of asserting and maintaining the rights and liberties of the Church. In the first place, therefore, to have a right understanding in this matter, we must distinguish the several sorts of causes in which ecclesiastical persons might be con- cerned. Now these were of four kinds: first, such as related to matters purely ecclesiastical, as crimes committed against the faith or canons and discipline and good order of the Church, which were to be punished with ecclesiastical censures; se- condly, such as related to mere civil and pecuniary matters between a clergyman and a layman; thirdly, such as related to political matters, as gross and scandalous crimes committed against the laws, and to the detriment of the commonwealth, as treason, rebellion, robbery, murder, and the like, which in the laws are called atrocia delicta ; fourthly, such as related to lesser crimes of the same nature, which the law calls levia delicta, small or petty offences. Now, according to this dis- tinction of causes, the clergy were or were not exempt from the cognizance of the civil courts by the laws of the Roman empire. In all matters that were purely ecclesiastical they were absolutely exempt, as Gothofred*7, the great civilian,
dum petiti fuerint, prout leges pre- 57 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. cipiunt, audiantur.—Cf. Cod. Jus- leg. 23. (t. 6. p. 52.) De causis ec- tin. 1. 1. tit. 3. leg. 8. (t. 4. p. 86.) clesiasticis, ra ἐκκλησιαστικὰ ζητή-
-ὖ ee ἊΨ ee Ν
§ 5, 9, 7. Srom secular cognizance. 119
scruples not to own. For all causes of that nature were re- served to the hearing of bishops and their councils, not only by the canons-of the Church, but by the laws of the State also. 6. This may be evidenced from the Rescripts of several em- This evi- perors successively one after another, most of which are extant creas in both the Codes. Constantius, anno 355, published a law®$, lawsofCon wherein he prohibited any accusation to be brought against a mre bishop before ἃ secular magistrate; but, if any one had any complaint against him, his cause should be heard and tried by
a synod of bishops. This at least must signify in ecclesiastical
causes; though Gothofred and some others say it extended
also to civil and criminal causes; and that though it looked
like a privilege, yet it was intended as a snare to the Catholic
bishops, to oppress them by his Arian synods, in those times
when the majority of bishops in any synod were commonly
such as favoured the Arian party; and a Catholic bishop might
expect more favour and justice from a secular court than from
them. But whether this law extended to all civil and criminal
causes, is not very easy to determine :—thus much is certain,
that if it did, it was not long after in that part revoked, whilst
in the other part it stood good, and was confirmed by the laws
of the succeeding emperors.
7. For Valentinian granted the clergy the same immunity And those in all ecclesiastical causes. As appears from what St. Ambrose °,\uen"”
writes to the younger Valentinian concerning his father, say- Gratian. ing 9, ‘ Your father, of august memory, did not only say it in
a apud Basilium, id est, in qui- Constantinop. et Novella Just. 83. bos de religione agitur, seu in causa cap.1. ..quz scilicet pcenis canoni- fidei,ut Valentinianus senior, impera- cis, atque in his exauctoratione. .. toris nostri pater, in hac ipsa re lege communionis privatione exercentur. sua dicebat, teste Ambrosio, Ep.32. ἔὅ8. Ap. Cod. Theod. 1. τό. tit. 2. in princ. Dubium nullum est, eas de Episcopis, leg. 12. (ibid. p. 37.) coram episcopis et synodis dicece- Mansuetudinis nostre lege prohibe- seon audiri oportere.... non vero mus in judiciis episcopos accusari. δημοσίοις δικαστηρίοις ecclesiasticos ....Si quid est igitur querelarum, στηλιτεύεσθαι. ..... Item, dubium quod quispiam defert, apud alios nullum est, causas ecclesiastici ali- potissimum episcopos convenit ex- cujus ordinis, ut et delicta ecclesi- plorari, &c. asticorum proprie contra discipli- 59 Ep. 32. [al. 21.] ad Valentin. nam ecclesiasticam et ordinem ad- (t. 2. p. 860 c.)...Auguste# memo- missa, ibidem agitata, qui ecclesi- riz pater tuus non solum sermone astica ἐγκλήματα seu ἤματα respondit, sed etiam legibus suis delicta dicuntur Can. 6. Concilii sanxit, in causa fidei, vel ecclesias-
And Theo- dosius the Great.
120 Exemption of the clergy
words, but enacted it into a law, that, in matters of faith and ecclesiastical order, they ought to judge who were qualified by their office, and [ were] of the same order.’ For those are the words of his Rescript. That is, he would have priests to judge of priests. This law is not now extant in the Code, but there is another ® of Valentinian and Gratian to the same purpose ; wherein it is decreed, ‘that the same custom should be ob- served in ecclesiastical business as was in civil causes: that if there arose any controversies about matters of religion, either from the dissensions of men, or other small offences, they should be heard and determined in the places where they arose, or in the synod of the whole diocese. Except only such criminal actions as were reserved to the hearing of the ordi- nary judges, the proconsuls and prefects of every province, or the extraordinary judges of the emperor’s own appointing, or the illustrious powers,’ viz. the prefectus-pretorio of the dio- cese. Here it is plain, that though criminal actions against the state-laws are excepted, yet all matters ecclesiastical were to be heard by ecclesiastical judges, and no other.
8. In the last title of the Theodosian Code there is a law®!, under the name of Theodosius the Great, to the same purpose, wherein it is decreed, ‘that no bishop, nor any other minister of the Church, shall be drawn into the civil courts of any ordi- nary or extraordinary judges, about matters or causes of an ecclesiastical nature, because they have judges of their own and laws distinct from those of the State. This law is cited in Gratian’s Decree, but the words quantum ad causas eccle- siasticas tamen pertinet are there® fraudently left out, to
tici alicujus ordinis eum judicare debere, qui nec munere impar sit, nec jure dissimilis : hac enim verba Rescripti sunt: hoc est, sacerdotes de sacerdotibus voluit judicare.
60 L.16. tit. 2. de Episcopis, leg. 23. (t. 6. p. 52.) Qui mos est causa+ rum civilium, iidem in negotiis ec- clesiasticis obtinendi sunt: ut siqua sunt ex quibusdam dissensionibus, levibusque delictis, ad religionis ob- servantiam pertinentia, locis suis et a suz diceceseos synodis audiantur. Exceptis, que actio criminalis ab ordinariis extraordinariisque judi- cibus, aut illustribus potestatibus
audientia [leg. audienda] constituit.
61 [bid. tit. 12. [al. Extravagans. | de Episcop. Judic. leg. 3. (p. 311.).. Continua lege sancimus, ut nullus episcoporum vel eorum, qui ecclesize necessitatibus serviunt, ad judicia sive ordinariorum sive extraordina- riorum judicum (quantum tamen δα causas ecclesiasticas pertinet) pertra- hatur, &c.
62 Gratian. Caus. 11. quest. I. 6. 5. (t. 1. p. gor. 12.) [Neither is there any notice of the omission in the margin. Similar omissions in seve- ral authors are common in the later editions. Ep.] |
§ 8, 9, το. From secular cognizance. 121
~
serve the current doctrine and hypothesis of his own times, and make the reader believe that the clergy anciently enjoyed an exemption not only in ecclesiastical causes, but all others. I the rather mention this corruption, because none of the Cor- rectors of Gratian have taken any notice of it. The Roman Censors silently pass it over, and it has escaped the diligence of Antonius Augustinus, and Baluzius also. Gothofred indeed
. questions the authority of the law itself; but I shall not stand to dispute that, since there is nothing in it contrary to the preceding laws or those that followed after.
9. For Arcadius and Honorius continued the same privilege And Arca- to the clergy, confirming the ancient laws, ‘that whenever εἰπρίευ οὖ any cause relating to religion was debated, the bishops were to be judges; but other causes, belonging to the cognizance of
| the ordinary judges and the use of the common laws, were to
| be heard by them only.’
10. Theodosius Junior and Valentinian the Third refer to And Valen-
this law of Honorius as the standing law then in force, con- ind ὌΣ
cerning the immunities and liberties of the clergy, saying in J™sti™an.
: one® of their decrees, ‘ that bishops and presbyters had no
court of secular laws, nor any power to judge of other causes,
| except such as related to religion, according to the Consti-
tutions of Arcadius and Honorius inserted into the Theodosian
Code.’ So that all the same laws, which denied them power
| in secular causes, allowed them the privilege of judging in ecclesiastical causes; and the very excepting of other causes
is a manifest proof that there was no contest made about these
to the time of Justinian, who confirmed the privilege which so
many of his predecessors had granted before him. For in one of his Novels® we find it enacted, ‘ that all ecclesiastical crimes, which were to be punished with ecclesiastical penalties and
68 Cod. Theod. lib. 16. tit. 11. de divalia constituta, que Theodosia- F Religione, leg. 1. (t.6. p. 298.) Quo- num Corpus ostendit, preter reli- ties de religione agitur, episcopos gionem cognoscere. . convenit judicare : czteras vero cau- 65 Novel. 83. c. 1. (t. 5. Ρ. 386.) sas, = ad -ordinarios cognitores, Si vero ecclesiasticum sit delictum, vel ad usum publici juris pertinent, egens castigatione ecclesiastica et legibus oportet audiri. multa, Deo amabilis episcopus hoc 64 Novel. 12. ad calc. Cod. Theod. discernat, nihil communicantibus (ibid. append. p. 26.) Quoniam con- clarissimis nce agate Ne- stat episcopos et presbyteros forum que enim volumus talia negotia om- ibus non habere: nec de aliis cau- nino scire civiles judices, &c. sis, secundum Arcadii et Honorii
The clergy also exempt in lesser criminal causes.
122 Exemption of the clergy
censures, should be judged by the bishop, the provincial judges not intermeddling with them. For,’ saith he, ‘it is our pleasure that such matters shall not be heard by the civil judges.’
11. Gothofred® is also of opinion that some of the lesser criminal causes of ecclesiastics were to be determined by the bishops and their synods likewise. For in the forementioned law of Gratian (see before, sect. 7.) the levia delicta or lesser crimes are reserved to the hearing of bishops. And St. Am- brose 57, having spoken of the decree of Valentinian, which or- ders all ecclesiastical causes to be judged by bishops only, adds also, ‘that if in other respects a bishop was to be censured, and his morals came under examination, such causes as those likewise should appertain to the episcopal judgment.’ Which seems to put some distinction between ecclesiastical and civil criminal causes, and reserves both to the hearing of bishops and their synods. But then, as Gothofred rightly observes, this must only be understood of lesser criminal causes; for in greater criminal actions the clergy were liable to the cogni- zance of the secular judges, as well as all others. Which is freely owned by De Marca, and some other ingenuous writers of the Romish Church. For De Marca® quits the positions of Baronius and the Canonists, and confesses, ‘ that, as it appears from the Theodosian Code, that the ecclesiastical crimes and lesser civil crimes of the clergy were left to the hearing of bishops, and the synods of every diocese or province; so the greater civil crimes of the clergy, which he reckons five in number, were reserved to the hearing of the public courts and civil judges, which, he says, ‘ appears from the laws published by Sirmondus in his Appendix to the Theodosian Code.’
66 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. leg. 23. (t. 6. p. 54.).... De hujus- modi delictis episcopi quoque judices esse possunt, &c.
67 Ep. 32. [al. 21.] ad Valentin.
s. 7.) Unde in Codice Theodosiano controversie, que ad religionem pertinent, in quibus sunt crimina ecclesiastica, et minora delicta e ci- vilium numero, episcopis et cujus- O-
(t. 2. p. 860 d.) Quinetiam si alias quoque argueretur episcopus, et mo- rum esset examinanda causa, etiam hec [al. hanc] voluit ad episcopale judicium pertinere.
68 Dissert. in Cap. Clericus, ad calc. Anton. August. de Emendat. Gratian. p. 577. (ap. Oper. De Marce, Bamberg.1789. t. 4. p. 415.
τ diceceseos sive provincie 5 is relinquuntur: servata judiciis publicis atrocium criminum, que numero quinque, adversus clericos cognitione; ut docent leges aliquot editee cura Sirmondi in Appendice Codicis Theodosiani.
69 [Vid. Benign. Milletot. de Le-
gitima Judicum Secularium Potes-
§ 11, 12. Jrom secular cognizance. 123
12. Some reckon those laws to be of no very great authority, But not and therefore I shall rather choose to confirm this position from ‘tester the undoubted laws which occur in the body of the Theodosian causes. Code. Such as that of Theodosius and Gratian?°, which par- _ ticularly excepts these greater criminal actions, and reserves them to the hearing of the ordinary or extraordinary judges, or the preefectus-pretorio of the diocese ; and those other laws of Theodosius, and Arcadius, and Honorius, and Valentinian the Third, which have been cited in the foregoing sections7', and need not here be repeated. To which we may add that law?72 of the elder Valentinian, which orders ‘all such eccle- siasties to be prosecuted in the civil courts, that were found guilty of creeping into the houses of widows and orphans, and so insinuating into their affections, as to prevail upon them to disinherit their relations and make them their heirs.’ And that other law73 of the emperor Marcian, which in criminal causes exempts the clergy of Constantinople ‘from the cogni- zance of all inferior courts, but not from the high court of the prefectus-pretorio of the royal city. Which appears also to have been the practice at Rome: for Socrates?‘ observes, that when in the conflict, which happened at the election of Pope Damasus, some persons were slain, many both of the laity and clergy upon that account were punished by Maximi- nus, who was then prefectus-pretorio at Rome. It appears further from the Novels of Valentinian the Third75, that in
tate in Personas Ecclesiasticas. (ap. rum vel propinqui putaverint defe-
Monarchiam Goldasti, t. 3. p. 774. Francof. 1613. fol.) Liber prohib. ap. Soto-Major.—Cf. Be . Lau- rent. Casus, quibus Judex Secula- ris potest manus injicere in Personas jasticas: item de Privilegiis i . Paris. 1517. 8vo. Ep. | 70 L, τό. tit. 2. de Kpisc. leg. 23. (t. 6, p. 52.).... Exceptis quze actio ees — oe nen riisque judicibus, aut illustribus veuaibas audienda constituit. 2 71 See notes 61, 63, 64, preced-
"ἢ Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. leg. 20. (ibid. p. 48.) Ecclesiastici..... viduarum ac pupillarum domos non adeant: sed publicis exterminentur judiciis, si posthac eos affines ea-
rendos.
78 Cod. Justin. 1. i. tit. 4. de E- isc. leg. 25. (t. 4. p. 87.).... Qui actor] in nullo alio foro, vel apud
quemquam alterum judicem em clericos litibus irretire, et civilibus vel criminalibus negotiis tentet in- nectere.
74 L. 4. ς. 29. (v. 2. p- 252. 3:) Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ συμπληγάδες τῶν ὄχλων ἐγίνοντο᾽ ὥστε καὶ ἐκ τῆς παρατριβῆς πολλοὺς ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πολ- λοὺς Aaixovs τε καὶ κληρικοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ τότε ἐπάρχου Μαξιμίνου τιμωρη-
vat.
75 Novel. 5. de Sepulcr. Violat..ad calc. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 22.) Quisquis igitur ex hoc numero [clericorum} sepulcrorum violator
Nor in
vemses mth troversies which the clergy had with laymen.
laymen.
124 Exemption of the clergy
such criminal actions as those of murder, robbing of graves, or the like, bishops as well as any other clerks were bound to - answer before the civil magistrate by their proctors. But Justinian a little enlarged the privilege with respect to bishops, making a decree7®, ‘that no one should draw a bishop in any pecuniary or criminal cause before a secular magistrate against his will, unless the emperor gave particular order to do it.’ This was the plain state of the matter as to what concerned the exemption of the clergy in this sort of criminal causes, notwith- standing what Baronius or any others of that strain have said to the contrary. Nay, some ages after, such crimes, as murder theft and witchcraft, were brought before the secular judges in France, as appears from the Council of Mascon77, anno 581. 13. The case was much the same in all civil pecuniary con- For though they might end all such causes which they had with one another in their own courts or before a synod of bishops; and the canons obliged them so to do, as has been noted in the last chapter 78; yet, if their controversy happened to be with a layman, the layman was not bound to refer the hearing of his cause to an ecclesiastical court, unless he voluntarily consented by way of compromise to take some ecclesiastical persons for his arbitrators. This is evident from one of the Constitutions of Valentinian the Third, which says79, ‘that if the plaintiff
exstiterit, illico clerici nomen amit- tat, et sic stilo proscriptionis addic- tus perpetua deportatione plectatur. Quod ita servari oportere censemus, ut nec ministris nec antistitibus sa- cre religionis in tali causa statua- mus esse parcendum.—It. Novel. 12. (ibid. p. 26.) Quam formam etiam circa episcoporum personam observari oportere censemus, ut si in hujusmodi ordinis homines actio- nem pervasionis et atrocium inju- riarum dirigi necesse fuerit, per pro- curatorem solemniter ordinatum apud judicem publicum inter leges et ee confligant.
6 Novel. 123. c. 8. (t. 5. p. 544.) Sed neque, pro qualibet pecuniaria causa vel criminali, episcopum ad judicem civilem aut militarem invi- tum producere aut exhibere, citra
imperialem jussionem, permittimus, &e.
77 Matiscon. 1. 6. γῇ (t. 5. Ρ. 968 b.) Ut nullus clericus de qualibet causa, extra discussionem episcopi sui, a seculari judicio injuriam patiatur, aut custodize deputetur. Quod si quicumque judex cujuscumque cle- ricum absque causa criminali, id est, homicidio, furto, aut maleficio, hoc facere fortasse preesumpserit, quam- diu episcopo loci illius visum fuerit, ab ecclesiz liminibus arceatur.
78 Ch. 1. 8. 4. p. 108.
79 Novel. 12. ad calc. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 26.).... Petitor lai- cus, seu in. civili seu in criminali causa, cujuslibet loci clericum ad- versarium suum, si id magis eligat, τ auctoritatem legitimam ‘in pu-
lico judicio respondere compellat. _
Srom secular cognizance. 125
§ 13, 14.
was a layman, he might compel any clergyman with whom he had a civil contest to answer in a civil court, if he rather chose it.’ And the Council of Epone®°, according to the reading of Sirmond’s edition, says the same, ‘ that the clergy, if they were sued in a secular court, should make no scruple to follow the plaintiff thither.’ But Justinian*!, at the instance of Mennas, patriarch of Constantinople, granted the clergy of the royal city a peculiar privilege, ‘that in all pecuniary matters their cause should first be brought before the bishop; and if the nature of the cause happened to be such that he could not de- termine it, then recourse might be had to the civil judges, but not otherwise.’ From all which it appears, that anciently exemptions of this nature were not challenged as matters of divine right, but depended wholly upon the will and pleasure of Christian princes, however afterages came to put another kind of gloss upon them.
14, Nay it must be observed, that even in ecclesiastical Of the ne- causes, a great difference was always observed between the rupert power of the prince or supreme magistrate, and that of the tween the
ὲ ae aie, . preme subordinate and inferior judges. For though the ordinary and subor- judges were bound by the laws not to intermeddle with eccle- seach αὶ siastical causes; yet in some cases the prince himself inter- this busi- posed and appointed extraordinary judges, and sometimes pessch shes : heard and decided the cause himself, or reversed the decisions of ecclesiastics by his sovereign power, which no ordinary judges were qualified to do. But this belongs to another sub- ject, that will have a more proper place in this work, when we come to speak of the power of Christian princes.
habet adversus eos quamlibet pecu- niarum causam, prius ad. . archiepi-
80 Ὁ, 11. (t. 4. Ρ. 1577 d.)....Si δα fuerint, sequi ad szculare
judicium non morentur.—Yet note, that other editions, as those of Crabbe and Binius, read it to a contrary sense,—Sequi ad seculare judicium
non t. ᾿ 8] ove: 83. Preefat. (t. 5. p. 385.)
Petiti sumus a Menna.... clericis hoe dare privilegium, ut si quis
scopum pergat, sub quo constitutus est, et inte et eum, &c.—Ibid. n. I. (p. 386.) Si vero aut propter cause naturam, aut propter quan- dam forte difficultatem non fuerit possibile ....episcopo decidere ne- gotium, tunc licenciam esse et ad civiles judices pergere, &c.
126 Exemption of the clergy V. iii.
CHAP. III.
Of the immunities of the clergy in reference to taxes and civil offices and other burdensome employments in the Roman empire.
No divine © 1, ANnotHER privilege which the clergy enjoyed by the scare favour of Christian princes was, that in some certain cases, ac- ancient cording to the exigency of times and places, they were exempt cenlg from some of the taxes that were laid upon the rest of the ~ ce Roman empire. But whatever they enjoyed of this kind, they
did not pretend to as matter of divine right, but freely ac- knowledged it to be owing to the pious munificence and favour of Christian emperors. Therefore Baronius®? does them great injustice, and is guilty of very gross prevarication, in pretending that ‘they claimed a freedom from tribute by the law of Christ; and that no emperor ever imposed any tax upon them, except only Julian the Apostate, and Valens the Arian, and the younger Valentinian, who was wholly governed by his mother Justina, an Arian empress; that, when St. Ambrose paid tribute under this Valentinian, he did it only out of his Christian meekness, not that he was otherwise under any obligation to have done it.’ How true this representation is, the reader may judge in part from the words of St. Ambrose 88, which are these: ‘If the emperor demands tribute of us, we do not deny it: the lands of the Church pay tribute. We pay to Cesar the things that are Cesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s. Tribute is Cesar’s, and therefore we do not refuse to pay it.’ This is so far from challengmg any ex- emption by divine right, that it plainly asserts the contrary. As in another place 84 he argues, that all men are under an obligation to pay tribute, because the Son of God himself paid
82 An. 387. nn. 10—T5. (t. 4. pp. $48,549.) Nonne ut de ipso Domino, 6.
88 Orat. cont. Auxent. de Tra- dend. Basilic. post. Ep. 32. [al. 21.] ad Valentin. (t. 2. Ρ. 872 6. et p. 87 d.) Si tributum petit [imperator non negamus ; agri ecclesiz solvunt tributum..... Solvimus, que sunt Cesaris, Ceesari, et que sunt Dei, Deo. Tributum Cesaris est; non negatur.
8ι Τὴ Luc. gs. 1.4. ἘΠῊΝ (ere Ῥ. 1354 a.) Magnum quidem est et spiritale documentum, quod Chris- tiani viri sublimioribus potestatibus docentur debere esse subjecti, ne quis constitutionem regis terreni putet esse solvendam. Si enim cen- sum Dei Filius solvit, quis tu tantus es, qui non putes esse solvendum? Et ille censum solvit, qui nihil pos- sidebat: tu autem, qui szeculi seque- ris lucrum, cur seculi obsequium
δ 1.
᾿
Jrom taxes and civil offices. 127
it, Matth. 17,23. And yet Baronius*® cites that very passage of the Evangelist to prove that the clergy are jure divino exempt, because our Saviour says, “then are the children free.” ‘For if, says he, ‘the children be free, much more so are the fathers, that is, the pastors under whose care princes are. Bellarmin is much more ingenuous in handling this question; for he asserts 56, against the Canonists, whose opinion Baronius labours to maintain, ‘that the exemption of the clergy in political matters, whether relating to their persons or their goods, was introduced by human right only, and not divine; and that in fact they were never exempted from any other but personal tribute till the time of Justinian, when they were freed from taxes upon their estates and possessions also.’ So little agreement is there betwixt these two great carainals of the Romish Church in their accounts of this matter, either
non recognoscas ?—It. ap. Gratian. gquamdam similitudinem deduci Font Caus. 11. quest. 1. c. 28. (t. 1. p. sit. Atque hine fortasse conciliart 908.) where the same words with a poterunt theologorum et jurisperito-
ight variation are read. rum sententie. Illi enim cum negant, An. 387. n. 12. (t.4. p. 548 6.) exemtionem clericorum esse juris Cum ui ex Domini sententia divini, preceptum divinum proprie
_gensi nova, aliter
si non a filiis reges tributum exi- gunt, &c.
Ed. Ingolds espe oxi τς 28. ( ἘΝ 1590. et Paris, 1620.) Exceptio clericorum in rebus politi- cis, tam quoad personas, quam quo- ad bona, jure humano introducta
est, non divino. Hee propositio est contra Canonistas. [Grischo- vius makes the following remarks
on this citation: In Editione Colo- niensi, 1615. (t. 2. p. 329 a.) et Pra- 7 rorsus hec le- guntur, quam Binghamus noster ea exhibet, nimirum ita: Exceptio cle-
ricorum ....introducta est jure hu- mano iter et divino. Et addit ibi inus: Et quidem quod
jure humano introducta sit, patet ex iis testimoniis, que attulimus in ter- tia et quarta iti anda, Quod autem sit etiam introducta jure
per jus divinum non intelligere pre- ceptum Dei proprie dictum, quod ex- stet expresse in sacris litteris; sed ab exemplis, vel testimoniis amenti Veteris, vel Novi, per
dictum expresse in Scripturis exstare negant ; isti vero cum affirmant, eamdem exemtionem esse juris divini, id solum affirmant, quod theologi mi- nime negant, deduct per similitudi- nem ab exemplis et testimoniis sacre
Scripture, Deum voluisse, ut clerict et ipsorum bona libera essent a potes- tate et jurisdictione laicorum. Paulo
ante in ay. ee sete quarta heec ha- bet idem Bellarminus, ad quz re- pa auctor: (p. 327 d.) Ubi tamen observandum est, ante Justiniant tem- a, legibus priorum principum im- τὸν Suisse clericos a wthedio per- sonalibus, ut etiam indicat S. Hiero- nymus, in Commentario ad c. 17. Matth.: non tamen fuisse liberos a tributis, que pendi solent ratione possessionum, ut colligitur ex Sancto Ambrosio, in Oratione de Tradendis Basilicis, ubi dicit: Agri ecclesie solvunt tributum; et ex Theodoreto, l. 4. Histor. c. 7. ubi scribit, Valen- tinianum seniorem, in Epistola ad iscopos Asie, illa verba posuisse : Boni iscopi tributa pensitant regi- bus.— collation of editions is often most important. Ep.]
Yet gene- rally ex- cused from personal taxes or head-mo- ney.
128 Exemption of the clergy
as to fact or right, that in every thing their assertions are pointblank contrary to one another.
2. To set the matter in a clear light, it will be necessary for me to give the reader a distinct account of the several sorts of tribute that were imposed upon subjects in the Roman empire, and to shew how far the clergy were concerned in each of them, which will be best done by having recourse to the Theo- dosian Code, where most of the laws relating to this affair are still extant. And this I shall the rather do, because Baronius makes use of the same authority, but with great partiality, dissembling every thing that would not serve the hypothesis he had undertaken,to maintain.
Now the first sort of tribute I shall take notice of is that which is commonly called census capitum, or personal tribute, to distinguish it from the census agrorum, or tribute arising Srom men’s estates and possessions. That the clergy were ge- nerally freed from this sort of tribute is agreed on all hands. Only Gothofred has a very singular notion about it: for he asserts 56 ‘that under the Christian emperors there was no such tribute as this paid by any men; so that the exemption of the clergy in this case was no peculiar privilege belonging to them, but only what they enjoyed in common with all other subjects of the Roman empire.’ But in this that learned man seems evidently to be mistaken. For, first, he owns there was such a tribute under the heathen emperors, from which, as Ulpian re- lates*7, none were excused, save only minors under fourteen,
86 In Cod. Theod. 1. rt. tit. τ. de Annon. et Tribut. leg. 15. (t. 4. p. 27. col. dextr.) Atque hec quidem, &c.—It. in 1.13. tit. 10. de Censu, leg. 4. (t.5. p. 119.) De immunibus tribus personarum generibus a cen- su seu a plebeia capitatione, est hzec Valentiniani Sen. constitutio, et qui- dem per Gallias, quod notandum : pariter ut altera 1. 6. infr. que eum- dem Valentinianum auctorem habet, et ad eumdem Viventium PP. data est: sic tamen ut illa ab hac in non- nullis recedat: mox ut ostendetur. Et sic pertinet hec lex ad censum Gallicanum, pariter ut due leges proxime 5,6..... Plerique vero in- terpretum id de tributo capitis, seu capitis censu,quod pro capite dabatur,
accipiunt. De quo est sane Lex 3, π. De Censibus: ubi similis quoque immunitas continetur. itatem in- censendo significare necesse est, quia quibusdam etas tribuit, ne tributo onerentur : veluti in Syrts a quatu- ordecim annis masculi, a duodecim Semine, usque ad sexagesimum quin- tum annum tributo capitis obligan- tur: @etas autem spectabatur cen- sendi tempore. Verum eum nullum jam amplius hoc evo capitis seu pro capite libero tributum usurparetur ; est omnino hec lex, ut et d. 1. 6, ac- cipienda de capitatione et jugatione pro capitibus et jugis seu possessio- nibus, &c.
87 Digest. 1. 50. tit. 15. de Censi- bus, leg. 3. (t. 3. p. 1789.) Autatem
§2. :
Jrom taxes and civil offices. 129
and persons superannuated, that is, above sixty-five; nor does he produce any law to shew when or by whom that tribute was ordered to be laid aside. Secondly, Theodosius Junior, the au- thor of the Theodosian Code, makes express mention of it, when in one of his Novels 55 he distinguishes betwixt the census capitum and census agrorum. Thirdly, there are several laws in the Theodosian Code, exempting the clergy from tribute, which cannot fairly be understood of any other tribute but this sort of capitation. As when Constantius grants the clergy the same immunity from tribute as minors had, he plainly refers to the old law about minors, mentioned by Ulpian, and puts the clergy upon the same foot with them, granting them this privi- lege®9, ‘that not only they themselves, but their wives and children, their menservants and their maidservants, should all be free from tribute;’ meaning personal tribute, or that sort of capitation called capitis census. After the same manner we are to understand those two laws of Valentinian, where he grants to devoted virgins, and widows, and orphans under twenty years of age, the same immunity from tribute, or, as it is there called, ‘the capitation of the vulgar.’ As also that other law of his®, where he grants the like privilege to
in censendo significare necesse est, &c. See the remainder, as printed in italics, in the preceding note.
88 Novel. 21. ad calc. Cod. Theod. (t.6. append. p.11. sub fin.).... Re- petita tize nostre preeceptione sancimus, ut ary uatis gees
ivilegiis, que vel dignitatibus de- fata maid vel diverse militiz col- legia meruerunt, aut nomine vene- rande religionis obtentum est, omnis ubique census, qui non personarum est sed agrorum, ad universa munia a nova duntaxat indictione, ut supra definivimus, absque ulla discretione eogatur in quarta parte.
Cod. Theod. 1. τό. tit. 2. de Episc., ὅτε. leg. το. (t. 6. p. 34.) Cle- ici j i rebeatur im- et conjugibus et liberis eorum et ministeriis majo- ribus pariter ac feminis ind mus; quos a censibus etiam ju mus perseverare immunes.—lIbid. leg. 14. (p.40.) Omnibus clericis hu- jusmodi prerogativa succurrat, ut
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
conjugia clericorum ac liberi quo- que et ministeria [i. e. mares pariter ac feminze] eorumque etiam filii im- munes semper a censibus et sepa- rati ab hujusmodi muneribus perse- verent.
90 Cod. Theod. 1. 13. tit. το. de Censu, leg. 4. (t. 5. p. 118.) In virgi- nitate perpetua viventes, et eam vi- duam de qua ipsa maturitas pollice- tur zetatis nulli jam eam esse nuptu- ram, a plebeiz capitationis injuria vindicandas esse decernimus: item pupillos in virili sexu usque ad vi-
inti annos ab istiusmodi functione immunes esse debere; mulieres au- tem donec virum unaqueque sorti- tur.—Ibid. leg. 6. (p. 120.) Nulla vi- dua, nemo pupillus,....exactionem plebis oscat, &c.
91 Tbid. tit. 4. de Excusat. Artific. leg. 4. (p.54.) Picture professores, si modo ingenui sunt, placuit, neque sui capitis censione, neque uxorum, aut etiam liberorum nomine, tribu- tis esse munificos.
K
130 Exemption of the clergy V. iil. painters, together with their wives and children. From all which we may very reasonably conclude, that this exemption from personal taxes was not a thing then common to all, but a peculiar privilege of some certain arts and professions, among which the most honourable was that of the clergy.
This may be further confirmed from an observation or two out of Gregory Nazianzen and Basil. Nazianzen, in one of his Epistles9? to Amphilochius, complains ‘ that the officers of the government had made an illegal attempt upon one Euthalius, a deacon, to oblige him to pay taxes:’ therefore he desires Amphilochius % ‘not to permit this injury to be done him; since otherwise he would suffer an hardship above other men, not being allowed to enjoy the favour of the times, and the honour which the emperors had granted to the clergy.’ Here he plainly refers to some immunity from tribute, which the impe- rial laws granted particularly to the clergy; which could not be any exemption of their estates from tribute, for there was no such law then in force to be appealed to. Εἰ must therefore mean their exemption from personal taxes, from which they were freed by the laws of Valentinian and Constantius already mentioned. This will still receive greater light and confirma- tion from the testimony of St. Basil, who had occasion to make a like complaint to Modestus, who was Prefectus-Pretorio Orientis under Valens, of some who had infringed the privi- lege of the clergy in exacting tribute of them against the laws. ‘The ancient way of taxing,’ says he, ‘ excused such as were consecrated to God, presbyters and deacons, from paying tri- bute ; but now they who are set over this affair, pretending to have no warrant from your eminency to excuse them, have
92 Ep. 150. ((. τ. p. 873 b.) Τούτων
(t. 3: part. 1. p. 284 6.) Τοὺς τῷ Θεῷ εἰς ἐστι καὶ ὁ συνδιάκονος ἡ ἡμῶν ΕῤΛθά-
ἡμῶν ἱερωμένους, πρεσβυτέρους καὶ
Atos" ὃν οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως εἰς μείζω τάξιν μεταχωρήσαντα διαγράφειν ἐπιχει- ροῦσι χρυσὸν οἱ τῆς ἡγεμονικῆς τάξε- ὡς" τοῦτο μὲν ἀνεκτὸν φανήτω σοι καὶ χεῖρα ὄρεξον τῷ τε διακόνῳ καὶ τῷ κλήρῳ παντὶ, καὶ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἡμῖν, οἷς σοι μέλει.
98 Tbid. (c.) Δεινότητα ἂν πάθοι, μόνος ἀνθρώπων μὴ τυγχάνων. τῆς τῶν καιρῶν φιλανθρωπίας, καὶ τῆς διδο- μένης τοῖς ἱερατικοῖς παρὰ τῶν βασι- λέων τιμῆς.
94 Ep. 270. [al. το4.] ad Modest.
διακόνους, ὁ παλαιὸς κῆνσος ἀτελεῖς ἀφῆκεν. Οἱ δὲ νῦν ᾿ἀπογραψάμενοι, ὡς οὐ λαβόντες παρὰ τῆς ὑπερφυοῦς σου ἐξουσίας πρόσταγμα, ᾿ἀπεγρά- ψαντο, πλὴν el μή που τινὲς ἄλλως εἶχον ὑπὸ τῆς ἡλικίας τὴν ἄφεσυ-.-- Δεόμεθα οὖν μνημόσυνον τῆς ῆς εὖ- εργεσίας τοῦθ᾽ [8]. τοῦτο] ἡ ἡμῖν [ἐν]- αφεθῆναι, παντὶ τῷ ἐπιόντι χρόνῳ ἀγαθὴν περί σου μνήμην διαφυλάτ- τον, καὶ συγχωρηθῆναι κατὰ τὸν πα- λαιὸν νόμον τῆς συντελείας τοὺς ἱερα- τεύοντας, Κι τ. Ἃ.
Jrom taxes and civil offices. 131
ὁ 2, 3.
taxed them all, except such as could claim a privilege from their age.’ Therefore his request to him was,—ovyxepnOjjvat κατὰ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον τῆς συντελείας τοὺς ieparevovras,—that the clergy might be exempt from tribute, according to the ancient laws. St. Basil, in this passage, refers to two sorts of laws ex- empting persons from tribute: the one, those ancient laws of the heathen emperors, which only excused minors and super- annuates from personal tribute; the other, those laws of Con- stantius and Valentinian, which exempted the clergy also, granting them that immunity which only minors enjoyed be- fore. And this is the thing he complains of, that the clergy were not allowed the benefit of the Christian laws, but only those laws of the heathen emperors, whereby, if they chanced to be minors or superannuated, that is, under twenty or above sixty- five, they were excused, but not otherwise. From all which it evidently appears, that the clergy might claim a peculiar privilege by the laws to be exempted from personal tribute, and that this was not common to all the subjects of the empire, whatever Gothofred, and Pagi® from him, have suggested to the contrary.
3. The next sort of tribute was that which was exacted of But not ex- men for their lands and possessions, which goes by several ee names in the Civil Law and ancient writers. Sometimes it is and pos- called κανὼν, as by Athanasius%, where he complains how he ame was unjustly accused of imposing a tax upon Egypt for the use
% Crit. in Baron. an. 353. n.
ro. [al. 13.] (t. 1. p. 479.) Data et hoc anno a Constantio lex io.
Nazianzeni Epistolis, vem 159 et 156. Basilius quoque, Epistola 279 ad Modestuim prefectum-pretorio
Codicis Theodosiani, de Episcopis, ἔλα immunitas omni- icis conceditur, ut seen:
rum cs concursu gentium frequentetur, asec: aa dum in ea lege dicitur. pc nen bus namque ja Jam ubique ecclesiis de eae: in dies ione Christi- vided’ solito pluribus etiam εισέλελ ϑὺς homines ad clerica- tum invitandi visi sunt, preter ve- teres immunitates jam concessas. Prima itaque immunitas est a censi- possessionum nomine fisco duntur. Quz immunitas a ‘censibus et vectigalibus postea se- Ἂν» infracta, presertim sub Va- nte, ut constat ex duabus Gregorii
Orientis, de eadem immunitate sub eodem Valente imperatore concul- tata conqueritur, eamque instaurari
petit, &c.
% Apol. 2. p. 788. (t. 1. part. 1. Ρ. 141 Ὁ. n. 8 Πολλὰ plo οὖν ζη- τήσαντες καὶ μ εὑρόντες, ὕστερον
γνώμης τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον συν- τιθέασι, καὶ πλάττονται πρώτην κατη- γορίαν διὰ ᾿Ισίωνος, καὶ Εὐδαίμονος, an Καλλινίκου, περὶ στιχαρίων λι- νῶν, ὡς ἐμοῦ κανόνα τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ἐπιβαλόντος, καὶ πρώτους αὐτοὺς ἀ- παιτήσαντος.---ἰ Conf. Sozom. 1. 2. roe atl δος Scie ὰ τύ 3 ὑπομένει γρα ὡς χιτωνίων λινῶν φόρον εὐξυα af x.t. A. Grischov.]
K 2
132 Exemption of the clergy V. i. of the Church of Alexandria. So in the Theodosian Code there is a whole title97 De Canone Frumentario Urbis Rome, which signifies the tribute of corn that was exacted of the African provinces for the use of the city of Rome. It is other- wise called jugatio from juga, which, as Gothofred%* notes, signifies as much land as a yoke of oxen could plough in a year ; and, because the taxation was made according to that rate, it had therefore the name of jugatio and juga. It has also frequently the name of capitatio and capita; and, because men’s servants and cattle were reckoned into their taxable pos- sessions as well as their lands, therefore in some laws29 the one is called capitatio terrena, and the other capitatio humana and animalium, or,animarum descriptio. These taxes were usually paid three times a year, once every four months ; whence Sidonius Apollinaris! styles them tria capita, or the monster with three heads, which he desired the emperor Majorianus to free him from, that he might live and subsist the better ; for thus he addresses himself to him in his poetical way : Geryones nos esse puta, monstrumque tributum ; fie capita, ut vivam, tu mihi tolle tria.
In which words, which none of the commentators rightly un- derstood, he refers to a law of Valentinian’s?, and several others in the Theodosian Code; where this sort of tribute is required to be paid by three certain portions in a year, or once in four months, which in his phrase is the tria capita,
or monster with three heads. also hence called cephaleote,
7 L, 14. tit. 15. (t. 5. p. 226.) Ne pessimus panis, &c.—It. 1. 11. tit. 9. de Distrahend. Pignoribus, leg. 1. (t. 4. p. 86.).. Eo quod vestes canonicas vel equos minime intulerunt, &c.
98. In Cod. Theod. 1. 13. tit. το. de Censu, leg. 2. (t. 5. p. 118. ad summ. col. dextr.) ... Ego juga pu- tem dicta terree modum, cui colendo per annum jugo boum opus est.
99 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 29. de Collat. Donat. leg. 6. (t. 4. p. 155-) Exceptis his, que in capita- tione humana atque enim alium di- versis qualiacumque concessa sunt ;
The collectors of this tax were collectors of the capitation, in
ita ut omnium, que preedicto tem- pore, atque etiam sub inclute re- cordationis avo nostro in terrena sive animarum descriptione revelata sunt, &c.
1 Carm. 13. ad Majorian. (p. 141.
9.)
2 Ap. Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 1. de Annon. et Tribut. leg. 15. (t. 4. p. 26.) Unusquisque annonarias spe- cies, pro modo capitationis et sor- tium, prebiturus, per quaternos menses anni curriculo distributo, tribus vicibus summam collationis implebit.
I
From taxes and civil offices. 133 some laws? of the Theodosian Code: and because this tribute
was commonly paid in specie, as in corn, wine, oil, iron, brass, &c., for the emperor’s service; therefore it is often called spe- cierum collatio ; and, being the ordinary standing tax of the empire, it is no less frequently styled* indictio canonica, in opposition to the superindicta et extraordinaria, that is, such taxes as were levied upon extraordinary occasions. I have noted these things here all together, that I may not be put to explain the terms at every turn hereafter, as I have occasion to make use of them, which are indeed a little uncommon, and not easily understood, but by such as are conversant in the Civil Law.
Now to the question in hand, whether the clergy in general were exempt from this ordinary canonical tribute laid upon men’s goods and possessions? I answer in the negative against Baronius, who asserts the contrary. Some particular Churches, indeed, had special favours granted them by indulgent princes, to exempt them from all tribute of this kind; but those very exceptions prove, that what was matter of grace to some par- ticular Churches could not be the common privilege of all Churches. Theodosius Junior® granted a special exemption to the Church of Thessalonica, ‘ that she should pay no capitation for her own estate, provided she did not take other lands into her protection, to the detriment of the commonwealth, under the pretence of an ecclesiastical title.’ He also allowed the Churches of Constantinople and Alexandria the same privilege, upon the like condition®, ‘that they should not take any vil-
3L. 11. tit. 24. de Patrocin. Vi- cor. leg. 6. (ibid. p. rex ua- quam tis, hirenarchis, [leg. pmlc ay [Vid. Du Fresne, Med. et Infim. Latinit. in voce. Ep.] lo- gographis chomatum, et ceteris li- turgis, sub quolibet patrocinii no- mine, publicis functionibus denega- tis, &c.
4 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1. 6. tit. 26.
de Proximis Comitibus, &c. leg. 14. (t. 2. p. 158.) Quamvis innumeris
ibus scriniorum gloria decoretur,
jubemus tamen, ut primo omnium ‘sit eorum secura possessio ab omni-
bus sordidis muneribus excusata. Superindictum non timeant, venali-
-tium non petantur, solumque cano-
niceindictionis ‘prestent tributum. Glevalis auri solutionem nesciat la- bore dignitas conquisita, extraordi- narium munus ignoret, &c.
5 Tbid. 1. 11. tit. 1. de Annon. et Tribut. leg. 33. (t. 4. p. 42.) Sacro- sancta Thessalonicensis ecclesia ci- vitatis excepta: ita tamen ut aperte sciat, proprize tantummodo capita- tionis modum beneficio mei numinis sublevandum : nec externorum gra- vamine;tributorum rempublicam ec- clesiastici nominis abusione leden- dam.
6 Tit. 24. de Patrocin. Vicor. leg. 6. (ibid. p. 178.) Quicquid . . .eccle- siz venerabiles, (id est, Constanti- nopolitana et Alexandrina) posse-
194 Exemption of the clergy
lages, great or small, into their patronage, to excuse them from paying their ancient capitation.’ Gothofred is also of opinion, that in the beginning of Constantine’s reign, while the Church was poor, and her standing revenues but small, her estates and possessions were universally excused from tribute ; for there is a law in the Theodosian Code’, which may be in- terpreted to this purpose; though the words are so obscure, that, without the help of so wise an interpreter, one would hardly find out the sense of them. However, admitting them to signify such a privilege, it is certain it lasted not many years: for in the next reign under Constantius, when the Church was grown pretty wealthy, all the clergy that were possessed of lands +were obliged to pay tribute in the same manner as all others did; as appears from a law of Constan- tius, directed to Taurus, Prafectus-Pretorio, which is still extant in both the Codes’. This is further evident from the testimony of Valentinian, who, in an Epistle to the bishops of Asia recorded by Theodoret?, says ‘ all good bishops thought themselves obliged to pay tribute, and did not resist the im- perial power.” And thus matters continued to the time of Honorius and Theodosius Junior, in one of whose laws! the
disse deteguntur, id pro intuitu reli- gionis, ab his precipimus firmiter retineri: sub ea videlicet sorte, ut in futurum functiones omnes quas metrocomiz debent, et publici vici pro antique capitationis professione debent, sciant subeundas.
7L.11. tit.1. de Annon. et Tri- but. leg. 1. (ibid. p.6.) Preeter pri- vatas res nostras, et ecclesias catho- licas, et domum clarissimze memo- riz Eusebii ex consule, et ex magi- stro equitum et peditum, et Arsacis regis Armeniorum, nemo ex nostra jussione precipuis emolumentis, fa- miliaris juvetur substantie.
8 Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., δία. leg. 15. (t. 6. p. 42.) De his sane clericis, qui preedia possident, sublimis auctoritas tua non solum eos aliena juga nequaquam statuet excusare, sed etiam his que ipsi possident eosdem ad pensitanda fis- calia perurgeri: universos namque clericos possessores duntaxat pro- vinciales pensitationes recognoscere jubemus.—Justin. 1. 1. tit. 3. leg. 3.
(t. 4. p. 72.) where the same words occur.
9 L. 4. 6. 8. (v. 3. Pp. 188: 22)... Ta δημόσια κατὰ νόμους εἰσκομίζειν ἴσασι, καὶ οὐκ ἀντιλέγουσι τῇ τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἐξουσίᾳ.
10 Vid. Cod. Theodor. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., &c. leg. 40. (t. 6. p. 79.) Placet, rationabilis consilii te- nore perpenso, destricta moderatio- ne preescribere, a quibus specialiter necessitatibus ecclesize urbium sin- gularum habeantur immunes. Pri- ma quippe illius usurpationis con- tumelia depellenda est, ne preedia usibus czlestium secretorum dicata sordidorum munerum fasce vexen- tur: nulla jugatione, que talium privilegiorum sorte gratulatur, mu- niendi itineris constringat injuria : nihil extraordinarium ab hac, super- indictitiumve flagitetur: nulla pon- tium instauratio: nulla translatio- num solicitudo gignatur: non au- rum ceteraque talia poscantur. Postremo nihil preter canonicam illationem, quod adventitiz necessi-
8 3, 4: From taxes and civil offices. 135
Church lands are still made liable to this ordinary or canonical tribute, as it is there worded, though excused from all other. So little reason had Baronius to assert with that confidence, ‘that no prince, except Julian the Apostate, and Valens the > Arian, and the younger Valentinian, who was under the con- duct of an Arian woman, ever exacted any tribute of the clergy ;’ when, as it appears, every emperor after Constantine did exact it; and Baronius could not be ignorant of this, having viewed and perused the Theodosian Code, where these things are recorded. 4. If in any thing of this tribute they were exempt, it must Of the tri- be from the obligation some provinces lay under to furnish the >™% led
aurum ti- emperors with new soldiers, called tirones, and fresh horses for ronicum,
the wars; which, because they were exhibited by way of <=. τ tribute, are called in the law equi canonici, from the Civil Law term canon and canonica, which, as I observed before, signifies the tribute that was laid upon men’s lands and _ possessions. Sometimes this tribute was exacted in money instead of horses, and then it was called!! equorum canonicorum aderatio, horse-money. In like manner as the sum that was paid instead of the tirones was called aurum tironicum and stratioticum, soldiers-money, which we find mentioned in Synesius 12, where, speaking of Andronicus, governor of Ptolemais, he says he set one Thoas to collect this awrum tironicum; which, the editor by mistake says was so called, quia solvebatur tironi- bus, because it was paid to the tirones: whereas, indeed, it was the money that was paid instead of the tirones, by way of tribute, into the treasury of the empire. Now, that some bishops, at least in Afric, were excused from this tribute, is concluded by some learned men from a law of Theodosius Junior 13, which excuses certain persons from it, under the title
tatis sarcina repentina depoposcerit, 13 Cod. Theod. 1. 7. tit. 13. de ejus functionibus ascribatur. Tiron. leg. 22. (t. 2. p. 39I.)....- 11 Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 17. de Precipimus proconsularis provincize . (t.4. p. 138.) non eandem sacerdotalium, que est σον canonicos militaris diceceseos de ceteris, in prebendis tironibus ican ...... jussimus adzrari, habendam esse rationem: non ini- que siquidem ea potissimum ab hoc 12 Ep. 79. ad Anastas. p.293.(p. officio provincia videtur excepta, 224d. 4.)....Tais inenkonartents uz omnium intra Africam provin- τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ χρυσίου τοῦ καλου- ciarumobtinet principatum, cujusque μένου τιρωνικοῦ. majoribus fatigantur expensis.
186 Exemption of the clergy VY. il.
of sacerdotales, in the proconsular Afric; and that, because they were otherwise obliged to be at great expenses in that province. But now the question is,—who are meant by the name sacerdotales? The learned Petit!+ says it denotes Christian bishops; and if so, the case would be clear as to their exemption. But Gothofred!> rather inclines to think it means the high priests among the heathens, who were still im being and obliged by their office to be at great expenses ἴῃ exhibiting the ludi sacerdotales to the people. I will not venture to decide so nice a dispute betwixt two such learned men, but think, however, I may safely infer even from Gotho- fred’s notion,—that, if the Christian emperors were so liberal to the heathen high priests, they would at least be as liberal to their own bishdps, and grant them the same immunity. But I leave this matter to further inquiry.
TheChurch 5. One thing is more certain, that whatever burdens any
obliged to lands were originally encumbered with, they were liable to the
such bur- dens as the same even after their donation to the Church, unless discharged
mn to be. Of them by some particular grant and favour of the emperors. Solberg This we learn from a memorable instance in a particular case, | " wherein St. Austin was concerned, the account of which we have from his own relation. For the right understanding of
which I must first acquaint the reader, that by the laws of the
Roman polity many times a company of tradesmen were so incor-
porated into a society, for the service of the empire, that their
estates were tied to that office and duty, so that, whoever had
the propriety of them, he was bound to the duty annexed to
them. Thus it was particularly with the incorporated company
of the navicularii of Afric and Egypt, who were concerned in transporting the yearly tribute of corn from those provinces to
Rome and Constantinople. Their estates were tied to the performance of this service, as appears from a title in the Theo-
dosian Code'®, which is De Prediis Naviculariorum. And
they were so tied, that if any ship chanced to be lost in the
14 Variar. Lection. 1. 3. c. 1. (p. nebantur, &c.
28.) Cum igitur indicti sacerdotibus 15 In Cod. Theod. 1. 7. tit. 13. et episcopis Africee exigerentur tiro- leg. 22. (t. 2. p. 391.) Sacerdotes nes, atque Numidiz episcopieoscon- quoque provinciarum, paganos sci- ferrent et preeberent, &c....Quia si licet, tironibus prestandis obnoxios tirones, quos conferebant episcopi, fuisse, &c. ἷ
militiam deseruissent, et oppressi 16 1,.1.3. tit. 6. (t. 5. pp. 92, seqq.) fuissent, redhibere illos tirones te-
> dal ‘ ξ res aie
137
passage, the whole body was obliged to make good the effects to the emperor’s coffers'7, and the master of the ship was . obliged to give up his men that escaped the shipwreck to be examined by torture afterwards; otherwise he must have borne the whole burden himself alone, on presumption that he
was guilty of some fraud in the matter against the rest of his society. Now it happened, while St. Austin was bishop of Hippo, that one of these navicularii, Boniface, a master of a ship, left his whole estate to the Church, which yet St. Austin refused to receive, because of these burdens that lay upon it. ‘For,’ says he’, ‘I was not willing to have the Church of Christ concerned in the business of transportation. It is true, indeed, there are many who get estates by shipping; yet there is one temptation in it: if a ship should chance to go and be lost, then we should be required to give up our men to the rack, to be examined by torture according to law, about the drowning of the ship, and the poor wretches that had escaped the waves must undergo a new severity from the hands of the judge. But we could not thus deliver them up ; for it would not become the Church so to do. Therefore she must answer the whole debt to the exchequer. But whence should she do this? for our circumstances do not allow us to keep a treasury. A bishop ought not to lay up gold ina bank, and meanwhile refuse to relieve the poor.’ These words of St. Austin do plainly evince what has been observed, that the donation of an estate to the Church did not ordinarily free
Srom taxes and civil offices.
_ WIbid. tit. 9. de Naufragiis, leg. 2. quzrerentur: et torquerentur a ju- (p. 105.) Si quando causatio est de dice qui essent a fluctibus liberati. impetu proce , medium ex his Sed non eos daremus: nullo pacto nautis numerum navicularius exhi- enim hoc facere deceret ecclesiam.
beat questioni..... quo eorum tor- a plenior veritas possit in-
μι Ὑ πὰς 49. 6 Divers. t.10. Ρ. 520. al. . Serm. 355. de Vita et Moribus oe 4.1 (t. 5. p. 1382 f.) itatem suscipere no-
ape non een, sed timore. Naviculariam nolui esse ecclesiam Christi. Multi sunt quidem qui etiam de navibus acquirunt: tamen una tentatio est, a] iret navis et naufragaret: homines ad tormenta uri eramus, ut de submersione nayis secundum consuetudinem
Onus ergo fiscale persolveret. Sed unde persolveret? En! thecam no- bis habere non licet, &c. [The Ed. Bened. reads enthecam, and notes inthe margin, Enthecaest gaze repo- sitorium. According to Du Fresne, Glossar. Med. et Infim. Latinit.,
theca is capsa sanctorum reliquiis in- structa; and entheca he cites as used by Eadmer, speaking of the burial of the body of St. Wilfrid by Odo, for the high altar. Theca is simply a bor or bag: entheca, a bank or store. Ep.]
138 Exemption of the clergy V. ii.
it from the tribute or duty that the public otherwise demanded of it; but if the Church would receive it, she must take it with the usual burdens that lay upon it. I confess indeed the sense of the passage, as it lies in St. Austin without a comment, is not very easy to be understood; nor have any of his editors, no, not the last Benedictines, thought fit to expound it; but for that reason, as well as to make good my own observation, 1 have recited it in this place, and explained it from those laws and customs of the empire to which it manifestly refers. And such a digression, if it were a digression, I presume would not be unacceptable to the curious reader. é Ofthechrys- 6. But now to proceed. Another sort of tribute, im which oe rat the clergy had some concern, was the tax upon trade and tax, andthe commerce. This in ancient writers!9 is known by the name ων ied χρυσάργυρον, chrysargyrum, the silver-and-gold-tax, because gy from it. it was paid in those coins. Zosimus2° indeed makes the chrys- argyrum another thing, viz. a scandalous tax exacted of lewd men and women; and in his spite to Christianity he represents Constantine as the author of it: in which his groundless ¢a- lumny he is abundantly refuted by Baronius*!, and more espe-
19 Vid. Evagr. 1. 3. 6. 39. (Vv. 3. P- 371. 20.) Ὑπερμέγεθες δὲ κατε- πράχθη αὐτῷ καὶ θεῖόν τι χρῆμα, ἡ τοῦ καλουμένου χρυσαργύρου ἐς τέλεον κωλύμη.
20 L. 2. (p. 114.) Κωνσταντῖνος ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος διετέλεσε δωρε- ais οὐκ ἐνδέοντι γινομέναις, ἀλλὰ εἰς ἀναξίους καὶ ἀνωφελεῖς ἀνθρώπους τοὺς φόρους ἐκδαπανῶν᾽ καὶ τοῖς μὲν εἰσφέρουσι γινόμενος φορτικὸς, τοὺς δὲ μηδὲν ὠφελεῖν δυναμένους πλουτί- lov’ τὴν δὲ ἀσωτίαν ἡγεῖτο φιλοτι- μίαν" οὗτος καὶ τὴν εἰσφορὰν ἐπήγαγε χρυσίου τε καὶ ἀργύρου πᾶσι τοῖς
col “a ~ 4 > , ἀπανταχοῦ γῆς μετιοῦσι Tas ἐμπορίας, καὶ τοῖς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι πανωνίαν προ- τιθεῖσι, μέχρι καὶ τῶν εὐτελεστάτων᾽" οὐδὲ δυστυχεῖς ἐταίρας ἔξω ταύτης ἐάσας τῆς εἰσφορᾶς" ὥστε ἦν ἰδεῖν, μέλλοντος τοῦ τετραετοῦς ἐνίστασθαι χρόνου, καθ᾽ ὃν ἔδει τοῦτο τὸ τέλος εἰσφέρεσθαι, θρήνους ἀνὰ πᾶσαν πό- λιν καὶ ὀδυρμούς" ἐνστάντος δὲ, μα- στιγας καὶ βασάνους ἐπιφερομένας τοῖς σώμασι τῶν διὰ πενίας ἐσχάτης ζημίαν ὑπενεγκεῖν μὴ δυναμένων" ἤδη δὲ καὶ μητέρες ἀπέδοντο τοὺς παῖδας, καὶ πατέρες ἐπὶ πορνείου θυγατέρας
ἐστήσαντο, ἐκ τῆς τούτων ἐργασίας ἀργύριον τοῖς τοῦ χρυσαργύρου πράκ- τορσιν εἰσενεγκεῖν ἐπειγόμενοι, K.T. A.
21 An. 330- n. 36. (t. 3. p. 426 6.) .... Quod de tributis a Constantino impositis exstet adversus eum que- rela Zosimi, sunt hee accuratius examinanda: quod enim ait, auri argentique collationem impositam negotiatoribus, omnibus dardana- riis, nempe fraudulentis venundato- ribus annone, atque personis qui- buscumque vilissimis ac meretrici- bus, confundit plane diversa tribu-~ torum genera: nam quod impositum erat negotiatoribus, proprie auri et argenti erat, dictumque chrysargy- rum, diversumque ab eo, quod pen- dere consueverant lenones, meretri- ces, et exoleti: quod quidem tan- tum abest ut a Constantino Christi- ano principe impositum fuerit, ut etiam longe ante Alexandri impera- toris tempora Rome exigi consue- verit; quod idem imperator zquis- simus, cum ex turpi lucro colligere- tur, vetuit in erarium inferri; non tamen abstulit, sed ad publicas fa- bricas deputavit, &c.
§ 6.
ee
Srom taxes and civil offices. 139
cially by the learned Gothofred*, and Pagi?®, whom the curious reader may consult. Here I take the chrysargyrum in the common notion, only for the tax upon lawful trade and commerce, which St. Basil? calls πραγματευτικὸν χρυσίον, com- merce-money. In the Civil Law it is known by the name of lustralis collatio, the lustral tax, because it was exacted atthe return of every dustrum or four years’ end. It was indeed a very grievous tax, especially upon the poor ; for not the meanest tradesman was exempted from it. Evagrius®> says it was ex- acted even of those who made begging their trade,—e& ἐράνου τὴν τροφὴν πορίζυυσι. Whence Libanius?® calls it ‘the intole- rable tax of silver and gold, that made men dread the terrible pentaéteris or return of every fifth year. And for the same reason, as the author under the name of St. Austin?” takes notice, it was commonly called auwrum pannosum, the poor man’s tax, or as some editions read it, aurwm poenosum, the cruel tax, because it was exacted of the poor. But now a par- ticular respect was paid to the Church in this matter; for when her revenues were scanty, and not sufficient to give all the clergy a decent maintenance, the inferior orders, the cle- rici, were allowed to traffic to support themselves, without paying any tribute of this nature. This indulgence was first granted by Constantius?* without any restriction, ‘ that if any of them were minded to follow a calling to maintain themselves,
22 In Cod. Theod. 1. 13. tit. 1. de Lustral. Collat. leg. 1. (t. 5. p. 4.) τ τὸ ag crimen, &c.
Crit. in Baron. an. 330. n. 6. {) 24 Ρ 426.) Calumnia, &c.
24 Ep. 243. [al. 88, Sine Inscript. (t. 3. part. 1. p. 257 68.) Τὴν δυσκο- λίαν τῆς τ ppm rod | πραγματευ- τικοῦ χρυσίου, πάντων μάλιστα ἡ σὴ τιμιότης κατέμαθε.
, 510, 8. ©. 39. (v. 3. P. it. 30.) Ἑπέκειτο δὲ ἑτέροις τε πολλοῖς ἐξ ἐ τὴν τροφὴν πορίζουσι, καὶ ταῖς
μπωλούσαις τὴν ὥραν τοῦ σώμα- τος, K.T.A.
26 Orat. 14. cont. Florent. (t. 2.
p. 427d. 11.)...Todro δέ ἐστιν ὁ a- φόρος, ἄργυρος καὶ χρυσὸς,
ττειν προσιούσας ποιῶν τὰς πεντετηρίδας" κιτ.ὰλ. [Thucydides, 1. 8. ¢. 104, has πεντετηρὶς, and in Pin-
dar, O. 3.38,we find revraernpis. Ep. |
27 Quest. in Vet. et Nov. Test. 75: (t. 3. append. Ἃ 73 68.) Didrach- ma capitum vel tributi exactio intel- ligitur; quod nunc pannosum au- rum appellatur, quia et pauperes μόνοδδν. ταν The Ed. Bened. reads the first clause thus, — Didrachma capitum exactio intelligitur, non pre- diorum. Poe
28 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., &c. leg. 8. (t. 6. p. 32.) ... .. +. Si qui de vobis alimoniz causa negotiationem exercere volunt, im- munitate potientur.— Ibid. 1. 13. tit. 1. de Lustral. Collat. leg. 1. (t. 5. p. 3.) Negotiatores omnes protinus convenit aurum argentumque pre-
was bere: clericos excipi tantum, [et]
qui copiate appellantur, nec alium quenquam esse immunem.
140 Exemption of the clergy V. ii.
they should be freed from custom.’ But, that none of them might abuse this privilege to covetousness, they were confined afterwards by several laws to trade within a certain sum, which if they exceeded they were to pay custom for it. This appears from a second law 29 of the same Constantius, and another 80 of Gratian’s, where the Italian and Illyrican clerict are confined to the sum of ten solids, and the Gallican to fifteen. Yet if any would trade further, only with a charitable design, to raise funds and monte-pios for the use of the poor, they were allow- ed, by two other laws?! of Constantius, to employ what sums they pleased, and pay none of this tribute for them. It is to be noted further, that this immunity was granted by Honorius*? to the Catholic clergy only, and to no others. And the privi- lege was esteemed so great, that some covetous tradesmen would use means to get themselves admitted to a titular office among the inferior clergy of the Church, with no other design but to enjoy this immunity, and to follow their trade without paying the lustral duty. Against whose fraudulency and cor- ruptions the emperor Arcadius made a severe law 88, command- ing ‘all such, if they followed their merchandize, to be deprived of this immunity of the clergy; or if they would devote them- selves to the sacred service, then they should abstain from all such fraudulent and crafty ways of gain: for,’ saith he, ‘the wages of religion and craft are very different from one an- other.’ And for this reason probably, when the revenues of
29 Tbid. leg. 15. (t. 6. p. 42.) Cle- rici vero, vel hi quos copiatas recens usus instituit nuncupari, ita a sor- didis muneribus debent immunes atque a collatione preestari, si exi- guis admodum mercimoniis tenuem sibi victum vestitumque conqui- rent.
30 Ibid. 1. 13. tit. 1. de Lustral. Collat. leg. 11. (t.5. Ρ. 14.) Etsi omnes mercatores spectat lustralis auri depensio, clerici tamen intra Illyricum et Italiam in denis soli- dis; intra Galliam in quinis denis solidis immunem usum conversa- tionis exerceant. Quicquid autem supra hunc modum_ negotiationis versabitur, id oportet ad functionem aurariam devocari.
31 Tbid. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., ἄς. leg. 10. (t. 6. p. 34.) Negotia-
torum dispendiis minime obligentur [clerici,] cum certum sit questus, quos ex tabernaculis [leg. tabernis | atque ergasteriis colligunt, pauperi- bus profuturos.—Ibid. leg. 14. (p. 40.).... Si quid....mercatura.... congesserint, in usum pauperum at- que egentium ministrari oportet, &c.
32 Tbid. leg. 36. (ibid. p.74.)..... Catholice religionis clerici.... ab auraria pensione habeantur immu- nes.
33 Tbid. 1. 13. tit. 1. de Lustral. Collat. leg. 16. (t. 5. p. 17.) Omnes corporatos ....... precipimus con- veniri, ut, aut commoda negotia- torum sequentes a clericorum excu- satione discedant, aut Sacratissimo Numini servientes versutis queesti- bus .. abstineant; distincta enim sti- pendia sunt religionis et calliditatis.
46,7 . From taxes and civil offices. 141
the Church were become sufficient to maintain all the clergy, Valentinian the Third enacted a law*‘, ‘ that none of the clergy should negotiate as formerly; otherwise they should come under the cognizance of the secular judges, and not enjoy the privilege of the clergy.’ Evagrius®* adds, that the emperor Anastasius quite abolished the chrysargyrum or lustral tax itself: and that is the reason why there is no mention at all made of it afterward in the Justinian Code.
ἢ. Another sort of duty incumbent on the subjects of the of - me- empire, was the burden and charge of giving entertainment to What the emperor’s court and retinue, when they had occasion to per travel; or to the judges, or soldiers, as they passed from one and the ex-
_ place to another. This the Civil Law calls metatum, and the pecs Greeks μιτάτον, from the word metatores, which signifies the from it. emperors’ harbingers or forerunners, who were sent before to provide lodging and entertainment for them. In allusion to which, Cyprian, speaking of Rogatian, an eminent presbyter of Carthage, who was the first martyr that was sent to prison in
the Decian persecution, says’, ‘he was metator to the rest,
their harbinger that went before them to prepare a place in prison for them.’ And in the same sense Lucian the martyr,
in Cyprian*®, elegantly styles Decius himself, metatorem Anti- christi, the harbinger of Antichrist, who by that terrible per- secution made preparation for his coming into the world. From
this notion of the word metator, that duty of yielding enter- tainment to the emperor’s retinue, &c. has the name of meta-
tum in the two Codes of the Civil Law. But the clergy were excused from this by a law of Constantius®®, where he says ‘they should not be obliged to entertain strangers ;’ by which
he cannot be supposed to excuse them from the Christian duty
CS eae ee a ee
J
34 Novel. 12. ad calc. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 26.) Jubemus ut elerici nihil protaue negotiationis exerceant. Si velint negotiari, sciant se judicibus subditos, clericorum
privilegio non muniri. 39 L. 3. c. 39. See 8. 6. n. 19. pre-
98 ὅρα. Theod. 1. 7. tit.8. de Onere
Metati. (t. 2. pp. 352, seq ng ἐρῶ τα Justin. 1. 12. dt . de Metatis. (t.
ad cal oP fot sr. fal.) (p. 198.) F270.
Primum hospitium vobis in carcere preparavit, et metator quodammo- do vester nunc quoque vos ante- cedit.
38 Ap. Cypr. Ep. 20. [al. 22.] (p.
᾿ 202.) Nam tu, Deo volente, ipsum
anguem majorem, metatorem Anti- christi, non tantum confessus deter- ruisti vocibus illis, &c.
89 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., &c. leg. 8. (t. 6. p. 32.) Preeterea neque hospites suscipie- tis.
142 Exemption of the clergy V. iil. of hospitality to the indigent, but from this civil duty of the Roman state, to which other subjects were obliged. Whence Gothofred+° very truly observes, ‘that the clergy in this respect had equal privileges with senators’ houses, and Jewish synagogues, and Christian churches; all which were exempt from this duty of entertaining. And if the Greek collector of
. the Ecclesiastical Constitutions out of the Code, published by Fabrotus, mistake not, this immunity extended to their ser- vants also. For he says*!, ‘neither the clergy nor their ser- vants were subject to any new impositions, or to this burden
called the metatum.’
Of the su- 8. And hence it appears further, that they were freed from case all exactions, which went by the name of swperindicta and ex- ges - traordinaria, that is, such impositions as the emperors thought exempt necessary to lay upon the empire, or any part of it, beyond from them.
the ordinary canonical taxes, upon great exigencies and extra- ordinary occasions. Tor as the ordinary taxes were called in- dictions, so these extraordinary were called superindictions*. From these the clergy were universally exempted by several laws of Christian emperors. As by that of Constantius in the Theodosian Code43, where he refers to a preceding law to the same purpose. ‘According to the decree,’ says he, ‘ which you are said to have obtained heretofore, no one shall impose any new taxes upon you or your servants, but you shall enjoy a perfect immunity in that respect.’ Gothofred upon the place says, by this law ‘they were freed from all extraordinary ἢ tribute, and only bound to the ordinary and canonical taxes.’ And so it was in the time of Honorius and Theodosius Junior,
40 Paratitl. ad Cod. Theod. 1. 7. tit. 8. de Onere Metati. (t. 2. p. 264.) Immunes scilicet erant a metato clerici, senatorum domus, synagogze Judzorum, et religionum loca.
41 Collect. Constit. Eccles. ex Cod. 1. I. tit. 3. s. 1. (ap. Corp. Jur. Ca- non. t. 2. p. 1253.) Οἱ κληρικοὶ καὶ τὰ ἀνδράποδα αὐτῶν οὐχ ὑπόκεινται καιναῖς εἰσφοραῖς ἢ μιτάτοις. [ Vid. ap. Basilic. 1.3. tit. 1. ce. 50. (Fa- brot. t. 1. p. 142.) Κληρικὸς ἢ οἰκέ- της αὐτοῦ, μὴ βαρείσθω Kawais συν- ων αμ μηδὲ μιτάτα διδότωσαν.
Ὁ.
" # Vid. ee Theod. 1. Σὰ: tit. 6. 6 Superindicto. (t.4. pp. 63, 5664. et Cod. Justin. 1. 10. ἐξ τῷ ae dem. (t. 5. p. 31.) Nihil super indic- torum, &c.
43 Τ|. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., &c. leg. 8. (t.6. p.32.) Juxta sanctionem, quam dudum meruisse perhibemini, et vos et mancipia vestra nullus novis collationibus obligavit [id est, obligabit,| sed vacatione gaudebi- tis.—Cf. Gothofr. in loc. (ibid. col. dextr.) Ab. extraordinariis..... col- lationibus immunes facti fuerunt, at nondum ab ordinariis et canonicis.
§ 8, 9. Jrom taxes and civil offices. 143
anno 412, when, by a law granting many other privileges to the Church relating to her possessions, they insert this among the rest‘*, ‘that no extraordinary tribute or superindiction, : but only-the common canonical tax, should be required of her.’ ᾿ Which was finally confirmed by Justinian*®, and made the standing law of the Roman empire. 9. As to some other duties and burdens, the laws a little The clergy varied. For sometimes the clergy were exempted, and some- {Yempt
times not; as particularly in the case of contributing to the —_ κων maintenance and reparation of public ways and bridges. By the pit the forementioned law*® of Honorius, anno 412, all church- ep a lands are excused from those duties, and it is called an injury init to bind them to any contribution toward them. Yet not long
after, anno 423, Theodosius Junior made a law 57 for the Eastern
empire, which excepts no order of men from bearing a share
in this matter, but obliges, as well his own possessions, (called
domus divine in the style and language of those times,) as churches, to take their proportion in it. And about the same
: time Valentinian the Third made a law4® to the same effect in
the West. Justinian confirmed the law of Theodosius by insert-
ing it into his Code+9, and added another law of his own
among his Novels®°, where though he grants the clergy an
a es SFU 8.
44 Thid. leg. 40. (p. 79.) Nihil ex- traordinarium ab hac superindicti- tiumve flagitetur.... Nihil preter canonicam illationem ejus functio-
45 Novel. τῇ ( 82.)
ovel, 121. c. t. 5. Ad hee ve a που phe rum ecclesiarum possessionibus, ne- que sordidas functiones, neque ex- a descriptiones sustinere,
46 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Nulla} &e. leg. 40. (t. 6. p. 79.) ulla jugatione, que talium privile- giorum sorte gratulatur, muniendi itineris constringat injuria ; ... nulla pontium instauratio; nulla transla- tionem solicitudo gignatur.
47 Ibid. 1. 15. tit. 3. de Itiner. Mu- niend. leg. 6. (t. 5. p- 344.).... Ad instructiones reparationesque itine- rum pontiumque nullum genus ho- minum ....cessare oportet. Domos etiam divinas, ac venerandas eccle-
sias tam laudabili titulo libenter a- scribimus.
48 Novel. 21. ad calc. Cod. Theod. = με append. rt.)....Sancimus, ut
tiquatis omnibus privilegiis, que vel ignitatibus delata fuerunt, vel diversz militiz, collegia meruerunt, aut nomine venerande religionis obtentum est, omnis ubique census, qui non personarum est, sed agro- rum, ad universa munia a nova duntaxat indictione, ut supra defi- nivimus, absque ulla discretione co- gatur in quarta parte.
49 L. τ. t. 2. leg. 7. (t. 4. P- 35+) Ad instructiones Tiexam pontium- que etiam divinas domos et venera- biles ecclesias tam laudabili titulo libenter ascribimus: quia non est inter sordida munera numeratum.
50 Novel. 131. 6. 5. (t. 5+ P- 583. ad calc.) Si tamen itineris sternen aut pontium edificii vel reparatio- nis opus fuerit, ad instar aliorum
144 Exemption of the clergy V. i. immunity from extraordinary taxes, yet he adds, ‘ that if there was occasion to make a way or build or repair a bridge, then churches as well as other possessors should contribute to those works, if they had possessions in any city where such works were to be done.’ [| And so, anno 742, King Ethelbald>, in the Synod of Cliff or Clovesho, granted an immunity to church-lands, excepting payments to an expedition and build-
ing bridges and castles. |
As itd 10. The laws varied likewise in another instance of duty aay auto required of the subjects, which was to furnish out horses and angari@, carriages for conveying of corn for the soldiers, and such other paranga- ; A
rie, δ. things as belonged to the emperor’s exchequer. This duty
in the Civil Law®? goes by the name of cursus publicus, and angarie, and parangaric, and translatio, and evectio, and the horses used in this service are particularly called parave- redi and equi cursuales. Now the clergy at first were exempt from this service by two laws of Constantius made in the former part of his reign>?, which expressly excuse both their persons and their estates from the duty of the parangarie. But by another law in the last year of his reign, anno 360, he revoked this privilege, obliging the clergy to the duty of trans- lation, as it is there worded>*, by which he means this duty of furnishing horses and carriages for the emperor’s service. And this he did, notwithstanding that the Council of Ariminum had petitioned for an immunity, being at a time when Con- stantius was displeased with them. However this law continued in force, not only under Julian, but under Valentinian and Theodosius, till by a contrary law*> about twenty years after,
possessorum, hujusmodi opus et sanctas ecclesias et venerabiles do- mos complere, dum sub illa possi- dent civitate, sub qua tale fit opus.
51 [ Vid. Spelman. Concilia. Lond. 1639. (t. I. p. 231.).... Ut per om- nia libertas, honor, auctoritas, et se- curitas Christi ecclesiz a nulla per- sona denegetur, sed sit libera ab omnibus szecularibus servitiis, et omnes terre ad illam pertinentes ; exceptis, expeditione, pontis et ar- cis constructione. Ep.
52 Cod. Theod. 1.8. t. 5. de Cursu Publico, Angariis, et Parangariis. (t. 2. pp. 506, seqq.)—Cod. Justin.
1; 12. οι (ες 6. org)
53 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc., &c. leg. 10. (t. 6. p. 34.) Parangariarum quoque parili modo [a clericis] cesset exactio.—Ibid. leg. 14. (p. 40.) Ad parangariarum quoque preestationem non vocentur, nec eorundem facultates atque sub- stantie.
54 Ibid. leg. 15. (p. 42.)....Ad universa munia sustinenda, transla- tionesque faciendas, omnes clerici debeant attineri.
59 [bid. l. r1. tit. 16. de Extraord. et Sordid. Muner. leg. 15. (t. 4. p. 127.) Circa ecclesias, rhetores,
Ψ
§ 10, 11. Jrom taxes and civil offices. 145 anno 382, they restored the clergy to their ancient privilege ; which was further confirmed to them by Honorius**, anno 412, whose law is still extant in both the Codes. Yet Theodosius Junior and Valentinian the Third, anno 440, took away their privilege again, and, by two laws*?, made church-lands liable to these burdens of the angarie, parangarie, §c., whenever the emperor should be upon any march or expedition, as well as all others. From all which it appears, that there was no certain rule observed in this matter, but the clergy had, or had not this privilege, according as the state of affairs would bear, or as the emperors were inclined to grant it.
11. Besides these public taxes and duties, there was also one Of the tri- private 'tax, from which all lands given to the Church or to any {ute called charitable use were exempt by the laws of the empire. This in ™us, uncia, the Civil Law is called denarismus or uncice, and descriptio rime ah ol lucrativorum. The reason of which names will be understood mee by explaining the nature of the tribute. It was a sort of tax Church’s
paid, not to the emperors, but to the curia or curiales of ae every city, that is, to that body of men who were obliged by virtue of their estates to be members of the court or common- council, and bear the offices of their country. Now it some- . times happened, that one of these cuwriales left his estate to | another that was not of the curia; and an estate, so descend- ing, was said to come to him ex causa lucrativa, which, being opposed to causa onerosa, is when a man enjoys an estate by gift or legacy, and not by purchase. But now, lest in this case the giving away an estate from the curia might have brought a greater burden upon the remaining part of the curiales, the
person so enjoying it was obliged to pay an annual tribute to
quolibet munere excusari precipi- mus, cum ad felicissimam expedi- tionem nostri numinis, omnium provincialium per loca, qua iter arri- pimus, debeant solita nobis minis-
atque grammaticos eruditionis utri- usque, vetus tomore durante, .... ne paraveredorum hujusmodi viris aut
i prebitio mandetur,
Lope 1. 16. ἐπὶ 2. de E a? A . 40. (t. 6. p. 79.) pee, aaa pe Mae e atur, &c. al. signetur, as it is in the Jus- tinian Code, 1. 1. tit. 2. de Sacro- sanct. Eccles. leg. 5.
57 Cod. Justin. 1. 2. tit. 2. leg. 11. (t. 4. p. 38.) Neminem ab angariis, vel parangariis, vel plaustris, vel
BINGHAM, VOL. Il.
teria exhiberi; licet ad sacrosanctas ecclesias possessiones pertineant.— It. 1. 12. tit. 51. de Cursu Publico, leg. 21. (t. 5. p. 322.) Nullus peni- tus cujuslibet ordinis seu dignitatis, vel sacrosancta ecclesia, vel domus regia, tempore expeditionis excusa- tionem angariarum, seu parangaria- rum habeat.
L
140 Exemption of the clergy V. π|. the curta of the city, which from the nature of his tenure was called descriptio lucrativorum, the lucrative tax: and because every head of land, every jugum or caput as the law terms it, was obliged to pay annually a denarius, or ounce of silver, therefore the tax itself was called unciw and denarismus; as in the laws of Theodosius the Great*’, cited in the margin. Theodosius Junior and Valentinian the Third made this tax double*?, laying four siliqgue, which is two ounces of silver, upon every head of land. According to which rate, every possessor, who held any estate by the aforesaid tenure, was obliged to pay tribute out of it to the curia of the city to which he belonged. But if any such estate was given to the Church, it was exempt from this tribute, if not before, yet at least in the time of Justinian. For there are two laws of his to this purpose, the one in his Code®, the other in his Novels ®, in both which such lands, as any of the curiales gave to a church, or a monastery, or hospital of any kind, are parti- cularly excepted from this lucrative tax; and that pietatis intuitu, as it is there worded, ‘in regard to religion, and be- cause it was fit to put some difference between things human and divine.’ But whether the Church enjoyed this immunity under any other prince before Justinian, is what I leave the curious to make the subject of a further inquiry; whilst I proceed to consider another sort of immunity of the clergy,
58 Cod. Theod. 1. 12. tit. 1. de
rum jugis et capitibus quaternas Decurionibus, leg. 107. (t. 4. p. εν
siliquas annue [leg. annuas | ordini-
452.) Quicunque heres curiali, vel legitimus, vel electus testa- mento graduve successerit ...vel si quem liberalitas locupletaverit forte Viventis, quos a curle nexu con- ditio solet dirimere, sciant, pecu- niariis descriptionibus,....ad de- narismum sive uncias, sese auctoris sui nomine retinendum.—lIt. leg. 123. (ibid. p. 467.) Quidquid ex substantia curialium ad unumquem- que diversa largiendi occasione per- venerit, denarismo vel unciis habea- tur obnoxium in ea parte, in qua auc- toris sui nomine fuerat retentatum.
59 1014. tit. 4. de Imponenda Lu- crativis Descriptione, leg. unic. (p. 529.) Hi, qui ex lucrativa causa pos- sessiones detinent, que aliquando curialium fuerint, pro singulis ea-
bus nomine descriptionis exsolvant.
60 Cod. Justin. 1. 1. tit. 2. de Sa- crosanct. Eccles. leg. 22. (t. 4. p. 62.) Sancimus res ad venerabiles eccle- sias, vel xenones, vel monasteria, vel orphanotrophia, vel gerontoco- mia, vel ptochotrophia ....descen- dentes ex qualicunque curiali liber- alitate ....a lucrativorum inscrip- tionibus liberas immunesque esse. . . Cur enim non faciamus discrimen inter res divinas et humanas?
61 Novel. 131. c. 5. (t. 5. p. 584.) Si que vero res ex curialium substantiis ad quamlibet sacrosanc- tam ecclesiam, aut aliam venerabi- lem domum, secundum leges vene- runt, aut postea venerint, liberas eas esse sancimus descriptione lu- crativorum.
§ 11, 12, 13. Srom taxes and civil offices. 147
which was their exemption from civil offices in the Roman
12. Of these offices some were personal and others predial, The clergy that is, such as were tied to men’s estates and possessions. fom Pa Some again were called honores, honourable offices ; and others iia) ork munera sordida, mean and sordid offices. Now, from all ome these, as well patrimonial as personal, honourable as well as sordid, by the first laws of Constantine, the clergy were uni- versally and entirely exempt. But after-ages made a little distinction as to such of the clergy, who enjoyed patrimonial secular estates of their own, distinct from those of the Church : for such of the clergy were sometimes forced to leave their ecclesiastical employment, and bear the civil offices of the empire ;—of which more by and by. But as to offices, which were purely personal, the clergy were entirely exempt from them; as appears from a law of Valentinian and Gratian®, still extant in both the Codes, where every order of the clergy, not only presbyters and deacons, but subdeacons, exorcists, readers, door-keepers, and acolythists, are specified as exempt from personal offices: and that is the meaning of that law of Constantius, mentioned both by Athanasius®, and Socrates®, and Sozomen®, where they say he granted the clergy of Megypt ἀλειτουργησίαν and ἀτέλειαν Accroupynudtov,—exemption from such offices as had been forced upon them in the Arian persecution,
13. Again, for those called sordid offices, not only the per- And from
sons of the clergy, but the estates of the Church were dis- —_ be charged of all burdens of that nature. Constantius made two predial and personal.
. 62 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de est. Ep.]
Epise., &c. leg. 24. (t. 6. p. 56.) 63 Apol. 2. t. I. p. 772. (t. I. teros, Dione, subdiaconos, part. 1. p. 136 e. n. 7.).... Τὴν ἀτέ-
exorcistas, lectores, ostiarios etiam, et omnes perinde qui primi sunt, personalium munerum expertes esse coy nq Justinian Code,
I. tit. 3. leg. 6. (t. 4. p. 75.) has the same, only instead of the words
omnes lythos. [Annotat. in loc. Hoc ver- bum in uno duntaxat manuscripto reperi, cum in ceteris desit. Et in C. Th. sunt qui clericos fuisse ne- gent. Qua de re amplius videndum
mi sunt, it reads aco- ἔ
λειαν, ἧς ἔτυχον πάλαι of dua αὐτῷ κληρικοὶ, τούτοις Be, ἣναι προσ- ηκόντως.
64 L, 2. c. 23. (v. τ. p. 116. 3.)... Τὴν ἀλειτουργησίαν, ἣν of αὐτοῦ κλη- ρικοὶ εἶχον, τὴν αὐτὴν πάλιν θέλομεν
ew. X65 L. 3. c. 21. (ibid. p. 126. 41.) Ipocérage .... ὡς τὸ πρὶν ἀτέλειαν ἔχειν λειτουργημάτων τοὺς αὐτοῦ κλη- ρικούς.
L 2
148 Exemption of the clergy V. 1.
laws 6 to this purpose, which Valentinian and Theodosius con- firmed, granting the clergy, and some other orders of men, the same immunity in this respect, as they did to the chief officers and dignitaries of the empire; and they intimate®7 also, that this was no new privilege, but what by ancient custom they had always enjoyed. The same is said by Honorius, that this was an ancient privilege of the Church, conferred upon her by his royal ancestors, and that it ought not to be diminished ; therefore he made two laws 68 particularly in behalf of the bishop of Rome, ‘that no extraordinary office or sordid function should be imposed upon him.’ Nor do we ever find the clergy called to bear any Such office in the empire. Tor though Go- thofred, in his Notes upon the forementioned law of Theodo- 515 69, where several of these offices are specified, reckons the angarie and building and repairing of ways and bridges among sordid offices; yet I have shewed before, that what was exacted of the clergy in reference to those two things, was under the notion of a tribute, and not an office. And the laws, which require the clergy to contribute toward them, say ex-. pressly7°, ‘that they are not to be looked upon as sordid. offices, nor any duty to be exacted under that notion.’
14. As to the other sort of offices called honores, honourable or municipal offices, which are otherwise termed curial offices, because they who bare them were called curiales et decurio- nes, men of the court or curia of every city, all the clergy who
Also from curial or municipal offices.
66 Cod.Theod. 1.16. tit.2. de Episc., &c, leg. το. (t. 6. p. 34.).... Repel- laturque ab his exactio munerum sordidorum.—Conf. ibid. leg. 14. (p. 40.) Omnis a clericis .... iniquze ex- actionis repellatur improbitas, &c.
67 Thid. 1. τι. tit. τό. de Extraord. et Sordid. Muner. leg. 15. (t. 4. Ρ- 127.) Maximarum culmina dig- nitatum .... ab omnibus sordidis muneribus vindicentur. .... Circa ecclesias, rhetores, atque grammati- cos eruditionis utriusque, vetusto more durante, &c.
68 Τ0 14. leg. 21. (p. 133.) Privile- gia venerabilis ecclesie, que divi principes contulerunt, imminui non oportet: proinde etiam quz circa urbis Rome episcopum, observatio intemerata custodiet. Ita ut nihil
extraordinarii muneris vel sordid functionis agnoscat. [Conf. ibid. leg. 22. (p. 133.) Privilegia venera- bili ecclesiz, &c. Grischov. |
69 In Cod. Theod. 1. 11. tit. 16. leg. 15. (t. 4. p. 128.) Quartum [sor- didum munus] est paraveredorum et parangariarum prebitio. ... Duo- decimum munus inter sordida nu- meratur viarum et pontium con- structionis solicitudo.
70 Cod. Theod. 1. 15. tit. 3. de Itiner. Muniend. leg. 6. Honor. et Theod. Jun. (t. 6. p. 344.) Absit ut nos instructionem vie publice, et pontium stratarumque operam..... inter sordida munera numeremus, &e.—Vid. Cod. Justin. 1. τ. tit. 2. de Eccles. leg. 7. Ejusd. Honor. et Theod. (t. 4. p. 35.)
δ 14. Srom taxes and civil offices. 149
had no lands of their own, but lived upon the revenues and possessions of the Church, were entirely exempt from them, because the duties of the Church and State were not thought well consistent in one and the same person; and it was deemed unreasonable to burden the lands of the Church with the civil duties of the empire. When Constantine was first quietly set- tled in his government, immediately after the great Decennial, commonly called the Dioclesian persecution, he seems to have granted a full and unlimited immunity in this respect to all the clergy, as well those who had lands or patrimony of their own, as those who lived wholly upon the revenues of the Church. For thus he expresses himself in a law directed to Anulinus, proconsul of Afric, recorded by Eusebius7!, which bears date anno 312 or 313: ‘ Our pleasure is that all those in your pro- vince, who minister in the Catholic Church, over which Czci- lian presides, who are commonly called the clergy, be exempted from all public offices whatsoever, that they may not be let or hindered in the performance of divine service by any sacrile- gious distraction.’ Anulinus has also an Epistle still extant in St. Austin72, written to Constantine not long after, wherein he mentions this grant as sent to him to be intimated to Cecilian and the Catholic clergy, viz. ‘that by the kind indulgence of his majesty they were exempt from all manner of offices, that they might with due reverence attend divine service.’ And this Epistle of Anulinus is also related, but not so correctly, in
the Collation of Carthage7®.
711, το. c. 7.(v. 1. p. 487. 38.) Διόπερ ἐκείνους τοὺς εἴσω τῆς ἐπαρ- χίας τῆς σοι πεπιστευμένης ἐν τῇ
ἢ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἡ Καικιλιανὸς ἐφέστηκε, τὴν ἐξ ἑαυτῶν ὑπηρεσίαν τῇ ταύτῃ θρησκείᾳ παρέχον- τας, οὕσπερ κληρικοὺς ἐπονομάζειν ε ὧν, πάντων ἁπαξαπλῶς τῶν λειτουργιῶν βούλομαι ἀλειτουρ- γήτους διαφυλαχθῆναι" ὅπως μὴ διά τινος πλάνης ἣ ἐξολισθήσεως iepo- σύλου ἀπὸ τῆς θεραπείας τῆς τῇ Θειό- τητι ὀφειλομένης ἀφέλκωνται, ἀλλὰ
" ἄνευ “ne πόκου τις: τῷ ἐξυπηρετῶνται, x. τ. Δ.
io August. Ep. 68. [al. 88.]
(t. 2. p. 213 6.) Scripta celestia ma-
jestatis vestre accepta atque adorata
Ceciliano et his, qui sub eodem
In this grant it is very obsery-
agunt, quique clerici appellantur,
evotio |mea apud acta} parvitatis mez insinuare curavit, eosdemque hortata est, ut, unitate consensu om- nium facta, cum omni omnino mu- nere indulgentia majestatis vestre liberati esse videantur catholici, cus- todita sanctitate legis, debita reveren- tia divinis rebus inserviant. [Editi omittunt mea apud acta, que verba hue revocavimus ex MSS. Ed. Be- ned., in loc., which puts a comma at videantur, and reads catholica cus- todita, &c. See the last part of the following note. Ep. }
73 Die 3. c. 216. (CC. t. 2. p. 1488 c.) Augustis nostris Anulinus v. c. proconsul Afric: scripta ec- clesia majestatis vestree accepta at-
150 Exemption of the clergy
able that this privilege was only allowed to the Catholic clergy; which made the Donatists very uneasy, because they could not enjoy the same favour: and upon this they became tumultuous and troublesome to the Catholics, procuring the clergy in some places to be-nominated to public offices, and to be made receiy- ers of the public revenues, &c. But complaint hereof being made to Constantine, it occasioned the publishing of a new order in Afric, pursuant to the former 75, “that whereas he was given to understand that the clergy of the Catholic Church were molested by the heretical faction, and by their procure- ment nominated to public offices, and made susceptors or receivers of tribute, in derogation of the privileges which he had formerly granted them, he now signified his pleasure again, that if the magistrates found any person so aggrieved, they should substitute another in his room, and take care for the future that no such injuries should be offered to the men of that profession.’ This law was published anno 313, and it is the first of this kind that is extant in the Theodosian Code. About six years after, anno 319, he put forth another, upon a hike complaint made in Italy, that the clergy were called away from their proper functions to serve in public offices; and in this7> he grants them the same general immunity as before. So again, anno 330, a complaint being made against the Dona- tists in Numidia, that when they could not have their will upon the superior clergy by reason of the former immunity that was granted them, they notwithstanding forced the inferior clergy to bear offices in curia, upon pretence that the exemption did not extend to them; Constantine, to cut off all dispute, pub-
que adorata Ceciliano et his, qui sub eodem agunt, quique clerici appellantur, devotio mea apud acta parvitatis mez insinuare curavit.— C. 220. (ibid. e.) Martialis exceptor ex superioribus gestis recitavit : Eosdem hortata est, ut, unitate con- sensu omnium facta, munere majes- tatis vestre liberati esse videantur, catholica custodita, sanctitati legis debita reverentia ac divinis rebus inserviant.
74 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Epise., &c. leg. 1. (t. 6. p. 21.) Hereticorum factione comperimus eeclesize catholic clericos ita vex-
ari, ut nominationibus seu suscep- tionibus aliquibus, quas publicus mos exposcit, contra indulta ibi [leg. 5101] privilegia, preegraventur. Ideoque placet, si quem tua gravitas invenerit ita vexatum, eidem alium surrogari, et deinceps a supradictz religionis hominibus hujusmodi in- jurias prohiberi. ᾿
75 Thid. leg. 2. (p. 22.) Qui divino cultui ministeria religionis impen- dunt, id est, hi qui clerici appellan- tur, ab omnibus omnino muneribus excusentur: ne sacrilego livore quo- rundam a divinis obsequiis avocen- tur. ,
814, 15. from taxes and civil offices. 151
lished another law7®, wherein he particularly exempts the inferior clergy, readers, subdeacons, and the rest, from bearing offices in curia; and orders, that they should enjoy in Afric the same perfect immunity as they did in the Oriental Churches.
15. Now this immunity was so great a privilege, that it not But this only beeame the envy of heretics, but also provoked some rea Catholic laymen, who were possessed of estates qualifying Snel to | them to bear the offices of their country, to get a sort of titular clergy as ordination to some of the inferior offices of the Church, on pert di purpose to enjoy this immunity; when yet they neither de- what be- signed to do the duty of that office, nor to arise to any higher [("s" © order in the Church. Which being interpreted a mere fraudu- by the laws lent collusion to deprive the State of fit men to serve the com- bast monwealth, and no ways benefit the Church, it was presently resented by Constantine as an abuse; and various laws were made both by him and his successors, as occasion required, to restrain and correct it. Constantine at first, as I observed be- fore, granted this immunity indifferently to all the clergy, as well possessors as not-possessors of private estates, whom he found actually engaged in the service of the Church, when he came to the quiet possession of the empire; nor did he, for some years after perhaps, restrain any sorts of men from taking orders in the Church: but when he found this in- dulgence to the Church, by the artifice of cunning men, only turned to the detriment of the State; and that rich men shel- tered themselves under an ecclesiastical title, only to avoid the offices of their country ; he then made a law, that no rich plebeian, who was qualified by his estate to serve in curia and bear civil offices in any city, should become an ecclesiastic ; or, if he did, he should be liable from the time that law was made to be fetched back and returned in curiam, to bear the offices of his country as a layman. What year that law was made is not very certain, save only that it was before the year 320, when a second law was made upon the same subject referring
76 Ibid. leg. 7. (p. 31.) Lectores sunt, absolvantur: et de cetero ad divinoram apicum, et hypodiaconi, similitudinem Orientis minime ad ceterique clerici, qui per injuriam curias devocentur, sed immunitate hgreticorum ad curiam devocati plenissima potiantur.
152 Exemption of the clergy V. iil.
to the first. And from this we learn what was the import of both ;—that it was Constantine’s design to put a distinction betwixt such of the clergy as were ordained before that first law, and such as were ordained afterward: the former he ex- empted from civil offices, though they were possessed of estates, but not the latter. Which plainly appears from the words of the second law77, which are these: ‘ Whereas by a former law we ordained, that from thenceforward no coun- sellor or counsellor’s son, nor any one, who by his estate was sufficiently qualified to bear public offices, should take upon him the name or function of the clergy, but only such, whose fortune is small, and they not tied to any civil offices; we are now given to understand, that such of the clergy, who were or- dained before the promulgation of that law, are molested upon that account. Wherefore our command is, that those be dis- charged of all further trouble; and that such only as entered themselves among the clergy since the law was made, with in- tention to decline public offices, shall be returned to the cwria and states of their city, to serve in the civil offices of their country. There is another law of Constantine’s published after this78, anno 326, a year after the Council of Nice, which speaks to the same effect, and shews that this was the standing rule of the latter part of Constantine’s reign, to exempt none among the clergy, who were qualified by estates of
their own, from bearing personally the public offices of the empire.
Constan- 16. But however this might be well designed at first by him ng Slap to prevent some abuses, yet in process of time it became very
77 Tbid. leg. 3. (p. 22.) Cum con- stitutio emissa precipiat, nullum de- inceps decurionem, vel ex decurione progenitum, vel etiam instructum ido- neis facultatibus, atque obeundis pub- licis muneribus opportunum, ad cleri- corum nomen obsequiumque confu- gere; sedeos.... qui fortuna tenues, neque muneribus civilibus teneantur obstricti: cognovimus illos etiam inquietari, qui ante legis promulga- tionem clericorum se consortio so- ciaverint: ideoque precipimus, his ab omni molestia liberatis, illos, qui
post legem latam obsequia publica declinantes ad clericorum numerum confugerunt, curiz ordinibusque re- stitui, et civilibus obsequiis inser-. vire.
78 Thid. leg. 6. (p. 30.) .... Si inter civitatem et clericos super ali- cujus nomine dubitetur, si eum x- quitas ad publica trahat munera, et progenie municeps vel patrimonio idoneus dignoscetur, exemptus cle- ricis civitati tradatur: opulentos enim seculisubire necessitates oportet, pau- peres ecclesiarum divitiis sustentari.
§ τό. from taxes and civil offices. 153
prejudicial to the Church. For by this means sometimes pres- byters and deacons, after they had been twenty or thirty years . in the Church’s service, were called upon by litigious men to ¢™Ptrorm bear ciyil offices, inconsistent with the spiritual, and thereupon the Church. they were forced to forsake their ecclesiastical function. This was so great an inconvenience, that it well became the wisdom of the following emperors to find out some suitable remedy for it; which they did by new modifying Constantine’s law, and abating something of the rigour of it. For they did not lay the burden of civil offices upon the persons of the clergy, but only upon their patrimonial estates, not belonging to the Church, and in some cases they excused those also. Constantius ac- quitted all bishops of this burden, both as to their estates and persons79; for by his laws they might keep their estates to themselves, and neither be obliged to bear civil offices in per- son, nor substitute any other in their room. And he allowed the same privilege to presbyters, and deacons, and all others, provided they were ordained by the consent of the civil court, or curia, and the general request of the people. But, if they were not so ordained, all that they were obliged to do, was only to part with two-thirds of their estate to their children or next relations, and substitute them in their room; or, in defect of such relations, to give up two parts of their estate to the : curia, and retain the third to themselves. Valentinian, in the first year of his reign, anno 364, made the law®® a little stricter: ‘that such persons, when they were ordained, should give all their estate to one of their relations, and substitute him as a curialis in their room, or else give it up to the curia itself; otherwise they should be liable to be called back to serve in civil offices as laymen.’ But he extended this obliga- tion no further than to the beginning of his own reign: for by another law*!, made seven years after, anno 371, he exempted
tered by the suc-
ceeding
79 Ibid. 1. 12. tit.r. de Decurion. leg. 49. (t. 4. p. 387.) Solum episco- pum facultates suas curiz, sicut ante fuerat constitutum, nullus adi- gat mancipare, sed antistes maneat, re faciat substantiz cessionem,
c.
80 Thid. leg.59. (p. 405.) Qui par- tes eligit ecclesiz, aut in propin- quum bona propria conferendo eum
i se faciat curialem, aut facultati- us curiz cedat, quam reliquit; ex necessitate revocando eo qui neu- trum fecit, cum clericus esse ccepis-
set, Xc.
81 Ibid. 1, 16. tit. 2. de Episce., &e. leg. 21. (t. 6. p. 51. Qui Ec- clesize juge obsequium deputarunt, curiis habeantur immunes, si tamen ante ortum imperii nostri ad cultum
154 Exemption of the clergy V. ul
all such as were in the service of the Church when he came to the crown, though they had estates of their own qualifying them to bear civil offices. Valens ®? exempted all such as had been ten years in the Church’s service; so that, if they were not called upon by the civil courts within that term, they were for ever after to be excused. Valentinian the Second 838 ex- empted them, provided they put a substitute in their room. Theodosius 8: exempted all that were ordained before the year 388, which was the tenth year of his reign: and of those that were ordained afterward he only required the aforesaid condi- tions *>, ‘that they. should either provide a proper substitute, or give up their estates to the court at their ordination.’ Which is also taken notice of by St. Ambrose in his answer to Symmachus, where he shews8 how unreasonable it was for him to plead for the exemption of the heathen priests in this respect, when the laws did not grant it to the Christian clergy,
se legis nostre contulisse consti- terit.
82 Ibid. leg. 19. (p. 47.) ....Siin consortio clericatus decennium qui- etis impleverit, cum patrimonio suo habeatur immunis. Si vero intra fi- nitos annos fuerit a curia revoca- tus, cum substantia sua functioni- bus subjaceat civitatis.
83 Jbid. 1. 12. tit.1. de Decurion. leg. 99. (t. 4. p. 445.) Jussio, qua si- bi Judze legis homines blandiun- tur, per quam eis curialium mune- rum datur immunitas, rescindatur : cum ne clericis quidem liberum sit, prius se divinis ministeriis manci- pare, quam patrie debita universa persolvant. Quisquis igitur vere Deo dicatus est, alium instructum facultatibus suis ad munera pro se complenda constituat.
84 bid. leg. 121. (p.464.) Qui an- te se eundum consulatum mansue- tudinis mez ex ordine curiali, vel presbyteri fastigium, vel ministe- rium diaconi, vel exorcistz suscepit officium, omne ejus patrimonium immune a curialibus nexibus habe- atur ac liherum. [i vero, qui se ad religiosa divini cultus obsequia, quo- cumque sub nomine, post memorati consulatus tempora prescripta con-
tulerint, omui sciant cedendum esse patrimonio.—Leg. 123. (p.467.) Evi- dens etiam precepto nostro tempus expressum est, ex quo consulatu, si qui de curialibus ad ecclesiam con- fugissent, omni scirent patrimonio curiz esse cedendum.
85 Tbid. leg. 104. (p. 450.) Curia- les, qui ecclesiis malunt servire quam curiis, si volunt esse quod si- mulant, contemnant illa que sub- trahunt: nec enim eos aliter, nisi contemptis patrimoniis, liberamus : quippe animos divina observatione devinctos non decet patrimoniorum desideriis occupari.— Leg. 115. (p. 460.) Ad curiam clerici pertinentes sciant, ex patrimonio suo, si ipsi immunes cupiunt permanere, alios idoneos esse faciendos, qui receden- tium presentiam personamque re- stituant in publicis muneribus sub- eundis.
86 Cont. Symmach. [al. Ep. 18. ad Valentin. | (t. 2. p.836 d. π. 13.) ... Nobis etiam private successionis emolumenta recentibus legibus de- negantur.... Si privilegium querat sacerdos, ut onus curiale declinet, patria atque avita et omnium facul- tatum possessione cedendum est. |
OF |,
SS θη οτυ τ ΣΝ
ον δι νι
Jrom taxes and civil offices. 155
but upon such conditions. Arcadius, indeed, by the instigation of Eutropius, anno 398, cancelled all these favourable laws, and brought the clergy again to the hard rule of Constantine 57, ‘that if any of the ewriales were ordained in the Church, they should by force be returned to the civil courts again in person, and_not enjoy the benefit of those laws, which allowed them to take orders, provided they disposed of their estates to proper substitutes, who might bear offices in their stead.’ But this law was but very shortlived: for, Chrysostom and some others very justly declaiming against it, Arcadius disannulled it the year following by a new law**, wherein he granted such of the elergy, as were taken and ordained out of the body of the cu- riales, the same privilege that they had under his father The- odosius, which was, that all that were ordained before the se- cond consulship of Theodosius, anno 388, should enjoy a per- fect immunity, without any molestation; and such as were or- dained after that term, if they were of the superior clergy, bishops, presbyters, or deacons, might continue in the Church's service, either providing a substitute to bear the offices of the οὐρα for them, or giving up their estates to the curia, as for- mer laws in that case had directed. Only it was required that the inferior clergy, readers, subdeacons, &c., should be re- turned to the curia again, and obliged to bear offices in per- son. And the same was determined by Theodosius Junior 59,
87 Cod. Theod. 1.9. tit. 45. De diaconi, vel hi clerici quibus cleri- his qui ad Eccles. confug. leg. 3. (t. corum privilegia non debentur, de- 8: p- 361.) Decuriones ...... manu bitis mox patriz muneribus presen-
mox injecta revocentur: quibus ul- terius legem prodesse non patimur, a. patrimonii subsecuta,
iones esse clericos non veta-
88 Thid. 1. 12. tit.1. de Decurion. leg. 163. (t. 4. p. 496.) Si qui ex se- cundo divi patris nostri consulatu curiam relinquentes clericorum se consortio manciparunt, si jam epi- scopi, vel presbyteri, vel diaconi esse fal. male, diacono esse] meruerunt, in sacris quidem et secretioribus Dei mysteriis perseverent; sed aut sub- stitutum [al. substitutos] pro se cu- riz offerre cogantur, aut juxta legem dudum latam tradant curiae faculta- tes. Residui omnes, lectores, sub-
tentur.
89 Novel. 26. ad cale. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p.13.) [lustris magni- ficentia tua pragmatici nostri tenore comperto sciat, corporatum urbis Rome, qui non expleto ordine ceepti officii, priusquam ad primum iter favor # locum emeritus pervenerit, ad militiz cujuslibet cingulum se credidit transferendum, corporibus, cui nomen suum ante dicaverat, o- portere revocari: sive etiam in cle- ricorum numero reperitur, usque ad diaconi locum similis precepti con- ditio teneatur, &c.— Novel. 38. (ibid. p. 16.).... Presenti lege sancimus, ut quisquis ante hujus sanctionis diem suscepit clericatus officium,
156 Exemption of the clergy
and Valentinian the Third. and Majorian9!, whose laws are extant at the end of the Theodosian Code. Justinian also has a Novel % to the same purpose, wherein he orders such of the inferior clergy, as were taken out of any curia, to be returned thither again, unless they had lived fifteen years a monastic lite ; and then they were to give three parts of their patrimony to the curia, and retain one to themselves. But he allowed bishops to put in a substitute, and be free from bearing civil offices in person, as Julianus Antecessor, in his Epitome of the Authentics, understands him. Though, I confess, there is something to incline a man to think Justinian at first was a little more severe to such bishops, because he revived that an- tiquated law of Arcadius in his Code. But however this be, upon the whole matter it appears that the Christian princes, from first to last, always made a wide difference between the
non expletis urbis propriz muniis ac muneribus, in ea quidem, qua meruit, religionis observatione per- duret, sed omnia per suffectum tam personalia quam patrimonii onera cogatur agnoscere, facultates suas pro virili portione singulis filiis di- vidat, sibimet simili parte servata,
oF
90 Novel. 12. (ibid. p. 26. ad calc. et Bisel). is Ai Qui intra decennium transactum a die late hujus legis diaconi ordinati sunt, suffectos pro se dare debebunt. Si non habent, unde sibi hac ratione prospiciant, ipsi ad nexum proprium reducan- tur. Ceteris inferioris gradus ad competentia ministeria retrahendis : exceptis episcopis atque presbyteris: servatis tamen, que de patrimonio talium personarum legum prece- dentium statuta sanxerunt.
91 Novel. 1. (ibid. p. 32.) Qui- cumque se sub nomine clericatus, seu quodam religionis obtentu, cu- rialis vel corporatus fortasse sub- traxerit, secundum precedentium legum statuta, si infra diaconatus gradum locatus probatur, ad origi- nem suam sine dilatione revocetur. Si vero jam diaconus, aut presbyter, aut episcopus latz hujus legis tem- pore reperitur, sive adhuc obnoxius functionibus, sive muniis persolutis,
nihil de patrimonio suo alienaturum se esse cognoscat.
92 Novel. 123. c. 15. ex Epitom. Julian. Antecess. (t. 5. p. 547.) Si vero tales persone in clero consti- tuantur, tanquam non ad ordinem perducti, proprie fortune restituan- tur; nisi forsan monasticam vitam a- liquis eorum non minus quindecim annis implevit, &c.—[Conf. Cod. Justin. 1.1. tit.3. de Episc. leg. 4. (t. 4. p. 73.)....Ad priorem condi- tionem retrahantur, &c. Ep.]|
93 Epitom. Novel. 123. 6. 4. post leg. 37. Cod. Justin. de Episce. (t. 4. Ρ. 108. ad calc.) Episcopalis ordo li- berat a fortuna servili, vel ascripti- tia, sed non a curiali sive officiali; nam et post ordinationem durat; ita ut per subjectam vel interposi- tam personam officium adimpleatur, ἄχεα.
94 Τι. τὶ tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 12. (t. 4. p. 79.) Si quis curialis clericus fu- erit ordinatus, nec statim, conven- tione premissa, pristine conditioni reddatur, is vigore et solertia judi- cantium, ad pristinam sortem, veluti manu injecta, mox revocetur. Cle- ricis enim ulterius legem prodesse non patimur, que, cessione patri- monii subsecuta, decuriones cleri- cos esse non vetabat.
V. ili
a
ϑι6, iv. 1. Jrom taxes and civil offices. 157
public patrimony of the Church, which was properly ecclesi- astical, and the private estates of such of the clergy as had lands of a civil or secular tenure : for the one, the clergy were ᾿ obliged to no duty or burden of civil offices; but for the other they were, and could not be excused from them, but either by parting with some portion of their estates, or providing proper substitutes to officiate for them. The reason of which was, that such of the clergy were looked upon as irregularly promoted ; it being as much against the rules of the Church, as the laws of the State, to admit any of the curiales to an ecclesiastical function, without first giving satisfaction to the curia, whence they were taken, as has been shewed in another place®.
I have been the more curious in searching to the bottom this business about tribute and civil offices, and have given a parti- eular and distinct account of them from the grounds of the Civil Law, because but few men have recourse to those fountains whence this matter is to be cleared; and the reader will scarce find this subject handled, but either very imperfectly, or with some partiality, or some confusion, in modern authors.
CHAP. IV. Of the revenues of the ancient clergy.
1. Tue next thing that comes in order to be considered is Several the maintenance of the ancient clergy. Where it will be proper bee ding P first to inquire into the ways and methods that were taken for fund for raising funds for their subsistence. And here, to set aside a pactbecesge
little the consideration of tithes, which will be spoken of in the οὖ, πὰ next chapter, we find other ways by which, in ancient times, a shistbans decent provision was made for them. As, first, by the volun- some of | tary oblations of the people, of which some learned persons weekly. think there were two sorts: first, the weekly or daily oblations,
that were made at the altar; secondly, the monthly oblations,
that were cast into the treasury of the Church. The first sort
of oblations were such as every rich and able communicant
made at his coming to partake of the eucharist; where they
offered not only bread and wine, out of which the eucharist
was taken, but also other necessaries, and sometimes sums of
money, for the maintenance of the Church and relief of the
poor; as is evident from those words of St. Jerom, in his Com-
% See 8. 16. p. 152.
SS a αὶ ae, Ρ... ᾿
] 7 . '
158 The revenues of V. ive
ments upon Ezekiel, where he tells us ‘ that thieves and op- pressors made their oblations, among others, out of their ill- gotten goods, that they might glory in their wickedness, while the deacon in the church publicly recited the names of those that offered ;—such an one offers so much, and such an one hath promised so much ;—and so they please themselves with the applause of the people, while their own conscience lashes and torments them.’ Those called the Apostolical Canons%7 speak also of the oblation of fruits and fowls and beasts, but order such to be sent home to the bishop and presbyters, who were to divide them with the deacons and the rest of the clergy.
2. Another sort’ of oblations were made monthly, when it was usual for persons, that were able and willing, to give, as they thought fit, something to the ark or treasury of the Church. Which sort of collation is particularly taken notice of by Tertullian 98, who says ‘it was made menstrua die, once a month, or when every one pleased, and as they pleased ; for no man was compelled to it: it was not any stated sum, but a
And others monthly.
voluntary oblation.’
Baronius%9 thinks this ark or treasury
was called the corban of the Church, because Cyprian! uses
96 In Ezek. 18. p. 537. (t.5. p. 209 a.) Quod multos facere conspicimus Pr: qui opprimunt per potentiam, vel furta committunt, ut de multis parva pauperibus tribuant, et in suis sceleribus glorientur, publiceque dia- conus in ecclesiis recitet offerentium nomina: ..tantum offert 1116, tantum ille pollicitus est; ... placentque sibi ad plausum populi, torquente con- scientia.
7 Ce. 3, 4, 5. (Cotel. [c. 2.7 v. 1. p. 437.) Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος, ἢ πρεσβύτε- ρος, παρὰ τὴν ὑπὸ [8]. τοῦ] Κυρίου διάταξιν τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ θυσίᾳ, προσενέγκῃ ἕτερά τινα ἐπὶ τὸ [τοῦ Θεοῦ] θυσια- στήριον, ἢ μέλι, ἢ γάλα, ἢ ἀντὶ οἴνου σίκερα, [ἢ] ἐπιτηδευτὰ, ἢ ὄρνεις, ἢ ζῶά τινα, ἢ ὄσπρια, [ὡς] παρὰ τὴν διάταξιν Κυρίου ποιῶν, καθαιρείσθω. πλὴν νέων χίδρων, ἢ στάχυας σίτου, ἢ σταφυλῆς [τῷ καιρῷ τῷ δέοντι. Μὴ ἐξὸν [δὲ] ἔστω προσάγεσθαί τι [ἕτερον] πρὸς [8]. εἰς] τὸ θυσιαστή- ριον, καὶ [8]. ἢ] ἔλαιον εἰς τὴν [ἁγίαν] λυχνίαν, καὶ θυμίαμα τῷ καιρῷ τῆς θείας ἀναφορᾶς [8]. τῆς ἁγίας προσ-
φορᾶς. ἫἪ [δὲ] ἄλλη πᾶσα ὀπώρα εἰς οἶκον ἀποστελλέσθω ἀπαρχὴ [8]. ἀπαρχῆς ] τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ καὶ τοῖς πρεσ- βυτέροις, ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς τὸ θυσιαστή- ριον. Δῆλον δὲ, ὡς ὁ ἐπίσκοπος καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι ἐπιμερίζουσι [καὶ] τοῖς διακόνοις, καὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς κληρικοῖς.
9 Apol. c. 39. (p. 31 8.).... Εδίατα si quod arc genus est, non de ho- noraria [al. ordinaria| summa, quasi redempte religionis congregatur : modicam unusquisque stipem men- strua die, vel cum velit, et si modo velit, et si modo possit, apponit : nam nemo compellitur, sed sponte confert.
9 An. 44. ἢ. 69. (t. 1. p. 332 ἃ.) ....Tdemque etiam meminit de an- tiquo ecclesiarum usu, qui hactenus perdurabat, ut et in ecclesiis essent gazophylacia, in quibus oblate pe- cuniz conderentur, que a Cypriano corbona nuncupantur.
1 De Oper. et Eleemos. p. 203. ᾿ (p. 141.) Locuples et dives es, et dominicum celebrare te credis, que’ corbonam omnino non respicis ;
812, 3. 159
that word when he speaks of the offerings of the people; re- buking a rich and wealthy matron for ‘coming to celebrate the eucharist without any regard to the corban, and partaking of . the Lord’s Supper without any sacrifice of her own.’ Others? conceive that corban is not a name for the treasury, but sig- nifies the gift or oblation itself; and that Cyprian so uses it, making it the same with the sacrifices or offerings of the peo- ple. But the Evangelist, Matt. 27, 6, seems rather to favour the opinion of Baronius ; for when he says the chief priests did not think it lawful to put Judas’s money εἰς τὸν κορβανᾶν, it is evident he there by corban means the treasury, as most trans- lators render it. 8. But however this be, it is very probable that hence came Whence the custom of dividing these oblations once a month among the “me He
custom of a clergy. For as Tertullian speaks of a monthly collation, so monthly
Cyprian? frequently mentions a monthly division, in which the gmong the presbyters had their shares by equal portions, and other orders “lersy- after the same manner. Whence the clergy are also styled in
| his language* sportulantes fratres, partakers of the distribu-
δ tion; and what we now call suspensio a beneficio is, in his style®, suspensio a divisione mensurna, suspension from the
: monthly division. Which plainly implies, that this sort of chureh-revenues was usually divided once a month among the clergy. And perhaps in conformity to this custom it was that
the Theodosian heretics, having persuaded one Natalius, a con- fessor, to be ordained a bishop among them, promised him a monthly salary of one hundred and fifty denarii, μηνιαῖα dnvd-
pia ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα, as Eusebius words it®, referring to the usual way of distribution once @ month among the clergy.
the ancient clergy.
que in dominicum sine sacrificio venis ; que m de sacrificio, quod pauper obtulit, sumis?
2 . Exercit. in Baron. an. 44. (p. 597.) Baronio assentiri non possum de significatione corban. In ecclesiis erant gazophylacia, in qui- bus oblate pecunie entur, que a Cypriano corbona nuncupantur. n. 69. Arcula, in quam pecunia congerebatur, non designatur a Cypriano voce hac corbona; sed donum ipsum a fidelibus oblatum.
_S Ep. 34. [al. 39.] (p. 224.)..-Ut et sportulis isdem cum presbyteris
honorentur, et divisiones mensurnas eequatis quantitatibus partiantur.
4 Ep. 66. [al. 1.] (p. 170.) ... In honore sportulantium fratrum tan- quam decimas ex fructibus accipi- entes.
5 Ep. 28. [al. 34-] (p. 218.) In- terim se a divisione mensurna tan- tum contineant, &c.
6 L. 5. c. 28. (v.1. p. 253- 17.) ᾿Ανεπείσθη δὲ ὁ Νατάλιος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ σαλαρίῳ ἐπίσκοπος κληρωθῆναι ταύτης τῆς αἱρέσεως, ὥστε λαμβάνειν παρ᾽ ,αὐτῶν μηνιαῖα δηνάρια ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα.
Secondly, other reve-
160 The revenues of
4. Another sort of revenues which the clergy enjoyed were
nues arising SUch as arose annually from the lands and possessions which
from the lands and possessions of the Church.
were given to the Church. These indeed at first were but small, by reason of the continual vexations and persecutions which the Church underwent for the three first ages, when immoveable goods were always most exposed to danger. It was the custom of the Church of Rome therefore never to keep any immoyeable possessions, no, not for many ages, if we may credit Theodorus Lector’?, who speaks of it as customary in his own time, anno 520. But, if any such were given to the Church, they immediately sold them, and divided the price into three parts, giving one to the church, another to the bishop, and the third to the rest of the clergy. And Valesius finds no exception to this till near the time of Gregory the Great. But, if this was the custom of the Church of Rome, it was a very singular one. For other Churches had their im- moveables, both houses and lands, even in the times of perse-
cution; as appears from the edicts of Maximinus, wherein he
revoked his former decrees that had raised the persecution, and in these latter edicts granted the Christians liberty, not only to rebuild their churches, but also ordered 8, ‘ that if any houses or lands belonging to them had been confiscated, or sold, or given away, they should be restored to them again.’ That this was meant of houses and lands belonging to the Church, as well as private Christians, is evident from the de- cree of Constantine and Licinius published the same year, anno 313; wherein they give orders9, ‘that whereas the Christians were known to have not only places of assembly, but also other places belonging, not to any private man, but to the whole body, all such places should be restored to the body, and to every particular assembly among them.’ peated again in Constantine’s
Which is re- letter to Anulinus!°, and other
7 L, 2. p. 567. (v. 3. p. 583. 8.) Ἔθος λέγει τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ εἶναι τῆς “Ῥώμης, ἀκίνητα μὴ κρατεῖν δίκαια" ἄλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ περιέλθωσιν, εὐθέως πι- πράσκεσθαι, καὶ εἰς μοίρας τρεῖς. διαι- ρεῖσθαι τὸ τίμημα" καὶ τὸ μὲν τῇ ἐκ- κλησίᾳ δίδοσθαι, τὸ δὲ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ, τὸ δὲ τῷ κλήρῳ.
8 Vid. Euseb. 1. 9. c. 10. (Ὁ. I. Ρ. 457: 89.) -- ly εἴ τινες οἰκίαι καὶ χωρία.... ταῦτα πάντα εἰς τὸ ἀρχαῖον
δίκαιον τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἀνακληθῆναι ἐκελεύσαμεν.
5 Ibid. 1 τον δ} Ἐς Ὁ. 482. 13.) .. Ἵνα τοὺς τόπους αὐτῶν εἰς ous τ πρότερον συνέρχεσθαι ἔθος ἦν αὐτοῖς, K. τ.
10 Ap. Euseb. ibid. (p. 483. 33) ᾿Επειδή. περ προῃρήμεθα ταῦτα ἅπερ αἱ αὐταὶ ἐκκλησίαι πρότερον ἐσχήκε- σαν, τῷ δικαίῳ αὐτῶν ἀποκαταστα- θῆναι, κ. τ.λ.
᾿
§4, 5,6.
eS
ef a ee ,
161
public acts of his recorded by Eusebius in his Life!, where he makes mention of houses, gardens, lands, and other possessions belonging to the Church, of which she had been plundered and despoiled in the late persecutions. These are undeniable evidences that some part of the ecclesiastical revenues was an- ciently raised from houses and lands settled upon the Church, even before any Christian emperors could give encouragement to them. δ. But when Constantine was quietly settled upon the throne, These very he Church-revenues received great augmentations in this kind. samt ΟΣ For he enacted a law at Rome, which is still extant in both ron Ὁ" of the Codes, ‘that any one whatsoever should have liberty at Sint? his death to bequeath by will what part of his goods he pleased to the holy Catholic Church.’ By which means the liberality of pious persons was very much encouraged, and great addi- tions were made to the standing revenues of the Church. Therefore Baronius' is very injurious to the memory of Con- stantine, and justly corrected by Gothofred'* and Mr. Pagi™ for it, in that he insinuates as if Constantine had relapsed toward heathenism at this very time, anno 321, when he pub- lished this law so much in favour of the Church.
6. Others are no less injurious to some of his successors, Whose laws
were con-
when they represent them as injurious to the Church, in for- gomea, and bidding widows and orphans to leave any legacies to the not revoked
the ancient clergy.
τ Vit. Constant. 1. 2. c. 37. (p. 554. 30.) ᾿Ιδέτωσαν ἅπαντες, εἴ τε ee εἴ τ᾽ οἰκίαν, εἴ τε κῆπον, εἴ τε τι τῶν προειρημένων κατέχοιεν, καλὸν καὶ λυσιτελὲς αὐτοῖς τς καὶ ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀποκαθιστάναι σὺν raxvrntt.—It. c. 39. (p. 555- 39.) ἍΛπαντα ὅσα ταῖς ἐκκλησί- as προσήκειν ὀρθῶς ἂν φανείη, εἴτ᾽ οἰκίαι τὸ κτῆμα dvouev, εἴτ᾽ ἀγροί τινες καὶ κῆποι, εἴθ᾽ ὁποῖα δή ποτε ἕτερά τινα, οὐδενὸς τῶν εἰς τὴν δεσπο- τείαν ἔλαττουμένου δικαίου, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκε- ραίων πάντων μενόντων, ἀποκαθίστα-
σθαι προστάττομεν. εν 12 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. leg. 4.
(t. 6. p. 23.)—Cod. Justin. 1. 1. tit. 2. leg. 1. (t. 4. p. 31.) Habeat unus- ea licentiam sanctissimo ca- tholico venerabilique concilio, dece- dens, bonorum quod optaverit, re-
BINGHAM, VOL. Il.
linquere, &c.
13 An, 321. ἢ. 18. (t. 3. p. 233 6.) Sed quem hactenus tot tantaque adeo insignia pro Christiana reli- gione, hoc anno atque superioribus temporibus, statuisse vidimus, tum ex scriptis hisce ab eo legibus, tum ex aliis citatis auctoribus, in fine ta- men hujus ipsius anni, o dolendum facinus!, minus plane dignum atque adeo abhorrens a Christiano impe- ratore rescriptum dedisse ad Maxi- mum, prefectum urbis, apparet, quo aruspices consulendos esse de- cernit, &c.
14 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 10. de Paganis, leg. 1. (t. 6. p. 258.) Ego adversus eum judico, &c.
15 Crit. in ἢ παρα an. 321. nn. 4 et 5. (t. 1. p. 394.) Existimavit Ba- ronius, &c.
162 The revenues of Y. 1%
bythe suc- Church. Baronius cannot help complaining also upon this ae as point, though he contradicts himself about it. For in one place oo mis- he says'®, ‘the foresaid law of Constantine did so augment the Church’s wealth, that the following emperors began to dread the consequences of it, that it would turn to the detriment and poverty of the commonwealth; and therefore they made laws to restrain the faithful from being so profuse in their donations to the Church.’ Yet, when he comes to speak particularly of those laws, he owns!” ‘they were not designed against the Church, but only to correct the scandalous practices of some sordid monks and ecclesiastics, who, being of an avaricious and parasitical temper, made a gain of godliness; and, under pre- tence of religion, so screwed themselves into the favour and affections of some rich widows and orphans, that they prevailed upon them to leave them great legacies, and sometimes their whole estates, to the prejudice of the right heirs and next re- lations.’ Which was so dishonest and unbecoming a practice in such persons, that Valentinian made a law!’ to prevent it, decreeing ‘ that no ecclesiastics, nor any that professed the monastic life, should frequent the houses of widows or orphans; nor be qualified to receive any gift or legacy from the dona- tion or last will of any such persons.’ Which law, as Gothofred rightly observes}9, did not prohibit them from leaving any thing to the Church; though some learned men so misunder- stand it; but only tended to correct this unworthy practice of some particular persons, which is equally complained of by the
16 An, 321. ἢ. 17. (t. 3. p. 233 ἃ.) ..-Adeo auctze sunt illarum divitize, ut posteriores imperatores veriti ob eam causam reipublice detrimen- tum et paupertatem, conati sint ite- rum ab hujusmodi profusis largitio- nibus cohibere fideles.
MAD BIO ἢ, BBE. (be shy, De 272 6.) ... Qua quidem [sanctione] nequaquam prohibentur ecclesiz hereditates accipere vel legata, sed ecclesiasticee persone, sive clerici, sive monachi. ... ut plane intelligas hosce nebulones, ... tanquam har- pyias quasdam inhiantes matrona- rum divitiis, et impuris moribus [manibus] cuncta foedantes, pre- scribere [proscribere] ab urbe stu-
duisse ipsos imperatores.
18 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc. &c., leg. 20. (t. 6. p. 48.) Ecclesiastici ..... vel qui continen- tium se volunt nomine nuncupari, viduarum aut pupillarum domos non adeant..... ensemus etiam, ut memorati nihil de ejus mulieris, cui se privatim sub pretextu religi- onis adjunxerint, liberalitate qua- cunque, vel extremo judicio possint adipisci, &c.
19 In loc. (ibid. p. 49. lin. ult.)... Nam-cum aliz mulieres, ut maxime ecclesiasticis et continentibus aliquid donare vel relinquere hac lege prohi- beantur, non ideo tamen prohibite ipsis ecclesiis aliquid relinquere, &c.
109
ancient writers of the Church. St. Ambrose and St. Jerom and others mention this law; yet they do not at all inveigh against it, but against those vices that occasioned it. “1 do not complain of the law,’ says St. Jerom®, ‘but am grieved that we should deserve such a law; that when idol-priests, and stageplayers, and carters, and harlots may inherit, only elerks and monks are prohibited; and that not by persecuting emperors, but by Christian princes.’ He adds, ‘ that it was a yery prudent caution in the law, but yet it did not restrain the avarice of such persons; who found out an artifice to elude the law per fidei commissa, by getting others to receive in trust for them. Which shews us the sense St. Jerom had of this matter, that he did not think the emperors were injurious to the Church in making such a law, but those persons were only to be blamed whose avarice and sordid flatteries compelled them to make it. And any one that will consult St. Ambrose’, or the author under his name, will find that they give the same
the ancient clergy.
20 Ep. 2. [al. 52.]ad Nepotian.(t.1. donatio. Et ubi in moribus culpa
p. 258 e.) et dicere, sacerdotes mimi, et aurige, et scorta capiunt ; solis clericis
et monachis hoc lege prohibetur; Op need non a persecutoribus, a principibus Christianis. Nec
de lege conqueror, sed doleo cur meruimus hanc legem. ... Provida severaque legis cautio: et tamen nec sic refrenatur avaritia. Per fidei commissa legibus illudimus : et quasi majora sint imperatorum seita quam Christi, leges timemus
et ev ia contemnimus. 21 Ep. 31. [al. 18. Relat. cont. Sigiedanadi'l ad Valent. p. 145. (t. 2.
Ρ. 836 d. n.13.) Nobis etiam pri- vatee successionis emolumenta re- centibus legibus denegantur, et ne- mo conqueritur. — enim puta- mus injuriam, quia dispendium non dolemus. ... Seribuntur testamenta
tur —— nullus ultimeze con i-
soli ex omnibus clerico commune jus clauditur, a quo solo pro omni-
votum commune suscipitur, of- ficium commune defertur : nulla le- gata vel gravium viduarum, nulla
non deprehenditur, tamen officio mulcta prescribitur. Quod sacer- dotibus fani legaverit Christiana vi- dua, valet: quod ministris Dei, non valet. Quod ego non ut querar, sed ut sciant quid non querar, com- prehendi. Malo enim nos pecunia minores esse, quam gratia. Sed re- ferunt ea, que vel donata vel relicta nos ecclesie, non esse temerata,
6,
22 Hom. 7. de Clericis. [Serm. 66. Ed. Colon. 1616. et Ed. Paris. 1642. But omitted by the Benedictines. Vid. Ind. Serm. Pretermiss. t. 2.
. 378. Vid. int. Oper. August. cay 82. (t. 5. append. p. 150 d.) Nam et catholicus clericus hac sen- tentia retinetur. Si enim non con- tentus stipendiis fuerit, que de al- tario, Domino jubente, consequitur: sed exercet mercimonia, intercessio- nes vendit, viduarum munera liben- ter amplectitur: hic negotiator ma-
; gis — videri, quam clericus. * Nec
cere possumus, nemo nos in- vasores arguit, violentize nullus ac- cusat: quasi non interdum majorem predam a viduis blandimenta elici- ant, quam tormenta, ἕο. Ep.) M 2
104 The revenues of
account of it. Theodosius indeed some years after made a law 23, relating particularly to such deaconesses of the Church as were of noble families, ‘ that they should not dispose of their jewels, or plate, or furniture, or any other such things as were the ancient marks of honour in their families, under pretence of religion, while they lived; nor make any church, or clerk, or poor, their heirs, when they died.’ But as this law was made upon some particular reasons of state, so it did no harm to the Church; for within two months the same emperor re- called it by a contrary law?+, which granted liberty to such deaconesses to dispose of their goods in their lifetime to any church or clerk whatsoever. And Marcian made the law® a little more extensive, allowing deaconesses and all other reli- gious women to dispose of any part of their estate, by will or codicil, to any church, or oratory, or clerk, or monk, or poor whatsoever. Which law Justinian also confirmed, and inserted it into his Code26. So that Constantine’s law continued always in its full force, and the succeeding princes did not derogate from the privilege, which he had granted the Church in this respect, for fear, as Baronius pretends, lest the liberality of the subject to the Church should impoverish the commonwealth. Men were very liberal indeed in their gifts and donations to the Church in this age, but yet not so profuse as to need sta-
tutes of mortmain27 to restrain them.
23 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Kpisce. &c., leg. 27. (t. 6. p. 60.) Nihil de monilibus et supellectili, nihil de auro, argento, ceterisque clare do- mus insignibus, sub religionis de- fensione consumat [ diaconissa, | sed universa integra in liberos. proxi- mos vel in quoscunque alios arbi- trli sui existimatione transcribat :.. Ac si quando diem obierit, nullam ecclesiam, nullum clericum, nullum pauperem, scribat hzredes, &c.
24 Ibid. leg. 28. (p. 64.) Legem, que diaconissis vel viduis ΠΌΡΟΥ est promulgata, ne quis videlicet clericus, neve sub ecclesiz nomine, mancipia, predam, velut infirmi sexus despoliator, et remotis affini- bus et propinquis, ipse sub preetextu catholicee discipline se ageret viven- tis heredem, eatenus animadvertat
esse revocatam.
25 Novel. 5. ad calc. Cod. Theod. (ibid. append. p. 32.) Generali ... lege sancimus, sive vidua, sive diaconissa, sive virgo Deo dicata, vel sanctimonialis mulier, sive quo- cunque alio nomine religiosi ho- noris vel dignitatis foemina nuncu- petur, testamento vel codicillo suo εν ecclesia, vel martyrio, vel clerico, vel monacho, vel pauperibus, aliquid vel ex integro vel ex parte, in qua- cunque re vel specie, credidit relin- saeneger id modis omnibus ratum
rmumque constet, [consistat,] &c.
26 L. 1. tit. 2. de Ecclesiis, leg. 13. (t. 4. p. 40.) In the same words as the preceding citation.
27 [Grischovius adds the following quotation. from Boehmer, 8. 5. 6.1. n. 23. (p. 262.) In gratiam eorum,
Vaivs
165
7. For besides the liberality of the subjects, the emperors in Thirdly,an- these ages found it necessary to make the clergy an allowance ocr Part out of the public revenues of the empire, which was another — way of providing a maintenance for them. Constantine both pr scat δ gave the clergy particular largesses, as their occasions re- ou ats a quired, and also settled upon them a standing allowance out of exchequer. the exchequer. In one of his Epistles to Cecilian, bishop of Carthage, recorded by Eusebius?, he acquaints Cecilian with his orders, which he had given to Ursus, his general receiver in Afric, to pay him three thousand pholles, τρισχιλίους φόλ-
Aes, to be divided at his discretion among the clergy of the provinces of Africa, Numidia, and the two Mauritanias. And, if this sum would not answer all their present necessities, he gave him further orders to demand of his procurator Hera-
clides whatever he desired more. I need not stand here to
§ 6,7, the ancient clergy.
—_- ἤν -
qui quid significat amortizatio igno- rant :—Acquiruntur bona parochi- alia ἡ ilia, sicuti cetera ecclesi- astica, plurimis in locis per amorti- zationem. Cum enim ecclesia sit tale corpus, quod non moriatur... adeoque bona, que semel accepit, non reddat, sed perpetuo teneat... atque ita dicatur habere manus mor- tuas ; merito providendum erat, ne bona immobilia, superstitione homi- num i vescente, nimium usibus reip. eximerentur, et per exuperan- tes divitias ecclesiarum respublica detrimentum caperet. Hine multis in locis cautum, ne immobilia in ec- clesiam transferre liceret sine con- sensu ejus, qui reip. gubernacula tenet; sed ut one — volun- tate potestas ecclesiz fiat, acquiren- di et retinendi bona immobilia manum mortuam. ... Atque hoc ip- sum est, quod dicitur amortizatio, translationem bonorum immobilium consensu principis in manum mortuam seu possessorem immortalem, qualis est ecclesia. ... Deducta hee vox videtur a Gallica voce, amortir, quod est, ezti ; Nam bona in ecclesiam delata, quoad emolumenta civilia et usus publicos videntur esse exstincta et civiliter mortua, cum generaliter oneribus, fundorum possessionibus impositis, hac immunia et exempta
sint ...adeoque hoc intuitu ex pub- licis catastris (denen Steuerbiichern) exstincta videantur, quin etiam a seculari jurisdictione per principem exempta sint. .. Ratio hujus juris sat manifesta est, quia et juris nature principium vult, ut nemini adeoque nec relpublicze jus suum auferatur, quod tamen szpe fit per transla- tionem bonorum in ecclesiam, &c. Ep. |]
28 L. το. c. 6. (v. 1. p. 486. 18.) ᾿Ἐπειδήπερ ἤρεσε κατὰ πάσας ἐπαρ- χίας, τάς τε ᾿Αφρικὰς καὶ ras Νουμι- δίας, καὶ τὰς Μαυριτανίας, ῥητοῖς τισι τῶν ὑπηρετῶν τῆς ἐνθέσμου καὶ ἁγιω- τάτης καθολικῆς θρησκείας, εἰς ἀνα- λώματα ἐπιχορηγηθῆναί τι, ἔδωκα γράμματα τὴν Οὖρσον τὸν διασημό- τατον καθολικὸν τῆς ᾿Αφρικῆς, καὶ ἐδήλωσα αὐτῷ, ὅπως τρισχιλίους φόλ- eis τῇ σῇ στερρότητι ἀπαριθμῆσαι φροντίσῃ. Σὺ τοίνυν, ἡνίκα τὴν προδη- λουμένην ποσότητα τῶν χρημάτων ὑποδεχθῆναι ποιήσεις, ἅπασι τοῖς προ- εἰρημένοις, κατὰ τὸ βρεούϊον τὸ πρός σε παρὰ ‘Ociov ἀποσταλὲν, ταῦτα τὰ
ρήματα διαδοθῆναι κέλευσον" εἰ δ᾽ πρὸς τὸ συμπληρωθῆναί μου τὴν-
εἰς τοῦτο περὶ ἅπαντας αὐτοὺς προαί- σιν ἐνδεῖν τι καταμάθοις, παρὰ Ηρακλείδα, τοῦ ἐπιτρόπου τῶν ἡμετέ- ρὼν κτημάτων, ἀναμφιλέκτως ὕπερ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι καταμάθοις, αἰτῆσαι
ὀφείλεις.
166 The revenues of V. iv.
inquire critically what this sum of 3000 pholles was, (though it may be computed above twenty thousand pounds,) since Constantine gave the bishop unlimited orders to demand as much as the needs of the clergy should require. But he not only supplied their present necessities, but also gave orders for a standing allowance to be made them out of the public trea- sury. For Theodoret?9 and Sozomen®° say he made a law requiring the chief magistrates in every province to grant the clergy and virgins and widows of the Church an annual allowance of corn, ἐτήσια σιτηρέσια, out of the early tribute of every city. And thus it continued to the time of Julian, who withdrew the whole allowance. But Jovian restored it again in some measure, granting them a third part of the former allowance only, because at that time the public income was very low, by reason of a severe famine; but he promised them the whole, so soon as the famine was ended, and the public storehouses were better replenished. But either Jo- vian’s death prevented his design, or the necessities of the clergy did not afterward require it. For though Sozomen seems to say the whole was restored; yet Theodoret, who is. more accurate, affirms that it was only τριτημόριον, a third part; and that so it continued to his own times. In this sense therefore we are to understand that law of the emperor Mar- cian, which Justinian has inserted into his Code#!, decreeing, ‘that the salaries, which had been always given to the churches in diverse sorts of grain out of the public treasures should be allowed them, without any diminution.’ This did not entitle them to the whole allowance first made them by Constantine, as some may be apt to imagine from the general words of the
29. τ, ¢. 11. (v. I. p. 36. 37.) Καὶ μέντοι καὶ γράμματα πρὸς τοὺς τῶν ἐθνῶν προστατεύοντας δέδωκεν ἄρχοντας, καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πόλιν χορη- γεῖσθαι παρεγγυῶν ταῖς ἀεὶ παρθένοις καὶ χήραις, καὶ τοῖς ἀφιερωμένοις τῇ θείᾳ λειτουργίᾳ, ἐτήσια σιτηρέσια φι- λοτιμίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ χρείᾳ ταῦτα μετρή- σας.
30 ΤΊ Se Ge he, GY. 2. p. 186, 13.) Κληρικοὺς. μέντοι, πᾶσαν ἀτέ- λείαν, καὶ τιμὴν καὶ τὰ σιτηρέσια ἀφείλετο Κωνσταντίνου" ..... ἡνίκα γὰρ Κωνσταντῖνος τὰ τῶν ἐκκλη-
σιῶν διέταττε πράγματα, ἐκ τῶν ἑκάστης πόλεως φόρων τὰ ἀρκοῦντα πρὸς παρασκευὴν ἐπιτηδείων ἀπένειμε τοῖς πανταχοῦ κλήροις, καὶ νόμῳ τοῦτο ἐκράτυνεν, ὡς καὶ νῦν κρατεῖ, ἐξ οὗ τέθνηκεν ᾿Ιουλιανὸς, ἐπιμελῶς φυλατ- τόμενος.
31 Lr, tit, 2. de Ecclesiis, leg. 12. (t. 4. p. 38.) Salaria etiam, quee sa- crosanctis: ecclesiis in diversis spe- ciebus de publico hactenus _ minis- trata sunt, jubemus nunc quoque inconcussa, et a nullo prorsus im- minuta, preestari.
eee
87, 8,"9. the ancient clergy. 167 law, but only to the third part, which had been the customary allowance from the time of Jovian.
8. Another way, by which some small addition was made to Fourthly,
ἣ the revenues of the Church, was from a law of Constantine, pr ce mentioned by Eusebius in his Life®?, where he tells us, ‘ that, and confes- as he ordered all the estates of martyrs and confessors, and os whoever had suffered in time of persecution, to be restored to beirs,settled their next relations; so, if any of them died without relations, Caos by the Church should become their heir, and in every place where a they lived succeed to their inheritance.’
9. Theodosius Junior and Valentinian the Third made such fithty, the another law®*, in reference to the temporal possessions of the ουεπεσν ἀκοᾷ clergy; ‘that, if any presbyter, or deacon, or deaconess, or dying with- subdeacon, or other clerk, or any man or woman professing a ~~ monastic life, died without will and without heirs, the estates settled in and goods they were possessed of should fall to the church or ἊΣ ἘΠ monastery to which they belonged, unless they were ante- cedently tied to some civil service.’ This implies, that the clergy were at liberty to dispose of their own temporal estates as they pleased; and they fell to the Church only in case they died intestate. But the Council of Agde*4 in France under Alarie the Goth, anno 506, went a little further, and decreed,
‘that every bishop, who had no children or nephews, should
make the Church his heir, and no other ;’ as Caranza’s edition
πῆ ie
and Gratian and some others read it.
. 82 Vit. Soros Ἰ, 2. 6. 36. (v. 1. 554- 13.) ὲ τῶν ἀγχιστέων μη- bas ὑπολείποιτο μηδενὸς τῶν προειρη- μένων κατὰ λόγον ἂν γενόμενος κλη- ρονόμος, μήτε τῶν μαρτύρων φημὶ, μήτε τῶν ὁμολογησάντων, μήτε τῶν τῶν ἐπὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ μετα-
στάντων πὶ t, ἡ καθ᾽ ἑκάστους ἀεὶ τόπους ἐκκλησία διαδέχεσθαι τε-
ἣν τὸν = ν. 88. Cod. Theod. 1. 5. tit. 3. de Bonis Clericorum, leg. 1. (t. 1. p. 436.) Si quis episcopus, aut pres- byter, aut diaconus, aut diaconissa, aut subdiaconus, vel cujuslibet al- terius loci clericus, aut monachus, aut mulier, que solitariz vite de- dita est, nullo condito testamento, it, nec οἱ parentes utriusque sexus, vel liberi, vel si qui agna-
And the Council of
tionis cognationisve jure junguntur, vel uxor exstiterit, bona que ad eum pertinuerint sacrosancte ecclesize vel monasterio, cui fuerat destinatus, omnifariam socientur.—Conf. Cod. Justin. 1. τ. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 20. (t. 4. p. 84.)
84 C. 24. al. 33. ap. Gratian. caus. 12. quest. 2. c. 34. (t. I. Ρ. 995.) Episcopus, qui filios aut ne- potes non habuerit, alium quam ec- clesiam non relinquat heredem.— [Labbe (CC. t. 4. p. 1388 6.) reads it thus ;—Episcopus, qui filios aut nepotes non habens alium quam ec- clesiam relinguit hzredem, si quid de ecclesia, non in ecclesiz# causa aut necessitate, presumpsit, quod distraxit aut donavit, irritum ha- beatur. Ep.]
168 The revenues of
V. iv.
Sevil?> made a like decree for the Spanish Churches ; upon which Caranza®* makes this remark, ‘that the canon was fit to. be renewed in council, that the Church should be the bishop’s heir, and not the Pope. And that it was against the mind of those fathers, that bishops should set up primogenitures, or enrich their kindred out of the revenues of the Church.’ Which reflection among other things might perhaps contribute towards his being brought into the Spanish Inquisition, though he was archbishop of Toledo; after which he underwent a ten years’ imprisonment at Rome, and had some of his books pro- hibited in the Roman Index; of which Spondanus, in his Annals37, will give the reader a further account. .But I. return to the primitive Church.
10. Where we may observe another addition made to the revenues of the clergy, by the donation of heathen temples, and sometimes the revenues that were settled upon them. For though the greatest part of these went commonly to the em- peror’s coffers, or to favourites that begged them upon the de-
Sixthly, heathen templesand their reve- nues some- times given to the
Church.
35 Hispal. 1. c. 1. (t. 5. p. 1589 ὃ.) ....Comperimus autem in canone, ut episcopus, qui res proprias, ex- cepto [leg. exceptis] filiis et nepo- tibus, alteris et non ecclesiz suze dimiserit ; quidquid de ecclesiz re- bus aut donavit, aut vendidit, aut quoquo modo ab ecclesia transtulit, irritum haheretur.
86 Jn loc, (p. 212. col. dextr.) Hic canon erat renovandus in Concilio, ut heres defuncti episcopi esset ec- clesia, non tamen Papa. Secundo alienum est a sententia horum pa- trum licere episcopo instituere pri- mogenituras, vel locupletare con- sanguineos. [See Bp. Burnet, Pref. to the Life of Bp. Bedel, (p. 12.) This is a way of employing the re- venues of the Church suitable to the sense of the primitive times, in which a bishop was not considered as the proprietor, but only as the administrator and dispenser of the revenue belonging to his see. And there is scarce any one thing, con- cerning which the Synods in those ages took more care, than to distin- guish between the goods and estate that belonged to a bishop by any other title, and those that he had
acquired during his episcopate: for though he might dispose of the one, the other was to fall to the Church. Ep. |
87 An, 1559. n. 29. (t. 3. p. 587. col. dextr.) Bartholomzus Caranza Mirandensis, archiepiscopus Tole- tanus, ... eque de religione postu- latus, captusque ab inquisitoribus, (tanta est illorum in Hispania auc- toritas,) multis annis e vinculis cau- sam dixit. Qui postea jussu Pii V. Romam deductus, anno 1567, in» Hadriani Mole custoditus fuit et in- terrogatus : quousque demum, anno 1576, a Gregorio XIII. suspectus tamen judicatus, post voluntariam omnis pravitatis heeretice detesta- tionem, ac legitimam catholice fidei confessionem, certis poenis injunctis, absolutus fuit, et ad Dominicano-. rum sui ordinis monasterium Mi- nerve remissus; ibique paullo post, pie riteque sacris ecclesiz sacra- . mentis procuratus, obiit ... Scripsit Caranza Summam omnium Conci- liorum et Pontificum usque ad Pau- . lum III.; nec non Catechismum, - qui in Romano Indice prohibitus . reperitur; et alia quedam.
δ 10, 11. the ancient clergy. 169
molishing of the temples, as appears from the laws of Honorius and Gratian, and several others in the Theodosian Code**, yet some of them were given to the Church. For Honorius®? takes notice of several orders and decrees of his own, whereby such settlements had been made upon the Church, which were to continue the Church’s property and patrimony for ever: and it is probable some other emperors might convert the revenues of the temples to the same use. At least the fabrics them- selyes, and the silver and golden statues that were in them, were sometimes so disposed of. For Sozomen*® says the Μίθριον or Temple of the Sun, at Alexandria, was given to the Chureh by Constantius. And we learn from Socrates*!, that, in the time of Theodosius, the statues of Serapis and many other idols at Alexandria were melted down for the use of the Church; the emperor giving orders, ‘ that the gods should help to maintain the poor.’
11. Honorius made a like decree4?, anno 412, in reference to Seventhly, all the revenues belonging to heretical conventicles, that both wed a pout the churches or conventicles themselves, and all the lands vere that were settled upon them, should be forfeited, and become revenues. the possession and property of the Catholic Church, as by former decrees he had appointed. And I suppose it was by virtue of these laws that Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, shut up
88 LL. 16. tit. το. de Paganis,
templa omnia, cum suis adjacenti- leg. 19. (t. 6. p. 288.) Templorum detrahan
bus spatiis, ecclesiis contulit, &c.
tur annone, et rem anno- nariam jubent expensis devotissi- morum militum profuture ....A!- dificia ipsa templorum, que in civi- tatibus vel oppidis, vel extra oppida sunt, ad usum publicum vindicen- tur, are locis omnibus destruantur : omniaque templa possessionibus no- stris, ad usus accommodos, trans- ferantur.—lIbid. leg. 20. (p. 290.)
Omnia etiam loca, que sacris error veterum deputavit, secundum divi Gratiani constituta nostre rei jube- mus sociari, &c.
_ 39 Thid. (p. ead.) Ea autem, que multiplicibus constitutis ad venera- bilem ecclesiam voluimus pertinere, Christiana sibi merito religio vin- dicavit [id est, vindicabit].—Vid. Prosper. de Promiss. part. 3. c. 38. (append. p. 185 d. 13.) Honorius...
40 L. 5. c. 7. (v. 2. p. 189. 33.) Πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ τοιόνδε τότε συνέβη περὶ τὸ καλούμενον παρ᾽ αὐ- τοῖς Μίθριον" τοῦτον γὰρ τὸν τόπον, ἔρημον πάλαι γενόμενον, ἐδωρήσατο Κωνστάντιος τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἐκκλη- σίᾳ, κι τ.λ.
41 L. 5. c. 16. (ibid. p. 282. 11.) Ta δὲ ἀγάλματα τῶν Θεῶν petexo- νεύετο εἰς λεβήτια καὶ εἰς ἑτέρας χρείας τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησίας, τοῦ βασιλέως χαρισαμένου τοὺς θεοὺς εἰς δαπανήματα τῶν πτωχῶν.
42 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 5. de Heeret. leg. 52. (t. 6. p. 172.) Ec- clesiis eorum vel conventiculis pre- diisque, siqua in eorum ecclesias heereticorum largitas prava contulit, proprietati potestatique catholice, sicut jamdudum statuimus, vindi- catis.
Eighthly, the estates of clerks
deserting or monks,
170
The revenues of
all the Novatian churches, and seized upon all their revenues, and deprived Theonas their bishop of his substance; though Socrates 42, in telling the story, represents the matter a little more invidiously, as if Cyril had done all this by his own private usurped authority and arbitrary power: which will hardly gain credit with any one, that considers that those laws of Honorius were published before Cyril came to the episcopal throne, which was not till the year 412, when those laws were reinforced by the imperial power.
12. While I am upon this head, it will not be improper to observe further, that, by Justinian’s laws 45, ‘if any clergymen
who were possessed of temporal estates, forsook
the Church |, to be for- their church or monastery and turned seculars again, all their
nent the substance was forfeited to the church or monastery to which they belonged.’ These were the several methods that were anciently taken for augmenting and improving the revenues of the Church, besides those of first-fruits and tithes, of which
No disre- putable ways of
augmenting Church-re-
couraged.
Fathers not
their chil- dren to make the Church their heirs.
more hereafter.
13. But I must observe, that as these methods were generally reputed legal and allowable, so there were some other as generally disallowed and condemned. Particularly we find, in venues en- Ot. Austin’s time, that it was become a rule in the African Church, to receive no estates that were given to the Church to todisinherit the great detriment and prejudice of the common rights of
any others.
As if a father disinherited his children to make
the Church his heir, in that case no bishop would receive his
donation.
421.4. ὁ, ἡ. (ibid. p. 352. 39.) Εὐθέως οὖν Κύριλλος, τὰς ev’ AXeEay- δρείᾳ Ναυατιανῶν ἐκκλησίας ἀποκλεί- σας, πάντα μὲν αὐτῶν τὰ ἱερὰ κειμήλια ἔλαβεν" τὸν δὲ ἐπίσκοπον αὐτῶν Θεό- πέμπτον πάντων ὧν εἶχεν ἀφείλετο.
48 Cod. 1. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 5. (t. 4. p. 140.) Quod si illi monasteria aut ecclesias relinquant, atque mundani fiant; omne ipso- rum jus ad monasterium aut eccle- siam pertinet.—Conf. Novel. 5. c. 4. (t. 5. p. 45-) Si quis autem forte semel dedicatus, schemateque poti- tus, deinde a monasteriz discedere voluerit, et privatam fortassis eligere vitam: ipse quidem sciat quam pro hoe dabit Deo satisfactionem : res
Possidius4* tells us St. Austin refused some estates
autem quascunque habuerit, dum in monasterium intrabat, eas dominii esse monasterii; et nihil penitus ejiciat— Novel. 123. c. 42. (t. 5. Ρ. 561.) Simonachus reliquerit suum monasterium, et in aliud ingredia- tur, sm igh ὑμην res tempore, quo monasterium dereliquerit, habere vi- debitur: proprio monasterio, in quod ab initio ingressus est, eas compe- tere jubemus.
44 Vit. August. c. 24. (append. t. 10. p. 273 d.)....Aliquas eum hereditates recussasse novimus, non quia pauperibus inutiles esse pos- sent, sed quoniam justum et equum esse videbat, ut a mortuorum vel filiis vel affinibus magis possiderentur,&c.
V. iv.
8 12, 13, 14. 171
so given, because he thought it more just and equal, that they should be possessed by the children, or parents, or next kindred of the deceased persons. And that he did so, is evi- dent from his own words in his discourse, De Vita Cleri- corum*>, where he says ‘he had returned an estate to a son, which an angry father at his death had taken from him; and he thought he did well in it;’ professing for his own part, *that if any one disinherited his son to make the Church his heir, he should seek some one else to receive his donation and not Austin; and he hoped, by the grace of God, there would be none that would receive it.’ He adds in the same place‘ a very remarkable and laudable instance of great generosity and equity in Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, in a case of the like nature. A certain man having no children, nor hopes of any, gave away his whole estate to the Church, only reserving to himself the use of it for life. Now it happened afterwards, that he had children born to him; upon which the bishop ge- nerously returned him his estate, when he did not at all expect it. ‘The bishop indeed,’ says St. Austin, ‘ had it in his power to have kept it, sed jure fori, non jure poli,—only by the laws of man, but not by the laws of heaven;’ and therefore he thought himself obliged in conscience to return it. This shews how tender they were of augmenting the revenues of the Church by any methods, that might be thought unequitable, or such as were not reputable, honest, or of good report; herein observing the Apostle’s rule, to “let their moderation, τὸ ém- exes, their equity, be known to all men ;” not doing any hard thing for lucre’s sake, nor taking advantages by rigour of law, when conscience and charity were against them.
14. To ayoid scandal also, and to “ provide things honest iN Nothing to the sight of all men,” they forbad any thing to be demanded for pp nee ic! administering the sacraments of the Church. The Council of ministering
the ancient clergy.
minem inveniat.
45 tas 49. de wap τ 10, p. 520. Serm. 355. 6. 4.] ((. 5. Ρ. 138g a.) Plane quando donavi “ili,
iratus pater moriens abstulit, feci..... Quid plura, fratres mei? quicunque vult exhzredato filio estes inocu ecclesiam, quae- rat alterum qui suscipiat, non Au- gustinum; immo, Deo propitio, ne-
46 Ibid. (b.) Quidam cum filios non haberet, neque speraret, res suas omnes, retento sibi usufructu, donavit ecclesize. Nati sunt illi filii, et reddidit episcopus necopinanti qu ille donaverat. In_potestate habebat episcopus non reddere ; sed jure fori, non jure poli.
172 _ The revenues of
the sacra- Hliberis seems’ to intimate, that it was customary with some ments of ; ᾿ x ᾿ theChurch, persons at their baptism to cast money into a basin by way of
nor for con- oratuity to the minister; but even this is there forbidden by a secrating
churches, canon‘7, ‘lest the priest should seem to sell what he freely ΤΩΣ tof the Teceived.’ Whence we may conclude, that, if the people might dead. not offer, the priest might much less exact or demand any
thing for administering the sacrament of baptism. In other Churches a voluntary oblation was allowed of from persons that were able and willing to make it; but all exactions of that nature from the poor were still prohibited, for fear of discou- raging them from offering themselves or their children to baptism. Thus it was in the Roman Church in the time of Gelasius, as we learn from his Epistles48, and in the Greek Church in the time of Gregory Nazianzen49, who takes occa- sion to answer this objection, which poor men made against coming immediately to baptism, because they had not where- with to make the usual present that was then to be offered, or to purchase the splendid robe that was then to be worn, or to provide a treat for the minister that baptized them. He tells them no such things would be expected or exacted of them: ‘they need only make a present of themselves to Christ, and entertain the minister with their-own good life and conversa- tion, which would be more acceptable to him than any other offerings.’ This implies that it was then the custom for the people to make a voluntary oblation at their baptism; but not the custom for ministers to demand it, as a matter of right, for fear of giving scandal. Some editions of Gratian5° and Vice-
47 C. 48. (t. 1. p. 975 6. lin. ult.) Emendari placuit, ut [hi,] qui bap- tizantur, ut fieri solebat, nummos in concham non mittant [al. immit- tant]; ne sacerdos, quod gratis ac- cepit, pretio distrahere videatur.
48 Ep. 1. al. 9. ad Episc. Lucan. ce. 7. [4]. 5.] (CC. t. 4. p. 1189 d.) Baptizandis consignandisque fideli- bus pretia nulla presbyteri [al. sa- cerdotes pretia nulla] prefigant, nec illationibus quibusdam [al. quibus- libet] impositis exagitare cupiant renascentes; quoniam quod gratis accipimus, gratis dare mandamur. Et ideo nihil a preedictis [prorsus | exigere moliantur, quo, vel pauper- tate cogente deterriti, vel indigna-
tione revocati, redemptionis sue causas adire despiciant ; certum ha- bentes, quod que prohibita depre- hensi fuerint admisisse, vel com- missa non potius sua sponte cor- rexerint, periculum subituri proprii sint honoris.
49 Orat. 40. de Bapt. (t. τ. p. 655 ¢.) Αἰσχρὸν εἰπεῖν, ποῦ δέ μοι τὸ καρποφορούμενον ἐπὶ τῷ βαπτίσματι; ποῦ δὲ ἐμφώτειος ἐσθὴς ἣ λαμπρυν- θήσομαι; ποῦ δὲ τὰ πρὸς δεξίωσιν τῶν ἐμῶν βαπτιστῶν; .. - σαυτὸν καρ- ποφόρησον, Χριστὸν ἔνδυσαι, θρέψον με πολιτείᾳ οὔτω ἐγὼ χαίρω φιλο- φρονούμενος, οὕτω καὶ ὁ Θεὸς ὁ τὰ μέγιστα χαριζόμενος.
Caus. I. quest. I. 6. 103. (t. I.
Ν, ἵν.
173
comes*! allege a canon of the third or fourth Council of Car- thage to the same purpose; which, if the allegation were true, would prove that the same custom obtained in the African Chureh. But, as Antonius Augustinus5? and the Roman cor- rectors of Gratian>? have observed, there is no such canon to be found in any African Council; but it is a canon of the second Council of Bracara in Spain, which finding a corrupt practice crept in among the clergy, (notwithstanding the former prohibition of the Eliberitan Council,) that ministers did exact pledges of the poor, who had not ability to make any offering, endeayoured to redress this corruption by passing a new order, ‘that though voluntary oblations might be re- ceived, yet no pledge should be extorted from the poor who were not able to offer ; because many of the poor for fear of this kept back their children from baptism.’ The same Council of Bracara made a decree», ‘ that no bishop should exact any thing as a due from any founders of churches for their conse- eration; but, if any thing was voluntarily offered, he might receive it.’ And so in like manner for confirmation >®, and ad- ministering the eucharist*’, all bishops and presbyters are
the ancient clergy.
codicibus : nam in vulgatis erat ex Carthayinensi quarto, in quo non habetur. Ep. |
Ρ. 550. 68.) Placuit ut unusquisque
episcopus per ecclesias suas hoc “ipiat ut hi, qui infantes suos ad
um offerunt, si quid volun- tarie pro suo offerunt voto, susci- piatur ab eis. Si vero per necessi- tatem paupertatis aliquid non ha- beant, quod offerant, nullum eis pignus violenter tollatur a clericis,
Ἢ δ᾽ De Rit. Bapt. 1. 4. c. 2. (Paris. 1618. p. 578.) Quam deinde consti- pear negligi ut probabile est,
¢.
52 De Emendat. Gratian. 1. 1. dial. 14. (p. 160.) Fragmentum Placuit ut unusquisque Concilio Bra- = Il. c. 7. restituatur oportet,
58 Gratian. ut supr. Ed. Rom. 1582. [According to Grischovius the s following are read in an- other edition, Colon. Munat. 1717.
to., which I have not seen: but I not find the gloss in the Lyons edition of the Corp. Jur. Canon. 1671. See t.1. p.550. Emendata est inscriptio ex aliquot vetustis
54 Bracar. 2. juxt. Ed. Crabb. 3. c. 7. (t. 5. p. 898 a.) .... Qui in- fantes suos ad baptismum offerunt, si quid voluntarie pro suo offerunt voto, suscipiatur ab eis; si vero per necessitatem paupertatis aliquid non habent quod offerant, nullum illis Pignus violenter tollatur a clericis.
am multi pauperes hoc timentes, filios suos a baptismo retrahunt.
ὅδ᾽ C. 5. (ibid. p. 897 d.) Placuit, ut quoties ab aliquo fidelium ad consecrandas ecclesias episcopi invi- tantur, non quasi ex debito munus aliquod a fundatore requirat; sed si ipsi quidem aliquid [al. ipse fun- dator si quidem aliquid] ex voto suo obtulerit, non respuatur.
56 Vid. Gelas. Ep. 1. al. 9. ad Epise. Lucan. c. 7. (CC. t. 4. p. 1189 d.) Baptizandis consignandis- que fidelibus sacerdotes pretia nulla preefigant.
67 Vid. C. Trull. c. 23. (t. 6. - Ρ. 1154 8.) Περὶ τοῦ μηδένα εἴτε
The obla- tions of the people an- ciently one of the most valuable parts of Church- revenues.
174 The revenues of
strictly enjoined not to exact any thing of the receivers; be- cause the grace of God was not to be set to sale, nor the sanc- tification of the Spirit to be imparted for money. St. Jerom assures us further, that it was not very honourable in his time to exact any thing for the burying-places of the dead; for he censures °° those that practised it, as falling short of the merit of Ephron the Hittite, whom Abraham forced to receive money for the burying-place which he bought of him. ‘ But now,’ says he, ‘there are some who sell burying-places, and take money for them, not by compulsion, as Ephron did, but by ex- tortion rather from those that were unwilling to pay. By which we may understand, that in his time it was hardly allowable to demand any thing for the use of a public or private cemetery. Nor was this any part of the Church-reve- nues in those days, when as yet the custom of burying in churches was not generally brought in, but was the practice of later ages. Of which more, when we come to speak of the funeral rites of the Church.
15. If any one is desirous to know what part of the Chureh- revenues was anciently most serviceable and beneficial to the Church, he may be informed from St. Chrysostom and St. Austin, who give the greatest commendations to the offerings and oblations of the people, and seem to say that the Church was never better provided than when her maintenance was raised chiefly from them. For then men’s zeal prompted them to be very liberal in their daily offerings; but as lands and possessions were settled upon the Church, this zeal sensibly abated; and so the Church came to be worse provided for, under the notion of growing richer. Which is the thing that St. Chrysostom complains of in his own times, when the ancient revenue arising from oblations was in a great measure sunk, and the Church, with all her lands, left in a worse condition
ἐπίσκοπον, εἴτε πρεσβύτερον, ἢ διά- venderet,....appellatus est Ephran:
κονον, τῆς ἀχράντου μεταδιδόντα κοι- νωνίας, παρὰ τοῦ μετέχοντος εἰσπράτ- τειν τῆς τοιαύτης μεταλήψεως χάριν ὀβολοὺς ἢ εἶδος τὸ οἱονοῦν' οὐδὲ γὰρ πεπραμένη 7 χάρις, οὐδὲ χρήμασι τὸν ἁγιασμὸν τοῦ Πνεύματος μεταδίδομεν.
58 Quest. Hebr. in Gen. 23. t. 3. p- 214. (t. 3. p. 340 d.) Postquam enim pretio victus est, ut sepulcrum
significante ‘Scriptura, non eum fu- isse consummate perfecteeque vir- tutis, qui potuerit memorias vendere mortuorum. Sciant igitur qui se- pulcra venditant, et non coguntur ut accipiant pretium, sed a nolenti- bus quoque extorquent, immutari nomen suum, et perire quid de me- rito eorum, &c.
8δι5. the ancient clergy. 175
than she was before. For now her ministers were forced to submit to secular cares, to the management of lands, and houses, and the business of buying and selling, for fear the or- phans and yirgins and widows of the Church should starve.
He exhorts the people, therefore, to return to their ancient li- berality of oblations ; which would at once ease the ministry of all such cares, and make a good provision for the poor, and take off all the little scoffs and objections that some were so ready to make and cast upon the clergy,—that they were too much given to secular cares and employments,—when indeed it was not choice, but necessity that forced them to it. ‘There are,’ says he*?, ‘in this place, (at Antioch he means,) by the grace of God, an hundred thousand persons that come to church. Now, if every one of these would but give one loaf of bread daily to the poor, the poor would live in plenty. If every one would contribute but one halfpenny, no man would want ; neither should we undergo so many reproaches and derisions, as if we were too intent upon our possessions.’ By this dis- course of Chrysostom’s it plainly appears, that he thought the oblations of the people in populous cities, when men acted with their primitive zeal, was a better provision for the clergy than even the lands and possessions of the Church. And St. Austin seems to have had the same sense of this matter: for Possidius tells us, in his Life®, ‘that when he found the possessions of the Church were become a little invidious, he was used to tell the laity, that he had rather live upon the oblations of the people of God, than undergo the care and trouble of those possessions ; and that he was ready to part with them, provided all the ser- yants and ministers of God might live as they did under the Old Testament, when, as we read, they that served at the altar
59 Hom. 86. [Bened. 85. al. 86.] in pend. p» .273 Ὁ.) Et dum forte, ut as- Matth. 26, 67, et seqq. (t.7.p.810a.) solet, de possessionibus ipsis invidia Kai τοῦ Θεοῦ χάριτι els δέκα clericis dere eret, alloquebatur plebem μυριάδων ἀριθμὸν οἶμαι τοὺς ἐνταῦθα Dei, malle se ex collationibus plebis
i ge καὶ εἰ ἀφ᾽ ἑνὸς Dei vivere quam illarum possessio- ἄρτου μετεδίδου τινὶ τῶν πενήτων num curam vel gubernationem pati; καστος, ἅπαντες ἦσαν ἂν ἐν εὐπορίᾳ" et paratum se [esse] illis cedere, ut εἰ ἐξ ἑνὸς he gs ὀβολοῦ, οὐδεὶς ist eo modo omnes Dei servi et mi- τοσαῦτα ὑπεμείναι μεν nistri viverent, quo in Veteri Testa- Bnet cal καὶ aioe ἀπὸ τῆς περὶ τὰ mento leguntur altari deservientes
Pipora προνοίας. de eodem comparticipari. Sed nun- Vit. August. c. 23. (t. το. ap- quarn id laici suscipere voluerunt.
V. v.
were made partakers of the altar. But though he made this proposal to the people, they would never accept of 10. Which is an argument, that the people also thought that the reducing the clergy’s maintenance to the precise model of the Old Tes- tament would have been a more chargeable way to them than the other, since the oblations of the Old Testament included tithes and first-fruits: concerning the state and original of which, as to what concerns the Christian Church, I come now to make a more particular inquiry.
176 Of tithes
CHAP. V. Of tithes, and jirst-fruits in particular.
Tithesan- 1]. ConcerninG tithes, so far as relates to the ancient Church, ae it will be proper to make three inquiries. First, whether the tobedue primitive fathers esteemed them to be due by divine right? by divine ς : .
right. Secondly, if they did, why they were not always strictly de-
manded? Thirdly, in what age they were first generally set- tled upon the Church? As to the first inquiry, it is generally agreed by learned men that the ancients accounted tithes to be due by divine right. Bellarmin 61, indeed, and Rivet ®, and Mr. Selden 68, place them upon another foot. But our learned bi- shop Andrews and bishop Carleton 65, who wrote before Mr. Selden, and bishop Montague®® and Tillesly®”, who wrote in answer to him, not to mention many others who have written since, have clearly proved, that the ancients believed the law about tithes not to be merely a ceremonial or political com- mand, but of moral and perpetual obligation. It will be suffi- cient for me, in this place, to present the reader with two or three of their allegations. Origen, in one of his Homilies on Numbers ®, thus delivers his opinion about it: ‘ How does our
61 De Clericis, 1. 1. ὁ. 25. (t. 2. p. 317 a.) Quod non sit morale, &c.
62 Exercit. 80. in Gen. 14. p. 386. (t. I. p. 310. col. sinistr.) Altera ex- trema sententia est pene omnium canonistarum, &c.—See the entire section, and to the end of p. 312.
63 History of Tithes, ch. 4. (t. 2. of vol. 3. p. 1095.) Consult the whole chapter.
* 64 De Decimis, inter Opuscula,
Lond. 1629. (pp. 339, 5644.)
65 Divine Right of Tithes, ch. 3. (pp. 11, seqq.) The title, How tithes stood under the Law. Where it is proved, that then this constitution of tithes was neither ceremonial nor judicial, but moral.
66 Diatribee, &c. Lond. 1621.
67 Animadversions upon Mr. Sel- den’s History of Tithes, &c. Lond. ay: 4to.
Hom. ττ. in Num. 18. t.1. p: 210. (t. 2. p. 305 f. ult. lin.) Quo-
§1.
and first-fruits. 177
righteousness exceed the righteousness of the scribes and pha- risees, if they dare not taste of the fruits of the earth before they offer the first-fruits to the priests, and separate the tithes for the Levites; whilst I do nothing of this, but only so abuse the fruits of the earth, that neither the priest, nor the Levite, nor the altar of God shall see any of them?’ St. Jerom says expressly 59, ‘ that the law about tithes and first-fruits was to be understood to continue in its full force in the Christian Church; where men were commanded not only to give tithes, but to sell all that they had, and give to the poor.’ ‘ But,’ says he, ‘ if we will not proceed so far, let us at least imitate the Jewish prac- tice, and give part of the whole to the poor, and the honour that is due to the priests and Levites. Which he who does not, defrauds God, and makes himself liable to a curse.’ St. Austin as plainly favours the same opinion”, telling men ‘ that ther ought to separate something out of their yearly fruits, or daily income ; and that a tenth to a Christian was but a small pro- portion. Because, it is said, the Pharisees gave tithes: “I fast twice in the week, I give tithes of all that I possess.” And our Lord saith, “ Except your righteousness exceed the righteous- ness of the Scribes and Pharisees, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.” But if he, whose righteousness you are to exceed, gave tithes, and you give not a thousandth part,
ες non solum
modo ergo abundat justitia nostra plusquam Scribarum et Phariszo- orum, si illi de fructibus terre suze gustare non audent, priusquam pri- mitias [suas] sacerdotibus offerant, et Levitis decime separentur? [al. decimas separent?] Et ego nihil ho- rum faciens fructibus terre ita ab- utar, ut sacerdos nesciat, Levites
, divinum altare non sen-
? 69 Tn Mal. 3. (t. 6. p. 978 b.) Quod imis primitiisque diximus, que olim dabantur a populo sacerdotibus ac Levitis, in ecclesize quoque populis intelligite : — preceptum est, ecimas dare et primi- tias, sed et vendere omnia que ha- bent et dare pauperibus, et sequi Dominum Salvatorem. Quod si fa- cere nolumus, saltem Judzorum imitemur exordia, ut pauperibus partem demus ex toto, et sacerdoti-
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
bus et Levitis honorem debitum de- feramus. Quod qui non fecerit, Deum fraudare et supplantare con- vincitur, &c.
70 In Ps. 146. t.8. p. 608. (t. 4. p. 1648 f. g.) Preecidite ergo aliquid, et deputate aliquid fixum, vel ex annuis fructibus, vel ex quotidianis queestibus vestris. .. Exime aliquam partem redituum tuorum. Decimas vis? decimas exime, quanquam pa- rum sit. Dictum est enim, quia Phariseei decimas dabant: ‘ Jejuno bis in Sabbato, decimas do omnium etal τὰ possideo.’ Et quid ait
ominus? ‘ Nisi abundaverit justi- tia vestra plus quam Scribarum et
iseorum, non intrabitis in reg- num celorum.’ Et ille, super quem debet abundare justitia tua, deci- mas dat: tu autem nec millesimam das. Quomodo superabis eum, cui non ezquaris?
N
Why not exacted in the aposto- lical age and those that imme- diately fol- lowed.
178 Of tithes
how can you be said to exceed him whom you do not so much as equal!’ By these few allegations the reader may be able to judge what notion the ancients had of tithes, as due by divine right under the gospel, as well as under the law; and that the precept concerning them was not a mere ceremonial or political command given to the Jews only.
2. But why, then, it may be said, were not tithes exacted by the Apostles at first, or by the Fathers in the ages immediately following? for it is generally believed that tithes were not the original maintenance of ministers under the Gospel. To this Bishop Carleton has returned several very satisfactory answers, which the reader may take in his own words. First71, ‘ That tithes were paid to the priests and Levites in the time of Christ and his Apostles: now the [Jewish] Synagogue must first be buried before these things could be orderly ... . brought imto use in the Church.’ Secondly72, “ In the times of the New Tes- tament, and somewhat after, there was an extraordinary main- tenance by a community of all things, which supplied the want of tithes; but this community was extraordinary, and not to last always.’ Thirdly7?, ‘The use of paying tithes, as the Church then stood, was so incommodious and cumbersome, that it could not well be practised. And therefore as circumcision was laid aside for a time, whilst Israel travelled through the wilderness, not because the people of right ought not then also to have used it, but because it was so incommodious for that estate and time of the Church, that it could not without great trouble be practised: even so the use of tithes in the time of Christ and his Apostles was laid aside, not because it ought not, but because it could not without great encumbrance, be done. And as circumcision was resumed, as soon as the estate of the Church could bear it; so tithes were re-established, as soon as the condition of the Church could suffer it. For tithes cannot well be paid, but where some whole state or kingdom receiveth Christianity, and where the magistrate doth favour the Church, which was not in the time of the Apostles.’ To
7! Divine Right of Tithes, ch. 4. other remark of the bishop. See
(Ρ. 22.) Thirdly, &c.. ch. 4. (p. 23.) Now, because
72 Tbid. (p. 22.) Fourthly, &c. tithes, the ordinary maintenance, 73 [This third argument is not could not be paid without great Carleton’s, but the author’s; sug- incumbrance, ὅτε. Ep. | gested, it would seem, by some
i a i
eee 3: and first-fruits. 179
these reasons some other learned persons74 have added a fourth,
which is also worth noting, ‘That the tithes of fruits were not
so early paid to Christian priests, because the inhabitants of
the country were the latest converts; whence also the name pagans stuck by the heathens, because the greatest relics of
them were in country villages.’
_ 9. As to the last inquiry, When tithes began first to be ge- In what ag nerally settled upon the Church? the common opinion is, that Pm brid it was in the fourth century when magistrates began to fa- ally settlec your the Church, and the world was generally converted from pe heathenism. Some think Constantine settled them by law upon
the Church; so Alsted7>, who cites Hermannus Gigas for the
same opinion. But there is no law of Constantine’s now extant that makes express mention of any such thing. That which
comes the nearest to it seems to be the law about an annual allowance of corn to the clergy in all cities out of the public treasuries, which has been spoken of in the last chapter; but
this was not so much as a tenth of the yearly product; for the
whole tribute itself seems to have been no more. For in some
laws of the Theodosian Code7® the emperor’s tribute is called decime, tithes; and the publicans, who collected it, are upon
that account by Tully’? called decwmani: and in Hesychius
the word δεκατεύειν, to tithe, is explained by reA@veiv and dexd-
τὴν εἰσπράττεσθαι, to pay tribute, or pay their tithes to the
᾿
74 Fell, Not. in Cypr. Ep. 66.
al. 1.1 (p. 170. n. 3.) Serius qui- τὰ es ex fructibus accipie-
bant sacerdotes Christiani, quia ru- ris incolz, quique agriculturam ex- ercebant, non nisi sero ad fidem erant conversi; unde paganorum nomen ethnicis adhesit. 75 Supplem. Chamier. de Membr. . ¢. 10. ἢ. 3. (t. 4. append. p- 338.) Huc accedit, quod consue- tudo illa, ut decime ad N. T. ec- clesias pervenerint, a Christianis imperatoribus primo haud dubie est profecta. Nam Hermannus Gigas auctor est, Constantinum M. pre- cepisse, ut de rebus omnibus deci- me ecclesiis omnibus solverentur. 76 Τῷ. τος tit. το. De Metallis, leg. 10. (t. 3. p. 499.) Cuncti, qui per privatorum loca saxorum venam
laboriosis effossionibus persequun- tur, decimas fisco, decimas etiam domino representent.—Ibid. leg.11. (p 499.) i, quibus ad exercenda metalla privata dives marmorum vena consentit, exscidendi exsecan- dique, juxta legem dudum latam, habeant facultatem, ita ut decima pars fisci nostri utilitatibus, decima ei, cujus locus est, deputetur.
77 Orat. 3- in Verrem, n. 54. [8]. 21.] (v. 4. p. 1314.) Apronius de- cumanus non decumam debitam, non frumentum remotum atque ce- latum ; sed tritici septem millia me- dimnum ex Nymphonis arationibus, edicti poena, non redemptionis aliquo jure, tollit.—Ibid. n. 55. [al. 22.] (p. 1315.) Hac ille vi et hoc metu adductus, tantum decumanis, quan- tum iste imperavit, exsolvit.
N 2
180 Of tithes
collectors of the tribute. Unless therefore we can suppose that Constantine settled the whole tribute of the empire upon the Church, which it is evident he did not, we cannot take that law for a settlement of tithes upon the clergy. Yet it might be a step towards it; for before the end of the fourth century, as Mr. Selden7$ himself not only confesses, but proves, out of Cassian, Eugippius, and others, tithes were paid to the Church. St. Austin lived in this age, and he says tithes were paid before his time, and much better than they were in his own time; for he makes a great complaint of the non-payment of them. ‘ Our forefathers, says he79, ‘abounded in all things, because they gave tithes to God; and tribute to Cesar. But now, because our devotion to God is sunk, the taxes of the State are raised upon us. We would not give God his part in the tithes, and therefore the whole is taken away from us. The exchequer devours what we would not give to Christ.’ St. Chrysostom 80, and the author of the Opus Imperfectum on St. Matthew 51 that goes under his name, testify for the practice of other Churches about the same time. And it were easy to add a list of many other Fathers and Councils®? of the next age, which speak of
78 Hist. of Tithes, ch. 5. p. 47. (t. 2. of v. 3. pp. 1101, seqq.) In Egypt also, &c.
9 Hom. 48. ex 50. t. το. p. 201. [4]. Append. Serm. 86. c. 2.] (t. 5. p- 156 a.) Majores nostri ideo co- plis omnibus abundabant, quia Deo decimas dabant, et Ceesari censum reddebant. Modo autem quia de- cessit devotio Dei, accessit indictio fisci. Nolumus partiri cum Deo decimas, modo autem totum tolli- tur. Hoc tollit fiscus, quod non accipit Christus.
80 Hom. 4. in Eph. [c. 2.7 p. 1058. (t.11. p. 31a.) Τί yap οὐκ ἐποίουν ; ἐκεῖνοι δεκάτας, καὶ πάλιν δεκάτας ἑτέρας παρεῖχον᾽ ὀρφανοῖς, χήραις, προσηλύτοις ἐπήρκουν᾽ ἀλλὰ ἐμοί τις θαυμάζων τινὰ ἔλεγε" δεκάτας δίδωσιν ὁ δεῖνα" πόσης αἰσχύνης τοῦτο γέμει, εἰ ὃ ἐπὶ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων οὐκ ἦν θαυμασ- τοῦ, τοῦτο ἐπὶ τῶν Χριστιανῶν θαυ- μαστὸν γέγονεν" εἰ τότε κίνδυνος ἦν, τὸ δεκάτας ἀπολιπεῖν, ἐννόησον ὅσον ἐστὶ νῦν.
81 Τὴ Matth. Hom. 44. (Oper. Chrysost. t. 6. p. 1886. c. ἃ.) Sa-
cerdotes ergo avaritia pleni, si quis de populo decimas non obtulisset, ita eum corripiebant, quasi magnum crimen fecisset, qui decimam alicu- jus rei vel saltem minimz non ob- tulisset : si quis autem de populo in Deum peccabat, aut ledebat ali- quem, aut aliquid tale faciebat, ne- mo curabat corripere eum.... Sic enim et modo fit... Si populus de- cimas non obtulerit, murmurant omnes: et si peccantem populum viderint, nemo murmurat contra eum.
82 C, Aurel. 1. anno 511. 6. 17.— This citation is erroneous. ‘The rst Council of Orleans contains no
canon on the subject of tithes. Ep.] —C. Matiscon. 2. annos588. 6.5. (t.5. Ρ. 981d.) ... Leges divine, consu- lentes sacerdotibus ac ministris ec- clesiarum, pro hereditatis portione omni populo preceperunt decimas fructuum suorum locis sacris pre- stare, ut nullo labore impediti horis legitimis spiritualibus possint vacare ministeriis.
§ 3,4. and first-fruits. 181
tithes as then actually settled upon the Church. But since they who dispute most against the divine right of them do not deny this as to fact, it is needless to prosecute this matter any fur- ther; which they that please may see historically deduced through many centuries by Mr. Selden*®. 4. There is one part more of Church revenues whose original The origi- remains to be inquired into, and that is first-fruits, which are nest — frequently mentioned in the primitive writers. For not only the manne | those called the Apostolical Canons * and Constitutions 55 speak οἱ οβοπης of them as part of the maintenance of the clergy, but writers more ancient and more authentic, as Origen and Irenzeus, men- tion them also as oblations made to God. “ Celsus,’ says Ori- gen*®®, * would have us dedicate first-fruits to demons; but we dedicate them to Him, who said, “ Let the earth bring forth grass, the herb yielding seed, and the fruit-tree yielding fruit after his kind.” To whom we give our first-fruits, to Him also we send up our prayers, having a great high-priest that is en- tered into heaven, &c.’ In like manner [renzus says*’, ‘ Christ taught his disciples to offer the first-fruits of the creatures to God,’ and that ‘this was the Church’s continual oblation with thanksgiving for the enjoyment of all the rest.’ Which implies either that they had a particular form of thanksgiving, as there is in both the Greek and Latin Rituals; or else, that these first-fruits were offered with other oblations at the time of the eucharist. However this be, it is evident that as they were principally designed for agnizing the Creator, so they were
88 cance! of toni ch. 5, &c. See Ρ. 766 e.) ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ ἀπαρχὰς Κέλσος
ΠΝ ar ek. 4. 8 2. p. 158. Py fet a. 97. 8 L. 2. c. 25. tot. (Cotel. v. 1.
-) and Ἢ vere! the bbc Ἔ κῇ 238.) beginning, Δεῖ mi τοὺς τῇ σίᾳ προσεδρεύοντας ἐκ μιυεὸα ἄμε διατρέφεσθαι, dre ἱε- inte, x. τ. A.—L. 8. c. 40. Invocatio pro Primitiis. (ibid. p. 417.) Εὐχα- ριστοῦμέν σοι, Κύριε Παντοκράτορ, Δημιουργὲ τῶν ὅλων καὶ Προνοητὰ διὰ
τοῦ Μονογενοῦς σου Παιδὸς Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν, ἐπὶ ταῖς θείσαις σοι ἀπαρχαῖς, ox
ὅσον ὀφείλομεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον 86 Cont. Cels. 1. 8. p. 400. (t. t.
μὲν δαιμονίοις. ἀνατιθέναι βούλεται" ἡμεῖς δὲ τῷ εἰπόντι, Βλαστησάτω ἡ γῆ βοτάνην χόρτου, σπεῖρον σπέρμα us γένος καὶ k ὁμοιότητα, καὶ ξῦλον κάρπιμον ποιοῦν καρπὸν, οὗ σπέρμα αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ κατὰ γένος ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς" ᾧ δὲ τὰς a ἀπαρχὰς ἀποδίδω- μεν, τούτῳ καὶ τὰς “εὐχὰς ἀναπέμπο- μεν, ἔχοντες ἀρχιερέα μέγαν, διεληλυ- τοὺς οὐρανοὺς, ᾿Ιησοῦν τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ.
87 L. 4. ¢. 32. (p. 323- 3.) Sed et suis discipulis dans consilium pri- mitias Deo offerre ex suis creaturis, &c.—Ibid. c. 34. (Ρ. 325. 5.) Of- ferre igitur oportet Deo primitias ejus creature, &c.
182 Management of Mion
secondarily intended for the use of his servants; and therefore we find the Eustathian heretics censured by the Synod of Gangra®®, anno 324, ‘for that they took the first-fruits, which were anciently given to the Church, and divided them among the saints of their own party.’ In opposition to which practice there are two canons’? made by that Council, forbidding any one to receive or distribute such oblations out of the Church, otherwise than by the directions of the bishop, under pain of excommunication. Some other rules are also given by one of the Councils of Carthage, inserted into the African Code®, concerning these first-fruits, that they should be only of grapes and corn; which shews that it was also the practice of the African Church. Nazianzen9! likewise mentions the first-fruits of the wine-press and the floor, which were to be dedicated to God. And the author of the Constitutions has a form of prayer %, ἐπίκλησις ἐπὶ ἀπαρχῶν, an invocation upon the first- Fruits, to be used at their dedication. So that it seems very clear that the offering of first-fruits was a very ancient and general custom in the Christian Church, and that this also contributed something toward the maintenance of the clergy, whose revenues I have now considered so far as concerns the several kinds and first original of them.
CHAP. VI.
Of the management and distribution of the revenues of the ancient clergy.
The reve- 1. Tue next thing to be considered is the ancient way of nues of the ἃ ees ὁ
whole dio- Managing and distributing these revenues among the clergy, cese an-
and such others as were dependants upon the Church. Which
88 In Preefat. (t. 2. p. 413 6.) Kap- ποφορίας τε Tas ἐκκλησιαστικὰς τὰς ἀνέκαθεν διδομένας τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἑαυ- τοῖς καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτοῖς, ὡς ἁγίοις, τὰς διαδόσεις ποιούμενοι.
89 In Preefat. c. 7. (ibid. p. 419 b.) Εἴ τις καρποφορίας ἐκκλησιαστικὰς ἐθέλοι λαμβάνειν, ἢ ἢ διδόναι ἔξω τῆς ἐκκλησίας, “παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἐπισκό- που, ἢ τοῦ ἐγκεχειρισμένου τὰ τοι- avra, καὶ μὴ μετὰ γνώμης αὐτοῦ ἐθέ-
οι πράττειν, ἀνάθεμα ἔ ἔστω.--- Can. 8. (ibid.) Εἴ τις διδοῖ ἢ ἢ λαμβάνοι καρ- ποφορίαν παρεκτὸς τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, ἢ
τοῦ ᾿ἐπιτεταγμένου εἰς οἰκονομίαν εὐ- ποιΐας, καὶ ὁ διδοὺς καὶ ὁ λαμβάνων ἀνάθεμα ἔστω.
90 C. 37. al. 40. (ibid. ip. 1067 6.)
. Μηδὲν δὲ πλέον ἐ ἐν ταῖς ἀπαρχαῖς προσφερέσθω, ἢ ἢ ἀπὸ σταφυλῶν καὶ σίτου.
91 Ep. 80. (t. 1. p. 833 d.) asia ᾿Απαρχὰς ἅλωνός τε καὶ ληνοῦ, “καὶ τέκνων τοὺς ἀληθῶς φιλοτέκνους ἀ ἀνα- τιθέναι Θεῷ δίκαιόν τε καὶ ὅσιον.
92 L. 8. c. 40. . See the second part of n. 85, preceding.
Church-revenues. 183
being a little different from the way of later ages, since settle- ciently in ments were made upon parochial churches, for the right un- {hands derstanding of it we are in the first place to observe, that an- bishop. ciently the revenues of the whole diocese were all in the hands of the bishop; who, with the advice and consent of his senate of presbyters, distributed them as the occasions of the Church required. This will appear evident to any one that will con- sider these two things, which will hereafter be proved, when we come to speak of parochial churches and their original. First, that there were anciently no presbyters or other clergy fixed upon particular churches, or congregations in the same city or diocese; but they were served indifferently by any presbyter from the ecclesia matrix, the mother or cathedral church, to which all the clergy of the city or diocese belonged, and not to any particular congregation. Secondly, that when presbyters were fixed to particular churches or assemblies in some cities, yet still those churches had no separate revenues ; but the maintenance of the clergy officiating in them was from the common stock of the mother-church, into which all the oblations of particular churches were put, as into a common fund, that from thence there might be made a general distri- bution. That thus it was at Constantinople, till the middle of the fifth century, is evident from what we find in Theodorus Lector®, who says that Marcian, the @conomus or guardian of that Church, under Gennadius, anno 460, was the first that ordered the clergy of every particular church to receive the offerings of their own church, whereas before the great church received them all. |
2. Now this being the ancient custom, it gives us a clear ac- And by his count how all the revenues of the Church came to be in the raahll 5. hands of the bishop, and how it was made one part of his office ane the and duty by the canons to concern himself in the care and dis- ee tribution of them. Of which, because I have already spoken elsewhere, I shall say no more in this place; save only that the bishop himself, to ayoid suspicion and prevent mismanage-
98 L. 1. p. 553- (Vv. 3. Ρ. 566. 10.) προ jueva ἐν ἑκάστῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ, Προεβάλετο δὲ Τεννάδιος = ea sot ak gra κληρικοὺς κομίζεσθαι οἰκονόμον τῆς τῶν Καθαρῶν ὄντα θρη- διετύπωσεν, ἕως τούτου τῆς μεγάλης σκείας, εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν μετελθόντα' ἐκκλησίας πάντα κομιζομένης. ὃς, ἅμα τῷ γενέσθαι οἰκονόμον, τὰ 94 B. 2. ο. 4. 8. 6. v. I. p. 93:
184
Management of V. vi.
ment, was obliged to give an account of his administration in a provincial synod 95; as also at his election to exhibit a list of his own goods and estate, that such things as belonged to him might be distinguished from those that belonged to God and the Church. And for the same reason, the great Council of Chalcedon” ordered, ‘ that every bishop should have an wco- nomus, or guardian of the church, and he to be chosen by the vote of all the clergy,’ as has been noted in another place 98,
ec eg 3. As to the distribution itself, in the most primitive ages we sion of ἢηά no certain rules about it; but as it was in the Apostles’ church-re-
days, so it continued for some time after: what was collected was usually deposited with the bishop, and distribution was made to every man according as he had need. But the follow- ing ages brought the matter to some certain rules, and then the revenues were divided into certain portions, monthly or yearly, according as occasion required; and. these proportioned to the state or needs of every order. In the Western Church, the division was usually into three or four parts; whereof one fell to the bishop, a second to the rest of the clergy, a third to the poor, and the fourth was applied to the maintenance of the fabric and other necessary uses of the church. The Council of Bracara?9 makes but three parts: one for the bishop, another for the clergy, and the third for the fabric and lights of the church. But then it was supposed that the bishop’s hospitality should, out of such a proportion, provide for the necessities of the poor. By other rules}, the poor, that is, all distressed
venues,
% Vid. C. Antioch. c. 25. (t. 2. p.
Tat, | καταλεῖψαι, k.T. A. 573 b.) Ei μεταβάλλοι τὰ πράγματα
97 Ὁ. 25. (t. 4. p. 767 b.) Τὴν μέν
εἰς οἰκιακὰς αὐτοῦ χρείας Kal τοὺς πόρους τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἢ τοὺς ἀγρῶν καρποὺς, μὴ μετὰ γνώμης τῶν πρεσβυ- τέρων ἢ τῶν διακόνων, χειρίζοι, ἀλλ᾽ οἰκείοις αὐτοῦ, καὶ συγγενέσιν, ἢ ἀ- δελφοῖς, ἢ υἱοῖς, παράσχοιτο τὸν ἐξ- ουσίαν, εἰς τὸ διὰ τῶν τοιούτων λελη- θότως βλάπτεσθαι τοὺς λόγους τῆς ἐκκλησίας" τοῦτον εὐθύνας παρέχειν τῇ συνόδῳ τῆς ἐπαρχίας.
96 Can. Apost. 39. al. 40. (Cotel. Le. 33-] V. I. p. 443.) Ἔστω φανερὰ τὰ ἴδια τοῦ ἐπισκόπου πράγματα, εἴγε καὶ ἴδια ἔχει, καὶ φανερὰ τὰ κυριακὰ, ἵνα ἐξουσίαν ἔχῃ τῶν ἰδίων τελευτῶν ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, ὡς βούληται καὶ ois βού- ληται [8]. οἷς βούλεται, καὶ ὡς βούλε-
τοι πρόσοδον τῆς χηρευούσης ἐκκλη- σίας σώαν φυλάττεσθαι παρὰ τῷ οἶκο- νόμῳ τῆς ἐκκλησίας.
98 B. 2. 6. 12. 8. 4. V. I. p. 359.
99 Bracar. 1. 6. 25. [Labbe, Bra- car. 2. 6. 7.] (t. 5. p. 840c.) Pla- cuit, ut de rebus ecclesiasticis fiant tres zequz portiones, id est, una episcopi, alia clericorum, tertia in reparatione vel in luminariis eccle- sie.
1 Vid. Gelas. Ep. 1. al. 9. ad E- pisc. Lucan. c. 27. (CC. t. 4. p. 1195 ¢.) Quatuor autem tam de re- ditu, quam de oblatione fidelium.. . convenit fieri portiones, quarum sit una pontificis, altera clericorum,
ἥ 834,4. "
people, the virgins and widows of the church, together with the martyrs and confessors in prison, the sick and strangers, have one-fourth in the dividend expressly allotted them. For : all these had relief, though not a perfect maintenance, from the charity of the Church. At Rome there were fifteen hundred such persons, besides the clergy, provided for in this way in the time of Cornelius?; and above three thousand at Antioch in the time of Chrysostom?: by which we may make an esti- mate of the revenues and charities of those populous Churches.
4. In some Churches they made no such division, but lived In some all in common, the clergy with the bishop, as it were in one ¢' pean mansion and at one table. - But this they did not by any lived all in general canon, but only upon choice, or particular combination and agreement in some particular Churches. As Sozomen# notes it to have been the custom at Rinocurura in Egypt, and Possidius* affirms the same of the Church of St. Austin. What was the practice of St. Austin and his clergy we cannot better learn than from St. Austin himself, who tells us®, ‘that all his clergy laid themselves voluntarily under an obligation to have all things in common ; and therefore none of them could have
Church-revenues. 185
perum tertia, quarta fabricis ap- rie = Simplie. Ep. 3. ad Flo- rent. (ibid. p. 1069 e.) .. . De rediti- bus ecclesiz vel oblatione fidelium, quid deceat nescienti, nihil licere i sed sola ei ex his quarta portio remittatur. Duz, ecclesiasti- cis fabricis et erogationi peregrino- rum et so profuture, ab Onagro presbytero sub periculo sui ordinis ministrentur: ultima inter se clericis pro a meritis dividatur.—Greg. M. 1. 3. Ep. 11. (CC. t.5. p. 1143 c.) Cognovimus de itibus ecclesiarum noviter acqui- sitis canonicam dispositionem quar- tarum minime convenire, sed episco- locorum tantummodo distri- uere quartam antiquorumredituum, nune vero quesita suis usibus reti- nere. Quam rem pravam subintro- ductamque consuetudinem fraterni- tas tua vivaciter emendare festinet, ut sive de preteritis reditibus, sive de iis qu nunc obvenerunt, vel ob- venerint, quarte secundum distribu- tionem canonicam dispensentur. 2 Ep.ad Fab. ap. Euseb. 1.6. c. 43.
(V.1.p.312.10.) Ἔν ἡ οὐκ ἠγνόει... χή- ρας σὺν θλιβομένοις ὑπὲρ τὰς dhe πεντακοσίας, ols πάντας ἡ τοῦ δεσπό- του χάρις καὶ φιλανθρωπία διατρέφει.
3 Hom. 67. [Bened. 66. al. ate Matth. t. 1. p. 720. (t. 7. p. 658 b.) ᾿Ἐννόησον ὅσαις ἀπαρκεῖ καθ᾽ ἑκαστὴν ἡμέραν χήραις, ὅσαις παρθένοις" καὶ γὰρ εἰς τὸν τῶν τρισχιλίων ἀριθμὸν ὁ καταλόγος αὐτῶν ἔφθασε.
41, 6. 5.31. See Ὁ. 3. ch. 1.8. 4. vol. I. p. 307. n. 26.
5 Vit. August. c. 25. See before, ibid. n. 25.
6 Serm. 50. de Divers. t. to. ᾿ 528. [al. Serm. 356. de Vit. et
orib. Clericorum, 2.] (t. 5. p. 1390 6.) Quia placuit illis, Deo propitio, socialis hec vita, quis- quis cum hypocrisi vixerit, quisquis inventus fuerit habens proprium, non ΠῚ permitto ut inde faciat testa- mentum, sed delebo eum de tabula clericorum. Interpellet contra me mille concilia, naviget contra me quo voluerit, sit certe δὶ potuerit ; adjuvabit me Deus, ut ubi ego episco- pus sum, ille clericus esse non possit.
186 Management of V. vi
any property, or any thing to dispose of by will; or if they had, they were liable to be turned out, and have their names expunged out of the roll of the clergy: which he resolved to do, though they appealed to Rome, or to a thousand Councils against him; by the help of God they should not be clerks where he was bishop.’ For his own part, he tells us7, he was so punctual to this rule, ‘ that if any one presented him with a robe finer than ordinary, he was used to sell it; that since his clergy could not wear the same in kind, they might at least partake of the benefit, when it was sold and made common. But as this way of living would not comport with the state of all Churches, so there were but few that embraced it; and those that did were not compelled to it by any general law, but only by local statutes of their own appointment.
5. Yet in one of these two ways the clergy were commonly mate in |. provided for out of the revenues of the great church, till such ters by the times as endowments and settlements began to be made upon cae parochial churches; which was not done in all places at the churches. game time, nor in one and the same way. But it seems to
have had its rise from particular founders. of churches, who settled manse and glebe upon the churches which they builded, and upon that score were allowed a right of patronage, to ‘present their own clerk, and invest him with the revenues of the church, wherewith they had endowed it. This practice was begun in the time of Justinian, anno 500, if not before; for there are two of his laws® which authorize and confirm it. About the same time a settlement of other revenues, as obla- tions, &c., was also made in some places upon parochial churches, as has been observed before out of Theodorus Lector’s accounts of the churches of Constantinople. Yet the change is thought by some? to be much later in England. For they collect out
Alterations
7 Ibid. (p. 1389 f.) Ita modo mune accipio. Si quis meliorem
dicturi sunt homines, quia inveni pretiosas vestes, quas non potuis- sem habere vel in domo _patris mei, vel in illa seculari profes- sione mea. Non decet: talem debeo habere, qualem possim, si non ha- buerit, fratri meo dare. Qualem potest habere presbyter, qualem potest habere decenter diaconus, talem volo accipere: quia in com-
dederit, vendo, quod et facere soleo: ut quando non potest vestis esse com- munis, pretium vestis sit commune.
8. Novel. 57. c. 2. et: Novel. 123. 6.18. See-b. 4. ch. 2.8. 19: -v. 2: Ρ. 33. nN. II, 12. ; 7
9 Cawdrey, Discourse of Patron- age, ch. 2. (p. 8.).... More than a hundred years after the coming of Augustine into Englnnd, that is,
§ 5, 6. Church-revenues. 187 of Bede’, that the ancient course of the clergy’s officiating only pro tempore in parochial churches, whilst they received maintenance from the cathedral church, continued in England more than an hundred years after the coming of Austin into England, that is, till about the year 700. For Bede plainly intimates, that at that time the bishop and his clergy lived to- gether, and had all things common, as they had in the pri- mitive Church in the days of the Apostles.
6. I have but one thing more to observe upon this head, No aliena- which is, that such goods or revenues as were once given to U°0* ἴο δ the Church, were always esteemed devoted to God; and there- church-re- fore were only to be employed in his service, and not to be goods but diverted to any other use, except some extraordinary case of #Pon ὰ-
: , tans : nary charity absolutely required it. As if it was to redeem captives, occasions. or relieve the poor in time of famine, when no other succours could be afforded them; in that case it was usual to sell even the sacred vessels and utensils of the church, to make provi- sion for the living temples of God, which were to be preferred before the ornaments of the material buildings. Thus St. Am- brose melted down the communion-plate of the Church of Milan to redeem some captives, which otherwise must have continued in slavery; and, when the Arians objected this to him invidiously as a crime, he wrote a most elegant apology and yindication for himself, where among other things worthy the reader’s perusal, he pleads his own cause!! after this manner: ‘Is it not better that the bishop should melt the plate to sustain the poor, when other sustenance cannot be
had, than that some sacrilegious enemy should carry it off by
“συ. τὰν
a ΎΘ να υνυννὴ ΥρΡσ"
about the year of our Lord 70ο.-- Selden, Hist. of Tithes, ch. 9. p. 255. (t. 2. of vol. 3. p. 1210.) At what time these lay foundations, &c.
0 Hist. Gent. Anglor. 1. 4. c. 27. (p. 176. 24.) Siquidem a temporibus ibi antiquis et episcopus cum clero, et abbas solebat manere cum monachis, qui tamen et ipsi ad cu- ram episcopi familiariter pertinerent. Quia nimirum Adan, qui primus
jus loci episcopus fuit, cum mona- able illue et ipse monachus adve- niens, monachicam in eo conversa- tionem instituit. Quomodo et prius beatus pater Augustinus in Cantia
fecisse noscitur, scribente ei reve- rendissimo Papa Gregorio, quod et supra posuimus. Sed quia tua fra- ternitas, inquit, monasterii regulis erudita seorsum fieri non debet a clericis suis in ecclesia Anglorum, que nuper, auctore Deo, ad fidem perducta est, hanc debet conversa- tionem instituere, que in initio nas- centis ecclesiz fuit patribus nostris, in quibus nullus eorum ex his, que possidebant, aliquod suum esse di- cebat: sed erant illis omnia com- munia.
ll De Offic. 1. 2. c. 28. (t. 2. p- 102 e.) Melius est enim, &c.
188 Management of V. vi.
spoil and plunder? Will not our Lord expostulate with us upon this account? Why did you suffer so many helpless persons to die with famine, when you had gold to provide them suste- nance? Why were so many captives carried -away and sold without redemption ? Why were so many suffered to be slain by the enemy? It had been better to have preserved the vessels of living men, than lifeless metals. What answer can be returned to this? For what shall a man say? I was afraid lest the temple of God should want its ornaments. But Christ will answer; My sacraments do not require gold, nor please me the more for being ministered in gold, which are not bought with gold. The ornament of my sacraments is the redemption of captives, and those are truly precious vessels which redeem souls from death.’ Thus that holy father goes on to justify the fact, which the Arians called sacrilege, but he, by a truer name, charity and mercy; for the sake of which he concludes it was no crime for a man to break, to melt, to sell the mystical vessels of the Church, though it were a very great offence for any man to convert them to his own private use. After the same example we find St. Austin 15 disposed of the plate of his church for the redemption of captives. Acacius, bishop of Amida, did the same for the redemption of seven thousand Persian slaves from the hands of the Roman soldiers, as So- crates!3 informs us. From whence we also learn, that in such cases they did not consider what religion men were of, but only
12 Vid. Possid. Vit. August. c. 24.
τὸν ἀριθμόν' καὶ ταῦτα οὐ μικρῶς
(t. το. append. p. 274 e.).... Nam et de vasis dominicis, propter cap- tivos et quamplurimos indigentes, frangi et conflari jubebat et indi- gentibus dispensari.—[Conf. Cav. Hist. Liter. (v. 1. p. 243.) .... Pau- perum studiosus, quibus vel ex re- ditibus ecclesiz vel ex oblationibus fidelium prospiciebat, &c. Ep. ]
18 Τῷ 7. ¢. 21. (v. 2. Pp. 367. 25. Τότε δὴ καὶ ᾿Ακάκιον, τὸν τῆς ᾿Αμίδης ἐπίσκοπον, πρᾶξις ἀγαθὴ περιφανέστε- Ρ πεποίηκε τοῖς πᾶσιν" ὡς γὰρ ot “Ῥωμαίων στρατιῶται τοὺς αἰχμαλώ- τους Περσῶν, ods τὴν ᾿Αζαζηνὴν πορ- θήσαντες ἔλαβον, ἀποδοῦναι τῶν Περ- σῶν βασιλεῖ κατ᾽ οὐδένα τρόπον ἐβού- λοντο, λιμῷ τε οἱ αἰχμάλωτοι ἐφθεί- ροντο, περὶ τοὺς ἐπτακισχιλίους ὄντες
ἐλύπει τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Περσῶν" τότε
ὁ ᾿Ακάκιος οὐ παρεῖδε ταῦτα γινόμενα" συγκαλέσας δὲ τοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ κληρι- κοὺς ἄνδρας, ἔφη Ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν οὔτε δίσκων, οὔτε ποτηρίων χρῇ ζει" οὔτε γὰρ ἐσθίει, οὔτε πίνει, ἐπεὶ μὴ προσ- dens ἐστιν᾽ ἐπεὶ τοίνυν πολλὰ κειμή- Ava χρυσᾶ τε καὶ ἀργυρᾶ ἡ ἐκκλησία ἐκ τῆς εὐγνωμοσύνης τῶν προσηκόν- τῶν αὐτῇ κέκτηται, προσήκει ἐκ τού- των ῥύσασθαί τε τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους, καὶ διαθρέψαι αὐτούς" Ταῦτα καὶ ἄλλα πλείονα τούτοις πα- ραπλήσια διεξελθὼν χωνεύει μὴν τὰ κειμήλια" τιμήματα δὲ τοῖς στρατιώταις ὑπὲρ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων καταβαλὼν, καὶ διαθρέψας αὐτοὺς, εἶτα δοὺς ἐφόδια, τῷ οἰκείῳ ἀπέπεμψε βασιλεῖ.
πυνυον.
Church-revenues. 189
whether they were indigent and necessitous men, and such as stood in need of their assistance. We have the like instances in the practice of Cyril of Jerusalem, mentioned by Theo- doret' and Sozomen!>, and in Deogratias, bishop of Car- thage, whose charity is extolled by Victor Uticensis!®, upon the same occasion: for he sold the communion-plate to redeem the Roman soldiers, that were taken captives in their wars with the Vandals. This was so far from being esteemed sacrilege or unjust alienation, that the laws against sacrilege excepted this case, though they did no other whatsoever: as may be seen in the law of Justinian!?, which forbids ‘the selling or pawning the church-plate, or vestments, or any other gifts, except in case of captivity or famine, to redeem slaves, or relieve the poor; because in such cases the lives or souls of men were to be preferred before any vessels or vestments whatsoever.’ The poverty of the clergy was a pitiable case of the same nature; and therefore if the annual income of the church would not maintain them, and there was no other way
14 Τ, 2. c. 27. (v. 3. Ὁ. 110. 21.) Τὴν yap ἱερὰν στολὴν, ἣν ὁ πανεύ- Φημος Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ βασιλεὺς, τὴν
ροσολύμων ἐκκλησίαν γεραίρων, δε- δώκει τῷ Μακαρίῳ τῷ τῆς πολέως ἐκείνης ἀρχιερεῖ, ἵνα ταύτην περιβαλ- λόμενος τὴν τοῦ θείου βαπτίσματος ἐπιτελῇ λειτουργίαν᾽ ἐκ χρυσῶν δὲ
κατεσκεύαστο νημάτων᾽ πεπρα- κέναι τὸν Κύριλλον ἔφη, κ.τ.λ.
Ἰ6Ὶ,. 4. 6. 25. (v. 2. p. 171. 28.) Διμοῦ καταλαβόντος τὴν ἹἹεροσολύ- pov χώραν, ὡς εἰς ἐπίσκοπον ἔβλεπε τὸ τὰν δεομένων πλῆθος, τῆς ἀναγκαί τὴν αἱ ἀπορούμενον ἐπεὶ δὲ χρήματα οὐκ ἦν, οἷς ἐπικουρεῖν ἔδει, κειμήλια καὶ ἱερὰ παραπετάσματα ἀπέδοτο" κ. r.A.
16 De Persecut. Vandal. 1. 1. ap. Bibl. Patr. t.7. p.501. (ap. Bibl. Max. t. 8. p. 677 6. 9.) Posthec factum est, supplicante Valentiniano Au- gusto, Carthaginiensi ecclesiz, post
ongum silentium desolationis, epi- scopum ordinari, nomine Deogratias ....Illo igitur episcopo constituto, factum est peccatis urgentibus, ut urbem illam quondam nobilissimam atque famosam, quintodecimo regni sui anno, Geisericus caperet Romam. Et simul exinde regum multorum
divitias cum populis captivavit. Que dum multitudo captivitatis A- fricanum attingeret littus, dividenti- bus Vandalis et Mauris ingentem populi quantitatem, ut moris est Barbaris, mariti ab uxoribus, liberi a parentibus separabantur. Statim sategit vir Deo plenus et clarus uni- versa vasa ministerii aurea vel ar- gentea distrahere, et libertatem de servitute barbarica liberare, et ut conjugalia foedera manerent, et pig- nora genitoribus redderentur.
17 Cod. 1. 1. tit. 2. de Ecclesiis, leg. 21. (t. 4. p. 60.) Sancimus, ne- mini licere sacratissima atque ar- cana vasa, vel vestes, ceteraque do- naria, que ad divinam religionem necessaria sunt .... vel ad venditio- nem, vel ad hypothecam, vel tad] pignus trahere .. . . excepta videlicet causa captivitatis et famis, in locis
uibus hoc, quod abominamur, con- tigerit. Nam si necessitas fuerit in redemptione captivorum, tunc et venditionem preefatarum rerum di- vinarum, et hypothecam, et pigno- rationes fieri concedimus : quoniam non absurdum est, animas hominum quibuscunque vasis vel vestimentis preferri, &c.
190 Management of Church-revenues. V. vi. ὃ 7. to provide them of necessaries; in that case some canons 18 | allowed the bishop to alienate or sell certain goods of the
church, to raise a present maintenance.
And that 7. But that no fraud might be committed in any such cases, with the ; Re y
joint con. the same canons did specially provide, ‘ that when any urgent 8 of ze? necessity compelled the bishop to take this extraordinary
Oop a .
his ae, course, he should first consult his clergy, and also the metro- oats. politan, and others his comprovincial bishops, that they might tion of the Judge of the necessity, and whether it were a reasonable metropol- ground for such a proceeding.’ The fourth Council of Car- prorated thage19 disannuls all such acts of the bishop, whereby he ishops.
either gives away,,or sells, or commutes any goods of the church, without the consent and subscription of his clergy. And the fifth Council of Carthage2° requires him to intimate the case and necessity of his church first to the primate of the province, that he, with a certain number of bishops, may judge whether it be fitting to be done. The Council of Agde?! says, ‘he should first consult two or three of his neighbouring bi- shops, and take their approbation.’ Thus stood the laws of the Church so long as the bishop and his clergy had a com- mon right in the dividend of ecclesiastical revenues; nothing could be alienated without the consent of both parties, and the cognizance and ratification of the metropolitan or provin- cial synod. So that the utmost precaution was taken in this affair, lest, under the pretence of necessity or charity, any spoil or devastation should be made of the goods and revenues of the Church.
18 See nn. 20 and 21, follow- ing. - 20 C. 4. (t. 2. p. 1216 a.) Placuit etiam ut rem ecclesiz nemo vendat. Quod si aliqua necessitas cogit, hanc insinuandam esse primati pro- vinci ipsius, ut cum statuto nu- mero episcoporum utrum faciendum sit, arbitretur.
19 Ὁ, 32. (t. 2. p. 1202 6.) Irrita
erit donatio episcoporum, vel vendi- tio vel commutatio rei ecclesiastice, absque conniventia et subscriptione clericorum.
21 C. 7. (t. 4. p. 1384 b.)... Quod si necessitas certa compulerit, ...a- pud duos vel tres comprovinciales vel vicinos episcopos, causa, qua ne- cesse sit vendi, primitus comprobe- tur: &c.
a ἊΨ ΨΨΨΝΝ ; ὟΝ ah τ. “Pel
τή
BOOK VIL.
AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL LAWS AND RULES, RELATING TO THE EMPLOYMENT, LIFE, AND CONVERSATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CLERGY.
| CHAP. I. Of the excellency of these rules in general, and the exemplari- | ness of the clergy in conforming to them. ἥς I HAVE, in the two foregoing books, given an account The excel- of the great care of the primitive Church in providing and ἘΝ ἣν training up fit persons for the ministry, and of the great en- Sota couragements that were given them by the State, as well to envied by honour and distinguish their calling, as to excite and provoke aga them to be sedulous in the discharge of their several offices and functions. There is one thing more remains, which is, to give an account also of the Church’s care in making necessary laws and canons, obliging every member of the ecclesiastic body to live conformably to his profession, and exercise himself in the duties of his station and calling. These rules were, many of them, so excellent in their own nature, and so strictly and carefully observed by those who had a concern in them, that some of the chief adversaries of the Christian religion could not but take notice of them, and with a sort of envy and emu- lation bear testimony to them. Among the works of Julian there is a famous Epistle of his to Arsacius, high priest of Ga- datia, which is recorded also by Sozomen®, wherein he takes
τ EE ———EEE—==S= Clee
OOOO —— ΡΣ. —~
21, 5. c. 16. (v. 2. p. 203. 36.) ἕκαστον oto ἣναι παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀλη- Οὐδὲ ἀποβλέπομεν, ὃ μάλιστα τὴν ἀ- θῶς Yer well ie καὶ οὐκ ἀπόχρη ; συνηύξησεν, ἡ περὶ τοὺς ξέ- τό σε μόνον εἶναι τοιοῦτον, ἀλλὰ πάν- νους φιλάνθρωπία, καὶ ἡ περὶ τὰς τα- τας ἀπαξαπλῶς, of περὶ τὴν Γαλατίαν φὰς τῶν νεκρῶν προμήθεια, καὶ ἡ πε- εἰσὶν ἱερεῖς" ods ἢ δυσώπησον, ἢ πεῖ- πλασμένη σεμνότης κατὰ τὸν βίον" ὧν σον εἶναι σπουδαίους" ἣ τῆς ἱερατικῆς
192 Vi; 1.
Exemplariness
occasion to tell him, ‘ that it was very visible that the causes of the great increase of Christianity were chiefly their professed hospitality towards strangers, and their great care in burying the dead, joined with a pretended sanctity and holiness of life.’ Therefore he bids him, as high priest of Galatia, to take care ‘that all the priests of that region, that were under him, should be made to answer the same character; and that he should, either by his threatenings or persuasions, bring them to be diligent and sober men, or else remove them from the office of priesthood; that he should admonish the priests, nei- ther to appear at the theatre, nor frequent the tavern, nor follow any calling or employment that was dishonourable and scandalous; and such as were observant of his directions, he should honour and promote them, but discard and expel the refractory and contumacious.’ This is plainly to say, and it is so much the more remarkable for its coming from the mouth of an adversary, that the Christian clergy of those times were men that lived by excellent rules, diligent in their employment, grave and sober in their deportment, charitable to the indigent, and cautious and reserved in their whole conversation and behaviour toward all men. Which as it tended mightily to propagate and advance Christianity in the world, so it was what Julian, upon that account, could not but look upon with an envious eye, and desire that his idol-priests might gain the same character; thereby to eclipse the envied reputation of the other, and reflect honour and lustre upon his beloved heathen religion. We have the like testimonies in Ammianus Marcellinus 38 and others, concerning the frugality, temperance, modesty, and humility of Christian bishops in their own times; which coming from the pens of professed heathens, and such as did neither spare the emperors themselves, nor the
λειτουργίας a ἀπόστησον, εἰ μὴ προσέρ- χονται μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ παίδων καὶ θεραπόντων τοῖς θεοῖς, ἀλλὰ ἐ ἐνέχοιντο τῶν οἰκετῶν, ἢ υἱέων, ἢ τῶν Γαλιλαίων γαμετῶν᾽ ἀσεβούντων μὲν εἰς τοὺς θε- οὗς, ἀθεότητα δὲ θεοσεβείας προτι- μώντων᾽ ἔπειτα παραίνεσον ἱερέα, μή- τε θεάτρῳ παραβάλλειν, μήτε ἐν καπη- λείῳ πίνειν, ἢ τέχνης τινὸς καὶ ἐργα- σίας αἰσχρᾶς καὶ ἐπονειδίστου προ- ἵστασθαι" καὶ τοὺς μὲν πειθουμένους τίμα᾽ τοὺς δὲ ἀπειθοῦντας ἐξώθει.
28 L. 27. c. 3. (p. 481.) Qui esse poterant beati revera, si, magnitu- dine urbis despecta, quam vitiis op- ponunt, ad imitationem antistitum quorundam provincialium viverent : quos tenuitas edendi potandique parcissime, vilitas etiam indumen- torum, et supercilia humum spectan- tia, perpetuo Numini verisque ejus
cultoribus ut puros commendant et verecundos.
§ 1,2. of the primitive clergy. 193 bishops of Rome, who lived in greater state and affluence, may well be thought authentic relations and just accounts of those holy men, whose commendations and characters, so ample, no- thing but truth could have extorted from the adversaries of their religion. 2. This being so, we may the more easily give credit to The charac- those noble panegyrics and encomiums, which some ancient ental γον Christian writers make upon the clergy and their virtues and Christian discipline in general. Origen?‘ says, ‘it was the business of cs their life to traverse every corner of the world, and make con- verts and proselytes to godliness both in cities and villages. And they were so far from making a gain hereof, that many of them took nothing for their service; and those that did took only what was necessary for their present subsistence ; though there wanted not persons enough who in their liberality | were ready to have communicated much more to them.’ St. Austin? gives the like good character of the bishops and pres- byters of his own time, making them the chief ornament of the Catholic Church, and extolling their virtues above those of a monastic life, because their province was more difficult, having to converse with all sorts of men, and being forced to bear with their distempers in order to cure them. He that would see more of this general character must consult the ancient Apologists, where he will find it interwoven with the character of Christians in general; whose innocence, and patience, and ᾿ charity, and universal goodness, was owing partly to the insti- tutions, and partly to the provoking examples of their guides and leaders; who lived as they spake, and first trod the path
24 Cont. Cels. 1. 3. p. 116. (t. 1. Ρ. 453 8.) ... Τινὲς οὖν ἔργον πεποί- ἡνται ἐκπεριέρχεσθαι οὐ μόνον πό- λεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ κώμας, καὶ ἐπαύλεις" ἵνα καὶ ἄλλους εὐσεβεῖς τῷ Θεῷ κατα- σκευάσωσι" καὶ πλούτου τις ἕνεκα φήσαι αὐτοὺς τοῦτο πράττειν, ἐσθ᾽ ὅτε μὲν οὐδὲ τὰ πρὸς τροφὴν
" εἴ ποτε δὲ ἀναγκάζοιντο
por τῆς ἀπορίας τούτη, τῇ ίᾳ
ἀρκουμένους, κἂν πλείους is
noe sot ag Sp gt iy τὰ ρείαν [al. τῆς χρείας.
ope Morib. cles. Cathol. ς. 32. t. I. p. 320. (t. 1. p. 711 e.) Quam
BINGHAM, VOL. Il.
enim multos episcopos, optimos vi- ros sanctissimosque cognovi, quam multos presbyteros, quam multos diaconos et cujuscemodi [al. hu- jusmodi] ministros divinorum 88- cramentorum, quorum virtus eo mihi mirabilior et majore predica- tione dignior videtur, quo difficilius est eam in multiplici hominum ge- nere, et in ista vita turbulentiore, servare. Non enim sanatis magis tap sanandis hominibus presunt.
erpetienda sunt vitia multitudinis, ut curentur; et prius toleranda, que sedanda est pestilentia.
ο
194 EHxemplariness
themselves which they required others to walk in. Which was the thing that set the Christian teachers so much above the philosophers of the Gentiles. For the philosophers indeed dis- coursed and wrote very finely about virtue in the theory, but they undid all they said in their own practice. ‘Their dis- courses,’ as Minucius observes®, ‘ were only eloquent harangues against their own vices; whereas the Christian philosophers expressed their profession, not in their words or habit, but in the real virtues of the soul: they did not talk great, but live well; and so attained to that glory which the philosophers pretended always to be offering at, but could never happily arrive to.’ Lactantius?7 triumphs over the Gentile philosophers upon the same topic; and so do Gregory Nazianzen?*, Tertul- lian29, Cyprian®°, and many others; whose arguments had been easily retorted, had not the Christian teachers been ge- nerally men of a better character, and free from those imputa- tions which they cast upon the adverse party. 3. Some few instances indeed, it cannot be denied, are to be μὴν aia found of persons, who in these best ages were scandals and re- tion to their proaches to their profession. The complaints that are made by
Particular
al ‘ ‘ ‘ ; not chee: good men will not suffer us to believe otherwise. Cyprian®} racter. 26 Octav. 1. 3. [c. 38.] p. 116. 30 De Bon. Patient. p. 210. (p.
(p. 185.) Philosophorum supercilia contemnimus, quos corruptores et adulteros novimus et tyrannos, et semper adversus sua vitia facundos.
145.) Hane [patientiam] se sectari philosophi quoque profitentur, sed tam illic patientia falsa est, quam et falsa sapientia est. Unde enim vel
Nos non habitu sapientiam, sed mente preferimus: non eloquimur magna, sed vivimus: gloriamur nos consecutos, quod illi summa inten- tione quesiverunt, nec invenire po- tuerunt.
27 L.4. c. 23. tot. (t. 1. pp. 334, seqq.) Quicunque precepta, &c.— L. 3. 6.15. (ibid. p. 225.) Eodem ductus errore, &c.
28 Orat. 3. Invect. 1. in Julian. (t. 1. p. 95 d.) Ἔπειτα πῶς, κ. τ. λ. abide: (p. 103 c. 4.) Ἢ κἀνταῦθα, κι τ. A.—Ibid. (p. 107 a.) Ti δ᾽ ἂν εἴποις, K. τ. A.—Ibid. (p. 108 c. ἃ.)
Ὁ Καίτοι πῶς ταῦτα, x. τ. A.— Ibid.
(p. 109 ἃ. Ὁ.) Τὸ γὰρ κάλλιστον, Kit. A.
29 Apol. c. 46. tot. (p. 35 b.) Con- stitimus, &c.
sapiens esse vel patiens possit, qui nec sapientiam, nec patientiam Dei novit? .... Si sapiens [8]. patiens] ille est, qui est humilis et. mitis ; philosophos autem videmus nec hu- miles esse nec mites, sed sibi mul- tum placentes....Nos autem...qui philosophi non verbis sed factis su- mus; nec vestitu sapientiam, sed veritate preeferimus; qui virtutum conscientiam magis quam jactantiam novimus; qui non loquimur magna, sed vivimus; quasi servi et cultores Dei, patientiam, quam magisteriis celestibus discimus, obsequiis spi- ritualibus preebeamus, &c.
31 De Lapsis, p. 124. (p. 88.) Do- minus probari familiam suam voluit, et quia traditam nobis divinitus dis- ciplinam pax longa corruperat, ja-
Wa.4
of the primitive clergy.
195
and Eusebius*®? lament the vices of some among the clergy as well as laity, and reckon them among the causes that moved the Divine Providence to send those two great fiery trials upon the Church, the Decian and the Diocletian persecutions ; thereby to purge the tares from the wheat, and correct those enormities and abuses which the ordinary remedy of ecclesi- astical discipline, through the iniquity of the times, was not able to redress. The like complaints are made by Chrysostom, Gregory Nazianzen**, and St. Jerom®°, of some ecclesiastics in
centem fidem et pene dixerim dor- mientem, censura ccelestis erexit : cumque nos peccatis nostris amplius pati mereremur, clementissimus Do- minus sic cuncta moderatus est, ut hoc omne, quod gestum est, explo- ratio potius quam tio vide- retur. Studebant augendo patri- monio singuli; et obliti quid cre- dentes, aut sub Apostolis ante fecis- sent, aut semper facere deberent, insatiabili cupiditatis ardore ampli- andis facultatibus incubabant. Non in sacerdotibus religio devota, non in ministris fides integra, non in
ri misericordia, non in mori- bus disciplina. Corrupta barba in viris, in foeminis forma fucata. Adul- terati post Dei manus oculi, capilli mendacio colorati. Ad decipienda corda simplicium callide fraudes, circumyeniendis fratribus subdole voluntates. Jungere cum infideli-
bus vinculum matrimonii, prosti- tuere gentilibus membra Christi,
non jurare tantum temere, sed ad- hue etiam pejerare : prepositos su- perbo tumore contemnere, venenato sibi ore maledicere, odiis pertinaci- bus invicem dissidere: episcopi plu- rimi, quos et hortamento esse opor- tet czteris et exemplo, divina pro- curatione contemta, procuratores rerum szcularium fieri, derelicta cathedra, plebe deserta, per alienas incias oberrantes, negotiationis quzestuosz nundinas aucupari. E- surientibus in ecclesia fratribus non subvenire, habere argentum largiter velle, fundos insidiosis fraudibus rapere, usuris multiplicantibus fe- nus augere, &c. 82 L. 8. c. τ. (v. τ. p. 376. 26. 5668.) ‘Qs δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἐπὶ πλέον ἐλευ-
θερίας, kK. τ.λ.
88 Hom. 20. in Act. (t. 9. p. 238 b.) Δίδαξόν pe διὰ τοῦ βίου τοῦ σοῦ" αὕτη ἡ διδασκαλία ἀρίστη" λέγεις ὅτι δεῖ μετριάζειν, καὶ μακρὸν ὑπὲρ τού- του λόγον ἀποτείνεις, καὶ ῥητορεύεις ῥέων ἀκωλύτως ; ἀλλὰ σοῦ βελτίων ἐκεῖνός, φησιν, ὁ δι’ ἔργων τοῦτο παι- δεύων ἐμέ οὐ γὰρ οὕτως εἴωθεν ἐντί- θεσθαι τῇ ψυχῇ τὰ μαθήματα ἀπὸ ῥη- μάτων, ὡς ἀπὸ πραγμάτων᾽ ἐπεὶ καὶ ἐὰν μὴ τὸ ἔργον ἔχῃς, οὐ μόνον οὐκ ὠφέλησας εἰπὼν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μειζόνως ἔβλαψας" βέλτιον σιγᾷν᾽ διατί; ὅτι ἀδύνατόν μοι τὸ πρᾶγμα καθιστᾶς" ἐν- νοῶ γὰρ, ὅτε εἰ σὺ ὁ ταῦτα λέγων οὐ κατορθοῖς, πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐγὼ συγ- γνώμης ἄξιος λέγων μηδένα" διὰ τοῦτό φησιν ὁ προφήτης" Τῷ δὲ ἁμαρ- τωλῷ εἶπεν ὁ Θεός" ἵνα τί συ ἐκδιηγῇ τὰ δικαιώματά pov; μείζων γὰρ αὕτη ἡ βλάβη, ὅταν καλῶς διδάσκων τις διὰ ῥημάτων, διὰ τῶν ἔργων πολεμῇ τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ τοῦτο πολλῶν αἴτιον γέγονε κακῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις.
84 Carm. Cygn. de Episcopis. (t. 2. p. 302 b.) Turpissimum erat, illorum me fidei cauponum in nu- mero esse: quorum alii nepotes erant eorum, qui tributorum scribe fuerant, et aliud nihil animo volve- bant, quam falsas et subdolas ratio- num depravationes: alii ab aratris venerant, adusti a sole: alii a ligone, vel bidente totum diem non quies- cente: alii remos exercitusque reli- querant, redolentes adhuc sentinam, vel corpus feedatum cicatricibus ha- bentes, populi gubernatores ac du- ces militum, &c.
35 Ep. 2. [al. 52. ad Nepotian. (t.t.
. 258 6. seqq.) Pudet dicere, &c.—
nsult cc. 3 g, 11, and 15, parti- cularly.
02
196 EHaemplariness
their own times, whose practices were corrupt and dishonour- able to’ their profession. And indeed it were a wonder if all ages should not afford some such instances of unsound members in so great a body of men, since there was a Judas even among the Apostles. But then it is to be considered that a few such exceptions did not derogate from the good character, which the primitive clergy did generally deserve; and the faults of those very men were the occasion of many good laws and rules of discipline, which the provincial synods of those times enacted ; out of which I have chiefly collected the following account, which concerns the lives and labours of the ancient clergy. An account 4, To these the reader may join those excellent tracts of Sea at the Ancients, which purposely handle this subject; such as τχῤ μέν οἷ St.Chrysostom’s six books De Sacerdotio; St. Jerom’s second duties of | Epistle to Nepotian, which is called De Vita Clericorum ; and the clergy. Gregory Nazianzen’s Apology for flying from the Priesthood; in all which the duties of the clergy are excellently described. Or if any one desires rather to see them exemplified in some living instances and great patterns of perfection, which com- monly make deeper impressions than bare rules, he must con- sult those excellent characters of the most eminent primitive bishops, which are drawn to the life by the best pens of the age; such as the Life of Ignatius by Chrysostom; the Life of St. Basil and of Athanasius by Gregory Nazianzen ; the Life of St. Austin by Possidius; the Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus and of Meletius by Gregory Nyssen: in all which the true cha- racter and idea of a Christian bishop is set forth and described with this advantage, that a man does not barely read of rules, but see them as it were exemplified in practice. The chief of these discourses in both kinds are already translated into our own language by other pens*, and they are too prolix to be inserted into a discourse of this nature, which proceeds in a different method from them. I shall therefore only extract such observations from them as fall in with the public and general laws of the Church, of which I give an account in the following chapters, and leave the rest to the curious diligence of the inquisitive reader. |
36 See Bp. Burnet’s Pastoral Care, marques relating to the State of the ch. 4. (pp. 57, &c. and pp. 66, &c.) Church of the First Centuries, &c. and Seller’s Remarks on the Lives London, 1680. 8vo. of the Primitive Fathers, or Re-
Ss
84. 11. τ. of the primitive clergy. 197 cio CHAP. IL.
Of laws relating to the life and conversation of the primitive
clergy.
ΟἽ, Tae laws of the Church which concerned the clergy I Exemplary : shall for distinction’s sake consider under three heads; speak- ee ing, first, Of such laws as concerned their life and conversation. pacha! Secondly, Of such as more particularly related to the exercise men: rea- of the several offices and duties of their function. Thirdly, Of 555 ἴον τ. such as were a sort of out-guards or fences to both the former.
The laws, which related to their life and conversation, were
such as tended to create in them a sublimity of virtue above
other men; forasmuch as they were to be examples and pat-
terns to them, which if good would be both a light and a spur
to others, but’ if bad the very pests and banes of the Church.
It is Gregory Nazianzen’s*’ reflection upon the different sorts
of guides, which he had observed then in the Church ;—‘ Some,’
he complains, ‘ did, with unwashed hands and profane minds,
press to handle the holy mysteries, and affect to be at the
altar, before they were fit to be initiated to any sacred service.
‘They looked upon the holy order and function, not as designed
for an example of virtue, but only as a way of subsisting them-
selves ; not as a trust, of which they were to give an account,
but a state of absolute authority and exemption. And these
men’s examples corrupted the people’s morals, faster than any
eloth can imbibe a colour, or a plague infect the air; since men
were more disposed to receive the tincture of vice than virtue
from the example of their rulers.’ In opposition to such he
lays down this as the first thing to be aimed at by all spiritual
physicians ;—‘ that they should draw the picture of all manner of virtues in their own lives, and set themselves as examples to
—lIbid. (p. 6 b.) Οὐ yap οὕτως οὔτε δευσοποιοῦ βαφῆς μεταλαμβάνει ῥᾳ-
37 Orat. 1. ποιόν de ἢ δίως ὕφασμα, οὔτε δυσωδίας ἣ τοῦ
{t.1. Ρ. 88 a.) ” ερσὶν, ὃ λέγεται, καὶ ἀμυνήτοις χαῖς, τοῖς
ἑαυτοὺς ἐπεισάγουσι, καὶ
πρὶν ἄξιοι γενέσθαι προσιέναι τοῖς ἱε- pois, μεταποιοῦνται τοῦ βήματος" θλί- Bovral τε καὶ ὠθοῦνται περὶ τὴν ἁγίαν Ἐν» ὥσπερ οὐκ ἀρετῆς τύπον, ἀφορμὴν βίου τὴν τάξιν ταύτην
ε νομίζοντες, οὐδὲ "λειτουργίαν
ὑπεύθυνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρχὴν ἀνεξέταστον.
ἐναντίου τὸ πλησιάσαι, οὔτε νοσερά τις οὕτως εὐκόλως ἀναχεῖται εἰς τὸν ἀέρα, καὶ διὰ τοῦ ἀέρος ὁμιλεῖ τοῖς ζώοις ἀτμὶς, ὃ ὃ δὴ λοιμὸς ἔ ἔστι τε καὶ ὀνομάζεται, ἁ ὡς φιλεῖ τάχιστα τῆς τοῦ προεστῶτος κακίας ἀναπίμπλασθαι τὸ ὑπήκοον, καὶ πολλῷ γε ῥᾷον, ἣ τοῦ » τῆς ἀρετῆς.
198 Life and conversation VI. ii
the people; that it might not be proverbially said of them, that they set about curing others, while they themselves were full of sores and ulcers.’ Nor were they to draw this image of virtue slightly and to a faint degree, but accurately and to the highest perfection; since nothing less than such degrees and measures of virtue was expected by God from the rulers and governors of his people: and then there would be hopes, that such heights and eminencies would draw the multitude at least to a mediocrity in virtue, and allure them to embrace that vo- luntarily by gentle persuasions, which they would not be brought to so effectually and lastingly by force and compulsion. He urges further®® the necessity of such a purity from the consideration of the sacredness and majesty of the function itself. ‘A minister’s office sets him in the same rank and order with angels themselves; he celebrates God with archangels ; transmits the Church’s sacrifices to the altar in heaven, and performs the priest’s office with Christ himself; he reforms the work of'God’s hands, and presents the image to his Maker ; his workmanship is for the world above; and therefore he should be exalted to a divine and heavenly nature, whose business is to be as a god himself, and make others gods also.’ St. Chry- sostom39 makes use of the same argument: ‘that the priest- hood, though it be exercised upon earth, is occupied wholly about heavenly things; that it is the ministry of angels put by the Holy Ghost into the hands of mortal men; and there- fore a priest ought to be pure and holy, as being placed in heaven itself, in the midst of those heavenly powers.’ -He presses likewise 4° the danger and prevalency of a bad example:
38 Thid. (p. 31 b.) Tis 6 πλάττων, καθάπερ αὐθήμερον τοὺς πηλίνους, τὸν τῆς ἀληθείας προστάτην, τὸν μετὰ ἀγγέλων στησόμενον, καὶ μετὰ ἀρχαγ- γέλων. δοξάσοντα, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ ἄνω θυ- σιαστήριον ἀναπέμψοντα τὰς θυσίας, καὶ Χριστῷ συνιερεύσοντα, τὸν ἀνα- πλάσοντα τὸ πλάσμα, καὶ παραστή- σοντα τὴν εἰκόνα, καὶ τῷ ἄνω κόσμῳ δημιουργήσοντα, καὶ, τὸ μεῖζον εἰπεῖν, θεὸν ἐσόμενον καὶ θεοποιήσοντα.
89 DeSacerd. L3-cag .ft.1, Ρ. 382b.) Ἡ yap ἱερωσύνη τελεῖται. μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς: τάξιν δὲ ἐ ἐπουρανίων ἔχει πραγμά- Tov’ καὶ μάλα γε εἰκότως" οὐ γὰρ ἄν- θρωπος, οὐκ ἄγγελος, οὐκ ἀρχάγγε-
λος, οὐκ ἄλλη τις κτιστὴ δύναμις" ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς ὁ Παράκλητος ταύτην διετάξατο τὴν ἀκολουθίαν, καὶ ἔτι μένοντας ἐν σαρκὶ τὴν τῶν ἀγγέλων ἔ ἔπεισε φαντά- ζεσθαι διακονίαν. διὸ χρὴ τὸν ἱερωμέ- νον, ὥσπερ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐστῶτα τοῖς οὐ- ρανοῖς μεταξὺ τῶν δυνάμεων ἐκείνων, οὕτως εἶναι καθαρόν.
40 Ibid. 1.8. 0.14. (p- 3god. Πέφυκε γὰρ, ὡς τὰ πολλὰ, τὸ τῶν “ἀρχομένων πλῆθος, ὥ ὥσπερ εἰς ἀρχέτυπόν τινα εἰκό- να τοὺς τῶν ἀρχόντων τρόπους ὁρᾷ ν,καὶ πρὸς ἐκείνους ᾿ἐξομοιοῦν ἑαυτούς. πῶς οὖν ἄν τις τὰς ἐκείνων παύσειε φλε- γμονὰς, οἰδαίνων αὐτός ; τίς δ᾽ ἂν ἐπι- θυμήσειε ταχέως τῶν πολλῶν γενέσθαι
Ἶ ; | Ὑ > j ; |
eS —— ὦν δυο »
eee
of the primitive clergy. 199
‘Subjects commonly form their manners by the pattern of their princes. How then should a proud man be able to assuage the swelling tumours of others? or an angry ruler hope to make his people in love with moderation and meekness? Bishops are exposed, like combatants in the theatre, to the view and observation of all men; and their faults, though never so small, cannot be hid; and therefore, as their virtuous ac- tions profit many by provoking them to the like zeal, so their
vices will render others unfit to attempt or prosecute any
thing that is noble and good. For which reason their souls ought to shine all over with the purest brightness, that they may both enlighten and exstimulate the souls of others, who have their eyes upon them. A priest should arm himself all over with purity of life, as with adamantine armour; for if he leave any part naked and unguarded, he is surrounded both with open enemies and pretended friends, who will be ready to wound and supplant him. So long as his life is all of a piece, he needs not fear their assaults; but if he be overseen in a fault, though but a small one, it will be laid hold of and im- proved to the prejudice of all his former virtues. For all men are most seyere judges in his case, and treat him not with any allowance for being encompassed with flesh, or as having an human nature; but expect he should be an angel, and free from all infirmities.’ ‘He cannot, indeed,’ as the same Father argues in another place*!, ‘ with any tolerable decency and
μέτριος, τὸν a, χοντα ὀργίλον ὁρῶν; μελημένον, πλήξῃ καιρίαν πληγήν" οὐ ἐστιν οὐκ ἔστι δυνατὸν, τὰ τῶν πάντες γὰρ περιεστήκασι, τρῶσαι ἕ-
ἱερέων κρύπτεσθαι ἐλαττώματα" ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ pues ταχέως κατάδηλα γίνε- ται". .. dorep οὖν αὐτῶν τὰ κατορ- πολλοὺς ὥνησε, πρὸς τὸν ἴσον παρακαλοῦντα ζῆλον' οὕτω καὶ τὰ πλημμελή ῥᾳθυμοτέρους κατέστη- σε περὶ τὴν τῇ ς ἀρετῆς ἐργασίαν" καὶ βλακεύειν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν σπου- δαίων παρασκεύασε πόνους. διὸ χρὴ πάντοθεν αὐτοῦ τοῦ κάλλος pa Bew τῆς ς΄ ἵνα καὶ εὐφραίνειν ἅμα ὩΣ φωτίζειν Abate Tas τῶν v ψυχάς... . δεῖ τὸν ἱερέα κα-
atte ἀδαμαντίνοις ὅπλοις πε-
χθαι πάντοθεν᾽ τῇ τε συντόνῳ σπουδῇ, καὶ τῇ διηνεκεῖ περὶ. τὸν βίον νήψει, πάντοθεν περισκοποῦντα, μή που τις γυμνὸν εὑρὼν τόπον καὶ παρη-
τοιμοι καὶ καταβαλεῖν, οὐ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μόνον καὶ πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτῶν πολλοὶ τῶν προσποιουμένων ιλίαν.
«ἕως μὲν γὰρ ἂν πανταχόθεν ἡρ- δον μέν ἦ καλῶς ὁ τοῦ ἱερέως βίος, ἀνάλωτος γίνεται ταῖς ἐπιβουλαῖς" ἂν ‘ τύχῃ μικρόν τι παριδὼν, .... οὐδὲν
τῶν λοιπῶν κατορθωμάτων ὄφε- ak πρὸς τὸ δυνηθῆναι τὰ τῶν κατη- γόρων στόματα διαφυγεῖν' ἀλλ᾽ ἐπι- σκιάζει παντὶ τῷ λοιπῷ τὸ μικρὸν ἐκεῖνο παράπτωμα' καὶ οὐχ ὡς σάρκα περικειμένῳ, 0 οὐδὲ ἀνθρωπείαν λαχόντι prow ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀγγέλῳ, καὶ τῆς λοι-
πῆς ἀσθενείας A PY » Ko To Ae
ml Ibid. 1. 5. ¢. 3 3.10. 416 ©) Kal yap ὅτ᾽ ἂν nar γένηται, τότε δυνήσεται ae ὅσης
400 Life and conversation VI. ἢ.
freedom discharge his office in punishing and reproving others, unless he himself be blameless and without rebuke.’ ‘The priest’s office is a more difficult province 42 than that of leading an army, or governing a kingdom, and requires an angelical virtue. His soul ought to be purer than the rays of the sun, that the Holy Spirit may never leave him desolate; but that he may be always able to say, “I live, yet not I, but Christ that liveth in me.”’ He there4? goes on to draw the compari- son at large between the clerical and the monastic life, and shews how much more difficult it is to take care of a multitude of men immersed in secular business, than of a single person that lives retired and free from temptation. And upon the whole matter he concludes‘, ‘that as God requires greater purity in those that serve at his altar, so he will exact a more ample account of them, and more severely punish their of- fences. By these and many other such like arguments did those holy fathers try to raise both in themselves and others a just sense of that universal purity, which becomes the sacred function.
Church- 2. And to the strength of these arguments the Church added
censures
more severe the authority of her sanctions, inflicting severer penalties upon.
re offending clergymen than any others. For whereas all other
an
any others. Offenders were allowed by the benefit of public penance to regain the privileges of their order, this favour was com- monly denied by the Church to such of her sons among the clergy as were notorious for any scandalous crimes, whereby they became a reproach to their profession. For such delin- quents were usually deposed from their office, and sometimes. excommunicated also, and obliged to do penance among the laymen; but with this difference, that though repentance would restore them to the peace of the Church, yet it would not qualify them to act in their office and station again; but
βούλεται ἐξουσίας, καὶ κολάζειν, καὶ μον αὐτὸν καταλιμπάνῃ τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ
ἀνιέναι τοὺς tm αὐτῷ ταττομένους ἅγιον, κ. τ. A.
ἅπαντας. 43 ΤρΙὰ. 4. tot. (pp. 422, 423.) 42 bid. 1. 6. Ὁ. 1. sub fin. (p. Καὶ πολλοὶ τὰ πρότερα ἐκφυγόντες,
422 a. ) οὐ yap ὑπὲρ στρατηγίας, οὐδὲ κ.τ.λ.
ὑπὲρ βασιλείας ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος, ἀλλ᾽ 44 Ibid. cc. 10, 11. (p. 430 b.
ὑπὲρ πράγματος ἀγγελικῆς d ἀρετῆς | δεο- 6.).... Μετὰ δὲ τὸ δέξασθαι τὴν᾽
μένου" καὶ γὰρ τῶν ἀκτίνων αὐτῶν ἀρχὴν, οὐ διπλῆν μόνον καὶ τριπλῆν,"
καθαρωτέραν τῷ ἱερεῖ τὴν ψυχὴν εἶναι [scil. τιμὴν] ἀλλὰ καὶ πολλαπλασίονα,"
δεῖ" ἵνα μηδέ ποτε [8]. μήποτε] ἔρη-.- κ. τ. Ἃ.
of the primitive clergy.
201
they must be content thenceforth to communicate only as lay- men. Some canons indeed did not oblige them to do public penance in the Church, because they thought it punishment enough to degrade them; others required them to submit to that part of discipline also. But still the result and conse- quence of both was the same, that such persons for ever after were only to be treated in the quality of laymen. Those called the Apostolical Canons are sometimes for the former way ; for ὉΠ6 5 of them says, ‘If a bishop, presbyter, or deacon is taken in fornication, perjury, or theft, he shall be deposed, but not excommunicated; for the Scripture saith, ‘Thou shalt not
punish twice for the same crime.”’
I do not now stand to
inquire, whether there be any such Scripture as these canons refer to, but only observe what was the practice of the Greek Church when these canons were made; which is also taken notice of in St. Basil’s Canons4®, and those of Peter of Alexan- dria*7, and some others, which shew it to have been the cus-
tomary practice of their Churches.
Yet for simony** and
some other crimes‘?, the same Apostolical Canons order both
_ 4 C. 25. al. 24. (Cotel. [c. 731 v. 1. p. 440.) Ἐπίσκοπος, ἢ πρεσβ repos, ἢ διάκονος, ὁ [ἐπὶ] πορνείᾳ, Ἵ κλοπῇ ἁλοὺς, καθαιρείσθω, καὶ μὴ ἐσθω" λέγει γὰρ ἡ γρα- φὴ Οὐκ ἐκδικήσεις δὶς ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. 46 Ep. Canon. e. 3. (CC. t. 2. Bnf720 e.) agi sb τὴν διακο- ς ητὸς μὲν τῆς τ τῷ opto εἰς δὲ τὸν τῶν λαϊκῶν ἀπωσθεὶς τόπον, τῆς κοινωνίας οὐκ —Ibid. C. 32. (p. 5298.
κῶν οὐκ oi cic δὶς ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. a mid 51: (p. par mr Se _—— κατὰ nr ἀδιοφο-
κανόνες ἐξέθεντο, κελεύ- μίαν ἐπὶ τοῖς παραπεσοῦσι Sues, re grt ὑπηρεσίας, €
ὴν ἔκπτωσιν τῆς εἴτε καὶ αὶ ἀχειροτονήτῳ ὑπηρεσίᾳ προσ-
ἄνοιεν,
aC. το. ap. Bevereg. Pandect.
t. 3. part. 1. Ρ. 15 6. (CC. t. τ.
P. 96 6.)}..... Οὐκ ἔστιν εὔλογον
τοὺς ἀπὸ κλήρου αὐτομολήσαντας ἐκπεπτωκότας τε καὶ ἀναπαλαίσαντας,
ἔτι ἐν τῇ λειτουργίᾳ εἶναι, κι τ. A. τοι —Ibid. (p. 964 a.) ᾿Αρκεῖ yap αὐτοῖς ἡ κοινωνία per ἐπιστάσεως Kal ἀκρι- βείας πρὸς ἀμφότερον γινομένης, καὶ ἵνα μὴ δόξωσι λυκεῖσθαι μετὰ βίας περιδρασσόμενοι τῆς ἐντεῦθεν ἀναλύ- σεως, καὶ ἵνα μή τινες ἐκπεσόντες,
προσφατίζωνται ὡς διὰ τὴν ἀφορμὴν τῆς ἐπιτιμίας ὑπεκλελυμένοι.
48 (, 29. al. 28. (Cotel. [e. 22. | v. I. p. 441.) Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος διὰ χρημάτων τῆς ἀξίας ταύτης ἐγκρατὴς γένηται, ἣ πρεσβύτερος, i) διάκονος, καθαιρείσθω καὶ αὐτὸς, καὶ ὁ χειροτο- νήσας, καὶ ἐκκοπτέσθω παντάπασιν τῆς κοινωνίας, ὡς Σίμων ὁ μάγος ἀπὸ ἐμοῦ Πέτρου.
49 C. 30. al. 29. (Cotel. [e. 23.} ibid.) E τις ἐπίσκοπος κοσμικοῖς ἄρ- χουσι χρησάμενος, δι’ αὐτῶν ἐγκρατὴς
αι ἐκκλησίας, καθαιρείσθω καὶ ἀφοριζέσθω, καὶ οἱ κοινωνοῦντες αὖ
mavres.—C. 51. al. 50. (Cotel. [c. 3-] ibid. p. 445.) Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος, ἢ πρισβίτι σβύτερος, ἢ i) διάκονος, ἣ ὅλως τοῦ
τοῦ ἱερατικοῦ, “γάμου fal.
v,| Kal κρεῶν, καὶ οἴνου, οὗ be given Τὰ ἀλλὰ διὰ βδελυρίαν, ἀπέχεται, ἐπιλανθανόμενος [al. ἐπιλαθόμενος ἢ
VI. u.
deposition and excommunication. And also for one and the same crime, in the time of Cyprian, as appears from his Epistle to Cornelius>°, where, speaking of Novatus who was guilty of murder in causing his own wife by a blow to mis- carry, he says, ‘for this crime he was not only to be degraded or expelled the presbytery, but to be deprived of the com- munion of the Church also.’ From whence we may collect the severity of the ancient canons against such crimes of the clergy in general, as were committed to the flagrant scandal of the Church.
202 Life and conversation
What 3. Hence also we may observe in particular, what sort of ney Sk crimes were thought worthy to be punished with degradation, fegrade- namely, such as theft, murder, perjury, fraud, sacrilege, forni- theft, mur- cation, and adultery, and such like gross and scandalous of- oe fences. Yor in this case they distinguished between peccatum
and crimen, little faults and crimes of a more heinous nature. For St. Austin>! observes: ‘It was not all manner of failings that hindered men’s ordination at first; for if the Apostle had required, as a qualification in persons to be ordained, that they should be without sin, all men must have been rejected, and none ordained, since no man lives without sin ; but he only re- quires that they should be blameless in respect to criminal and scandalous offences.’ And this was the rule the Church ob- served in canvassing the lives of her clergy after ordination, when they were actually engaged in her service. It was not every lesser failing or infirmity that was punished with de- gradation; but only crimes of a deeper dye, such as theft, murder, fraud, perjury, sacrilege, fornication and adultery. Concerning the last. of which there are these two things further observable in some of the ancient canons. First, that if any
ὅτι παντὰ. καλὰ λίαν, καὶ ὅτι ἄρσεν καὶ θῆλυ ἐποίησεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἄνθρω- πον, ἀλλὰ βλασφημῶν διαβάλλει τὴν δημιουργίαν, ἢ διορθούσθω, ἢ καθαι- ρείσθω, καὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀποβαλ- λέσθω" ὡσαύτως καὶ λαϊκός.
50 Ep. 49. [8]. 52.) p. 97. (pp. 238, 239.) Propter hoc se non de presbyterio excitari tantum, sed et communicatione prohiberi, pro certo tenebat, &c.
51 Tract..41. in Joan. t. 9. p. 126.
(t. 3. part. 2. p. 575 a.).... [deo et Apostolus Paulus, quando elegit or- dinandos vel presbyteros vel dia- conos, et quicunque ordinandus est ad preeposituram ecclesiz, non ait, Si quis sine peccato est; hoc enim si diceret, omnis homo reprobaretur, nullus ordinaretur; sed ait, Si quis sine crimine est, sicut est homici- dium, adulterium, aliqua immundi- tia fornicationis, furtum, fraus, sa- crilegium, et cetera hujusmodi.
of the primitive clergy. 203
clergyman’s wife was convicted of adultery, he himself was obliged to shew his resentment and detestation of the fact by putting her away, under pain of deposition if he continued to live with her. For so the Council of Neo-Czsarea*? words it; ‘A man, whose wife is evidently convicted of adultery while he is a layman, shall not be ordained; but if she commit adultery after his ordination, he ought to put her away; and, if he co- habit with her, he may not retain her and his ministry toge- ther.’ The Council of Eliberis® is still more severe in this ease, denying communion to such persons even at their last hour, who retained wives guilty of adultery ;—‘ because,’ says the canon, ‘ they, who ought to be examples of good conversa- tion to others, do by this means teach others the way to sin.’ Secondly, the other thing to be observed is, that if a bishop neglected to inflict the censures of the Church upon any of his clergy, who were guilty of fornication, he made himself liable to be deposed. As Socrates δ΄ observes, the Arians themselves deposed Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople, for this reason among others, ‘that he had admitted a deacon to communion who had been taken in fornication.’
4. Another crime, which brought many clerks under this Ajso laps- kind of ecclesiastical censure, was that of lapsing in time of εν Se ae persecution. In which case repentance was allowed to restore cution. them to the peace of the Church as laymen if they pleased, but not to officiate or communicate as ecclesiastics any longer. Thus Trophimus was treated in the time of Cornelius and Cyprian 55; he was admitted to communicate as a layman, but not to retain his office of priesthood. And this Cyprian "6 says
§3, 4.
52 Ὁ. 8, (t. 1. p. 1481 ἃ.) Γυνή τινος
δ4 L, 2. c. 42. (v..2. Ρ. 158. 3.) μοιχευθεῖσα λαϊκοῦ ὄντος, ἐὰν ἐλεγχθῇ Ν
Καθαιροῦσι πρῶτον μὲν Μακεδόνιον,
ρῶς, ὁ τοιοῦτος εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν θεῖν οὐ δύναται' "Edy δὲ καὶ μετὰ τὴν χειροτονίαν μοιχευθῇ, ὀφείλει ἀπολῦσαι αὐτήν᾽ ἐὰν δὲ συζῆ, οὐ δύ- ναται so leggy τῆς ἐγχειρισθείσης αὐτῷ
σίας.
C. 65. (ibid. p. 977 4.) Si cujus clerici uxor fuerit moechata, et sciat eam maritus suus meechari, et eam non statim projecerit, nec in fine accipiat communionem: ne ab his qui exemplum bonz conversationis esse debent, [ab eis] videantur sce- lerum magisteria procedere.
καὶ ὡς αἴτιον πολλῶν φόνων γενόμε- νον, καὶ ὅτι διάκονον ἐπὶ πορνείᾳ ἁ- λόντα ἐδέξατο εἰς κοινωνίαν.
55 Ep. 52. [4]. 55-] ad Antonian. p. 106. (p. 244.) Sic tamen admissus est Trophimus, ut laicus communi- cet....non quasi locum sacerdotis
usurpet. 56 Ep. 68. [al. 67.] ad Pleb. His- pan. p. 174. (Ρ. 290.).-.+++ Frustra tales episcopatum sibi usurpare co- nantur, cum manifestum sit, ejus- modi homines nec ecclesie Christi posse praeesse, nec Deo sacrificia
204 Life and conversation VI. i.
was then the rule at Rome and over all the world, if bishops or any other lapsed in time of persecution, ‘to admit them to do penance in the Church, but withal to remove them from the function of the clergy and honour of the priesthood.’ As the African Synod, in whose name he writes to the Spanish Churches, determined in the case of Basilides and Martial, two Spanish bishops, who, when they had lapsed, thought to qua- lify themselves by repentance to retain their bishoprics; ‘ but this,’ he tells them, ‘ was contrary to the rule and practice of the Universal Church.’ He repeats this in several other Epi- stles57, where he has occasion to speak of persons in the same unhappy circumstances with them. We find the same order in the Canons of Peter>’, bishop of Alexandria, and’ the first Council of Arles>9, where not only such as fell by sacrificing or open denial of their faith, but also all traditors are included in the number of lapsers, that is, all such as either gave up their Bibles, or the holy vessels of the Church, or the names of their brethren to the persecutors; and all such, who were of the clergy, are for ever excluded from the exercise and benefit of their order and function. Such was the discipline of the ancient Church in reference to those guides, who set their people an ill example by their apostasy in time of persecution ; it was not thought fit to trust them to be guides and leaders for the future. Though I do not deny, but that some ex- ceptions may be found to this general rule, either when the
offerre debere.
Maxime cum jam ~ cognoverim, Fortunatum quem- pridem nobiscum et cum omnibus
am [al. Fortunatianum quondam]|
episcopis in toto mundo constitutis, etiam Cornelius collega noster, sa- cerdos pacificus et justus, et mar- tyrii quoque dignatione Domini ho- noratus, decreverit, ejusmodi homi- nes ad peenitentiam quidem agen- dam posse admitti; ab ordinatione autem cleri atque sacerdotali honore prohiberi.
57 Ep. 55. [8]. 59.] ad Cornel. p- 133. (p. 264.) Hi quinque cum paucis vel sacrificatis, vel male sibi consciis, Fortunatum sibi pseudoépi- scopum cooptarunt, ut criminibus in unum convenientibus talis scilicet esse rector, quales illi qui reguntur. —Ep. 64. [al.65.]ad Epictet.(p.282.) Graviter et dolenter motus sum, ...
apud vos episcopum, post gravem lapsum ruine sue, pro integro nunc agere velle, et episcopatum sibi vin- dicare ccepisse; que res contrista- vit me, &c.
58 Ep. Canon. c. 10. ap. ner Ὁ Pandect. t. 2. part. 1. p. 15 f. (CC. t. I. p. 961 e.) Ὅτε δὲ ἔπταισαν ὡς ἂν περπερευσάμενοι Kal ἑαυτοὺς μω- μησάμενοι, οὐκ ἔτι δύνανται λειτουρ- γεῖν.
59 C. 12. (t.1. p. 1428 d.) De his, qui Scripturas Sanctas tradidisse di- cuntur, vel vasa dominica, vel no- mina fratrum suorum, placuit nobis, ut quicunque eorum ex actis publi- cis fuerit detectus, non verbis nudis, ab ordine cleri amoveatur.
84,5. of the primitive clergy. 205 discipline of the Church was not so strict, or when it was otherwise found more for the benefit of the Church to restore lapsers to their honours, than to degrade and remove them wholly from them. For I have noted before, that both lapsers and heretics and schismatics were sometimes more favourably treated, when the Church thought she might find her account in shewing favour to them.
_ 5. But to proceed with the laws of the Church relating to And drink- other misdemeanours. ΑΒ the life of a clergyman was a con- yu. re tinual attendance upon the altar, and constantly to be employed in the exercise of divine and heavenly things; so upon that ac- count the utmost sobriety was required of him, together with a strict care to spend his time aright, and lay it out usefully ; so as might best answer the ends of his calling, and those spiritual employments he was daily to be engaged in. And for this reason drinking and gaming, those two great consumers of time, and enemies of all noble undertakings and generous ser- vices, were strictly prohibited the clergy under the same pe- nalty of deprivation. For so the Apostolical Canons word it: ‘A bishop, presbyter, or deacon, that spends time in drinking or playing at dice, shall either reform or be deposed.’ Where we may observe this difference between this and the former laws, that it does not make every single act of these crimes ipso facto deprivation, but only continuance therein without reforming. And by Justinian’s law®' the penalty for playing at tables is changed from deprivation to a triennial suspension, and intrusion into a monastery for the performance of repent- ance. Some perhaps will wonder at the severity of these laws in prohibiting the exercise of tables under such a penalty ; but their wonder will cease, when they are told, that it was equally prohibited to the laity under pain of excommunication. For the Council of Eliberis® orders, ‘that a Christian playing at
fieri...Si quis autem ex his hoc de- liquerit, jubemus hunc in tribus annis a venerabili ministerio prohi- beri et in monasterium redigi.
41.] (Cotel. [c. 35.] V. I. Pp. 443-) ᾿Επίσκοπος, ἣ πρεσβύ- repos, ἢ διάκονος, κύβοις σχολάζων καὶ μέθαις, ἣ παυσάσθω ἣ καθαιρείσθω.
60 C. 42. ἐν
61 Novel. 123. c. 10. (t. 5. p. 545.) Interdicimus a sanctissimis episcopis, pres is, et diaconis, ....ad tabulas be ra aut aliis lu- dentibus participes aut inspectatores
62 ©, 79 (t. 1. p. 979 8.) Si quis fi- delis peg | est, πος luserit num- mos,] placuit eum abstinere: et si emendatus cessaverit, poterit post annum communione reconciliari.
906 VI. u.
Life and conversation
dice or tables shall not be admitted to the holy communion, but after a year’s penance and abstinence, and his total amend- ment.’ And there was good reason for the Church to make such a law in those times, because this kind of gaming was prohibited both by the old and new Civil Law® among the Romans, and many other nations, of which the reader may find a particular account in our learned bishop Taylor, toge- ther with the reasons of the prohibition, viz.—the evils that commonly attended this sort of play, blasphemies, and swearing, and passion, and lying, and cursing, and covetousness, and fraud, and quarrels, and intemperance of all sorts, the con- sumption of time, and ruin of many families; which excesses had made it infamous and scandalous among all nations. So that, what was so universally prohibited at that time by the laws of all nations, the Church could not but im decency pro- hibit by her own laws to the laity, and more especially to the clergy, to prevent scandal, and obviate those objections, which might otherwise have justly been raised against her. Not that the thing was simply unlawful in itself, when used only as an innocent recreation; but the many evil appendages, that com- monly attended the use of it, had made it scandalous, and con- sequently inexpedient; and the spending of time upon it did much alter the nature of it, and make it so much the more unlawful. : Andnego- 6. Another crime, for which a clergyman was liable to be stage 18 deposed, was the taking of usury, which by the ancient canons
usury. The ᾿ : nature of is frequently condemned as a species of covetousness and cru-
63 Digest. 1. 2. tit. 5. leg. 1. (t. I. p. 1175.) Preetor ait: Si quis eum, apud quem alea lusum esse dicetur, verberaverit, damnumve ei dederit, sive quid eo tempore dolo ejus [8]. domo ejus| subtractum fuerit, ju- dicium non dabo, &c. — Ibid. leg. 2. n. I. (p. 1176.) Senatus- consultum vetuit in pecuniam lu- dere, &c.—Conf. Cod. Justin. 1. 3. tit. 43. de Aleatoribus, leg. 3. (t. 4. p- 759.) Alearum usus antiqua res est, et extra operas pugnatorias [concessa;] verum pro tempore abiit in lacrimas, multa millia extranea- rum nationum suscipiens. Quidam enim [nec] ludentes, nec ludum
scientes, sed numeratione tantum proprias substantias perdiderunt, die noctuque ludendo, argento, ap- paratu lapidum, et auro. Conse- quenter autem ex hac inordinatione blasphemare [Deum] conantur, et instrumenta conficiunt. Commodis igitur subjectorum prospicientes hac generali lege decernimus, ut nulli ficeat in publicis vel privatis domi- bus vel locis ludere, neque in ge- nere, neque in specie, &c.
64 Duct. Dubitant. b. 4. ch. 1. p. 776. (rule 2. sect. 27, and onwards. Works, v. 14. pp. 326, &c.) On the question, Whether it be lawful to play at cards or dice, -
907
elty, and upon that score so strictly prohibited to the clergy, this crime
who were rather to study to excel in the practice of the jp —
: ~yirtues, charity, mercifulness, and contempt of the
world and all filthy lucre. The laws condemning this vice are
too many to be here transcribed: it will be sufficient to repeat
the canon of the Council of Nice 55, which contains the sum, and
speaks the sense of all the rest. Now the words of that canon
are these: “ Forasmuch as many clerks, following covetous-
ness and filthy lucre, and forgetting the Holy Seriptures,
which speak of the righteous man “as one that hath not given
his money upon usury,” haye let forth their money upon
usury, and taken the usual monthly increase; it seemed good
to this great and holy synod, that if any one after this decree
shall be found to take usury, or demand the principal with half
the increase of the whole, or shall imvent any other such
methods for filthy lucre’s sake, he shall be degraded from his
order, and have his name struck out of the roll of the Church.’
The reader will find the same practice censured by those called
the Apostolical Canons®, the Council of Eliberis®’, the first
and second of Arles, the first and third of Carthage, the
Councils of Laodicea7° and Trullo7!, not to mention private
65
wad, ey τῷ aw ον, —
ἄντ, ἐπελάθοντο τοῦ δείου γράμ. , Τὸ ριον αὐτοῦ
ματος λέγοντος ἀργύ οὐκ ἔδωκεν ἐπὶ τόκῳ" καὶ δανείζοντες ἑκατοστὰς ἀπαιτοῦσιν᾽ ἐδικαίωσεν ἡ
cd kg σύνοδος, ὡς εἴ Tis in τὸν ὅρον τοῦτον τόκους λαμβάνων ἐκ μεταχειρίσεως, i ἄλλως μετερχόμενος τὸ πρᾶγμα, 4 ἡμιολίας
of the primitive clergy.
a communione abstineri.—Arelat. 2. c. 14. (t. 4. p. 19 5. a.) Si quis cle- ricus pecuniam dederit ad usuram, aut conductor alienze rei voluerit esse, aut turpis lucri gratia aliquod negotiationis exercuerit, depositus a communione alienus fiat.
69 Carth. 1. c. 13. (t. 2. p. 717 6.) Abundantius episcopus At so nus dixit: In nostro concilio statu- tum est, ut non liceat clericis foene-
ἀπαιτῶν, ἣ ὅλως ἕτερόν τι ἐπινοῶν αἰσχροῦ κέρδους & ἕνεκα, καθαιρεθήσε- ται τοῦ κλήρου, καὶ ἀλλότριος τοῦ κανόνος ἔσται
66°C. 44: (al. 45. (Cote. [e. 36.) v. I. p. 444.) ᾿Επίσκοπος, ἣ πρε repos, ἣ » τόκους ἀπαιτῶν τοὺς ae ἣ “πάυδάσθω, ἢ καθαι-
κι G. 20. t. 1. p. 973 a.) Si quis
clericorum etectus uerit usuras
accipere, placuit eum degradari, et neri.
- 68 Arelat. 1. c. 12. (ibid. p.1428¢.) τόκους ἢ
μοὶ ministris, qui foenerant, placuit eos juxta formam divinitus datam
rare.—Carth. 3. c. 16. (ibid. p. 1169 ων Ut nullus clericorum amplius recipiat, cuiquam accommo- daverit: si pecuniam accipiat, spe- ciem eamdem, quantam dederit, ac- cipiat: et quidquid aliud, tantum,
tum dederit, accipiat.
70 Ὁ. 4. (t. τ. p. 1496 ἃ.) Περὶ τοῦ, μὴ δεῖν ἱερατικοὺς δανείζειν, καὶ τό- ΠΝ καὶ τὰς λεγομένας ἡμιολίας λαμ-
7: "C. ro. (t. 6. p. 1146 e.) "Emi- σκοπος, ἣ ἠρεσβύτερος, ἢ διάκονος, τὰς Χεγομένας ἑ λαμβάνων, ἢ παυσάσθω, ἣ καθαι- ρείσθω. '
208 Life and conversation VL ἢ.
writers, Cyprian 72, Sidonius Apollinaris 7°, St. Jerom74, and. many others. Nor need this seem strange to any one, that usury should be so generally condemned in the clergy, since it is apparent, that the practice of it was no less disallowed in the laity ; for the first Council of Carthage7> condemns it in them both, but only makes it a more aggravating crime in the clergy. The Council of Eliberis also7®, that orders clergymen to be degraded for it, makes it an high misdemeanour in lay- men; which, if they persisted in the practice of it after admo- nition, was to be punished with excommunication. We are here, therefore, in the next place to inquire into the nature of this practice, and the grounds and reasons upon which it was so generally condemned both in clergymen and laymen.
As to the nature of the thing, we are to observe, that among the ancient Romans there were several sorts or degrees of usury. First, the most common was that which they called centesime ; the Council of Nice77 calls it éxatooraf; and the Council of Trullo7® uses the same word, which signifies the hundredth part of the principal paid every month, and answers to twelve in the hundred by the year. For the Romans received usury by the month, that is, at the kalends or first day of every month. Whence St. Basil79 calls the months ‘the parents of
72 De Lapsis, p.124. Seech. 1. 8. 3. Ῥ. 195, latter part of n. 31.
3 L.1. Ep. 8. (p. 59.) In qua pa- lude indesinenter rerum omnium lege perversa, muri cadunt, aque stant: turres fluunt, naves sedent: zgri deambulant, medici jacent: algent balnea, domicilia conflagrant: sitiunt vivi, natant sepulti: vigilant fures, dormiunt potestates: foene- rantur clerici, Syri psallunt: nego- tiatores militant, milites negotiantur,
c.
74 In Ezek. 18, 17. (t. 5. p. 210 8.) In Hebraico cunctarum specierum censura prohibetur: in LXX tantum pecunia.. Juxta quod et in 14 Psalmo scriptum est: Qui pecu- niam suam non dedit ad usuram. Et quomodo dicitur: Fratri tuo non fonerabis, alieno autem fene- rabis. Sed vide profectum. In principio Legis a fratribus tantum foenus tollitur: in Prophetis ab om- nibus usura prohibetur, dicente E-
zechiele: Pecuniam suam non dedit in usuram. Porro in Evangelio vir- tutis argumentum est precipiente Domino: Feneramini lis, a quibus non speratis recipere.
75 C. 13. (t. 1. p. 718 a.) Quod in laicis reprehenditur, id multo magis in clericis oportet preedamnari.
76 C, 20. (ibid. p. 973 a.) Si quis etiam laicus accepisse probatur usu- ras....8i in ea iniquitate duraverit, ab ecclesia sciat se esse projiciendum. —Vid. Chrysost. Hom.56. in Matth. (t. 7. pp. 573 6. 8644.) Διὰ γὰρ τοῦτο χρήματα ἔχεις, K.T.A.
77 Ὁ, τ7. See n. 65, preceding.
_ 78 C.10. See ἢ. 71, preceding.— Chrysost. Hom. 56. in Matth. ({. 7. p- 573 d.) Otros μόλις ἑκατοστὴν ἀποδίδωσιν.----ἰ Conf. Hom. 5. [Ed. Savil. 2. Bened. 7. ] de Poenitent. t. 1.
. 686. (t. 2. p. 337 d.) ᾿Επειδὴ εἶδεν [κῖδεν ap. Savil.| ἡμῶν τὴν πλεονε- ξίαν, κι τ. Ὰ. Ep.
79: Τὴ ῬΒ, τ4.: tage prigjaltete
209
usury.’ And St. Ambrose*® says, ‘the Greeks gave usury the name of τόκος upon this aceount, because the kalends bring forth one in the hundred, and every month begets new usury.’ And hence, as the poet*! acquaints us, it became a proverb among the Romans to say, ‘a man trembles like a debtor when the kalends are coming ;’ because that was the time of paying interest. Now this sort of usury is generally proscribed by the laws of the Church, because it was esteemed great oppression. Though the civil law allowed the practice of it; for Constantine, anno 325, the same year that the Council of Nice was held, published a law*?, stating the rules and measures of usury, wherein the creditor is allowed to take this centesimal usury, or one in the hundred every month, and no more. For it seems the old Roman laws granted a greater liberty before this regulation of Constantine. Afterward a new regulation was made, and it was only allowed in some certain cases; as where the creditor seemed to run some hazard, as appears from the laws of Justinian*®, where he settles the business of interest and usury in his Code. For in trajectitious contracts, as the law terms them, that is, when a creditor lent money,—suppose at Rome, to receive interest for it only upon condition of the debtor’s safe arrival with it at Constantinople ;—because in that case the creditor ran a great hazard, he was allowed to receive a centesimal interest upon that account. Secondly, another sort of usury was that which the canons call ἡμιολίαι, or sescuplum, the whole and half as much more. St. Jerom 59
of the primitive clergy.
ἘΣ τ. Pp. 154 6. 2.).. «. Φοβεῖται τοὺς μῆνας ὡς τόκων πατέρας.
80 De Tobia, c. 12. ({.1. p. 604 f. Ὦ. 42.) Téxovs Greci appellaverant usuras, eo quod dolores partus ani- mz debitoris excitare videantur. Veniunt kalende, parit sors cente- simam. Veniunt menses singuli, generantur usure.
81 Horat, Serm. 1. 1. Sat. 3. vv. 86 —88. (Edit. Gesn. et Zeun.)
Odisti et fugis, ut Rusonem debi- tor ris? » Qui, nisi, cum tristes misero ve- nere calende, Mercedem aut nummos unde unde extricat .... 82 Cod. Theod. 1. 2. tit. 33. de
BINGHAM, VOL, II.
Usur. leg. τ. (t. 1. p. 230.).... Pro pecunia ultra singulas centesimas creditor vetatur accipere.
88. Cod. Justin. 1. 4. tit. 32. de Usur. leg. 26. (t. 4. p. 966.) In tra- jectitiis autem contractibus, vel spe- cierum feenori dationibus, usque ad centesimam tantummodo licere sti- pulari, nee eam excedere, licet vete- ribus legibus hoc erat concessum.
84 In Ezek. 18. p. 537. (t- 5 Ρ. 201 c.) Solent in agris + aonetuti et milii, vini et olei, caeterarumque Specierum usure exigi; .. . verbi
tia, ut hyemis tempore ‘demus ecem modios, et in messe recipia- mus quindecim, hoc est, amplius partem mediam.
P
210 VI. ii.
Life and conversation
takes notice of this kind of usury, and condemns it. ‘ For men,’ he says, ‘were used to exact usury for the loan of corn, wine, oil, millet, and other fruits of the ground; lending ten bushels in winter, on condition to receive fifteen in harvest, that is, the whole and half as much more. Which sort of usury, being a very grievous extortion and great oppression, is condemned, not only in the clergy by the Councils of Nice’> and Laodicea*®, under the name of ἡμιολίαι, but also in laymen by the law of Justinian 87, which allows nothing above centesimal interest to be taken by any person in any case whatsoever: though Jus- tinian intimates, that formerly the laws allowed it: and it is evident from the law of Constantine, still extant in the Theo- dosian Code *%, which determined, ‘ that if any creditor lent to the indigent any fruits of the earth, whether wet or dry, he might demand again the principal, and half as much more by way of usury; as if he lent two bushels, he might require three.’ Thirdly, another sort of usury is called by the Civil Law bessis centesime, which is two-thirds of centesimal in- terest, and the same as eight in the hundred. And this the law 89 allowed masters of workhouses and other tradesmen to take in their negotiations with others. Fourthly, all other persons were only allowed to receive half the centesimal in- terest by the same law of Justinian %, which is the same as six in the hundred?!. Fifthly, persons of quality were bound to take no more but a third part of the centesima®, which is only four in the hundred. Sixthly, interest upon interest was abso- lutely forbidden by the Roman laws% to all persons in any
85 C.17. See n. 65, preceding.
86 C.4. See ἢ. 70, preceding.
87 Ubisupr. See n. 83, preceding. Conf. Novell. 32, 33, 34. (t.5. pp. 235, 5666.)
88 L. 2. tit. 33. De Usur. leg. 1. (t. I. p. 230.) Quicunque fruges, aridas vel humidas, indigentibus mutuas dederint, usuree nomine ter- tiam partem superfluam consequan- tur: id est, ut si summa crediti in duobus modiis fuerit, tertium mo- dium amplius consequantur.
89 L, 4. tit. 32. de Usur. leg. 26. (t. 4. p. 966.) Lllos vero, qui ergaste- riis preesunt, vel aliquam licitam ne- gotiationem gerunt, usque ad bes- sem centesime, [usurarum nomine,
in quocunque contractu] suam sti- pulationem moderari.
90 Tbid. ... Ceeteros autem omnes homines dimidiam tantummodo cen- tesime, usurarum nomine, posse sti- pulari.
91 [Vid. Suid. in voce ἔφεκτος. (t. 1. p. 1105 f. 1.) "Eqexros τόκος, 6 ἐπὶ τὸ ἔκτον kehadaiou=a sixth part of the whole. Ev.|
92 Cod. Justin. ut supr. (p. 966.) eis Ideoque jubemus illustribus set 9s personis, sive eas preece-
entibus, minime licere ultra tertiam partem centesime, usurarum nomi- ne, in quocumque contractu ulli vel maximo stipulari.
9 Ibid. leg. 28. (p. 968.) Ut
86.
of the primitive clergy. 211
ease whatsoever; as is evident from an edict of Justinian’s,
which both mentions-and confirms the ancient prohibition of it by the laws of the emperors that were before him. So that ‘several of these kinds of usury being prohibited to the laity in ‘general by the laws of the State, it was no wonder that they ‘should be more severely forbidden to the clergy by the laws of ‘the Church.
- Then for the other sorts of usury, which the State allowed, the Church had two reasons for discouraging the practice of them in the clergy. First, because usury was most commonly exacted of the poor, which the Church reckoned an oppression of them, who were rather to be relieved by the charity of lending without usury, as the Gospel requires. Secondly, the clergy could not take usury of the rich and trading part of the world, but that must needs engage them in secular business and worldly concerns, more than the wisdom of the Church in those times thought fit to allow. And this I take to be the true state of the case, and the sum of the reasons for prohibiting the clergy the practice of usury in the primitive Church. Usury was generally a great oppression to the poor, as the ancient writers, who speak against it, commonly complain. Or else it was thought to argue and proceed from a covetous and worldly mind, which made men forsake their proper employment, and betake themselves to other business which was beside their ealling, and could not then be followed without some reproach and dishonour to it. Therefore Cyprian % , speaking of some bishops, who were the reproach of his age, in enumerating their miscarriages, joins all these things together ; ‘ that they,
‘nullo modo usure usurarum a de- bitoribus exigantur, et veteribus quidem legibus constitutum fuerat, sed non perfectissime cautum. Si enim usuras in sortem redigere fu- erat concessum, et totius summe usuras stipulari; que differentia erat debiteribus, a quibus revera usurarum usure exigebantur? Hoc certe erat non rebus, sed verbis tan- tummodo legem ponere. Quaprop-
ter hac emai lege definimus, nullo modo licere cuiquam usuras preeteriti temporis vel futuri in sor- tem redi ere, et earum iterum usu- ras sti , &e.
. id. Chrysost. Hom. 56. in
ae (t. 7. p. 573 a.) Μὴ τοίνυν ματευώμεθα τὰς ἀλλοτρίας συμ- pong μηδὲ καπηλεύωμεν τὴν φιλαν- θρωπίαν. —Ibid. (a.). .“O τελώνης νό- μον πληροῖ τὸν ἔξωθεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως κο- Ad¢erac’ ὃ καὶ ἡμεῖς πεισόμεθα, ἐὰν μὴ ἀποστῶμεν τοὺς πένητας ἐπιτρί- βοντες, καὶ τῇ χρείᾳ καὶ τῇ ἀναγκαίᾳ τροφῇ, καὶ ἀφορμῇ εἰς καπηλείαν ἀναίσχυντον ἀποχρώμενοι. --- Basil. Hom. in Ps. 4. t. 2. Ρ. 136. (t. 1. . I. p. 153 b. 1.) Ὁ yap τόκοις αὐτὸν ὑπεύθυνον καταστήσας, κι τ. Δ. 95 De Lapsis, p. 124. (p. 88.) Epi- scopi plurimi, &c. See ch. 1. s. 3. the last part of n. 31, preceding.
P2
212 VL ii.
Life and conversation
who ought to have been examples and encouragers to the rest, had cast off the care of divine service to manage secular affairs ; and leaving their sees, and deserting their people, they rambled into other provinces to catch at business that would bring them in gain: meanwhile the poor brethren of the Church were suffered to starve without relief, whilst their minds were set upon hoarding up silver in abundance, and getting estates by fraudulent arts, and exercising usury to augment their own treasures.’ When usury was ordinarily attended with such concomitants as these, it was no wonder it should be utterly proscribed by the holy Fathers of the Church. Besides St. Chrysostom % plainly intimates, ‘ that in his time all senators and persons of quality were absolutely forbidden to take usury by the laws of the commonwealth.’ And that consideration probably so much the more inclined the Fathers of the Church to forbid it to the clergy, lest they should seem to be outdone by men of a secular life; and it might be objected to them, that the laws of the Church in this respect. were more remiss than the laws of the State.
7. Indeed the necessities of the poor, and fatherless, and strangers, and widows in those early times were so impor- tunate and craving in every Church, that their revenues would seldom answer all their demands. ‘ The Church,’ as St. Austin ‘says97, ‘had very rarely any thing to lay up in bank. And then it did not become a bishop to hoard up gold, and turn away the poor empty from him. They had daily so many poor petitioners, so many in distress and want continually applying to them, that they were forced to leave some in their sorrows, because they had not wherewith to relieve them all’ Now in
Of the hos- pitality of the clergy.
the centesimal interest: q. v. (t. I. pp. 236, 237.) Frustra debitores, &c.... Senatores sub medietatem
_ % Hom. 56. in Matth. (t. 7. p. 574 Ὁ.) Ei δὲ βούλει καὶ τοὺς ἔξωθεν νομοθέτας ἔρεσθαι, ἀκούσῃ, ὅτι κἀκεί-
vos τῆς ἐσχάτης ἀναισχυντίας τὸ
πρᾶγμα δεῖγμα εἶναι δοκεῖ" τοὺς γοῦν
ἐν ἀξιώμασιν ὄντας, καὶ εἰς τὴν μεγά- - ’
λην τελοῦντας βουλὴν, ἣν σύγκλητον
ν “- > ’ [ ΄ καλοῦσιν, οὐ θέμις τοιούτοις κέρδεσιν
καταισχύνεσθαι: ἀλλὰ νόμος ἐστὶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὁ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἀπαγορεύων xépdn.—Honorius, anno 397, pub- lished a law which implies the same; (Cod. Theod. 1. 2. tit. 33. de Usur. leg. 3;) though by a following law, anno 405, he allowed senators half
centesimee, &c.
97 Serm. 49. de Divers. [al. Serm. 355.deVit. et Morib. Clericor. r.c.5. ] (t. 5. p.1382 g.) Enthecam nobis ha- bere non licet. Non enim est episco- pi servare aurum, et revocare a se mendicantis manum. Quotidie tam multi petunt, tam multi gemunt, tam multi nos inopes interpellant ; ut plures tristes relinquamus, quia quod possimus dare omnibus non habemus.
of the primitive clergy. 213
this case, where there was need of greater charities than they had funds or abilities to bestow, there could be no room for usury, but with great neglect and uncharitableness to the poor. And therefore, instead of lending upon usury, they were ob- — liged to be exemplary in the practice of the contrary virtues, hospitality and charity ; which the ancients% call lending upon divine usury, not to receive one in the hundred, but an hun- dred for one from the hands of God. ‘It was then one of the glories of a bishop,’ St. Jerom tells us%, ‘to be a provider for the poor; but a disgrace to the holy function, to seek only to enrich himself.’ And therefore he gives this direction to Ne- potian, among other good rules, which he prescribes him, ‘that his table should be free to the poor and strangers, that with them he might have Christ for his guest.’ St. Chrysostom! speaks nobly of his bishop Flavian upon the account of this virtue; he says, ‘ his house was always open to strangers, and such as were forced to fly for the sake of religion; where they were received and entertained with that freedom and humanity, that his house might as properly be called the house of strangers as the house of Flavian. Yea, it was so much the more his own, for being common to strangers; for whatever we pos- sess is so much the more our property for being communi- cated to our poor brethren; there being no place where we
may so safely lay up our treasure, as in the hands and bellies
ef the poor.’
98 Petr. Chrysolog. Serm. 25. p. δον (p. εἰ ἄρῃ Usu ura mundi centum ad unum, Deus unum accipit ad
minia omnium sacerdotum est pro- priis studere divitiis. 1 Hom. 1. in Gen. t. 2. p. 886.
centum. — Chrysost. Hom. 56. in Matth. 17- P- 507; (t. 7. Ρ. 573 ¢-) ΤῊΝ ὃς " πένης ; καὶ τί μικρό- υ μεγάλα πωλῶν, χρη- μάτων topcase, δέον βασιλείας ἀεὶ μενούσης ; τί τὸν Θεὸν ἀφεὶς, ἀν- θρώπινα κερδαίνεις κέρδη; τί τὸν πλουτοῦντα παραδραμὼν, τὸν οὐκ ἔ- χοντα ἐνοχλεῖς, καὶ τὸν ἀποδιδοῦντα καταλιπὼν, τῆς ἀγνωμονοῦντι συλλα- λεῖς, καὶ συμβάλλεις ; ἐκεῖνος ἐπιθυ- μεῖ ἀποδοῦναι" οὗτος δὲ καὶ δυσχεραί- νει ἀποδιδούς" οὗτος μόλις ἑκατοστὴν ἀποδίδωσιν" ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἑκατονταπλα- — aes coy ν αἰώνιον. = te ad Nepotian. é: I. μῳ 259 loria episcopi est
pauperum ὃ λυ providere: igno-
(t. 4. p. 650 b.).... “Os τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν πατρῴαν, ὥσπερ εἰς αὐτὸ τοῦτο παρὰ τῶν προγόνων δεξάμενος, ἵνα ταῖς τῶν “ξένων αὐτὴν θεραπείαις πα- pacxn, οὕτω διαπαντὸς τοῖς πάντοθεν ἔλαυνομένοις ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀληθείας ἀ ἀνῆκε, καὶ ὑποδέχεται, καὶ θεραπεύει θερα- πείας τρόπῳ παντοδαπῷ' ὥστε οὐκ οἶδα εἰ χρὴ τούτου μᾶλλον, ἢ i) τῶν ξένων καλεῖν τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν τούτου" μᾶλλον δὲ διὰ τοῦτο τούτου νομίζειν εἶναι αὐ- τὴν, ἐπειδὴ τῶν ,ξένων ἐστί" καὶ γὰρ τὰ ἡμέτερα κτήματα τότε μάλιστα ἡμέτερα Ὑ γίνεται, ὅταν μὴ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ τοῖς πένησιν. αὐτὰ κεκτημένοι res ὦμεν" καὶ πῶς ; ἐγὼ λέγω"
ἂν εἰς δεξιὰν « τοῦ πένητος ἀποθῆς τὸ ἀργύριον" κ.τ.λ.
914 Life and conversation VI. ἢ.
Of their 8. Now the better to qualify them to perform this duty,
frugality ‘ ° .
and con- Very clergyman was required to lead a frugal life; that is, to
seomgneer | avoid profuseness, as well in their own private concerns, as in giving great entertainments to the rich; which is but a false- named. hospitality, and a great usurper upon the rights and revenues of the poor. We may judge of the simplicity of those times by the character which Ammianus Marcellinus?, the heathen historian, gives of the Italian bishops, as it is pro- bable, from his own observation: he says, ‘ their spare diet and frugal way of living, their cheap clothing and grave de- portment, did recommend them to God and his true worship- pers as persons of pure and modest souls.’ This made those country-bishops more honourable, in his opinion, than if they had lived in the riches and state and splendour of the bishops of Rome. By a canon of the fourth Council of Carthage’, all the African bishops were obliged to live after this manner; not to affect rich furniture, or sumptuous entertainments, or a splendid way of living, but to seek to advance the dignity and authority of their order by their faith and holy living. Some indeed were for that other sort of hospitality, for entertaining the rich, and especially the magistrates, on pretence that they might keep an interest in them, and be able to intercede with them for poor criminals when they were condemned. But St. Jerom particularly considers and answers this pretence in his instructions to Nepotian. ‘You must avoid,’ says he¢, ‘giving great entertainments to secular men, and especially those that are in great offices. or it 1s not very reputable to have the lictors and guards of a consul stand waiting at the doors of a priest of Christ, who himself was crucified and poor ; nor that the judge of a province should dine more sumptuously with you than in the palace. If it be pretended that you do this only to be able to intercede with him for poor criminals, there is no judge but will pay a greater deference and respect to a frugal clergyman than a rich one, and shew greater re- verence to your sanctity than your riches. Of if he be such
2 L. 27. c. 3. See ch. 1. 8.1. dignitatis suze auctoritatem fide et the latter part of ἢ. 23, preceding. _meritis vitze queerat.
3 C. 15. (t.2. p.1201 b.) Ut epi- 4 Ep. 2. [8]. 52.] ad Nepotian. scopus vilem supellectilem et men- c., 11 tot. (t. 1. Ῥ. 263 d.) Convivia sam ac victum pauperem habeat, et tibi vitanda sunt, &c.
of the primitive clergy. 215
an one as will not hear a clergyman’s intercessions but only among his cups, I should freely be without this benefit, and rather beseech Christ for the judge himself, who can more speedily and powerfully help than any judge.’ St. Jerom, in the same place®, advises his clerk not to be over free in receiving other men’s entertainments neither. ‘For the laity,’ says he, ‘should rather find us to be comforters in their mournings, than companions in their feasts. That clerk will quickly be contemned that never refuses any entertainments, when he is frequently invited to them.’ Such were the ordi- nary rules and directions, given by the ancients, for regulating the hospitality and frugality of the clergy. But many bishops and others far exceeded these rules in transcendent heights of abstinence and acts of self-denial, freely chosen and imposed upon themselves, that they might have greater plenty and superfluities to bestow upon others. Gregory Nazianzen® gives us this account of St. Basil, ‘that his riches was to possess nothing ; to live content with that little which nature requires; to despise delicacies and pleasures, and set himself above the slavery of that cruel and sordid tyrant the belly. His most delicious and constant food was bread and salt and water; his clothing but one coat and one gown; his lodging upon the ground; not for want of better accommodations, for he was metropolitan of Cxsarea, and had considerable revenues be-
longing to his Church; but he submitted to this way of living
in imitation of his Saviour, who became poor for our sakes, that we through his poverty might be made rich.’ And there- fore both the same author’, and the Church-historians® also
5 Ibid. c. 15. sub fin. (p. 266 e.) Facile contemnitur clericus, qui, sze- pe vocatus ad prandium, ire non recusat.
6 Orat.20. de Laud. Basil. (p.357 c.) ᾿Εκείνῳ τ πλοῦτος τὸ μηδὲν ἔχειν"... θαυ- sree ἡ ἐγκράτεια ! καὶ ὀλιγάρκεια, καὶ ἐπὶ παρὸ κρατεῖσθαι τῶ αὐ ar μηδ᾽ ὡς
‘on παξντξκσρϑα ἀνελευθ pov δεσποίνης
7 4 τὰ κρίνα pied air μ ner ols ν τὸ κάλλος, καὶ σχέδιος ἡ ak κατὰ
nv παραίνεσιν τοῦ ἐμοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ σάρκα δι’ ἡμᾶς πτωχεύ- σαντος, iy’ ἡμεῖς πλουτισθῶμεν. διό. tyra’ ἐντεῦθεν αὐτῷ τὸ ἕν χιτώνιον,
καὶ τριβώνιον δ᾽ χαμευνία" καὶ ἡ ἀγρυπνία, καὶ ἡ ἀλουσία, τὰ ἐκείνου σεμνολογήματα᾽ καὶ τὸ ἥδιστον δεῖπνον καὶ ὄψον, ὁ ἄρτος καὶ οἱ ἅλες, ἡ καινὴ kapukeia’ καὶ ποτὸν νηφάλιόν τε καὶ ἄφθονον, ὃ γεωργοῦσι πηγαὶ μηδὲν πονουμένοις.
7 Ibid. (p. 340 d.) Δημεύσει μὲν οὐχ ἁλωτὸς ὁ μηδὲν ἔχων, πλὴν εἰ τούτων χρήσεις τῶν τρυχίνων μου ῥακίων καὶ βιβλίων ὀλίγων, ἐν οἷς 6 πᾶς ἐμοὶ βίος.
8 Sozom. 1.6. c. 16. (v. 2. p. 238. 31.) Οὐσίαν μὲν οὐκ ἔχω, ῥάκος δὲ καὶ βιβλία ὀλίγα οἰκῶ δὲ τὴν γῆν, ὡς ἀεὶ
παροδεύων.
216 Life and conversation VIL ii
tell us, that when, in the time of the Arian persecution under. Valens, he was threatened by one of the emperor’s agents, that, unless he would comply he should have all his goods confis- cated, his answer was, ‘that no such punishment could reach him, for he was possessed of nothing, unless the emperor wanted his threadbare clothes, or a few books, which was all the substance he was master of.’ St. Jerom gives the like cha- racter of Exuperius, bishop of Tholouse, who made other men’s wants always his own; and, like the widow of Sarepta, pinched and denied himself to feed the poor, bestowing all his substance upon the bowels of Christ. Nay, such was his frugality, that he ministered the body of Christ in a basket of osiers, and the blood in a glass cup. ‘ But nothing,’ says our author, ‘ could be more rich or glorious than such a poverty as this.’ It were easy to give a thousand instances of the same nature in the Cyprians, the Austins, the Nazianzens, the Paulinuses, and. other such like generous spirits of the age they lived in; who contemned the world with greater pleasure, than others could admire or enjoy it. But as such heights of heroic virtues exceeded the common rule, they are not proposed as the strict: measures of every man’s duty, but only to excite the zeal of the forward and the good. It may be said of this, as our Saviour says of a parallel case, “All men cannot receive this saying, save they to whom it is given; but he that is able to receive it, let him receive it.”
hides 9. Some indeed would fain turn this prudential advice into a Θ cier, -
were an. law, and attempt to prove that anciently the clergy were under wey Sg an obligation to quit their temporal possessions, when they any law to betook themselves to the service of the Church. But this is Hy temas to outface the sun at noon-day. For as there is no just ground poral pos- for this assertion, so there are the plainest evidences to the
ΕΝ contrary. Among those called the Apostolical Canons there is
one!° to this purpose: ‘ Let the goods of the bishop, if he has
9 Ep. 4. [al. 125.] ad Rustic. sub fin. (t. 1. p. 941 6.) Nihil illo ditius, qui corpus Domini canistro vimineo, sanguinem portat in vitro.
10 Ὁ. 40. [al. 39.] (Cotel. [e. 33.] v.1.p. 443.) Ἔστω φανερὰ τὰ ἴδια τοῦ ἐπισκόπου πράγματα, εἴγε καὶ ἴδια ἔ ἔχει, καὶ φανερὰ τὰ κυριακὰ, ἵνα ἐξουσίαν ἔχῃ τῶν ἰδίων τελευτῶν ὁ
ἐπίσκοπος, ὡς βούληται καὶ οἷς βού- λεται [8]. οἷς βούλεται, κ καὶ ὡς βούλε- Ta, | καταλεῖψαι" καὶ μὴ προφάσει τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν πραγμάτων δια- πίπτειν τὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, ἔσθ᾽ ὅτε γυναῖκα. καὶ παῖδας κεκτημένου, ἢ συγ- γενεῖς, ἢ οἰκέτας. Δίκαιον γὰρ τοῦτο παρὰ Θεῷ καὶ ἀνθρώποις, τὸ μήτε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ζημίαν τινὰ ὑπομένειν a;
217
any of his own, be kept distinct from those of the Church; that when he dies he may have power to dispose of them, to whom he pleases, and as he pleases; and not receive damage in his private effects upon pretence that they were the goods of the Church. For perhaps he has a wife, or children, or rela- tions, or servants: and it is but just both before God and man, that neither the Church should suffer for want of knowing what belonged to the bishop, nor the bishop’s relations be da- maged by the Church, or come into trouble upon that account, which would be to the scandal and reproach of the deceased bishop.’ Many other canons, both of the Greek and Latin Church, are to the same effect. Nor can it be pretended that this is to be understood only of such estates as they got in the service of the Church. For St. Ambrose plainly intimates, that the law left the clergy in the full possession of their patri- mony or temporal estates which they had before. For he brings in some malcontents among the clergy? thus com- plaining : : ‘What advantage is it to me to be of the clergy, to suffer injuries and undergo hard labour, as if my own estate would not maintain me?’ This implies, that men of estates were then among the clergy. And indeed there was but one ease in which any clerk could be compelled to quit his pos- sessions, and that was when his estate was originally tied to the service of the empire, of which I have given a full account be- fore. In all other cases it was matter of free choice, and left
of the primitive clergy.
γνοίᾳ τῶν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου πραγμάτων, μήτε τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἢ τοὺς αὐτοῦ συγ-
_— π εἰ τῆς νας Ἣν δημεύ- al.” “πημαίνεσθαι) καὶ εἰς
ματα ἐμπίπτειν 8 με δια- Ferns καὶ τὸν αὐτοῦ θάνατον δυσ-
δ Ansoch. ἀπ Antioch. c. 24. (t. 2. p.
572 6.) Φανερὰ δὲ εἶναι, τὰ διαφέρον-
τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ γνώσεως τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ( ν [ἐπίσκοπον] πρεσβυτέρων καὶ μὴ ; pee τούτους εἰδέναι,
ἀγνοεῖν, τίνα ποτέ ἐστι τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ὥστε μηδὲν αὐτοὺς λανθά- νειν" ἵν᾽ εἰ συμβαίη τὸν ἐπίσκοπον με-
ταλλάττειν τὸν βίον, φανερῶν ὄντων τῶν
διαφερόντων τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ πραγμάτων, “μήτε αὐτὰ διαπίπτειν καὶ ἀπόλλυσθαι,
μῆτε τὰ ἴδιατοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἐνοχλεῖσθαι προφάσει τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν πραγ-
μάτων᾽ δίκαιον γὰρ καὶ ἀρεστὸν παρά τε τῷ Θεῷ καὶ ἀνθρώποις, τὰ ἴδια τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, οἷς ἂν αὐτὸς βούλεται, καταλιμπάνεσθαι, κ. τ. A.—C. Aga- thens. c. 47. (t. 4. p. 1391 b.) Ut de rebus e oa ὃς propriis vel acquisitis, vel pa νῶν episcopus de suo pro- se habet, hzredibus suis, si vo- erit, derelinquat. —C. Carth. c. 49. (t. 2. p. 1178 a.) Si ipsis [clericis] proprie aliquid liberalitate alicujus, vel successione cognationis obvenerit, faciant inde, quod eorum
roposito congruit.
: 12 Ep. 17. [al. 81.] ad Clericos. (t. 2. p. 1098 a. 1.) Quid mihi pro- dest in clero manere, subire injurias, labores perpeti, quasi non possit ager meus me pascere.
918 Life and conversation VI. ἢ.
to his liberty, whether he would dispose of his estate to any pious use or not. Only, if he did not, it was expected he should be more generous in his charities, and less burdensome to the Church, his needs being supplied another way. Though neither was this forced upon him by any law, but only urged upon reasons of charity 18 : leaving him judge of his own neces- sities, and not forbidding him to have his dividend in the Church, if in his own prudence he thought fit to require it. Socrates! commends Chrysanthus, a Novatian bishop, upon this account, that having an estate of his own, he never took any thing of the Church, save two loaves of the eulogie or offerings on Sunday; though he does not once intimate that there was any law to compel him to do so. As neither does Prosper, who speaks most of any other against rich men’s taking their portion in the charities of the Church. He reckons!5 it indeed a dishonourable act. and a sin in them, because it was to deprive others of the Church’s charity, who stood more in need of it; and he thinks!®, though a rich clergy- man might keep his own estate without sin, because there was no law but the law of perfection to oblige him to renounce it, yet it must be upon condition that he required none of the maintenance of the Church. But he only delivers this as his own private opinion, and does not signify that there was then any such standing law in the Church. In Afric they had a peculiar law against covetousness in the time of St. Austin, which was?/, ‘that if any bishop, presbyter, or deacon, or any other clerk, who had no estate when they were ordained, did
13 Vid. C. Apost. 41. [al. 40.] (Cotel. [c. 34.] v. 1. p. 443.) Mera- λαμβάνειν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν τῶν δεόντων, εἴγε δέοιτο, εἰς τὰς ἀναγκαίας αὐτῷ xpeias.—Conf. C. Antioch. 1. c. 25. (t. 2. p. 573 a.) where the same words occur.
14 L. 7. c. 12. (v. 2. p. 348 d.) ᾿Από τε τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν οὐδὲν ἐδέξατο, πλὴν κατὰ κυριακὴν δύο ἄρτους τῶν εὐλογιῶν ἐλάμβανεν.
15 De Vit. Contemplat. 1. 2. c. 12. (append. p. 34 b. 6.) Noverint esse deformius, possessores de eleemo- synis pauperum pasci.
16 [bid. 1. 2. 6. 12. (append. p- 34.) Illi, qui tam infirmi sunt, ut
possessionibus suis renunciare non
possint; si ea, que accepturi erant, dispensatori relinquant, nihil haben- tibus conferenda, sine peccato possi- dent sua.
7 6, Carth. 3. ¢. 49. (t. 2. p- 1177 6.) Placuit, ut episcopi, presbyteri, diaconi, vel quicunque clerici, qui nihil habentes ordinan- tur, et tempore episcopatus vel cle- ricatus sui, agros vel quecunque predia nomine suo comparant, tan- quam rerum divinarum [al. domi- nicarum | invasionis crimine tenean- tur obnoxii, nisi admoniti ecclesize eadem ipsa contulerint.
9, Io. 219
afterward purchase lands in their own name, they should be impleaded as guilty of invading the Lord’s revenue, unless upon admonition they conferred the same upon the Church.’ For in those times the Church-revenues being small, no one’s dividend was more than a competent maintenance ; and there- fore it was presumed, that he, who could purchase lands in such circumstances, must have been some way injurious to the public revenues of the Church. But in the same law it was provided, that, if any estate was left them by donation or inhe- ritance, they might dispose of it as they pleased themselves: for the Church made no rules, but only gave her advice in such cases as these; exhorting her wealthy clergy to greater degrees of liberality, but not demanding their estates to have them at her own disposal. On the other hand, when clergy- men, who had no visible estates of their own, and were single men, and had no poor families to provide for, were busily intent upon growing rich out of the revenues of the Church; this was always esteemed a scandalous covetousness, and ac- cordingly prosecuted with sharp invectives by St. Jerom!* and others of the ancient writers. So much of the laws of charity which concerned the ancient clergy.
10. I might here give a character of their meekness, mo- Of their desty, gravity, humility, and several other virtues, which Na- aig ag zianzen describes in the person of his own father; but I shall offensive but take notice of two things more, which concerned the econ- plese duct of their lives, and those are the laws relating first to their words, and secondly to their fame and reputation. For their words, they who were to teach others the most difficult part of human conduct, the government of the tongue, were highly concerned to be examples to the people as well in word as ac- tion. And to this purpose the laws were very severe against all manner of licentious discourse in their conyersation.. The fourth Council of Carthage has three canons together upon this head; one!9 of which forbids scurrility and buffoonery,
of the primitive clergy.
eliodor. (t. 1. p. 337 ἃ.) Alii nummum addant nummo. . sint ditiores monachi, quam fuerant sx- culares; et clerici possideant opes sub Christo paupere, quas sub lo- cuplete [et fallace] Diabolo non ha-
18 Epitaph. Nepotian. Ep. 3. (al. 691 af Ρ. 3- [
buerant: et suspiret eos ecclesia di- vites, quos mundus tenuit ante men- cos.
19 C, Go. (t. 2. p. 1204 e.) Cleri- cum scurrilem, et verbis turpibus joculatorem, ‘See jocularem, | ab offi- cio detrahendum [4]. retrahendum. |
220 VI.
Life and conversation
or that foolish talking and jesting with obscenity, which the Apostle calls Bwpodoxia2°, under the penalty of deprivation. Another?! threatens such with excommunication as use to swear by the name of any creature. And a third canon” menaces the same punishment to such as sing at any public entertainments. St. Jerom2? particularly cautions his clerk against detraction, because of the temptation he may lie under either to commit the sin himself, or give way to it in others, by hearkening to and reporting false suggestions after them- Which is much the same thing; ‘for no slanderer tells his story to one that is not willing to hear him.’ ‘ An arrow,’ says he, ‘never fixes upon a stone, but often recoils back, and wounds him that shoots it. Therefore let the detracter learn to be less forward and busy, by your unwillingness to hear his detraction.’ St. Chrysostom 24 takes notice of this vice as most incident to inferiors, whom envy and emulation too often prompt to detract from the authority and virtues of their bishop; especially when they are grown popular, and admired for their own eloquent preaching; then, if they be of a bold and arrogant and vain-glorious temper, their business is to deride him in private, and detract from his authority, and make themselves every thing by lessening his just character and power. Upon this hint our author also takes occasion to shew what an extraordinary courage and spirit, and how divine and even a temper a bishop ought to have, that by such temptations, and a thousand others of the like nature, he be
20 [The term which St. Paul em- ploys (Col. 3, 8.) is αἰσχρολογία. Βωμολοχία, buffoonery or ribaldry, does not occur in the N.T. It is met with in Plato’s Republic, and Aristotle has described the charac- ter of the βωμολόχος, the vulgar and coarse jester, as in one extreme of εὐτραπελία. See Eth. Nicom. 4. 8, 3. and Rhet. 3. 18, 7. The author has accidentally used the philosopher’s term, while he had in mind the Apostle’s expression. Ep. ]
21 Ὁ. 61. (ibid. p. 1205 a.) Cleri- cum per creaturas jurantem acer- rime objurgandum. Si perstiterit in vitio, excommunicandum.
22 (, 62. (ibid. a.) Clericum inter epulas cantantem supradicte sen- tentiz severitate coercendum.
23 Ep. 2. [8]. 52.] ad Nepotian. (t. I. p. 266 a.) Cave quoque ne aut lin- guam aut aures habeas prurientes, id est, ne aut ipse aliis detrahas, aut alios audias detrahentes. ... Parce a detractione lingue, custodi sermo- nes tuos, et scito, quia per cuncta, quee de aliis loqueris, tua sententia judicaris, et in his ipse deprehen- deris, que in aliis arguebas. Neque vero illa justa est excusatio, Refe- rentibus aliis, injuriam facere non possum. Nemo invito auditori li- benter refert. Sagitta in lapidem nunquam figitur, interdum resiliens percutit dirigentem. Discat detrac- tor, dum te videt non libenter au- dire, non facile detrahere.
24 De Sacerd. 1. 5. c. 8. tot. (t. I.,
ΡΡ. 420, 421.)
oe we em ἢ
§ 10, 11. of the primitive clergy. _ not overwhelmed either with anger or envy on the one hand, | or insuperable sorrow and dejection of mind on the other. St. Jerom recommends another virtue of the tongue to his clerk, which is of great use in conversation; and that is the keeping of secrets, and knowing when to be silent, especially about the affairs of great men. ‘ Your office,’ says he, ‘ re- quires you to visit the sick, and thereby you become acquainted with the families of matrons and their children, and are in- trusted with?the secrets of noble men. You ought therefore to keep not only a chaste eye, but also a chaste tongue. And as it is not your business to be talking of the beauties of women, ‘so neither to let one house know from you what was done in another. For if Hippocrates adjured his disciples before he taught them, and made them take an oath of silence; if he formed them in their discourse, their gait, their meekness and ‘modesty, their habit, and their whole morals; how much more ‘ought we, who have the care of souls committed to us, to love the houses of all Christians as if they were our own! He ‘means, that the clergy should be formed to the art of silence ‘as carefully as Hippocrates taught his scholars; that the peace -and unity of Christian families might not be disturbed or dis- ‘composed by revealing the secrets of one to another; which it is certain no one will do that has the property which St. Jerom requires, of loving every Christian family as his own. 11. Secondly. As they were thus taught to be inoffensive of their both in word and deed, and thereby secure a good name and prod reputation among men, which was necessary for the due exer- against cise of their function; so, because it was possible their credit (P°" might be impaired, not only by the commission of real evil, but by the very appearance and suspicion of it, the laws of the Church upon this account were very exact in requiring them to set a guard upon their whole deportment, and avoid all sus- picious actions that might give the least umbrage or handle to
25 Ep. 2. [al. 52.] ad Nepotian. (t.1. Ῥ. 266 c.) baie Ue est viaitare lan-
221
pulos suos, antequam doceat, et in verba sua jurare compellit: extor-
guentes : nosse domos matronarum, ac liberos earum, et nobilium viro- rum custodire secreta. Officii tui sit, non solum oculos castos servare, sed et linguam. Nunquam de for- mis mulierum disputes, nec quid agatur in alia, domus alia per te noverit. Hippocrates adjurat disci-
quet sacramento silentium; sermo- nem, incessum, habitum, moresque rescribit. Quanto is nos, qui- us animarum cura fal. medecina | commissa est, omnium Christiano- rum domos debemus amare tan- quam proprias ὃ
222 Life and conversation
an adversary to reproach them. It was not enough in this case that a man kept a good conscience in the sight of God, but he must provide or forecast for honest things in the sight of men. And this was the more difficult, because men are apt to be querulous against the clergy, as St. Chrysostom observes, some through weakness and imprudence, others through malice, easily raising complaints and accusations without any just ground, and difficultly hearkening to any reasons or apologies that they can offer in their own defence. But the more queru- lous and suspicious men are, the more watchful it becomes the clergy to be against unjust surmises, that they may cut off occasion from them that desire occasion to accuse or reproach them. To this end they are to use the utmost diligence and ‘precaution to guard against the ill opinions of men, by avoiding all actions that are of a doubtful or suspicious nature. ‘ For,’ says St. Chrysostom, ‘if the holy Apostle St. Paul was afraid, lest he should have been suspected of theft by the Corinthians; and upon that account took others into the administration of their charity with himself, that no one might haye the least pretence to blame him; how much more careful should we be to cut off all occasions of sinister opinions and. suspicions, how- ever false or unreasonable they may be, or disagreeable to our
VI. ui
26 De Sacerd. 1. 6. ὁ. 9. τ 4. p. 428 6.) Εἰ γὰρ 6 μακάριος Παῦλος, μὴ κλοπῆς ὑπόνοιαν λάβῃ παρὰ τοῖς μαθηταῖς, ἔδεισε' καὶ διὰ τοῦτο προσ- έλαβε καὶ ἑτέρους εἰς τὴν τῶν χρημά- των διακονίαν, ἵ ἵνα μή τις ἡμᾶς μωμή- σηταί, φησιν, ἐν τῇ adpornre ταύτῃ, τῇ διακονουμένῃ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν" πῶς ἡμᾶς οὐ πάντα δεῖ ποιεῖν, ὥστε τὰς πονη- ρὰς ἀναιρεῖν ὑποψίας, κἂν “Ψευδεῖς, κἂν ἀλόγιστοι τυγχάνωσιν οὖσαι, κἂν σφόδρα τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀπέχωσι δόξης" οὐδενὸς γὰρ ἁμαρτήματος τοσοῦτον ἡμεῖς ἀφεστήκαμεν, ὅσον κλοπῆς ὁ Παῦλος" ἀλλ᾽ ὅ ὅμως καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀφε- στηκὼς τῆς πονηρᾶς ταύτης πράξεως, οὐδὲ οὕτως ἠμέλησε τῆς" τῶν πολλῶν ὑπονοίας, καίτοι λίαν οὔσης ἀλόγου καὶ μανιώδους" μανία γὰρ ἦν, τοιοῦτον ὑποπτεῦσαί τι περὶ τῆς μακαρίας καὶ θαυμαστῆς ἐκείνης Ψυχῆς" [κεφαλῆς" Savil. Bened. ] ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οὐδὲν ἣ ἧττον καὶ ταύτης τῆς ὑποψίας, τῆς οὕτως ἀλόγου, καὶ ἣν οὐδεὶς ἂν μὴ παρα- παίων ὑπώπτευσε, πόρρωθεν ἀναιρεῖ τὰς αἰτίας" καὶ οὐ διέπτυσε τὴν τῶν
πολλῶν ἄνοιαν, οὐδὲ εἶπε" τίνι γὰρ ἂν ἐπέλθοι ποτὲ, τοιαῦτα περὶ ἡμῶν ὑπο- νοεῖν, καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν σημείων, καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπιεικείας τῆς ἐν τῷ βίῳ, πάντων ἡμᾶς καὶ τιμώντων καὶ ᾿θαυμαζόντων ; ἀλλ᾽ ἅπαν τοὐναντίον, καὶ ὑπείδετο καὶ προσεδόκησε ταύτην τὴν πονηρὰν ὑπόνοιαν᾽ καὶ πρόρριζον αὐτὴν ἀνέ- σπασε, μᾶλλον δὲ οὐδὲ φῦναι τὴν ἀρ- χὴν ἀφῆκε" διὰ τί; προνοοῦμεν γάρ, φησι, καλὰ οὐ μόνον ἐνώπιον Κυρίου, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐνώπιον ἀνθρώπων. τοσαύτη δεῖ μᾶλλον. δὲ καὶ πλείονι κεχρῆσθαι σπουδῇ" ὥστε μὴ μόνον αἰρομένας κατασπᾷν καὶ κωλύειν τὰς φήμας τὰς οὐκ ἀγαθάς" ἀλλὰ καὶ πόρρωθεν, ὅθεν ἂν γένοιντο, προορᾷν" καὶ τὰς προφά- σεις, ἐξ ὧν τίκτονται, προαναιρεῖν, καὶ μὴ περιμένειν αὐτὰς συστῆναι, καὶ ἐν τοῖς τῶν πολλῶν διαθρυλλη- θῆναι στόμασι τηνικαῦτα γὰρ οὔτε εὔπορον αὐτὰς ἀφανίσαι λοιπὸν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λίαν “δυσχερὲς, τάχα δὲ καὶ ἀδύ. νατον᾽ οὔτε ἀζήμιον, τῷ μετὰ τὴν τῶν πολλῶν βλάβην τοῦτο γενέσθαι.
δ 11,12. of the primitive clergy. 223
character! For none of us can be so far removed from any sin as St. Paul was from theft; yet he did not think fit to contemn the suspicions of the vulgar; he did not trust to the reputation which both his miracles and the integrity of his life had gener- ally gained him: but, on the contrary, he imagined such sus- picions and jealousies' might arise in the hearts of some men, and therefore he took care to prevent them; not suffering them to-arise at all, but timely foreseeing and prudently forestalling them; providing, as he says, for honest things not only in the sight of God, but also in the sight of men. The same care and much greater should we take, not only to dissipate and destroy the ill opinions men may have entertained of us, but to foresee afar off from what causes they may spring, and to cut off be- forehand the very occasions and pretences from whence they may grow. Which is much easier to be done than to extinguish them when they are risen, which will then be very difficult, perhaps impossible; besides that their being raised will give great scandal and offence, and wound the consciences of many.’ Thus that holy father argues upon this point, according to his wonted manner, nervously and strenuously, to shew the clergy their obligations to use their utmost prudence to foresee and prevent scandal, by avoiding all actions of a doubtful and sus- picious nature. St. Jerom2?? gives his clerk the same instruc- tions, ‘to guard against suspicions, and take care beforehand to minister no probable grounds for raising any feigned stories concerning him. If his office required him to visit the widows or virgins of the Church, he should never go to them alone, but always take some other persons of known probity and gra- vity with him, from whose company he would receive no defa- mation.’
12. Nor was this only the private direction of St. Jerom, Laws re- but a public rule of the Church. For in the third Council of rrp eee this canon?* was enacted, ‘that neither bishop nor
. 2. [al. Ὥς .7 δὰ Nepotian. rici vel continentes ad viduas vel αν I. > or c.) Caveto omnes sus- virgines, nisi jussu vel permissu piciones : et quicquid probabiliter episcoporum et presbyterorum, non fingi potest, ne fingatur, ante devita accedant. Et hoc non soli faciant,
. Si, propter officium clericatus, sed cum clericis, vel cum his, cum aut vidua a te visitatur aut virgo, quibus e iscopus jusserit vel pres- nunguam domum solus introeas. byter. Nec episcopi, aut peeebyests Tales habeto socios, quorum contu- soli habeant accessum ad hujusmodi
bernio non infameris. foeminas, nisi aut clerici preesentes 28 C, 25. (t. 2. p.1171a.) Ut cle- sint, aut. graves aliqui Christiani.
Raw
presbyter, nor any other clerk, should visit the widows and virgins alone, but in the company and presence of some other of the clergy, or some grave Christians.’ And in the first Council of Carthage?9 and the Council of Epone®° there are canons to the same purpose. .
224 Life and conversation
An account 13. The great Council of Nice?! made another order upon of the aga- Ss τὴν : pete and the same grounds, to prevent all sinister opinions, ‘that none
συνείσαις- δ i ee ΤΡ a ἐν Ἢ ; Ἐπ deat ts of the unmarried clergy, p,» presbyter, deacon, or any
laws of the Other, should have any woman that was a stranger, and not
oe. one of their kindred, to dwell with them; save only a mother, gina a sister, or an aunt, or some such persons, with whom they them.
might live without suspicion.’ They who hence conclude that the clergy were forbidden to cohabit with their wives, which they had married before ordination, are sufficiently exposed by Gothofred®?, as ignorant of the true import of the original word, ovveloaxros, which never denotes a wife, but always ὦ stranger, in opposition to those of one’s kindred. And it is evident, the canon was made not upon the account of the mar- ried clergy, but the unmarried, to prevent suspicion and evil reports, that might easily arise from their familiar conversation with women that were not of their kindred or near relations.
29 C. 3. (ibid. p. 1823 e.) Occa- siones enim amputande sunt pecca- torum, et tollendze omnes suspicio- nes, quibus subtilitas Diaboli, sub preetextu caritatis et dilectionis, in- cautas animas vel ignaras irretire consuevit. Nullus ergo et nulla, sanctimoniz deserviens, propter
blasphemiam ecclesiz, si vobis pla-
cet, in una domo penitus commora- ri [non] debent. Universi dixerunt: Qui nolunt nubere et pudicitiz me- liorem eligunt partem, vitare debent, non solum habitare simul, sed nec habere ad se aliquem accessum.
80 C. 20. (t. 4. p. 1578 d.) Epi- scopo, presbytero, et diacono, vel ceteris clericis, horis preteritis, id est, meridianis vel vespertinis, ad foeminas prohibemus accessum: que tamen, si causa fuerit, cum presby- terorum aut clericorum testimonio videantur.
31 Ὁ, 3. (t. 2. p. 29 d.) ᾿Απηγόρευσε καθόλου ἡ μεγάλη συνόδος, μήτε ἐπι- σκόπῳ, μήτε πρεσβυτέρῳ, μήτε δια-
κόνῳ, μήτε ὅλως τινὶ τῶν ἐν τῷ κλή- ρῳ, ἐξεῖναι συνείσακτον γυναῖκα ἔχειν" πλὴν εἰ μὴ ἄρα μητέρα, ἢ ἀδελφὴν, ἢ θείαν, ἢ ἃ μόνα πρόσωπα πᾶσαν ὗὑπο- ψίαν διαπέφευγε.
82 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episcopis, leg. 44. (t.6. p. 88.) Ne- que he [conjuges] extranez sunt, neque cum his commune quidquam habet superior prohibitio de extra- neis mulieribus non asciscendis : quod ut hec lex apertissime testa- tur, ita Paphnutii quoque historia, collata cum dicto C. 3. Niczno, pa- riter edocet. Quare falluntur, qui ad conjuges a maritis ad sacerdo- tium promotis divellendas auctori- tatem canonis Niceeni advocant, qui non est nisi de extraneis, ut et Epi- stolam Basilii ad Paregorium 198; quee pariter non est nisi περὶ συν- εἰσάκτων. [Consult also sect. 2, throughout, wherein Gothofred is explicit on the subject. (p. 86. ad calc. col. dextr. et p. 87.) Vetantur igitur hac lege, &c. Ep.]
225
We may be satisfied of this from a law of Honorius and Theo- dosius Junior, which was made in pursuance of the Nicene Ca- non, and is still extant in both the Codes; where,—first having forbidden the clergy to cohabit with any strange women, who by some were taken in under the title and appellation of sis- ters; and having named what persons they might lawfully en-
of the primitive clergy.
_ tertain in their houses, viz. mothers, daughters, and sisters,
because natural consanguinity would prevent all suspicion of these; lest not excepting of wives might seem to exclude them also,—a particular clause is added concerning them, ‘that such as were married before their husbands were ordained should not be relinquished upon pretence of chastity, but rather be retained upon that account; it being but reasonable that they should be joined to their husbands, who by their conversation made their husbands worthy of the priesthood.’ The συνείσ- axtot then, or strangers, who in these laws are forbidden to cohabit with the clergy, are not their lawful wives, but others, who were taken in under the name of sisters, as that law of Honorius, and other ancient writers * intimate they were called by those that entertained them. St. Jerom®> and Epiphanius®6 tell us, they were also known by the name of agapete, ἀγαπη- ταὶ, that is, beloved. So that all these several names signify but that one sort of persons, most commonly called strangers, extranee, and συνείσακτοι, whose conversation was suspicious, and therefore so often prohibited by the laws of the Church. They were commonly some of the virgins belonging to the Church, whom they, that entertained them, pretended only to
38 Cod.Theod.1.16. tit. 2. de Episc. leg. 44. (ibid. p. 86.)—Cod. Justin. 1.1. tit.3. leg. 19.(t.4. p.83.) Eum, qui
ilem szeculo’ disciplinam agit,
lorari consortio sororiz appella- tionis non decet. Quicunque igitur cujuscunque us eas wor ful- ciuntur, vel clericatus honore cen- sentur, extranearum sibi mulierum i icta consortia cognoscant ; hac eis tantum facultate concessa, ut matres, filias, atque germanas intra domorum suarum septa contineant. In his enim nihil sevi criminis ex- istimari foedus naturale permittit. Illas etiam non relinqui castitatis hortatur affectio, que ante sacerdo- tium maritorum legitimum meruere
BINGHAM, VOL. Ll.
conjugium. Neque enim clericis in- competenter adjuncte sunt, qua dignos sacerdotio viros sua conver- satione fecerunt.
‘4 Vid. C. Ancyr. c. 19. (t. I. p. 1464b.)..... Τὰς μέν τοι συνερχομέ- νάς παρθένους τισὶν, ὡς ἀδελφὰς, ἐκω- λύσαμεν.
35 See n. 38, following.
86 Her. 63. Origen. ἢ. 2. (t. 1. p. 521d.) Κατηγοροῦσι τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐκκλη- σίᾳ τὰς ἀγαπητὰς λεγομένας συνεισ-
ous γυναῖκας κεκτημένων, ὡς καὶ αὐτῶν τοῦτο ἐπιτελούντων κρυφῆ διὰ τὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων aida ἵνα μὲν τῇ πονηρίᾳ συνθάπτωνται, τῷ δὲ προ- σχήματι τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἕνεκα τὸ ὄνομα σεμνύνωνται.
Q
226 Life and conversation VI. in.
love as sisters with a chaste love. But their manner of con- versing was sometimes so very scandalous, that it justly gave great offence to all sober and modest persons; and had not the Church always interposed with her severest censures, it must have made her liable to as great reproach. For it appears from the complaints of St. Cyprian37, St. Jerom%, and others, that the practice of some was very intolerable: for they not only dwelt together in the same house, but lodged in the same room, and sometimes in the same bed; and yet would be thought innocent, and called others uncharitable and suspicious that entertained any hard thoughts of them. But the Church did not regard vain words, but treated them, as they justly de- served, as persons that used a scandalous and indecent liberty, and who were the very pests and plagues of the Church. Cy- prian?9 commends Pomponius for excommunicating a deacon, who had been found guilty in this kmd. And the Council of Antioch‘? alleged this among other reasons for their deposing Paulus Samosatensis from his bishopric. In the following ages,
87 Ep. 7. [4]. 13.] (p. 190.)... Cum summo animi nostri gemitu et do- lore cognovimus, non deesse, qui Dei templa, et post confessionem sanctificata, et illustrata prius mem- bra turpi et infami concubitu suo maculent, cubilia sua cum foeminis promiscua jungentes, &c.—Ep. 6. [8]. 14.] (p. 92.) Doleo enim quan- do audio quosdam improbe et inso- lenter discurrere ... Christi membra et jam Christum confessa per con- cubitus illicitos inquinasse, &c.—Ep. 62. [al. 4.7 (p. 173.) Legimus literas tuas, frater carissime, quas per Pa- conium fratrem nostrum misisti, postulans et desiderans, ut tibi re- scriberemus, quid nobis de iis vir- ginibus videatur, que, cum in statu suo esse et continentiam firmiter te- nere decreverint, detect sint postea in eodem lecto pariter mansisse cum masculis: ex quibus unum diaco- num esse dicis; plane easdem, que se cum viris dormisse confessz sint, asseverare se integras esse, &c.
_ 88 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. de Vir- gin. Servand. [c. 14.] p. 138. (t.1. Ρ. 97 8.).. Unde in ecclesias agape- tarum pestis introiit?) Unde sine nuptiis aliud nomen uxorum? Immo
unde novum coneubinarum genus? Plus inferam : Unde meretrices uni- viree? Que eadem domo, uno cubi- culo, sepe uno tenentur et lectulo ; et suspiciosos nos vocant, si aliquid existimamus.
39 Ep. 62. [al. 4.7 (p.174.).. Con- sulte et cum vigore fecisti, frater ca- rissime, abstinendo diaconum, qui cum virgine seepe mansit, sed et cze- teros, qui cum virginibus dormire consueverunt. Quod si pceniten- tiam hujus illiciti concubitus sui egerint, et a se invicem recesserint, inspiciantur interim virgines ab ob- stetricibus diligenter; et, si virgines invente fuerint, accepta communi- catione ad ecclesiam admittantur: hac tamen interminatione, ut si ad eosdem masculos postmodum re- verse fuerint, aut si cum eisdem in una domo et sub eodem tecto simul habitaverint, graviore censura ejici- antur, nec in ecclesiam postmodum facile recipiantur, &c.
40 Ep. Synod. ap. Euseb. 1. 7. c. 30. (ν.1. p. 362. 19.) Tas δὲ συνεισ- ἄκτους αὐτοῦ γυναῖκας, ὡς ᾿᾽Αντιο- χεῖς ὀνομάζουσι, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ διακόνων, K.T. r.
§ 13.
Le ee ee Oe
of the primitive clergy. 497 besides the Councils of Nice and Ancyra already mentioned, we meet with many other canons made upon this account, as in the second Council of Arles*', the first, third, and fourth Councils of Carthage*?, the Council of Eliberis*®, and Lerida**, and many others, prohibiting the clergy to entertain any women, who were strangers, and not of their near relations, under pain of deprivation. The intent of all which canons was to oblige the clergy, not only to live innocently in the sight of God, but also unblamably, and without suspicion and censure, in the sight of men. It being more especially necessary for men of their function to maintain not only a good conscience, but a good name; the one for their own sake, the other for the sake of their neighbours‘>: that men might neither be tempted to blaspheme the ways of God, by suspecting the actions of holy men to be impure, when they were not so; nor be induced to imitate such practices, as they at least imagined to be evil; either of which would turn to the destruction of their souls. So that it was cruelty and inhumanity, as St. Austin concludes, for a man, in such circumstances, to neglect and disregard his
own reputation. 41 C.3. (t.4. p.1o1r a.) Si quis a diaconatus in sola- tio suo mulierem, preter aviam, ma- trem, filiam, neptem, vel conversam secum uxorem, habere preesumpse- rit, a communione alienus habeatur. Par quoque et mulierem, si se sepa- rare noluerit, ym percellat. ἊΒ δυ τ Ι. 5.8. Seen.2 rats a p- wear) Jas. ux- uas eadem lex ma- μὰν et πον —Carth. (Gv 59. (t. 2. p. 1170 a.) Cum omnibus om- nino clericis extranee foemine non cohabitent,sed sole matres,avize, ma- terterz, amitz, sorores, et filiz fra- trum aut sororum, et quecunque ex familia, domestica necessitate, etiam antequam ordinarentur, jam cum eis habitabant, &c.—Carth. 4. c. 46. (ibid. p. 1204 a.) Clericus cum ex- ἂν “0 traneis mulieribus non ae ie 27. (t. I. p.973 6.) Episco- pus vel ὦ quilibe ‘ t 12 clericus, aut sororem, aut ἜΣ virginem dica- tam Deo, tantum secum habeat ; extraneam nequaquam habere pla- cuit.
44 C. 15. (t. 4. p.1613¢.) Familia-
ritatem extranearum mulierum, licet ex toto sancti patres antiquis moni- tionibus preceperint ecclesiasticis evitandam, id nunc tamen nobis vi- sum est, ut qui talis probabitur, si post primam et secundam commo- . nitionem se emendare neglexerit, donec in vitio perseverat, officii sui re- dignitate privetur.
# Vid. August. de Bon. Viduitat. c. 22. (t.6. p. 384 g. et p. 385.) In omnibus sane spiritalibus deliciis, quibus fruuntur innupte, sancta ea- rum conversatio cauta etiam debet esse, ne forte, cum mala vita non sit per lasciviam, mala sit fama per negligentiam. Nec audiendi sunt, sive viri sancti sive foeemine, quando reprehensa in aliquo negligentia sua, per quam fit, ut in malam veniant suspicionem, unde vitam suam longe
sciunt, dicunt sibi coram Deo sufficere conscientiam, existi- mationem hominum non impruden- ter solum, verum etiam crudeliter contemnentes: cum occidunt ani- mas aliorum, sive blasphemantium viam Dei, quibus secundum suam suspicionem quasi turpis, que casta
Q2
VI. i.
228 Duties and offices Malevolent 14. But it might happen that a man, after the utmost ether human caution and prudence that could be used, might not be
suspicions able to avoid the malevolent suspicions of ill-disposed men: for a our blessed Lord, whose innocence and conduct were both equally divine, could not in his converse with men wholly escape them. Now in this case the Church could prescribe no other rule, but that of patience and Christian consolation, given by our Saviour 46 to his Apostles: “ Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you falsely, for my sake. Rejoice, and be exceeding glad: for great is your reward in heaven.” ‘When we have done,’ says St. Austin47, ‘all that in justice and prudence we could to preserve our good name, if after that some men, not- withstanding, will endeavour to blemish our reputation and blacken our character, either by false suggestions or unreason- able suspicions, let conscience be our comfort, nay, plainly our joy, that great is our reward in heaven. For this reward is the wages of our warfare, whilst we behave ourselves as good. soldiers of Christ, by the armour of righteousness on the right hand and on the left, by honour and dishonour, by evil report and good report.’ So much of the laws of the Church, relating to the life and conversation of the ancient clergy.
CHAP. III. Of laws more particularly relating to the exercise of the duties and offices of their function. 1. I come now to speak of such laws as more immediately related to their function, and the several offices and duties be-
The clergy obliged to lead a stu- dious life.
est, displicet vita sanctorum; sive etiam cum excusatione imitantium, non quod vident, sed quod putant. Proinde quisquis a criminibus flagi- tiorum atque facinorum vitam suam custodit, sibi bene facit: quisquis autem etiam famam, et in alios mi- sericors est. Nobis enim necessa- ria est vita nostra, aliis fama nos- tra: et utique etiam quod aliis mi- nistramus misericorditer ad salu- tem, ad nostram quoque redundat utilitatem.
46 Matth. 5, 11.
47 Thid. (p. 385 ¢.)...... Ubi pro
existimatione nostra, quidquid recte possumus, fecerimus; si aliqui de nobis vel mala fingendo, vel male credendo, famam nostram decolo- rare conantur; adsit conscientiz so- latium, planeque etiam gaudium, quod merces nostra magna est in ceelis, etiam cum dicunt homines mala multa de nobis, pie tamen justeque viventibus. [lla enim mer- ces tamquam stipendium est mili- tantium, per arma justitiz, non so- lum dextera, verum et sinistra, per gloriam scilicet et ignobilitatem, per infamiam et bonam famam.
‘Tee
229
longing to it. In speaking of which, because many of these offices will come more fully to be considered hereafter, when we treat of the liturgy and service of the Church, I shall here speak chiefly of such duties as were required of them by way of general qualification, to enable them the better to go through the particular duties of their function. Such was, in the first place, their obligation to lead a studious life. For since, as Gregory Nazianzen‘* observes, the meanest arts could not be
of the primitive clergy.
obtained without much time and labour and toil spent therein,
it were absurd to think that the art of wisdom, which compre- hends the knowledge of things human and divine, and com- prises every thing that is noble and excellent, was so light and vulgar a thing, as that a man needed no more but a wish or a will to obtain it. Some indeed, he complains‘9, were of this fond opinion, and therefore, ‘ before they had well passed the time of their childhood, or knew the names of the books of the Old and New Testament, or how well to read them, if they had
but got two or three pious words by heart, or had read a few
of the Psalms of David, and put on a grave habit, which made some outward show of piety, they had the vanity to think they were qualified for the government of the Church. They then talked nothing but of Samuel’s sanctification from his cradle, and thought themselves profound scribes, and great rabbies
48 Orat. 1. Apologet. de Fug. (t. I. ἣν»: 22 Ὁ.) ᾽᾿Ορχήσεως μὲν καὶ αὐλή- ἐστι διδασκαλία καὶ μάθησις,
καὶ χρόνου πρὸς τοῦτο δεῖ, καὶ ἱδρώ-
᾿ τῶν συχνῶν καὶ πόνων, καὶ μισθοὺς
καταβαλεῖν ἐσ τὶν ὅτι, καὶ προσαγωγῶν » καὶ ἀποδημῆσαι érepa, καὶ τ᾽ τὰ μὲν ποιῆσαι πάντα, τὰ δὲ παθεῖν e ἐμπειρία συλλέγεται" τὴν δὲ σοφίαν, ἣ πᾶσιν ἐπιστατεῖ, καὶ tangy ἐν αὐτῇ τὰ καλὰ συλλαβοῦσα ἔχει .. . οὕτω κοῦφόν τι pte ὅστε μένον πρᾶγμα ὑπολ' α, ἡρῆσω, ‘bet μόνον a εἶναι σοφόν, ς τοῦτο τῆς 49 Thid. (p.21¢.)...... Καὶ οὕτω κακῶς διακείμεθα, ὥστε οἱ πλείους ἡ ἡ- μῶν, ἵνα μὴ λέγω πάντες, πρὶν ἀπο- θέσθαι σχεδὸν τὴν πρώτην τρίχα, καὶ τὸ τὰ παιδικὰ ψελλίζεσθαι, πρὶν παρ- ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὰς θείας αὐλὰς, πρὶν τῶν ἱερῶν βίβλων γνῶναι καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα, πρὶν καινῆς καὶ παλαιᾶς χαρακτῆρα
γνωρίσαι, καὶ τοὺς προστάτας" (οὔπω γὰρ λέγω, πρὶν ἣ τὸν βόρβορον. ἀπο- πλύνασθαι, καὶ τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς αἴσχη, ὅσα ἡ κακία ἡμῖν προσεμάξατο") ἂν δύο i τρία ῥήματα τῶν εὐσεβῶν ἐ ασκήσωμεν, καὶ ταῦτα ἐξ ἀκοῆς, οὐκ ἐντεύξεως, ἢ ad Δαβὶδ βραχέα καθο- μιλήσωμεν, ἢ τὸ τριβώνιον εὖ περι- στειλώμεθα, ἢ μέχρι τῆς ζώνης φιλο- σοφήσωμεν, εὐσεβείας τι πλάσμα κατ᾽ w ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς περιχρώσαντες" βα- βαὶ τῆς προεδρίας καὶ τοῦ φρονήμα- tos’ ἱερὸς καὶ ἐκ σπαργάνων ὁ Σα- μουήλ. εὐθύς ἐσμεν “σοφοὶ καὶ διδά- σκαλοι καὶ ὑψηλοὶ τὰ θεῖα, καὶ γραμ- paréov ra πρῶτα, κ καὶ νομικῶν, | καὶ χει- ν ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς οὐρανίους, καὶ ἔνα: ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἹῬαββὶ ζητοῦμεν, καὶ οὐδαμοῦ τὸ γράμμα καὶ πάντα δεῖ νοηθῆναι πνευματικῶς, καὶ λῆρος πλατὺς τὰ ὀνείρατα, καὶ ἀγα- πο ἂν, εἰ μὴ σφόδρα ἐπαινοί- με
230 Duties and offices VI. ii.
and teachers, sublime in the knowledge of divine things, and were for interpreting the Scripture; not by the letter, but after a spiritual way, propounding their own dreams and fancies, in- stead of the divine oracles, to the people.’ This, he complains, was for want of that study and labour which ought to be the continual employment of persons who take upon them the offices of the sacred function. St. Chrysostom pursues this mat- ter a little further, and shews the necessity of continual labour and study in a clergyman, from the work and business he has upon his hand, each part of which requires great sedulity and ap- plication. For, first >°, ‘he ought to be qualified to minister suit- able remedies to the several maladies and distempers of men’s souls; the cure of which requires greater skill and labour than the cure of their bodily distempers. And this is only to be done by the doctrine of the Gospel, which therefore required that he should be intimately acquainted with every part of it.’ Then, again 51, ‘he must be able to stop the mouths of all gain- sayers,—Jews, Gentiles, and heretics,—who had different arts and different weapons to assault the truth by; and unless he exactly understood all their fallacies and sophisms, and knew the true art of making a proper defence, he would be in dan- ger not only of suffering each of them to make spoil and de- vastation of the Church, but of encouraging one error whilst he was opposing another.’ For nothing was more common than for ignorant and unskilful disputants to run from one extreme to another; as he shews in the controversies which the Church had with the Marcionites and Valentinians on the one hand, and the Jews on the other, about the law of Moses; and the dispute about the Trinity between the Arians and Sabellians. Now unless a man was well skilled and exercised in the Word of God, and the true art and rules of disputation, which could not be attained without continual study and labour, he con- cludes, ‘ it would be impossible for him to maintain his ground, and the truth, as he ought, against so many subtle and wily
50 De Sacerd. 1. 4. c. 3. (t. I. p. 407 6.) Ἢ ἀγνοεῖς, ὅτι καὶ πλείοσι τῆς ἡμετέρας σαρκὸς καὶ νόσοις καὶ ἐπιβουλαῖς τοῦτο ὑπόκειται τὸ σῶμα, κι T.A.
91" Tbid. Ὁ, 4. (p. 408 d.) Διὸ πολλὴν χρὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν σπουδὴν, ὥστε τὸν λόγον τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐν ἡμῖν
ἐνοικεῖν πλουσίως" οὐ γὰρ πρὸς ἕν εἷ- δὸς ἡμῖν μάχης ἡ παρασκευή" ἀλλὰ ποικίλος οὗτος 6 πόλεμος, καὶ ἐκ δια- φόρων συγκροτούμενος τῶν ἐχϑρῶν' οὔτε γὰρ ὁ ὅπλοις ἅπαντες χρῶνται τοῖς αὐτοῖς, οὔτε ἑνὶ προσβάλλειν ἡμῖν με- μελετήκασι τρόπῳ. κ. τ. A.
δ 1,2. of the primitive clergy. 231
opposers.’ Upon this he inculeates*? that direction of St. Paul
to Timothy, (i Tim. 4. 13, 15.) “ Give attendance to reading, to
exhortation, to doctrine. Meditate upon these things: give thy-
self wholly to them ; that thy profiting may appear to all men.”
Thirdly, he shews* ‘ how difficult and laborious a work it was
to make continual homilies and set discourses to the people,
who were become very severe judges of the preacher’s com-
posures, and would not allow him to rehearse any part of an-
other man’s work, nor so much as to repeat his own upon a
second occasion. Here his task was something the more diffi-
cult, because men had generally nice and delicate palates, and
were inclined to hear sermons as they heard plays, more for
pleasure than profit. Which added to the preacher’s study and
labour; who, though he was to contemn both popular applause and censure, yet was also to have such a regard to his audi-
tory, as that they might hear him with pleasure to their edifi-
cation and advantage.’ And*4 ‘the more famed and eloquent
the preacher was, so much the more careful and studious ought
he to be, that he may always answer his character, and not
expose himself to the censures and accusations of the people.’
These and the like arguments does that holy Father urge, to
shew how much it concerns men of the sacred calling to devote
themselves to a studious and laborious life, that they may be
the better qualified thereby to answer the several indispensable
duties of their functions.
2. Some indeed, St. Chrysostom says, were ready to plead No pleas
even the Apostle’s authority for their ignorance, and almost prorpoot value themselves for want of learning, because the Apostle says wih gs of himself that he was rude in speech. But to this the holy arse Father justly replies >>, ‘ that this was a misrepresentation of the
52 Thid. oh c. 8. (p.413 b.)”"Axove δὲ καὶ re bere φησιν ἐπιστέλ- λων" κ.τ.
58 Tbid. ᾿ . δ: 2. ¥. ,&. 415 a.).. οὖν τοῦτό ἐστιν; ὁ πολὺς wives ἀν περὶ τὰς διαλέξεις τὰς κοινῇ πρὸς τὸν rab rt Saat ἐν apy Πρῶ-
πλέον τῶν ἀρχομένων ob ᾿βθέλουσιν ὡς πρὸς διδασκάλους πῶς λέγοντας, ἀλλὰ τῶν v τάξιν ore ς ἀντι- λ iy 1 ry τῶν ϑεατῶν τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἔξωθεν καθεζομένων ἀγῶσι. ....
Ἣν γὰρ τινὰ δυμβῆ τῶν λεγόντων μέ- ρος τι τῶν ἑτέροις πονηθέντων ἐνυφῆ- vat τοῖς λόγοις αὐτοῦ, πλείονα τῶν τὰ
ene κλεπτόντων ὑφίσταται dvei-
-.λ. 34 ibid. ἘΚ, .41| ἃ.) Καὶ γὰρ ὅτ' oe Loren, Savil.] πολλὴν ἐν τῷ λέγειν . οὐδὲ οὕτω τοῦ πονεῖ-
σθαι denpecte ἀπήλλακται .++. Gore
Ty τοῖς σοφωτέροις μᾶλλον, i} τοῖς ἀμα-
ϑεστέ is, μείζων ὅ πόνος, κ. τ.λ. 55 Thid. 1. 4. cc. 6. et 7. tot. 410 d.) Ti οὖν ὁ Παῦλός, φησιν,
oe
232 Duties and offices VI. iii.
great Apostle, and vainly urged to excuse any man’s sloth and negligence in not attaining to those necessary parts of know- ledge which the clerical life required. If the utmost heights and perfections of exotic eloquence had been rigidly exacted of the clergy ; if they had been to speak always with the smooth- ness of Isocrates, or the loftiness of Demosthenes, or the ma- jesty of Thucydides, or the sublimity of Plato; then indeed it might be pertinent to allege this testimony of the Apostle. But rudeness of style, in comparison of such eloquence, may be al- lowed; provided men be otherwise qualified with knowledge, and ability to preach and dispute accurately concerning the doctrines of faith and religion; as St. Paul was, whose talents in that kind have made him the wonder and admiration of the whole world; and it would be unjust to accuse him of rudeness of speech, who by his discourses confounded both Jews and Greeks, and wrought many into the opinion that he was the Mercury of the Gentiles. Such proofs of his power of persua- sion were sufficient evidence that he had spent some pains in this way; and therefore his authority was fondly abused to patronise ignorance and sloth, whose example was so great a reproach to them.’ Others again there were who placed the whole of a minister in a good life, and that was made another excuse for the want of knowledge and study, and the art of preaching and disputing. But to this St. Chrysostom also re- plies 56, ‘ that both these qualifications were required in a priest;
ἐσπούδασε ταύτην [Savil. αὐτῷ. al. of | κατορθωθῆναι τὴν ἀρετήν᾽ K.T.
56 [bid. c. 8. (p. 413 b.)” Move de, κι τ. A.—It. ς. 9. (Pp. 414.) Oray δὲ ὑπὲρ δογμάτων ἀγὼν κινῆται, καὶ πάν- τες ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν μάχωνται γραφῶν, ποίαν ἰσχὺν ὁ βίος ἐνταῦθα ἐπιδεῖξαι δυνήσεται ; τί τῶν πολλῶν ὄφελος ἱδρώτων, ὅτ' ἂν μετὰ τοὺς μόχθους ἐκείνους, ἀπὸ τῆς πολλῆς τις ἀπειρίας εἰς αἵρεσιν ἐκπεσὼν ἀποσχισθῇ τοῦ σώματος τῆς ἐκκλησίας 5 ὅπερ οἶδα πολλοὺς παθόντας , ἐγώ" ποῖον αὐτῷ κέρδος τῆς καρτερίας: οὐδέν᾽ ὥσπερ οὖν οὐδὲ ὑγιοῦς πίστεως, τῆς πολι- τείας διεφθαρμένης" Διὰ δὴ ταῦτα μάλιστα πάντων “ἔμπειρον εἶναι δεῖ τῶν τοιούτων ἀγώνων, τὸν διδάσκειν τοὺς ἄλλους λαχόντα' εἰ γὰρ καὶ αὐ- τὸς ἕστηκεν ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ, μηδὲν ὑπὸ
τῶν ἀντιλεγόντων βλαπτόμενος, ἀλλὰ τὸ τῶν ἀφελεστέρων πλῆθος, τὸ τατ- τόμενον ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ, ὅτ' ἂν ἴδῃ τὸν ἡγούμενον ἡττηθέντα, καὶ οὐδὲν ἔ ἔχοντα πρὸς τοὺς ἀντιλέγοντας. εἰπεῖν, οὐ τὴν ἀσθένειαν τὴν ἐκείνου τῆς ἥττης, ἀλλὰ τὴν τοῦ δόγματος αἰτιῶνται σαθρό- τητα᾽ καὶ, διὰ τὴν τοῦ ἑνὸς ἀπειρίαν,
ς
ὁ πολὺς λεὼς εἰς ἔσχατον ὄλεθρον καταφέρεται: κἂν γὰρ μὴ πάντῃ γέ- νῶνται τῶν ἐναντίων᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως, ὑπὲρ ὧν θαρρεῖν εἶχον, ἀμφιβάλλειν ἀναγ- κάζονται" καὶ οἷς μετὰ πίστεως προσ- ἥεσαν ἀκλινοῦς, οὐκ ἔτι μετὰ τῆς av- τῆς δύνανται προσέχειν στερρότητος" ἀλλὰ τοσαύτη ζάλη τῶν ἐκείνων εἰσοι- κίζεται ψυχαῖς, ἀπὸ τῆς ἥττης τοῦ διδασκάλου" ὡς καὶ εἰς ναυάγιον τε- λευτῆσαι τὸ κακόν.
82, 3. of the primitive clergy. 233
he must not only do, but teach the commands of Christ, and guide others by his word and doctrine, as well as his practice : each of these had their part in his office, and were necessary to assist one another, in order to consummate men’s edification. For otherwise, when any controversy should arise about the doctrines of religion, and Scripture was pleaded in behalf of error; what would a good life avail in this case? What would it signify to have been diligent in the practice of virtue, if after all a man, through gross ignorance and unskilfulness in the Word of Truth, fell into heresy, and cut himself off from the body of the Church? as he knew many that had done so. But admit a man should stand firm himself, and not be drawn away by the adversaries; yet when the plain and simple people who are under his care shall observe their leader to be baffled, and that he has nothing to say to the arguments of a subtle opposer, they will be ready to impute this not so much to the weakness of the advocate as the badness of his cause: and so, by one man’s ignorance, a wliole people shall be carried headlong to utter destruction; or at least be so shaken in their faith, that they shall not stand firm for the future.’ St. Jerom* gives also a smart rebuke to this plea, telling his clerk ‘that the plain and rustic brother should not value -himself upon his sanctity, and despise knowledge; as neither should the artful and eloquent speaker measure his holiness by his tongue. For though of two imperfections, it was better to have a holy igno- rance than a vicious eloquence; yet to consummate a priest, both qualifications were necessary, and he must have know- ledge as well as sanctity to fit him for the several duties of his function.’ Thus did those holy instructors plead against igno- rance in the clergy, and urge them with proper arguments to engage them upon a studious life, which was the only way to furnish them with sufficient abilities to discharge many weighty duties of their function. 3. But it was not all sorts of studies that they equally re- Their chief
commended, but chiefly the study of the Holy Scriptures; as be the Holy
57 Ep. 2.[al.52.]ad Nepotian.(t.1. tatem. Multoque melius est e duo- Ρ. 262 d.) Nec rusticus et tamen bus imperfectis rusticitatem sanc- simplex frater ideo se sanctum pu- tam habere, quam eloquentiam pec- tet, si nihil noverit: nec peritus et catricem. eloquens in lingua estimet sancti-
234 Duties and offices VI. iii.
Scriptures, being the fountains of that learning which was most proper for
and the ap- ᾿ 3 Α ‘ proved ὡς Ὁ their calling, and which upon all occasions they were to make
Ran use of. ‘For,’ as St. Chrysostom 58 observes, ‘in the way of Church. administering spiritual physic to the souls of men, the Word
of God was instead of every thing that was used in the cure of bodily distempers. It was instrument, and diet, and air; it was instead of medicine, and fire, and knife; if caustics or incisions were necessary, they were to be done by this; and if this did not succeed, it would be in vain to try other means. This was it that was to raise and comfort-the dejected soul, and take down and assuage the swelling tumors and presumptions of the confident. By this they were both to cut off what was super- fluous and supply what was wanting, and do every thing that was necessary to be done in the cure of souls. By this all heretics and aliens were to be convinced, and all the plots of Satan to be countermined: and therefore it was necessary that the ministers of God should be very diligent in studying the Scriptures, that the word of Christ might dwell richly in them.’ This was necessary to qualify them especially for preaching ; since, as St. Jerom 59 rightly notes, ‘the best commendation of a sermon was to have it seasoned well with Scripture rightly applied.’ Besides, the custom of expounding the Scripture occasionally, many times as it was read, required a man to be well acquainted with all the parts of it, and to understand both the phrase and sense, and doctrines, and mysteries of it, that he might be ready upon all occasions to discourse pertinently and usefully upon them. And to this purpose some canons appointed 60, ‘that their most vacant hours, the times of eating
58 De Sacerd. 1]. 4. c. 3. (t. 1. p. 407 6.) Τοῦτο ὄργανον, τοῦτο τροφὴ, τοῦτο ἀέρων κράσις ἀρίστη" τοῦτο ἀντὶ φαρμάκου, τοῦτο ἀντὶ πυρὸς, τοῦτο ἀντὶ σιδήρου" κἂν καῦσαι δέῃ καὶ τεμεῖν, τούτῳ χρήσασθαι ἀνάγκη" Kav τοῦτο μηδὲν ἰσχύσῃ, πάντα οἴχε- Tat τὰ λοιπά" τούτῳ καὶ κειμένην ἐγείρομεν, καὶ φλεγμαίνουσαν κατα- στέλλομεν τὴν Ψυχὴν, καὶ τὰ περιττὰ περικόπτομεν, καὶ τὰ λείποντα πλη- povdpev, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἅπαντα ἐργαζό- μεθα, ὅσα εἰς τὴν τῆς ψυχῆς ὑγιείαν ἡμῖν συντελεῖ: πρὸς μὲν γὰρ βίου κατάστασιν ἀρίστην, βίος ἕτερος εἰς τὸν ἶσον ἂν ἐναγάγοι ζῆλον' ὅτ᾽ ἂν δὲ
περὶ δόγματα νοσῇ ἡ Ψυχὴ τὰ νόθα, πολλὴ τοῦ λόγου ἐνταῦθα ἡ χρεία, οὐ πρὸς τὴν τῶν οἰκείων ἀσφάλειαν μό- νον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἔξωθεν πολέ- povs.—Ibid. c. 4. (p. 408 c.) Διὸ πολλὴν χρῆ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν σπουδὴν, ὥστε τὸν λόγον τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐν ἡμῖν ἐνοικεῖν πλουσίως.
59 Ep. 2. ut supr. (t 1. p. 261 b.) Sermo presbyteri Scripturarum lec- tione conditus sit. Nolo te decla- matorem esse et rabulam, garru- lumque sine ratione, sed mysterio- rum peritum, &c. ,
60 C. Tolet. 3. c. 7. (Ὁ. 5. p. IOTT a.) .. Quia solent crebro mensis otiosz
of the primitive clergy. 235
and drinking, should not pass without some portion of Scrip- ture read to them; partly to exclude all other trifling and un- necessary discourse, and partly to afford them proper themes and subjects to exercise themselves upon to edification and ad- vantage.’ St. Jerom® commends his friend Nepotian for this, ‘that at all feasts he was used to propound something out of the Holy Scripture, and entertain the company with some useful disquisition upon it. And, next to the Scriptures, he employed his time upon the study of the best ecclesiastical au- thors, whom by continual reading and frequent meditations he had so treasured up in the library of his heart, that he could repeat their words upon any proper occasion, saying, Thus spake Tertullian, thus Cyprian, so Lactantius, after this manner Hilary, so Minucius Felix, so Victorinus, these were the words of Arnobius, and the like.’ But among ecclesiastical writings, the Canons of the Church were always reckoned of greatest use; as containing a summary account not only of the Church’s discipline, and doctrine, and government, but also rules of life and moral virtues; upon which account, as some laws directed that the Canons should be read over at every man’s ordination, so others ® required the clergy afterward to make them part of their constant study together with the Holy Scripture. For the Canons were then a sort of directions for the pastoral care, and they had this advantage of any private directions, that they were the public voice and rubrics of the Church, and so much the more carefully to be read upon that account. In after-ages, in the time of Charles the Great, we find some laws ®
1261 e.) Nulli episcopo liceat Cano- nes, aut Librum Pastoralem a beato Gregorio papa editum, si fieri potest, ignorare, in quibus se debet unus-
fabulz interponi, in omni sacerdo- tali convivio lectio Scripturarum di- vinarum misceatur: per hoc enim et anime eedificantur in bonum, et
fabule non pergeenrie peubentat, 61 Epi tian. Ep.
Heliodor. [al. Ep “4 Virtutes
tiani.] (t. 1. p. 336 ἃ.) Sermo eas
per omne convivinm de Scripturis
Ele « cant -c- 25; ( (t. 4. 13 d.) Sciant igitur sacerdo ong pal δι sanctas, et Canones fmeditonter|,
ut edificent Name tam fidei sci-
enti, perum disciplina. ἃ ava 3. 8. 6. ἃ G7. PB
uisque, quasi in quodam speculo, adel ue ἘΠι για Cabillon. 2. c. 1. (ibid. p. 1585. 5 c.).. Illas Scrip- turas notissimas habeant, que ca- nonice appellantur, et earum sen-
patrum tractatus inquirant. rye quoque intelligant et Li- brum beati Gregorii pape de Cura Pastorali: et secundum formam ibi- dem constitutam et vivant et pre- dicent.
236 Duties and offices VI. in. obliging the clergy to read, together with the Canons, Gre- gory’s book De Cura Pastorali.
4. As to other books and writings, they were more cautious
—. and sparing in the study and use of them. Some canons®
oe forbad a bishop to read heathen authors. Nor would they
allowed. allow him to read heretical books but only upon necessity, that is, when there was occasion to confute them, or to caution others against the poison of them. But the prohibition of hea- then learning, though it seem to be more peremptory, was to be understood likewise with a little qualification. For men might have very different views and designs in reading heathen authors. Some might read them only for pleasure, and make a business of that pleasure, to the neglect of Scripture and more useful learning; and all such were highly to be condemned. St. Jerom® says of these, ‘ that when the priests of God read plays instead of the Gospels, and wanton bucolics instead of the Prophets, and loved to have Virgil in their hands rather than the Bible, they made a crime of pleasure, and turned the ne- cessity of youthful exercise into a voluntary sin.’ Others could not relish the plain and unaffected style of Scripture, but con- versed with heathen orators, to bring their language to a more polite or Attic dialect. And these also came under the censures of the Church. It is remarkable what Sozomen® tells us of Triphyllius, a Cyprian bishop, (who was one of these nice and delicate men who thought the style of Scripture not so elegant as it might be made), that having occasion, in a discourse before Spiridion and some other Cyprian bishops, to cite those words of our Saviour, ρον σοῦ τὸ κράββατον καὶ περιπάτει, Take up
How far
63 C. Carth. 4. c.16. (t. 2. p.1201¢.) Ut episcopus gentilium libros non legat; heereticorum autem pro ne- cessitate et tempore.
64 Ep. 146. [al. 21.] ad Damas. de Fil. Prod. t. 3. p. 129. (t. 1. p. 7 5 €.).... Sacerdotes Dei, omissis
vangeliis et Prophetis, videmus comeedias legere, amatoria bucoli- corum versuum verba canere, Vir- gilium tenere; et id quod in pueris necessitatis est, crimen in se facere voluptatis.
OL. 1. Gree. 0052. P. 23. 40.)
Συνάξεως ἐπιτελουμένης, ἐπιτραφεὶς Τριφύλλιος διδάξαι τὸ πλῆθος, ἐπεὶ τὸ ῥητὸν ἐκεῖνο παράγειν εἰς μέσον ἐδέησε, τὸ ᾿Αρόν σου τὸν κράββατον καὶ περιπάτει, σκίμποδα ἀντὶ τοῦ κραββάτου μεταβαλὼν τὸ ὄνομα εἶπε" καὶ ὁ Σπυρίδων ἀ ἀγανακτήσας, Οὐ σύγε, ἔφη. ἀμείνων τοῦ κράββατον εἰρηκό- τος, ὅτι ταῖς αὐτοῦ λέξεσιν ἐ ἐπαισχύνῃ κεχρῆσθαι" καὶ τοῦτο εἰπὼν, ᾿ἀπεπή- δησε τοῦ ἱερατικοῦ θρόνου, τοῦ δήμου ὁρῶντος" ταύτῃ γὲ μετριάζειν παι- δεύων τὸν τοῖς λόγοις ὠφρυωμένον.
ΑΨ Ὸ τνο
= 2 oe
§ 4.
of the primitive clergy. 237
thy bed and walk, he would not use the word κράββατον, but instead of it put σκίμποδα, as being a more elegant word in his opinion. To whem Spiridion, with an holy indignation and zeal, replied, “ Art thou better than He that said κράββατον, that thou shouldest be ashamed to use his words?” thereby admonishing him to be a little more modest, and not give human eloquence the preference before the Holy Scriptures. Another sort of men conversed with heathen authors rather than the Scriptures, because they thought them more for their turn to arm them with sophistry to impose their errors upon the simplicity of others. As the anonymous author in Euse- bius®, who writes against the Theodosian heretics, observes of the leading men of that party, ‘ that, leaving the Holy Scrip- tures, they generally spent their time in Euclid and Aristotle, Theophrastus and Galen; using the quirks and sophisms of infidel writers to palliate their heresy, and corrupt the sim- plicity of the Christian faith.’ Now in all these cases, the reading of heathen authors for such unworthy ends was very disallowable, because it was always done with a manifest ne- glect and contempt of the Holy Scriptures, and therefore upon such grounds deservedly forbidden by the canons of the Church. But then, on the other hand, there were some cases, in which it was very allowable to read Gentile authors, and the Church’s prohibition did not extend to these. For sometimes it was necessary to read them, in order to confute and expose their errors, that others might not be infected thereby. Thus St. Jerom®? observes of Daniel, ‘that he was taught in the
SL, 5. ς, 28. (ν. I. p. 254. 3.) ] ς δὲ τὰς ἁγίας τοῦ Θεοῦ γεωμετρίαν ἐπιτηδεύουσιν,
Qui de mensa regis et de vino potus ejus non vult comedere ne pollua- tur; utique si sciret ipsam sapien-
ὡς ra ἐκ τῆς γῆς ὄντες, καὶ ἐκ THs γῆς λαλοῦντες, καὶ τὸν ἐρχόμενον ἀγνοοῦντες. Ἐὐκλείδης γοῦν παρά τι- σιν αὐτῶν φιλοπόνως γεωμετρεῖται" Ἶ ἔλης δὲ καὶ Θεόφραστος θαυ- Ὄνται" Γαληνὸς γὰρ ἴσως ὑπό τινων
καὶ προσκυνεῖται" οἱ δὲ ταῖς τῶν ἀπί- στων τέχναις εἰς τὴν τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐ- τῶν γνώμην ἀποχρώμενοι, καὶ τῇ τῶν ἀθέων πανουργίᾳ τὴν ἁπλῆν τῶν θείων ὧν πίστιν καπηλεύοντες" ὅτι μὴ
i
eee
δὲ ὺς πίστεως ὑπάρχουσι, τί << ΩΝ 67 In Dan. c. 1. (t. 5. p. 625 ¢.)
tiam atque doctrinam Babyloniorum esse peccatum, nunquam acqui- esceret dicere, quod non licebat. Discunt autem, non ut sequantur, sed ut judicent atque convincant. Quomodo si quis adversus mathe- maticos velit scribere, imperitus pa- θήματος, risui pateat, et adversum μόρᾳ μαι disputans, si ignoret ogmata philosophorum. Discunt ergo ea mente doctrinam Chaldzo-
rum, qua et Moyses omnem sapien- tiam pe ale didicerat.
238 Duties and offices VI. ii.
knowledge of the Chaldeans, and Moses in all the wisdom of the Egyptians; which it was no sin to learn, so long as they did not learn it to follow it, but to censure and refute it.” St. Ambrose ®® says, ‘ he read some books that others might not read them; he read them to know their errors, and caution others against them.’ This was one reason why sometimes heathen writers might be read by men of learning, in order to set a mark upon them. Another reason was, that many of them were useful and subservient to the cause of religion, either for confirming the truth of the Scriptures, and the doctrines of Christianity, or for exposing and refuting the errors and vani- ties of the heathens themselves. Thus St. Jerom® observes, ‘that both the Greek and Latin historians, such as Diodorus Siculus, Polybius, Trogus Pompeius, and Livy, are of great use as well to explain as confirm the truth of Daniel’s prophecies.’ And St. Austin7° says the same of the writings of Orpheus and the Sibyls, and Hermes, and other heathen philosophers, ‘ that as they said many things that were true both concerning God and the Son of God, they were in that respect very serviceable in refuting the vanities of the Gentiles.’ Upon which account not only St. Austin and St. Jerom, but most of the ancient wri- ters of the Church, were usually well versed in the learning of the Gentiles, as every one knows that knows any thing of them. St. Jerom, in one short Epistle71, mentions the greatest part of those that lived before his own time, both Greeks and Latins, and says of them all in general, that their books are so filled
68 L. 1. in Luc. Procem. 6.1. v. 1. (t. 1. p. 1265 d.) Legimus aliqua, ne legantur ; legimus, ne ignoremus ; legimus, non ut teneamus, sed ut repudiemus.
69 Prolog. in Dan. (t.5. p.622.) Ad intelligendas extremas partes Dani- elis, multiplex Grecorum historia necessaria est. .. Et si quando cogi- mur literarum seecularium recordari, et aliqua ex his dicere que olim omi- simus; non nostre est voluntatis, sed, ut ita dicam, gravissime neces- sitatis. Ut probemus ea, que a sanctis Prophetis ante multa szcula preedicta sunt, tam Greecorum quam Latinorum et aliarum Gentium lite- ris contineri.
70 Cont. Faust. 1. 13. c. 15. (t. 8. Ρ. 260 a.) Sibylla porro, vel Sibyl- le, et Orpheus, et nescio quis Her- mes, et si qui alii vates, vel theo- logi, vel sapientes, vel philosophi gentium de Filio Dei, aut de Patre Deo vera preedixisse seu dixisse per- hibentur; valet quidem aliquid ad paganorum vanitatem revincendam,
e;
71 Ep. 84. [al. 70.] ad Magn. (t. I. p. 427 6.) In tantum philosopho- rum doctrinis atque sententiis suos referciunt libros, ut nescias quid in illis primum admirari debeas, eru- ditionem seculi, an scientiam Scrip- turarum.
δ. 4,5. of the primitive clergy. 239
with the sentences and opinions of philosophers, that it is hard
to say which is most to be admired, their secular learning, or
their knowledge in the Scriptures. And herein is comprised
the plain state of this matter ;—the clergy were obliged, in the
first place, to be very diligent in studying the Scriptures, and
after them the Canons and approved writers of the Church, ac- cording to men’s abilities, capacities, and opportunities ; for the
same measures could not be exacted of all. Beyond this, as
there was no obligation on them to read human learning, so
there was no absolute prohibition of it; but where it could be
made to minister as an handmaid to divinity, and not usurp or encroach upon it, there it was not only allowed, but commended
and encouraged. And it must be owned, that though the abuse
of secular learning does sometimes great harm, yet the study
of it rightly applied did very great service to religion in the primitive ages of the Church.
5. From their private studies pass we on next to view them Of their
‘in their more public capacities, as the people’s orators to God, "ἰοῦ and. and God’s ambassadors to the people. In regard to which tbeir public offices and character, I have shewed before7?, they were es- rg teemed a sort of mediators, in a qualified sense, between God
and men. In all their addresses to God as the people’s orators
their great care was to offer all their sacrifices and oblations of prayer and thanksgiving in such a rational, decent, and be- coming way, as best suited the nature of the action; that is,
with all that gravity and seriousness, that humility and re- verence, that application of mind and intenseness and fervency
of devotion, as both became the greatness of that Majesty to whom they addressed, and was proper for raising suitable af- fections in the people. This is the true meaning of that famous controverted passage in Justin Martyr’s Second Apology, where, describing the service of the Church, and the manner of cele- brating the eucharist, he says7°, ‘the bishop sent up prayers
and praises, ὅση δύναμις, with the utmost of his abilities to
God.’ Some misconstrue this passage, and interpret the abilities
of the minister officiating so as if they meant no more but his invention, expression, or the like; making it by such a gloss to
72 B. 2. ch. 19. 8. 16. v. 1. p.238. εὐχὰς ὁμοίως καὶ εὐχαριστίας, ὅση 73 Apol. 2. (p. 98 6.) Ὃ προεστὼς δύναμις αὐτῷ, ἀναπέμπει.
240 Duties and offices VIL in.
become an argument against the antiquity of public liturgies, or set forms of prayer; whereas indeed it signifies here a quite different thing, viz. that spiritual vigour, or intenseness and ardency of devotion, with which the minister offered up the sacrifices of the Church to God; being such qualifications as are necessary to make our prayers and praises acceptable unto Him, who requires them to be presented with all our soul and might; which may be done in set forms, as well as any other way. And so Gregory Nazianzen and Justin Martyr himself use the phrase ὅση δύναμις, where they speak of set forms of praising and serving God; of which more hereafter in its pro-_ per place. St. Chrysostom?‘ is very earnest in recommending this same duty to the priests of God, under the name of σπουδὴ and εὐλάβεια, care and reverence. ‘With what exact care,’ says he, ‘ ought he to behave himself, who goes in the name of a whole city, nay, in the name of the whole world, as their orator and ambassador to intercede with God for the sins of all? But especially when he invocates the Holy Ghost, and offers up τὴν φρικωδεστάτην θυσίαν, the tremendous sacrifice of the altar ; with what purity, with what reverence and piety, should his tongue utter forth those words; whilst the angels stand by him, and the whole order of heavenly powers cries aloud, and fills the sanctuary in honour of Him, who is represented as dead, and lying upon the altar! Thus that holy Father argues with a warmth and zeal suitable to the subject, and such as is proper to raise our devotion, and kindle our affections into an holy flame, whenever we present the supplications of the Church on earth to the Sacred Majesty of heaven.
sla ee 6. And this ardency of devotion was continually to be che-
as neglect- rished and preserved. ΤῸ which purpose the Church had her
74 De Sacerd. 1.6. c. 4. (t.1. p. 424 a.) Τὸν yap ὑπὲρ ὅλης τῆς πό- News’ καὶ τί λέγω πόλεως ; πάσης μὲν οὖν τῆς οἰκουμένης πρεσβεύοντα, καὶ δεόμενον ταῖς ἁπάντων ἁμαρτίαις ἵλεων γενέσθαι τὸν Θεὸν. - ὁποῖόν τινα εἶναι χρή: SueyeoT ἂν δὲ καὶ τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ΤΑ γον. καλῇ; καὶ τὴν φρι- κωδεστάτην ἐπιτελῇ θυσίαν, καὶ τοῦ κοινοῦ πάντων συνεχῶς ἐφάπτηται Δε-
'σπότου, ποῦ τάξομεν αὐτὸν, εἶπέ μοι;
πόσην δὲ αὐτὸν ἀπαιτήσομεν καθαρό-
τητα, καὶ πόσην εὐλάβειαν ; ; ἐννόησον γὰρ, ὁποίας τὰς ταῦτα διακονουμένας χεῖρας εἶναι χρὴ, ὁποίαν τὴν γλῶτταν τὴν ἐκεῖνα προχέουσαν τὰ ῥήματα" τίνος δὲ οὐ καθαρωτέραν καὶ ἁγιωτέ- ραν, τὴν τοσοῦτο πνεῦμα ὑποδεξαμέ- γὴν ψυχήν; τότε καὶ ἄγγελοι παρε- στήκασι τῷ ἱερεῖ, καὶ οὐρανίων δυνά- μεὼν ἅπαν τάγμα Boa καὶ ὁ περὶ τὸ θυσιαστήριον πληροῦται τόπος εἰς τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ κειμένου.
241
daily sacrifices wherever it was possible to have them; and on ed the daily these every clergyman was indispensably obliged to attend ; fro, and that under pain ef suspension and deprivation, whether it
was his duty to officiate or not. For so the first Council of Toledo?> determined for the Spanish Churches, ‘ that if any presbyter or deacon, or other clerk, should be in any city or
country where there was a church, and did not come to church
to the daily sacrifice or service, he should no longer be reputed
one of the sacred function.’ The Council of Agde7® orders such
to be reduced to the communion of strangers, which at least
implies suspension from their office. And the law of Justinian’? punishes them with degradation, because of the scandal they
give to the laity by such neglects or contempts of divine ser-
vice. So careful were the ancient lawgivers of the Church to
cut off all indecencies and abuses of this nature, and make the
clergy provoking examples of piety to the people.
7. Next to their office in addressing God as the people’s Rulesabout orators, we are to view them as God’s ambassadors, addressing Prestins themselves in his name to the people. Which they did by public tion. preaching and private application: in both which their great care was to perform the duty of watchmen over God’s flock, and of good stewards over his household. In their preaching, their only aim was to be the edification of the people. To which purpose the great masters of rules in this kind, Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and St. Jerom, lay down these few directions :
First, that the preacher be careful to make choice of an useful subject. Gregory Nazianzen’® specifies the rule in some
75 C. 5 2. p. 1224 b.) Presby- ter, vel diaconus, qui intra civitatem
of the primitive clergy.
temque recipiant. 77 Cod. 1. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. leg.
Sh pe eS
fuerit, vel in loco in quo ecclesia est, si in ecclesiam ad sacrificium 1otidianum non venerit, clericus non habeatur. 76 Ὁ, 2. (t. 4. p. 1383 b.) Contu- maces vero clerici, prout dignitatis ordo permiserit, ab episcopis corri- gantur: et si qui prioris gradus elati superbia communionem for- tasse contempserint, aut ecclesiam frequentare, vel officium suum im- neglexerint, peregrina eis com- munio tribuatur: ita ut, cum eos peenitentia correxerit, rescripti in matricula gradum suum dignita- BINGHAM, VOL. II.
41. n. 10. (t. 4. p. 113.) ... Καὶ τοὺς μὴ εὑρισκομένους ἀμέμπτως ταῖς λει- τουργίαις π τ αν dvras, ἔξω τοῦ κλῆρον καθίστασθαι κελεύομεν.
8 Orat. 1. re oS de Fug. (t. I. p. 15 ἃ.) Ἐμοὶ δ᾽ οὖν πρᾶγμα φαί- νεται, οὐ τῶν φαυλοτάτων, οὐδὲ ὀλί- γου τοῦ πνεύματος, διδόναι κατὰ και- ρὸν ἑκάστῳ τοῦ λόγου τὸ σιτομέτριον, καὶ νομεῖν ἐν κρίσει τὴν ἀλήθειαν τῶν ἡμετέρων δογμάτων, ὅσα περὶ κόσμων ἢ κόσμου πεφιλ ϑ djl ὅλη, περὶ ψυχῆς, περὶ νοῦ καὶ τῶν νοερῶν φύσεων, βελτιόνων τε καὶ χειρόνων, περὶ τῆς τὰ πάντα συνδεού-
R
242 Duties and offices VI. iu.
particular instances, such as the doctrine of the world’s crea- tion, and the soul of man; the doctrine of providence, and the restoration of man; the two covenants; the first and second coming of Christ, his incarnation, sufferings, and death; the resurrection, and end of the world, and future judgment, and different rewards of Heaven and Hell; together with the doc- trine of the blessed Trinity, which is the principal article of the Christian faith. Such subjects as these are proper for edifica- tion, to build up men in faith and holiness, and the practice of all piety and virtue.
But then, secondly, they pet be treated on in a wniahie way; not with too much art or loftiness of style, but with great condescension to men’s capacities, who must be fed with the word as they are able to bear it. This is what Gregory Nazi- anzen79 so much commends in Athanasius, when he says, ‘ he condescended and stooped himself to the mean capacities, whilst to the acute his notions and words were more sublime.’ St. Jerom 80 also observes upon this head, ‘ that a preacher’s dis- course should always be plain, inteligible, and affecting; and rather adapted to excite men’s groans and tears, by a sense of their sins, than their admiration and applause, by speaking to them what neither they, nor he himself perhaps, do truly un- derstand. For it is ignorant and unlearned men chiefly that, affect to be admired for their speaking above the capacities of the vulgar. <A bold forehead often interprets what he himself does not understand; and yet he has no sooner persuaded others to they know not what, but he assumes to himself the title of learning upon it. When yet there is nothing so easy as to deceive the ignorant multitude, who are always most prone
79 Orat. 21. de Laud. Athanas.
\ ΄, Ν , “ σης τε καὶ διεξαγούσης προνοίας, ὅσα
τε κατὰ λόγον a ἀπαντᾷν δοκεῖ, καὶ ὅσα παρὰ λόγον τὸν κάτω καὶ τὸν ἀνθρώ- πινον᾽ ἔτι τε ὅσα περὶ τῆς πρώτης ἡμῶν συστάσεως καὶ τῆς τελευταίας ἀναπλάσεως, τύπων τε καὶ ἀληθείας καὶ “διαθηκῶν; καὶ Χριστοῦ παρουσίας πρώτης τε καὶ δευτέρας, σαρκώσεώς τε καὶ παθημάτων, καὶ ἀναλύσεως" ὅσα τε περὶ ἀναστάσεως, περὶ τέλους, περὶ κρίσεως καὶ ἀνταποδόσεως σκυ- Opwrorépas | τε καὶ ἐνδοξοτέρας" τὸ κεφάλαιον, ὅ ὅσα περὶ τῆς ἀρχικῆς καὶ βασιλικῆς καὶ μακαρίας Τριάδος ὑπο- ληπτέον" κι τ. Δ.
(ibid. Ρ. 896 ἃ.).... Πεζὸς τοῖς τα-. TEPOTADE ὑψηλότερος τοῖς οὐκ ροτέ ots.
80 Ep.2. ‘fal. 52.] ad Nepotian. (t.1. p- 261 b.) Docente te in ecclesia, non clamor populi, sed gemitus sus- , citetur; lacryme auditorum laudes tue sint....Celeritate dicendi apud imperitum ‘vulgus admirationem sui facere indoctorum hominum est. Attrita frons interpretatur spe quod nescit ; et, cum aliis persua- serit, sibi quoque usurpat scien- tiam.
ὃ 7.
ere
of the primitive clergy. 243.
to admire what they do not understand.’ Upon this account, St. Chrysostom 51 spends almost a whole book in cautioning the Christian orator_against this failing; ‘that he should not be intent on popular applause, but with a generous mind raise himself above it; seeking chiefly to advantage his hearers, and not barely to delight and please them. To this purpose,’ he concludes, ‘it would be necessary for him to despise both the applauses and censures of men, and all other things that might tempt him rather to flatter his hearers than edify them.’ In a word, ‘his chief end in all his composures should be to please God ®?: and then, if he also gained the praise of men, he might
,receive it; if not, he needed not to court it, nor torment him-
self that it was denied him. For it would be consolation enough for all his labours, that in adapting his doctrine and eloquence he had always sought to please his God.’
Thirdly. A third rule given in this case was, ‘ that men should apply their doctrine and spiritual medicines according to the emergent and most urgent necessities of their hearers. Which was the most proper duty of a watchman, to perceive with a quick eye where the greatest danger lay; which was men’s weakest and most unguarded side; and then apply suit- able remedies to their maladies and distempers.’ St. Chryso- stom 53, in speaking of this part of a minister’s duty, says ‘ he should be νηφάλιος καὶ διορατικὸς, watchful and perspicacious, and have a thousand eyes about him, as living not for himself alone, but for a multitude of people. To live retired in a cell
“81 De Sacerd. 1. g. c. 1. [ἢ τ: φημίαι") εἰ μὲν ἐπαινεῖται καὶ παρὰ 415 4.) Tevvaias ες δεῖ κῴταῦδα τῶν ἀνθρώπων, μὴ διακρουέσθω τὰ
ῆς, καὶ πολὺ τὴν ἡ ἡμετέραν ym σμικρότητα" i iva τὴν ἄτακ Ajj) τοῦ πλήθους ἡδονὴν μων το καὶ πρὸς τὸ ὠφελιμώτερον τὴν ἀκρόασιν᾽ ὡς αἰτῷ τὸ τὸν λαὸν ἕπεσθαι καὶ εἴκειν, μὴ αὐτὸν τῶν ἐκείνων ἄγεσθαι ἐπιθυμίαις. Τούτου δὲ οὐδαμῶς ἐστιν ἐπιτυχεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ διὰ τούτοιν τοῖν δυ- “- τῆς τε τῶν ἐπαίνων ὑπεροψίας,
λέγειν ὃ “er ibid. ¢ 7. “pe 419 δ. οκρ- ὧω
yagi ’ ὡς dy ἔσειε ἐν Θεῷ, (οὗτος αὐτῷ ν καὶ ουργίας "τῆν ae μὴ κρότοι, μηδὲ εὐ-
ἐγκώμια" μὴ παρεχόντων δὲ αὐτὰ τῶν ἀκροατῶν, μὴ ζητείτω, μηδὲ ᾿ἀλγείτω" ἱκανὴ γὰρ αὐτῷ παραμυθία τῶν πόνων, καὶ πάντων μείζων, Or ἂν ἑαυτῷ συν- εἰδέναι δύνηται, πρὸς ἀρέσκειαν τοῦ Θεοῦ συντιθεὶς καὶ ῥυθμίζων τὴν δι- δασκαλίαν.
83 Thid. 1. 3. c. 12. (p. 380 Ὁ.) .. Νηφάλιον εἶναι δεῖ τὸν ἱερέα, καὶ διο- ρατικὸν, καὶ “μυρίους πανταχόθεν κε-
κτῆσθαι τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς" ὡς οὐχ ἑαυτῷ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθει ζῶντα
τοσούτῳ, k.r..—Conf. |. 4. ce, 2. et -_(P. aitos 9 495 d. og Ὥσπερ yap τοῖς aipe- αὕταρκες, κι τ. A. '
R 2
244 Duties and offices VI. iii.
is the business of a monk; but the duty of a watchman is to converse among men of all degrees and callings; to take care of the body of Christ, the Church, and have regard both to its health and beauty; curiously observing lest any spot or wrinkle or other defilement should sully the grace and comeliness of it. Now this obliged spiritual physicians to apply their medicines, that is, their doctrines, as the maladies of their patients chiefly required; to be most earnest and frequent in encountering those errors and vices which were most reigning, or which men were most in danger of being infected by.’ And this is the rea- son why, in the homilies of the Ancients, we so often meet with discourses against such heresies as the world now knows no- thing of; such as those of the Marcionites and Manichees, and many others, which it would be absurd to combat now in po- pular discourses ; but then it was necessary to be done, because they were the prevailing heresies of the age, and men were in danger of being subverted by them. And it is further observa- ble, that the most formidable heresies and prevailing factions, such as that of the Arians, when armed with secular power, could never either force or court the Catholic preachers into silence, to let the wolves devour the sheep by such a tame and base compliance. In this case no worldly motives could pre- vail with them, when they saw the danger, not to give warning of it. They thought they could not otherwise answer the cha- racter of watchmen, and stewards of the mysteries of God, since it was required in stewards that a man be found faithful.
Of fidelity, 8, But their fidelity was not only expressed in their public
diligence, discourses, but also in their private addresses and applications
heck ts to men, who had either cut themselves off from the body of Sata se Christ by heresies and schisms, or by their sins made them- cig” selves unsound members of the body, whilst they seemed to continue of it. With what fidelity and meekness and diligence they addressed themselves to the former sort, we may learn from the good effects which their applications often had upon them. Theodoret tells of himself, in one place 84, that he had
converted a thousand souls from the heresy of the Marcionites,
84 Ep. 113. ad Leon. (t. 4. part. 2. πολλοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αρείου καὶ Ρ. 1190.) Τῆς θείας μοι χάριτος συν- Ἑὐνομίου συμμορίας προσήγαγον τῷ εργησάσης πλείους μὲν ἢ χιλίας ψυ- δεσπότῃ Χριστῷ. χὰς ἠλευθέρωσα τῆς Μαρκίωνος νόσου,
§7, 8.
of the primitive clergy. 245
and many others from the heresies of Arius and Eunomius, in his own diocese. And in another place*> he augments the number of converted Marcionites to ten thousand, whom, with indefatigable industry, in a diocese of forty miles in length and breadth, containing eight hundred churches in it, he had re- duced from their strayings to the unity of the Catholic Church. What wonders also St. Austin wrought in Afric upon the Do-
. natists and others the same way, by private letters and confer-
ences and collations with them, the reader may learn from Possidius 36, the author of his Life, who frequently mentions his
labours in this kind, and the great advantage that accrued to
the Church by these means. For he lived to see the greatest part of the Manichees, Donatists, Pelagians, and Pagans con- verted to the Catholic Church. They were no less careful to apply themselves in private to persons within the Church, as occasion required. And here great art and prudence, as well as fidelity and diligence, was necessary to give success to their
endeavours. ‘For mankind,’ as Nazianzen observes’, ‘is so va~
ΓΝ 145 ny ge 1026. (ibid. - 1251.) ὀδύρομαι, ὅτι ὃς πρώην
τοῖς ἊΝ 9 Μαρκίωνος τὴν λύμην δεξα- μένοις π ρον ἀποδείξεις, καὶ πλείους ἢ μυρίους διὰ τῆς θείας χάρι- τὸς πείσας προσήγαγον τῷ παναγίῳ ματι, ταύταις νῦν τοῖς νομι-
Barrio, σθεῖσιν ὁμοπίστοις ἡ ἡ ἐπισκήψασα νό-
woe π ἔρειν καταναγκάζει. it. August. c. ate t. 10. append.
p- aa eyet Episcins privatas ad quoscumque ejusdem erroris episco- pos et eminentes scilicet laicos dedit, δρόμο reddita admonens atque ex- hortans, ut vel ab illa se pravitate t, vel certe ad disputatio- nes venirent.—C. 12. ult. et c.13. (p. 265 e & f.) Qua diligentia et sancto studio multum crevit sancta eccle- sia. Et his omnibus pro pace eccle- sie gestis, A o Dominus et hic red dedit, et apud se justi- tize coronam reservavit: ac m magisque, juvante Christo, de die in diem auge et multiplicabatur od unitas et ecclesiz Dei fraterni- tas.—C. 18. (p. 270 a.) Et erat ille ἐμδικοευλδης να precipuum Domi- nici corporis membrum, circa uni- versalis ecclesiz utilitatem solicitus
semper ac pervigil. Et illi divinitus donatum est, ut de suorum laborum fructu, etiam in hac vita, udere provenisset, prius quidem in Hippo- nensi ecclesia et regione, cul maxime residebat unitate ac pace perfecta, Neinde i in aliis Afric partibus, sive se a sive -~ alios, et quos ipse dederat sacerdotes pullulasse, et multiplicatam fuisse Domini ec- elesiam pervidens, illosque Mani- cheos, Donatistas, Pelagianistas, et Paganos ex magna defecisse, et ecclesiz Dei sociatos esse con- gaudens.
87 Orat. 1. Apologet. de Fug. (t. I. pp- 13 d. seqq.) «. +++ Τούτων yap ἕκαστοι πλεῖον ἀλλήλων ἔστιν ὅτε ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις καὶ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς, i κατὰ τὰς τῶν σωμάτων ἰδέας δια- φέροντες. εἰ δὲ βούλει, τὰς τῶν στοι- χείων μίξεις, καὶ κράσεις, ἐξ ὧν συν- εστήκαμεν, οὐ ῥάστην ἔχουσι τὴν οἰ- Kovo " ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τοῖς σώμασιν
αὐτὴν μακείαν τε καὶ τρο- φὴν Gundsnore, ἄλλοι δὲ ἄλλην, ἢ εὐεκτοῦντες, ἢ κάμνοντες, οὕτω καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς διαφόρῳ λόγῳ = ἀγωγῇ θε- ραπεύονται' μάρτυρες δὲ τῆς πείας, ὧν καὶ τὰ guste τοὺς μὲν ae
246 Duties and offices VI. im.
rious and uncertain a sort of creature, that it requires’ the greatest art and skill to manage him. For the tempers of men’s minds differ more than the features and lineaments of their bodies; and, as all meats and medicines are not proper for all bodies, so neither is the same treatment and discipline proper for all souls. Some are best moved by words, others by examples; some are of a dull and heavy temper, and so have need of the spur to exstimulate them; others that are brisk and fiery, have more need of the curb to restrain them. Praise works best upon some, and reproof upon others, provided each of them be ministered in a suitable and seasonable way; other- wise they do more harm than good. Some men are drawn by gentle exhortations to their duty; others by rebukes and hard
λόγος, οἱ δὲ ῥυθμίζονται παραδείγμα- τι" οἱ μὲν δέονται κέντρων, οἱ δὲ χα- λινοῦ" oi μὲν γάρ εἰσι νωθεῖς, καὶ δυσκίνητοι πρὸς τὸ καλὸν, ods τῇ πλη- γῇ τοῦ λόγου διεγερτέον" οἱ δὲ θερ- μότεροι τοῦ μετρίου τῷ πνεύματι, καὶ δυσκάθεκτοι ταῖς ὁρμαῖς, καθάπερ πῶ- λοι γενναῖοι πόρρω τῆς νύσσης | θέον- τες, οὗς βελτίους ἂν ποιήσειεν ἄγχων καὶ ἀνακόπτων 6 λόγος. τοὺς μὲν ἔπαι- νος ὥνησεν, τοὺς δὲ ψόγος, ἀμφότερα μετὰ τοῦ καιροῦ" ἢ τοὐνάντιον, ἔβλα- Ψψεν ἔξω τοῦ καιροῦ, καὶ τοῦ λόγου" τοὺς μὲν παράκλησις κατορθοῖ, τοὺς δὲ ἐπιτίμησις, καὶ αὕτη τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῷ κοινῷ διελεγχομένους, τοὺς δὲ κρύβδην νουθετουμένους" φιλοῦσι γὰρ οἱ μὲν καταφρονεῖν τῶν ἰδίᾳ νουθετημάτων, πλήθους καταγνώσει σωφρονιζόμενοι' οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τῶν ἐλέγ- χων ἀναισχυντεῖν, τῷ τῆς ἐπιτιμήσεως μυστηρίῳ παιδαγωγούμενοι, καὶ ἀντι- διδόντες τῆς συμπαθείας τὴν εὐπεί- θειαν. τῶν μὲν πάντα τηρεῖν ἐπιμελῶς ἀναγκαῖον μέχρι καὶ τῶν μικροτάτων, ὅσους τὸ οἴεσθαι λανθάνειν" ἐπειδὴ τοῦτο τεχνάζουσιν, ὡς σοφωτέρους ἐφύσησεν' τῶν δὲ ἔστιν ἃ καὶ παρο- ρᾷν ἄμεινον, ὥστε ὁρῶντας μὴ ὁρᾷν, καὶ ἀκούοντας μὴ ἀκούειν, κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν" ἵνα μὴ πρὸς ἀπόνοιαν av- τοὺς ἐἑρεθίζωμεν, τῷ φιλοπόνῳ τῶν ἐλέγχων καταβαπτίζοντες, καὶ τέλος, πρὸς πάντα ποιήσωμεν τολμηροὺς, τὸ τῆς πειθοῦς φάρμακον τὴν αἰδῶ διαλύ- σαντες. καὶ μέν τοι καὶ ὀργιστέον τι- σὶν οὐκ ὀργιζομένους, καὶ ᾿ὑπεροπτέον οὐχ ὑπερορῶντας, καὶ ἀπογνωστέον
οὐκ ἀπογινώσκοντας, ὅσων τοῦτο a φύσις ἐπιζητεῖ" καὶ ἄλλους ἐπιεικείᾳ θεραπευτέον καὶ ταπεινότητι, καὶ τῷ συμπροθυμεῖσθαι. δὴ περὶ τὰς χρῆστο- τέρας ἐλπίδας. καὶ τοὺς μὲν νικᾷν, τῶν δὲ ἡττᾶσθαι πολλάκις λυσιτελέστερον, καὶ τῶν μὲν εὐπορίαν καὶ δυναστείαν, τῶν δὲ πενίαν ἢ δυσπραγίαν, ἢ ἢ ἐπαι- νεῖν ἢ ἀπεύχεσθαι: οὐ γὰρ ὥσπερ ἐ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔχει καὶ τῆς κακίας, τὴν μὲν καλλίστην εἶναι καὶ ὠφελιμωτά- την ἀεὶ καὶ πᾶσι, τὴν δὲ χειρίστην τε καὶ βλαβερωτάτην" οὕτω καὶ τῆς φαρ- μακείας τῆς ἡμετέρας, ἕν τι καὶ τὸ αὐ- τὸ ὑγιαινότατον, ἢ ἐπισφαλέστατον ἀεὶ καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀποδέδεικται" οἷον τὸ αὐστηρὸν ἢ τὸ πρᾷον, ἢ τῶν ἄλλων, ὧν ἀπηριθμησάμην ἕκαστον" ἀλλὰ | τοῖς μὲν τοῦτο καλὸν καὶ χρήσιμον, τοῖς δὲ τὸ ἐναντίον πάλιν, ὅπως ἂν, οἶμαι, συμπίπτουσιν οἵ, τε καιροὶ καὶ τὰ πράγματα, καὶ ὁ τῶν θεραπευομένων ἐπιδέχηται τρόπος. ἃ πάντα μὲν δι- ελέσθαι λόγῳ καὶ συνιδεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ ἀκριβέστατον, ὥστε καὶ κε αλαίῳ τὴν θεραπείαν περιλαβεῖν, ἀμήχανον, κἂν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξίκηταί τις ἐπιμελείας τε καὶ συνέσεως. ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς πείρας αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων, τῷ Oepa- πευτῇ λόγῳ καὶ ἀνδρὶ καταφαίνεται sie οὕτω μὲν δὴ τὰ τῶν παθῶν ἔχει τῶν ἡμετέρων, καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐνταῦθα τὸ ἔργον τῷ ἀγαθῷ ποιμένει, τῷ γνω- στῶς γνωσομένῳ ψυχὰς ποιμνίου, καὶ ἀφηγησομένῳ κατὰ "λόγον ποιμαντι- κῆς, τῆς γε ὀρθῆς καὶ δικαίας, καὶ τοῦ ἀληθινοῦ ἸΤοιμένος ἡμῶν ἀξίας.
48.
ea ἐν. ἄνω ἃ Ἔσο αν a
of the primitive clergy. 247
words must be driven to it. And even in the business of re- proof, some are affected most with open rebuke, others with private. For some men never regard a secret reproof, who yet
are easily corrected, if chastised in public. Others again can-
not bear a public disgrace, but grow either morose, or impudent and implacable upon it ; who, perhaps, would have hearkened to a secret admonition, and repaid their monitor with their conversion, as presuming him to have accosted them out of
mere pity and love. Some men are to be so nicely watched
and observed, that not the least of their faults are to be dis-
sembled; because they seek to hide their sins from men, and
arrogate to themselves thereupon the praise of being politic and crafty: in others it is better to wink at some faults, so that seeing we will not see, and hearing we will not hear, lest by too frequent chidings we bring them to despair, and so
make them cast off modesty, and grow bolder in their sins. To some men we must put on an angry countenance, and seem to
contemn them, and despair of them as lost and deplorable wretches, when their nature so requires it; others, again, must be treated with meekness and humility, and be recovered to a better hope by more promising and encouraging prospects. ‘Some men must be always conquered, and never yielded to, whilst to others it will be better sometimes to concede a little. For all men’s distempers are not to be cured the same way ; but proper medicines are to be applied, as the matter itself, or occasion, or the temper of the patient will admit of. And this is the most difficult part of the pastoral office, to know how to distinguish these things nicely, with an exact judgment, and with as exact a hand to minister suitable remedies to every dis- temper. It is a masterpiece of art, which is not to be perfectly attained but by good observation, joined with experience and practice.’ What our author thus here at large discourses by way of rule and theory, he in another place sums up more briefly in the example of the great Athanasius, whose pattern he proposes to men’s imitation, as a living image of this ad- mirable prudence and dexterity in dealing with men according to this great variety of tempers; telling us‘, ‘ that his design
88 Orat. 21. de Laud. Athanas. (t. τὸ νωθρὸν διεγείρων, τῶν δὲ τὸ θερμὸν
I. p. Fy 6 Cs) eevee Τοὺς μὲν ἐπαινῶν, κατείργων᾽ καὶ τῶν μὲν ὅπως μὴ πταί- πλήττων μετρίως" καὶ τῶν μὲν σωσι προμηϑούμενος, τοὺς δὲ ὅπως δι-
248 Duties and offices VI. iii.
was always one and the same, but his methods various; prais- ing some, moderately correcting others; using the spur to some dull tempers, and the reins to others of a more hot and zealous spirit; in his conversation, master of the greatest sim- plicity, but in his government master of the greatest artifice and variety of skill; wise in his discourses, but much wiser in his understanding, to adapt himself according to the different capacities and tempers of men.’ Now the design of all this was, not to give any latitude or license to sin, but by all pru- dent and honest arts to discourage and destroy it. It was not to teach the clergy the base and servile arts of flattery and compliance ; to become time-servers and men-pleasers, and soothe the powerful or the rich in their errors and vices; but only to instruct them in the different methods of opposing sin, and how, by joming prudence to their zeal, they might make their own authority most venerable, and most effectually pro- mote the true ends of religion. St. Chrysostom 89 puts in this caution, in describing this part of a bishop’s character: ‘He ought to be wise, as.well as holy; a man of great experience, and one that understands the world: and, because his business is with all sorts of men, he should be ποικίλος, one that can appear with different aspects, and act with great variety of skill” ‘But when I say this, IT do not mean,’ says he, ‘ that he should be a man of craft, or servile flattery, or a dissem- bling hypocrite; but a man of great freedom and boldness, who
ορθωθεῖεν πταίσαντες, μηχανώμενος" ἁπλοῦς τὸν τρόπον, πολυειδὴς τὴν κυ- βέρνησιν, σοφὸς τὸν λόγον, σοφώτε- ρος τὴν διάνοιαν, πεζὸς τοῖς ταπεινο- τέροις, ὑψηλότερος τοῖς μετεωροτέ- ροις, φιλόξενος, ἱ ἱκέσιος, ἀποτρόπαιος" πάντα εἷς ἀληθῶς, ὅ ὅσα μεμερισμένως τοῖς ἑαυτῶν θεοῖς Ἑλλήνων παῖδες ἐπιψημίζουσι" προσθήσω δὲ καὶ (ύ- γίον, καὶ παρθένιον, καὶ εἰρηναῖον, καὶ διαλλακτήριον, καὶ πομπαῖον τοῖς ἐν- τεῦθεν ἐπειγομένοις.
89 De Sacerd. 1.6. c. 4. (t. 1. p. 425 a. ) Od yap μόνον καθαρὸν οὕτως, ὡς τηλικαύτης ἠξιωμένον διακονίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ λίαν συνετὸν, καὶ πολλῶν ἔμπειρον εἶναι δεῖ" καὶ πάντα μὲν εἰ- δέναι τὰ βιωτικὰ, τῶν ἐν μέσῳ στρε- φομένων οὐχ ἧττον" πάντων δὲ ἀπηλ- λάχθαι μᾶλλον τῶν τὰ ὄρη κατειλη-
φότων μοναχῶν. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἀνδράσιν αὐτὸν ὁμιλεῖν ἀνάγκη, καὶ γυναῖκας ἔχουσι, καὶ παῖδας τρέφουσι, καὶ θε- ράποντας κεκτημένοις, καὶ πλοῦτον περιβεβλημένοις πολὺν, καὶ δημόσια πράττουσι, καὶ ἐν δυναστείαις οὖσι" ποικίλον αὐτὸν εἶναι δεῖ' ποικίλον δὲ λέγω, οὐχ ὕπουλον, οὐ κόλακα, οὐχ ὑποκριτήν" ἀλλὰ πολλῆς μὲν ἐλευθε- ρίας καὶ παρρησίας ἀνάμεστον, εἰδότα δὲ καὶ συγκατιέναι χ σίμως, ὅτ᾽ ἂν ἡ τῶν πραγμάτων ὑπό ἐσις τοῦτο ἀπαι- τῇ" καὶ χρηστὸν εἶναι ὁμοῦ καὶ αὐστη- por" οὐ γάρ ἐστιν ἑνὶ τρόπῳ χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἀρχομένοις ἅπασιν' ἐπειδὴ μηδὲ ἰατρῶν παισὶν ἑνὶ νόμῳ τοῖς κάμνουσι πᾶσι προσφέρεσθαι καλόν" μηδὲ κυ- βερνήτῃ μίαν ὁδὸν εἰδέναι τῆς πρὸς τὰ
πνεύματα μάχης.
§ 8.
of the primitive clergy. 249
knows notwithstanding how to condescend and stoop himself for men’s advantage, when occasion requires, and can be as well mild as austere. For all men are not to be treated in the same way: no physician uses the same method with all his pa- tients.’ The true mean and decorum, he thinks, which a bishop should observe in his converse and applications to men, is to keep between too much stiffness and abjectness. ‘He must be graye® without pride; awful, but courteous; majestic, as a man of authority and power, yet affable and communicative to all. Of an integrity that cannot be corrupted, yet officious and ready to serve every man; humble, but not servile; sharp-and resolute, but yet gentle and mild. By such prudence he will maintain his authority, and carry any point with men, whilst he studies to do every thing without hatred or favour, only for the benefit and edification of the Church.’ We must reduce to this head of prudence, in making proper address and applica- tion to offenders, that direction given by St. Paul, and repeated in several ancient canons, that a bishop be no smiter, μὴ πλή- κτὴν, which the twenty-seventh of those called the Apostolical Canons?! thus paraphrases: ‘If any bishop, presbyter, or dea- con, smite either an offending Christian, or an injurious hea- then, we order him to be deposed. For our Lord did not teach us this discipline, but the contrary: for he was smitten, but did not smite any; when he was reviled, he reviled not again; when he suffered, he threatened not.’ Justinian forbids the same in one of his Novels®, as a thing unbecoming the priests of God, to smite any man with their own hands. The word πλήσσειν signifies also smiting with the tongue, by reproachful,
90 Thid. 1.3. c. τό. (p. 395 ¢.) Καὶ γὰρ καὶ σεμνὸν, καὶ ἄτυφον, κα - ρὸν, καὶ π jj, καὶ ἀρχικὸν, καὶ
ν, καὶ ἀδέκαστον, καὶ θερα-
91 (Ὁ, 27. (al. 26.] (Cotel. [c. 20. ] Vv. 1. p. 440.) Ἐπίσκοπον, ἣ πρεσβύ- τερον, ἢ διάκονον, τύπτοντα πιστοὺς
7
ἁμαρτάνοντας, ἣ ἀπίστους ἀδικήσαν-
πευτικὸν, καὶ ταπεινὸν, καὶ ἀδούλωτον, καὶ σφοδρὸν, καὶ ἥμερον εἶναι δεῖ" ἵνα πρὸς ἅπαντα ταῦτα εὐκόλως μάχεσθαι δύνηται" καὶ τὸν ἐπιτήδειον ὑπ πολ- λῆς τῆς ἐξουσίας, κἂν ἅπαντες ἀντι-
ὡσι, παράγειν" καὶ τὸν οὐ τοιοῦ- Tov μετὰ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐξουσίας, κἂν ἅ- πάντες συμπνέωσι, μὴ προσίεσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἕν μόνον ὁρᾷν τὴν ἐκκλησια- στικὴν οἰκοδομήν᾽ καὶ μηδὲν πρὸς ἀπέχθειαν ἣ χάριν ποιεῖν.
τας, καὶ διὰ τοιούτων φοβεῖν ἐθέλοντα [al. θέλοντα], καθαιρεῖσθαι προστάσ- σομεν᾽ οὐδαμοῦ γὰρ ὁ Κύριος ταῦτα al. τοῦτο] ἡμᾶς ἐδίδαξε" τοὐναντίον ὲ αὐτὸς τυπτόμενος οὐκ ἀντέτυπτε" λοιδορούμενος οὐκ ἀντελοιδόρει" πά- σχὼν οὐκ ἠπείλει.
Novel. 123. 6.11. (t. 5. Ρ. 546.) Sed neque propriis manibus liceat episcopum aliquem percutere; hoc enim extraneum sacerdoti est.
250 Duties and offices VI. iii.
bitter, and contumelious language, as St. Chrysostom, St. Je- rom, and others understand it. In which sense also it was for- bidden, as a thing indecent, and unbecoming the gravity and prudence of the Christian clergy. Of pre 9. St. Chrysostom enlarges upon several other parts of pru- dence and : 2 we candour in dence, which I need not here insist upon, because they have composing either already been mentioned, or will hereafter be considered
unneces- sary con- in other places: such as prudence} in opposing heresies; pru-
“ange dence in managing the virgins and widows, and the revenues Church. of the Church; prudence in hearing and determining secular causes; and prudence in the exercise of discipline and church- censures, which last will be spoken to under another head. I shall here, therefore, only add one instance more of their pru- dence in allaying unnecessary disputes, which rose among Ca- tholics, and men of the same opinion in the Church, which in- deed was rather a complication of many noble virtues: pru- dence, candour, ingenuity, moderation, peaceableness, and cha- rity, jomed together, which like a constellation of the brightest qualities always shined with the greatest lustre. This is what Gregory Nazianzen chiefly admired in the conduct of Athana- sius, and therefore he gives it the highest commendation and preference before all his other virtues, as thinking there was no one thing whereby he did greater service to the Church of God. It happened in the time of Athanasius, that the Catholics were like to be divided about mere words; a warm dispute arising about what names the Three Divine Persons were to be called by: some were for calling them only Τρία Πρόσωπα, Three Persons, to avoid Arianism; others called them Τρεῖς Ὑποστάσεις, Three Hypostases, to avoid Sabellianism. Now they all meant the same thing; but not understanding each other’s terms, they mutually charged one another with the he- resies of Arius and Sabellius. The one party, in the heat of disputation, could understand nothing by Three Hypostases but three substances or essences in the Arian sense; for they
_ 98 De Sacerd. 1.4. 6. 4. tot. (t. 1. % Ibid. ο. 18. (p. 399 6.) Td δὲ τῶν
Ρ. 408.) Διὸ πολλὴν χρὴ ποιεῖσθαι κρίσεων μέρος, κ.τ.λ.
τὴν σπουδὴν, κ.τ.λ. 96 Tbid. (p. 400 8. et p. 401 a.) Ti 94 Ibid. 1.3. 6. τό. (p. 396 a.) Bov- ἄν τις λέγοι τὰς λύπας, ἃ ἃς ὑπομένου-
λει οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν χηρῶν προστα- σιν, ἡνίκα ἂν δέῃ τινὰ τοῦ τῆς ἐκκλη-
σίαν ἴωμεν πρότερον, K.T.A. σίας περικόψαι πληρώματος; K.T.A.
9.
ΝΥΝ KS = oe
of the primitive clergy. 251
made no distinction between hypostasis and essence, and there- fore charged their opposites with Arianism. The other party were afraid that Τρία Πρόσωπα signified no more than nominal persons, in the sense of Sabellius, who himself had used those very terms in an equivocal sense to impose upon the vulyar, and therefore they inveighed against their adversaries as de- signing to promote Sabellianism. ‘And so,’ says Nazianzen%7,
‘ this little difference in words making a noise as if there had been difference in opinion, the love of quarrelling and conten- tion fomenting the dispute, the ends of the earth were in dan- ger of being divided by a few syllables. Which when Athana- sius, the true man of God, and great guide of souls, both saw and heard, he could not endure to think of so absurd and un- reasonable a division among the professors of the same faith, but immediately applied a remedy to the distemper. And how did he make his application? Having convened both parties, with all meekness and humility, and accurately weighed the intention and meaning of the words on both sides, after he found them agreeing in the things themselves, and not in the least differing in point of doctrine, he ended their dispute, allowing the use of both names, and tying them to unity of opinion.’ ‘ This,’ says our author, ‘ was a more advantageous act of charity to the Church, than all his other daily labours and discourses ; it was more honourable than all his watchings and humicubations, and not inferior to his applauded flights and exiles.’ And therefore he tells his readers, in ushering in the discourse %, ‘that he could not omit the relation, without
97 Orat. 21. de Laud. Athanas. (t. p- con ‘arin et p. 396 a.) Πί-
Side pa, ἡ περὶ τὸν ἦ ἦχον Bina Σαβιλλισμὸς ἐν- ταῦθα pis τοῖς τρισὶ Epsonment,
υνεύει συναπορραγῆ- ναι ταῖς συλλαβαῖς τὰ πέρατα. Ταῦτα οὖν ὁρῶν καὶ ἀκούων ὁ μακάριος ἐκεῖ- τῇ καὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἄνθρωπος τοῦ Θεοῦ ς τῶν Ψυχῶν οἰκονόμος, οὐκ iy παριδεῖν τὴν ἄτοπον οὕτω
| si τοῦ λόγου κατατομὴν, τὸ
δὲ παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ φάρμακον, ἐπάγει τῷ
ἀρρωστήματι" πῶς οὖν τοῦτο ποιεῖ: προσκαλεσάμενος ἀμφότερα τὰ μέρη οὑτωσὶ πράως καὶ φιλανθρώπως, καὶ τὸν νοῦν τῶν λεγομένων ἀκριβῶς ἐξ- ετάσας, ἐπειδὴ συμφρονοῦντας εὗρε καὶ οὐδὲν διεστῶτας κατὰ τὸν λόγον, τὰ ὀνόμοτα συγχωρήσας, συνδεῖ τοῖς πράγμασι" τοῦτο τῶν μακρῶν πόνων καὶ λόγων λυσιτελέστερον νον. τοῦτο τῶν πολλῶν ἀγρυπνιῶν καὶ χαμευνι- ὧν προτιμότερον ...... τοῦτο τῶν ἀ- οιδίμων ἐξοριῶν καὶ φυγῶν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς tov.
[Ibid. (p. 395 b.) “O δέ μοι μά- λιστα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς θαυμάζειν ἔπεισε, καὶ ζημίᾳ τὸ σιωπᾷν διὰ τὸν καιρὸν μάλιστα, πολλὰς ποιοῦντα τὰς δια-
252 Duties and offices VI. i
injuring them, especially at a time when contentions and divi- sions were in the Church; for this action of his would be an instruction to them that were then alive, and of great advan- tage, if they would propound it to their own imitation; since men were prone to divide not only from the impious, but from the orthodox and pious, and that not only about little and con- temptible opinions, which ought to make no difference, but about words that tended to one and the same sense.’ The cau- tion is of use in all ages; and had it always been strictly ob- served, it would have prevented many wild disputes and fierce contentions about words in the Christian Church.
10. But now we are to observe, on the other hand, that as they were eminent for their candour and prudence in compos- ing unnecessary and verbal disputes; so, where the cause was weighty, and any material point of religion concerned, they were no less famous for their zeal and courage, in standing up in the defence of truth against all opposers. It was neither the artifice and subtlety, nor the power and malice of their enemies could make them yield, where they thought the faith was in danger to be destroyed. ‘In other cases,’ says Nazianzen%, ‘there is nothing so peaceable, so moderate as Christian bi- shops, but in this case they cannot bear the name of modera- tion, to betray their God by silence and sitting still: but here they are exceeding eager warriors, and fighting champions, that are not to be overcome.’ He does not mean, that the wea- pons of their warfare were carnal; that they used any pious frauds, or plotted treasons or rebellions, or took up arms in defence of religion; but that, with an undaunted courage and brave resolution, they stood up firm in defence of truth; and mattered not what names they were called by,—contentious, unpeaceable, immoderate, factious, turbulent, incendiaries,—or any thing of the like nature, nor yet what they suffered in any
Of their zeal and courage in defending the truth.
στάσεις, τοῦτο ἔτι προσθήσω | τοῖς εἰ- ρημένοις" γένοιτο γὰρ ἄν τι παίδευμα καὶ τοῖς νῦν ἡ πρᾶξις, εἰ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον βλέποιμεν' ὡς γὰρ ὕδατος ἑ ἑνὸς τέμνε- ται, οὐ τοῦτο μόνον ὅσον ἡ χεὶρ ἀφῆ- κεν ἀρυομένη,. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσον τῇ χειρὶ περιεσχέθη τῶν δακτύλων ἐ ἐκρέον, οὕ- τω καὶ ἡμῶν οὐχ ὅσον ἀσεβὲς σχίζε- ται μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅσον εὐσεβέστε- ρον, οὐ περὶ δογμάτων μόνον μικρῶν,
καὶ παρορᾶσθαι ἀξίων" ἧττον γὰρ ἂν ἦν τοῦτο δεινὸν, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ περὶ ῥη- μάτων εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν φερόντων διά- νοιαν. Grischov. |
99 Ibid. (p. , 388 ἃ.) οἱ κἄν τἄλλα ὦσιν εἰρηνικοί τε καὶ μέτριοι, τοῦτό γε οὐ φέρουσιν . ἐπιεικεῖς εἶναι, Θεὸν προδιδόναι διὰ τῆς ἡσυχίας ἀλλὰ, καὶ λίαν εἰσὶν ἐνταῦθα πολεμικοί τε καὶ
δύσμαχοι.
δ 10.
253
kind, whilst they contended for that faith which was once deli- vered to the saints. Church-history abounds with instances of this nature ; but it will be sufficient to exemplify the practice of this yirtue in a single instance, which Gregory Nazianzen? gives us in the Life of St. Basil, where he relates a famous dialogue that passed between Modestus, the Arian governor under Valens, and that holy man. Modestus tried all arts to bring him over to the party, but, finding all in vain, he at last threatened him with severity. ‘ What?’ said he, ‘ dost thou not fear this power, which I am armed with?’ ‘Why should I fear?’ said Basil; ‘ what canst thou do, or what can I suffer ?” ‘What canst thou suffer?’ said the other; ‘ Many things that are in my power: confiscation of thy goods, banishment, tor- ment, and death.’ ‘ But thou must threaten me with something else,’ said Basil, ‘if thou canst, for none of these things can touch me. As for confiscation of goods, I am not liable to it ; for I have nothing to lose, unless thou wantest these tattered and threadbare garments, and a few books, which is all the estate I am possessed of. For banishment, I know not what it
of the primitive clergy.
1 Orat. 20. de Laud. Basil. (p.
Geis ὄνομα. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπισκόπῳ, φησὶν, 340 ἃ.) Τί δαὶ, οὐ , φοβῇ τὴν mF ᾿:
ἴσως ἐνέτυχες, πάντως. ἂν τοῦτον διειλέχθη τὸν τρόπον, ὑπὲρ τοιούτων ἀγωνιζόμενος. τἄλλα μὲν γὰρ ἐπι- εικεῖς ἡμεῖς, ὕπαρχε, κ καὶ παντὸς ἄλλου ταπεινότεροι, τοῦτο τῆς ἐντολῆς κελευ- tip καὶ μὴ ὅ ὅτι τοσούτῳ κράτει, ἀλ-
λὰ μηδὲ τῶν τυχόντων ἑνὶ τὴν ὀφρῦν αἴροντες. οὗ δὲ Θεὸς τὸ κινδυνεύομε- νον, καὶ προκείμενον, τἄλλα περι- φρονοῦντες, πρὸς ἑαυτὸν μόνον βλέπο- μεν᾽ πῦρ δὲ καὶ ξίφος, καὶ θῆρες, καὶ οἱ τὰς σάρκας τέμνοντες ὄνυχες, τρυφὴ μᾶλλον ἡ ἡμῖν εἰσιν ἣ κατάπληξις. πρὸς ταῦτα ὕβριζε, ἀπεΐλει, ποίει πᾶν ὅ, τι ἄν ἢ βουλομένῳ σοι, τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀπόλαυε" ἀκουέτω ταῦτα καὶ βασιλεὺς, ὡς ἡμᾶς γε οὐχ αἱρήσεις" rn πείσεις συνθέ τῇ ἀσεβείᾳ, κἂν ᾿ἀπειλῇς βοιεν, οὐκ ὄντος σώματος" πλὴν εἰ τὴν χαλεπώτερα. named) ταῦτα εἰπεῖν καὶ
ουσίαν ; ier μὴ τί γένηται ; ; μὴ τί τῶν πολλῶν ν, ἃ
ἐμῆς δυναστείας ἐστί; τίνα ταῦ- δήμευσιν,
ταὶ ἐσθω γὰρ ἡμῖν, ibis Prdoere Yivinon εἴ τί ἄλλο,
» deiner’ τούτων γὰρ οὐδὲν ἡ- neti a "οὶ τὸν εἰπεῖν' Posed καὶ τρόπον; τοι, € ημεύσει
μὲν οὐχ ἁλωτὸς ὁ μηδὲν hee, πλὴν εἰ τόσαι od hed τῶν τρυχίων ῥα- βιβλίων a ἐν ois ὁ πᾶς
Sot βίος" ἐξορίαν δὲ οὐ γινώσκω, ὁ μηδενὶ τόπῳ πε ἰγραπτὸς, καὶ μηδὲ ταύτην ἔ bu » ἣν οἰκῶ viv, καὶ a ie, ῥιφῶ" oe
οὐ plo ge sam = χήν, ταύτης γὰρ ἀκοῦσαι τὸν ὕπαρχον, καὶ τὴν ἔνστα- σὺ ς KU Τῷ θάνατοι εὐεργέ- σιν μαθεῖν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, οὕτως ἀκατά- se Sa πέμψει με πρὸς πληκτον καὶ ἀήττητον, τὸν μὲν ἔξω Θεὸν, ὦ καὶ μος καὶ κρυφῇ καὶ τῷ πέμψαι. καὶ μεταστήσασθαι, οὐκ ἔτι
52: ridigill καὶ πρὸς ὃν ἐπείγο- μετὰ τῆ
. τούτοις ᾿καταπλαγέντα
μὸν ὕ ὕπαρχον, οὐδεὶς, φάναι nes νοῦ τοῦ οὕτως ἐμοὶ διείλεκται, Le
σαύτης τῆς παρρησίας, τὸ ἑαυτοῦ peti
Beet
ς αὐτῆς ἀπειλῆς, ἀλλά τινὸς αἰδοῦς κι ar ὑποχωρήσεωτ᾽ αὐτὸν δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ προσελθόντα, ὡς εἶχε τάχους, ἡττήμεθα, βασιλεῦ, εἰπεῖν, τοῦ τῆςδε προβεβλημένου τῆς ἐκκλησίας.
Q54 Duties and offices. VIL iii.
means, for I am tied to no place; I shall esteem every country as much my own as that where I now dwell; for the whole earth is the Lord’s, and I am only a pilgrim and a stranger in it. As for torments, what can they do to him who has not a body that can hold out beyond the first stroke? and for death, it will be a kindness to me, for it will but so much the sooner send me unto God, to whom 1 live, and do the duty of my sta- tion; being in a great measure already dead, and now of a long time hastening unto him.’ The governor was strangely surprised at this discourse, and said, ‘No man ever talked at this free and bold rate to Modestus before.’ ‘ Perhaps,’ said Basil, ‘ thou didst never meet with a bishop before ; for, if thou hadst, he would have talked just as I do, when he was put to contend about such matters as these. In other things we are mild and yielding, and the humblest men on earth, as our laws oblige us to be; we are so far from shewing ourselves super-— cilious or haughty to magistrates in power, that we do not do it to persons of the meanest rank and condition. But when the cause of God is concerned, or in danger, then indeed we esteem all other things as nothing, and fix our eyes only upon him. Then fire and sword, wild beasts, and instruments of torture to tear off our flesh, are so far from being a terror, that they are rather a pleasure and recreation to us. Therefore reproach* and threaten us, do your pleasure, use your power to the ut- most, and let the emperor know all this: yet you shall never conquer us, or bring us to assent to your impious doctrine, though you threaten us ten thousand times more than all this.’ The governor hearing this, and finding him to be a man of invincible and inflexible courage, dismissed him now not with threatenings, but with a sort of reverence and submission; and went and told the emperor, that the bishop of that church was too hard for them all: for his courage was so great, his resolu- tion so firm, that neither promises nor threatenings could move him from his purpose. | _Nor was it only open violence they thus bravely resisted, , but also the more crafty attempts of the enemies of truth, who many times went artificially to work against it; partly by blackening the characters of its champions and defenders, and representing them as base and intolerable men; and partly by smoothing their own character, and pretending unity:
me ς a fa τὰ ὐνν νόον eS ee aT ἀν ὟΣ . a i
of the primitive clergy. 255
in faith with the orthodox, and that their designs were only designs of peace, to remove unscriptural words and novel terms out of the way, that all men might be of the same opinion. ~These were the two grand artifices of the Arian party, whereby the leading and politic men among them,— Eusebius of Nicomedia, Valens, Ursacius, and others,—always laboured to overthrow the truth. Upon this account Athana- sius was forced to undergo a thousand calumnies and slan- derous reproaches : he was accused to Constantine, as one that assumed to himself imperial authority to impose a tax upon Egypt; as one guilty of murder in cutting off the hand of Ar- senius, a Meletian bishop; as guilty of treason in siding with Philumenus, the rebel, and furnishing him with money; as an enemy to the public for attempting to hinder the transporta- tion of corn from Egypt to Constantinople: which accusation so far prevailed upon the emperor, that he banished him to Triers upon it. In the next reign he was accused again of re- peated murders; and of sacrilege, in diverting Constantine’s liberality to the widows of Egypt and Libya to other uses; of treason, in joining interest with Magnentius, the tyrant ; and many other such charges were spitefully and diabolically le- yelled against him. St. Basil was likewise variously accused both by professed enemies and pretended friends; who, as is usual in such cases, brought charges against him directly con- trary to one another. Some accused him of tritheism, for de- fending the doctrine of Three Hypostases against the Sabel- lians; others, of Semiarianism, or heterodoxy in the article about the divinity of the Holy Ghost, because in his church he sometimes used a different form of doxology from what was used in other churches. Some again accused him of Arianism, because he had received Eustathius of Sebastia into communion
upon his professing the Catholic faith; others said, he commu-
nicated with Apollinaris, the heretic, because upon some occa- sions he wrote letters to him. Thus were two of the greatest and best of men maliciously traduced and wounded in their re- putation ; both indeed for the same cause, but with this differ- ence, that the.one was prosecuted by open enemies without the Church, the other chiefly by secret enemies within; of whom therefore he had reason to take up the prophet’s complaint, and say, “‘ These are the wounds with which I was wounded in
256 Duties and offices VI. iui.
the house of my friends.” And these were such temptations as might have unsettled any weak and wavering minds, and made them turn their backs upon religion: but true zeal is above temptation, and can equally despise the wounds of the sword and the wounds of the tongue; having always the consolation, which Christ gives in his Gospel, ready at hand to support it, “Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you falsely, for my sake. Rejoice, and be exceeding glad: for great is your reward in heaven.” Such examples shew us, that innocence it- self cannot always exempt men from calumny, but sometimes is accidentally the occasion of it. But then it has this advantage, that being joined with a suitable zeal, it never sinks under the weight and pressure of its burden, but always comes off con- queror at the last, as we see in the instances now before us. The other artifice, which I said the Arians used to destroy the Faith, was the specious pretence of peace and unity. The politic and crafty men among them, in the time of Constantius, | pretended that they had no quarrel with the Catholic doctrine of the Trinity itself, but only were aggrieved at the novel and unscriptural words, such as the ὁμοούσιον, consubstantial, &c., which the Council of Nice had used to express it by. These, they said, were dividing terms, and the cause of all the quarrel and combustion; and therefore they still urged the removing these terms, as the great stumblingblock, out of the way, that the peace and unity of the Church might follow upon it. But Athanasius and other wise Catholics easily perceived whither this sly stratagem tended; being very sensible that their de- sign was not against the bare terms, but the Faith itself, and therefore they always stoutly and zealously opposed it. Nor could the Arians ever gain this point upon the Catholics, till at last, in the Council of Ariminum, anno 359, by great importu- nity, and clamours for unity and peace, they were prevailed upon to sink the word consubstantial, and draw up a new creed without it, yet, as they thought, contaiming the very same doctrine, and in as full terms as could be expressed, save that the word consubstantial was not in it. But here, it must be owned, these Catholic bishops were wanting in their zeal, as . they themselves were quickly after convinced. For no sooner was this concession made, but the Arians immediately gave out,
§ 10.
of the primitive clergy. 257
and boasted over all the world, that the Nicene faith was con- demned, and Arianism established in a general council, though nothing was less intended by the Catholic bishops that were present at it. But now they were sensible they had made a false step, by suffering themselves thus to be imposed upon by designing men: they now saw, that they ought to have stuck to the Nicene terms, as well as the faith, since the Faith itself so much depended on them. They now began to complain of the fraud, and asked pardon of their brethren for their want of foresight and caution, in a case so tender and material. St. Jerom, who gives us this account of the whole transaction, from the Acts of the Synod and other records extant in his time, brings them in making this apology for themselves: ‘The bi- shops,’ says he, ‘who had been imposed upon by fraud at Ari- minum, and who were reputed heretics without being conscious to themselves of any heresy, went about every where protest- ing by the body of Christ, and all that is sacred in the Church, that they suspected no evil in their creed: they thought the sense had agreed with the words, and that men had not meant one thing in their hearts, and uttered another thing with their lips. They were deceived by entertaining too good an opinion of base and evil men. They did not suppose the priests of Christ could so treacherously have fought against Christ. In short, they lamented their mistake now with tears, and offered to condemn as well.their own subscription, as all the Arian blasphemies.’ Any one, that reads St. Jerom carefully, will ea- sily perceive that these bishops were no Arians, nor ever in- tended to subscribe an Arian creed; but their fault was want of zeal in parting with the Nicene Creed, to take another in- stead of it without the word consubstantial; which though they subseribed in the simplicity of their hearts as an. orthodox ereed, (and indeed the words, as St. Jerom describes them, in
3 Dial. cont. Lucifer. t. 2. p. 143. (t. 2. p.191 d.) Concurrebant epi- scopi, qui, Ariminensibus dolis irre- titi, sine conscientia heretici fere- bantur, contestantes corpus Domini, et quicquid in ecclesia sanctum est, se nihil mali in sua fide suspicatos. * Putavimus,’ aiebant, ‘ sensum con- gruere cum verbis; nec in eccle- 8118, ubi simplicitas, ubi pura con-
BINGHAM, VOL. Il.
fessio est, aliud in corde clausum esse, aliud in labiis proferri timui- mus. Decepit nos bona de malis existimatio. Non sumus arbitrati sa- cerdotes Christi adversus aromas pugnare.’ Multaque alia, que brevi- tatis studio Seiler; flentes assere- bant, parati et subscriptionem pris- tinam et omnes Arianorum blasphe- mias condemnare.
258 Duties and offices VL. ii
their plain sense are sound and orthodox, as St. Jerom says in their excuse,) yet the Arians put an equivocal and poisonous sense upon them: giving out, after the Council was ended, that they had not only abolished the word consubstantial, but with it condemned the Nicene faith also. Which was strange sur- prising news to the bishops that had been at Ariminum. ‘Then,’ says St. Jerom, ‘ ingemuit totus orbis, et Arianum se esse miratus est,—the whole world groaned, and was amazed to think she should be reputed Arian.’ That is, the Catholic bishops of the whole world, for there were three hundred of them present at that Council, were amazed to find themselves so abused, and represented as Arians, when they never in- tended in the least to confirm the Arian doctrine. But now by this the reader will be able to judge, what kind of zeal the Catholic Church required then in her clergy; viz., that they should not only contend for the Faith itself, but also for those Catholic forms and ways of expressing it, which had been pru- dently composed and settled in general Councils, as a barrier against heretics; the giving up of which to subtle and dan- gerous adversaries would always give them advantage to make fiercer attacks upon the Faith itself, and prove destructive to the Catholic cause; as those bishops found by woeful experi- ence, who were concerned in the concession made at Ariminum. It is candour indeed, when good Catholics are divided only about words, to bring them to a right understanding of one another, which will set them at peace and unity again; but it is tameness to give up the main bulwarks of the Faith to falla- cious adversaries and designing men, whose arts and aims, how- ever disguised, are always known to strike at the foundation of religion. And therefore, though no man was ever more candid than Athanasius towards mistaken Catholics, yet neither was any more zealous in opposing the arts and stratagems of the Arian party; always sticking close to the definition of the Nicene Council, and never yielding that any tittle or syllable of that Creed should be erased or altered. Of their 11. Whilst I am upon this head, I cannot but take notice of ᾿ eel the obligations the clergy lay under to maintain the unity of the unity of the Church, both in faith and discipline, and what penalties neces were inflicted on such as-made a breach therein, whether by
and of the censure of falling into heresy or schism themselves, or giving encourage-
δ 1Γ. of the primitive clergy. 259
I shall not need to state the nature of such as fell into heresy or schism.
ment to them in others. Church-unity and communion in this place any further than by saying, that, to maintain the purity of the Catholic faith, and live under the discipline and government of a Catholic bishop, who himself lived in communion with the Catholic Church, were then as it were the two characteristic notes of any man’s being in the communion of the Church; and therefore, as every mem- ber was obliged to ‘maintain the unity of the Church in both these parts, so much more the clergy, who were to be the chief guardians of it. And if they failed in either kind, that is, if they lapsed either into heresy or schism, by the laws of the Church they were to be deposed from their office ; and though they repented and returned to the unity of the Church again, yet they were not to act in their former station, but to be ad- mitted to communicate only in the quality of laymen. This was the rule of the African Church in the time of Cyprian, as ap- pears from the Synodical Epistle? of the Council of Carthage, to which his name is prefixed. For, writing to Pope Stephen, they tell him their custom was to treat such of the clergy as were ordained in the Catholic Church, and afterward stood up perfidiously and rebelliously against the Church, in the same manner as they did those that were first ordained by heretics ; that is, they admitted them to the peace of the Church, and allowed them the communion of laymen, but did not permit them to officiate again in any order of the clergy. And this, he says*, they did to put a mark of distinction between those that always stood true to the Church and those that deserted it. Yet if any considerable advantage accrued to the Church,
et satis habeant, quod admittuntur
3 Ap. Cypr. Ep. 72. p. 197. (p. Addin a a ad pacem, qui hostes pacis exstite-
805.) Addimus plane, et adjungi-
mus, frater carissime, consensu et auctoritate ee, ut etiam si
ui presbyteri, aut diaconi, qui vel a ecclesia catholica prius ondinttl fuerint, et postmodum perfidi ac rebelles contra ecclesiam steterint, vel apud hereticos a pseudoepisco- - et antichristis contra Christi
ispositionem profana ordinatione promoti sint, et contra altare unum atque divinum sacrificia foris falsa ac sacrilega offerre conati sint, eos quoque hac conditione suscipi cum revertuntur, ut communicent laici ;
rint, nec debere eos revertentes ea apud nos ordinationis et honoris arma retinere, quibus contra nos rebellaverint.
4 (Ibid. (p. ead.) Satis est talibus revertentibus veniam dari: non ta- men debet in domo fidei perfidia promoveri. Nam quid bonis et in- nocentibus atque ab ecclesia non recedentibus reservamus; si eos, qui a nobis recesserint et contra ecclesiam steterint, honoramus ? Grischov. |
5. 2
900 Duties and offices VI. πὶ,
by the return of such an heretic or schismatic, as if he brought over any considerable part of the deluded people with him; or if he was generally chosen by the Church, or the like ; in’such cases the rule was so far dispensed with, that the deserter might be admitted to his pristine dignity, and be allowed to officiate in his own order again. Upon this account Cornelius, bishop of Rome, received Maximus the presbyter? to his former honour upon his return from the Novatian schism. And in after ages both the Novatians and Meletians were particularly favoured with this privilege by the Council of Nice, and the Donatists by the African fathers in the time of St. Austin, as I have had occasion to note more than once before®. But if they continued obstinate in their heresy or schism, then many times an anathema was pronounced against them, as in the second Council of Carthage. ‘If a presbyter,’ says the canon’, ‘that is reproved or excommunicated by his bishop, being puffed up with pride, shall presume to offer the oblation in a separate assembly, or set up another altar against him, let him be ana-
thema.’
5 Cornel. Ep. 46. ial 49.] ad Cypr. p. 93. (p. 235.) - - - Maximum
presbyterum locum suum agnoscere~
jussimus.— See other instances in Socrates, 1. 7: & 8. (v. 2. P- 349- 13.) Ὃ ᾿Αγαπητὸς, ὃν προεστάναι τῆς Μα- κεδονίου θρησκείας ἔφην, ἐπὶ ἀγαθὴν ἦλθεν ἐπίνοιαν' βουλευσάμενος γὰρ ἅμα τῷ αὐτοῦ κλήρῳ παντὶ, καὶ προσ- καλεσάμενος τὸν Ur αὐτοῦ λαὸν, πεί- θει τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν προσ- δέξασθαι; καὶ τοῦτο καταστήσας, εὖ- θὺς ὡς εἶχε σὺν πλήθει πολλῷ, μᾶλ- λον δὲ σὺν παντὶ Aad, ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλη- σίαν ὥρμησεν" εὐχήν τε ἐπιτελέσας, καταλαμβάνει τὸν θρόνον, ἐν ᾧ εἰώθει ὁ Θεοδόσιος προκαθέζεσθαι" ἑνώσας δὲ τὸν λαὸν, καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν διδάσκων, τῶν ὑπὸ Συνάδα ἐκκλησιῶν ἐγκρατὴς ἐπὶ 6 B. 4. ch. 7. ss. 7 and 8.
a 98 and 100.
C. 8. (t. 2. p. 1830 a.) Si quis saath presbyter ab episcopo suo cor- reptus vel excommunicatus, tumore vel superbia inflatus, putaverit se- paratim Deo sacrificia offerenda, vel aliud erigendum altare...non exeat impunitus.
The Council of Antioch®, and those called the Apo-
8 C. 4. (ibid. p- 564 b.) Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος ὑπὸ συνόδου καθαιρεθεὶς, ἣ πρεσβύτερος, ἢ διάκονος ὑπὸ τοῦ ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, τολμήσειέν τι πρᾶξαι τῆς λειτουργίας, εἴ τε ὃ ἐπίσκοπος κατὰ τὴν προάγουσαν συνήθειαν, εἴτε ὁ διάκονος, μηκέτι ἐξὸν εἶναι αὐτῷ, μηδ᾽ ἐν ἑτέρᾳ συνόδῳ ἐλπίδα ἀποκα- ταστάσεως, μήτε ἀπολογίας χώραν ἔχειν᾽ ἀλλὰ δὲ τοὺς κοινωνοῦντας αὖ- τῷ πάντας ἀποβάλλεσθαι τῆς ἐκκλη- σίας, καὶ μάλιστα, εἰ μαθόντες “τὴν ἀπόφασιν τὴν κατὰ τῶν προειρημένων ἐξενεχθεῖσαν τολμήσειαν αὐτοῖς κοι- νωνεῖν.---Τ 014. c. 5. (ibid. 6.) Εἴ τίς πρεσβύτερος, ἢ ἢ διάκονος, καταφρονή- σας τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τοῦ ἰδίου, ἀφώρι- σεν ἑαυτὸν τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἢ ἰδίᾳ συν-
ἤγαγεν, καὶ θυσιαστήριον ἔστησεν, καὶ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου προσκαλεσαμένου ἀπειθοίη, καὶ μὴ βούλοιτο αὐτῷ πεί- θεσθαι μηδὲ ὑπακούειν καὶ πρῶτον καὶ δεύτερον καλοῦντι" τοῦτον καθαι- ρεῖσθαι παντελῶς, καὶ μηκέτι θερα- πείας τυγχάνειν, μηδὲ δύνασθαι λαμ- βάνειν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τιμήν" εἰ δὲ παρα- μένοι θορυβῶν καὶ ἀναστατῶν τὴν ἐκ- κλησίαν, διὰ τῆς ἔξωθεν ἐξουσίας ὡς στασιώδη αὐτὸν ἐπιστρέφεσθαι.
§ 11. of the primitive clergy. 261
stolical Canons®, haye several decrees of the like nature. Yea, so careful were the clergy to be of the unity of the Church, that they were not to give any encouragement to heretics, or schismatics, or excommunicated persons, by communicating with them in prayer or other holy offices of the Church, or so much as frequenting their society, feasting with them, or the like. But Ido not enlarge upon these things here, because being matters of discipline, they will come again to be consi- dered under that head in another place.
_ IT have now gone through some of the chief general duties which more immediately concerned the office and function of the clergy; and by mixing public rules with private directions and great examples, have made such an essay towards the idea and character of a primitive clerk as may, I hope, in some things excite both the emulation and curiosity of many of my readers, who may be concerned to imitate the pattern I have been describing. If here it be not drawn so full, or so exactly to the life in all its beauties as they could wish, they will find their account in satisfying their curiosity by having recourse to the fountains themselves, from whence these materials were taken. For many things, that might here have been added, were purposely omitted for fear of drawing out this part of the discourse to a greater length than would consist with the design and measures of the present undertaking. And I had rather be thought to have said too little than too much upon this head, that I might not cloy, but leave an edge upon the appetite of the inquisitive reader.
CHAP. IV.
‘An account of some other laws and rules, which were a sort of out-quards and fences to the former. 1. Havine thus far discoursed both of such laws as related to No clergy-
the life and conversation of the primitive clergy, and of those Cito —
that more immediately concerned the duties and offices of their © rye? function, I come now to speak of a third sort of laws, which dation
9C, 32. ms ἦν -] (Cotel. [e. ὅδ. δέχεσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἣ παρὰ τοῦ ἀφορίσαν- Vv. 1. ΧΗ... 441 τις πρεσβύτερος, τὸς αὐτὸν, εἰ μὴ ἂν κατὰ κυρίαν ἀπὸ ὁ ἐπισκόπου γένηται ἐν τελευτήσῃ ὁ ἀφορίσας αὐτὸν ἐπίσκο- teal (al. ἀφωρισμένος,] τοῦτον πος. ἐξεῖναι παρ᾽ ἑτέρου δεχθῆναι (al.
262 Special laws for VI. iv,
without were, like the Jews’ sepimenta legis, a sort of bye-laws and just .
settee rules made for the defence and guard of the two former. and leave. Among these we may reckon such laws as were made to fix
the clergy to their proper business and calling; such as that which forbad any clergyman to desert or relinquish his station without just grounds or leave granted by his superiors. In the African Church, as has been shewed before 190, from the time that any man was made a reader, or entered in any of the lower orders of the Church, he was presumed to be dedicated to the service of God, so as thenceforth not to be at liberty to turn secular again at his own pleasure. And much more did this rule hold for bishops, presbyters, and deacons. Therefore Cyril of Alexandria, as he is cited by Harmenopulus", says in one of his canons, ‘ that it was contrary to the laws of the Church for any priest to give in a libel of resignation: for, if he be worthy, he ought to continue in his ministry; if he be unworthy, he should not have the privilege of resigning, but be condemned and ejected.’ The Council of Chaleedon™ orders all such to be anathematized ‘as forsook their orders to take upon them any military office or secular dignity, unless they repented, and returned to the employment which, for God’s sake, they had first chosen.’ The Council of Tours!® in like manner decrees, ‘ that whoever of the clergy desert their order and office, to follow a secular life and calling again, shall be punished with excommunication.’ The Civil Law was also very severe upon such deserters. By an order of Arcadius and Honorius!* they are condemned to serve in curia all their lives, that they might never have the privilege of resuming
10 B. 3. ch. 1. 8.5. Vv. 1. p. 307.
11 Epitom. ap. Leunclav. Jus Gr.- Rom. (t. 1. p. 11. col. sinistr.) Παρὰ τοὺς ἐκκλησιαστικούς ἐστι θεσμοὺς, τὸ λιβέλλους παραιτήσεων προσάγειν τινὰς τῶν ἱερουργῶν᾽ εἰ γὰρ ἄξιοι, λειτουργείτωσαν᾽ εἰ δὲ μὴ, μὴ παραι- τείσθωσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς κατεγνωσμένοι ἐξίτωσαν.
12 Ὁ. 7. (t. 4. p. 759 a.) Τοὺς ἅπαξ ἐν κλήρῳ κατειλεγμένους, ἢ καὶ μονά- ζοντας, ὡρίσαμεν, μήτε ἐπὶ στρατείαν,
t $4 Fe 1 » <>" pyre ἐπὶ ἀξίαν κοσμικὴν ἔρχεσθαι" ἢ τοῦτο τολμῶντας, καὶ μὴ μεταμελομέ- yous, ὥστε ἐπιστρέψαι ἐπὶ τοῦτο, ὃ
διὰ Θεὸν πρότερον εἵλοντο, ἀναθεμα- τίζεσθαι.
᾿ 18 (, 5. (ibid. p. 1051 d.) Si quis vero clericus, relicto officii sui or- dine, laicam voluerit agere vitam, vel se militiz tradiderit, excommu- nicationis poena feriatur.
14 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc. et Cler. leg. 39. (t. 6. p. 78.) Si quis professum sacre religionis sponte dereliquerit, continuo 510] eum curia vindicet: ut liber illi ul- tra ad ecclesiam recursus esse non possit,
§1,2. the regulation of the clergy. 263
the clerical life again. And by a law of Justinian’s!5, both monks and clerks so deserting were to forfeit whatever estate they were possessed of to the church or monastery to which they belonged. 7 2. But this rule, as it was intended for the benefit of the Yetin some Church, to keep the clergy to their duty, so when the benefit $ovation of the Church, or any other reasonable cause, required the con- was allowed trary, might be dispensed with; and we find many such re- - signations or renunciations practised, and some allowed by ge- neral Councils. For not to mention the case of disability by reason of old age, sickness, or other infirmity, in which it was usual for bishops to turn over their business to a coadjutor, of which I have given a full account in a former book’®, there were two other cases which come nearer to the matter in hand. One was, when a bishop, through the obstinacy, hatred, or disgust of any people, found himself incapable of doing them any service, and that the burden was an intolerable oppression to him; in that case, if he desired to renounce, his resignation was accepted. Thus Gregory Nazianzen renounced the see of Constantinople, and betook himself to a private life, because the people grew factious, and murmured at him as being a stranger. And this he did with the consent and approbation of the general Council of Constantinople, as not only the histo- rians Theodoret!” and Socrates'*, but he himself!9 testifies in
19 Cod. Justin. 1.1. tit. 3. de Episc. τίδων τὸ πλῆθος καὶ δέξασθαι καὶ εὖ
leg. 54. (t. 4. Ρ. 40.) Quod e ill monasteria aut ecclesias relinquant, atque mundani fiant, omne ipsorum jus ad monasterium aut ecclesiam inet.
16 B. 2. ch. 13. 8. 4. V. 1. p. 15
7 L.5. ς.8. (ν. 3. p. 202. 26) Ὁ δὲ θεῖος παρεκάλει Τρηγόριος περὶ συμφωνίας συνηθροισμένους τὴν πρὸς ἀλληλοὺς ὁμόνοιαν προτιμῆσαι τῆς é- νὸς ἀνδρὸς ἀδικίας. ἀν aS γὰρ, ἔφη,
εἰρήνην μετὰ τὸν sao ἐκεῖνον Kal χαλεπὸν a ἀπο- λήψεσθε πόλεμον" τῶν γὰρ λίαν ἀτο- πωτάτων, ἄρτι τῶν πολεμικῶν ἀπαλ- λαγέντας βελῶν, ἀλλήλους βάλλειν, ~ τὴν οἰκείαν ἀναλίσκειν ἰσχύν᾽ ἐπί- Mah γὰρ οὕτω τοῖς δυσμενέσιν ἐσό- Ανδρα δὴ οὖν ἐπιζητήσαντες
μεθα. 7s καὶ νοῦν ἔχοντα, τῶν φρον-
διαθεῖναι δυνάμενον, a ἀρχιερέα προβάλ- λεσθε. Ταύταις οἱ ἄριστοι ποιμένες ταῖς ὑποθήκαις πεισθέντες, Νεκτάριον εὐπατρίδην ἄνδρα, καὶ περιφανείᾳ γέ- νους κοσμούμενον, καὶ τοῖς τῆς ἀρετῆς εἴδεσι λαμπρυνόμενον, ἐπίσκοπον τῆς μεγίστης ἐκείνης ἐχειροτόνησαν πό- λεως.
Ι81,. 5. ς.ἡ. (v. 2. p. 267.30.) Τότε δὲ Γρηγόριος ὁ Ναζιανζοῦ μετατιθεὶς ἔνδον τῆς πόλεως ἐν μικρῷ εὐκτηρίῳ τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιεῖτο" reve ὕστε-
ρον οἱ βασιλεῖς, μέγιστον οἶκον εὐκτή- ριον προσσυνάψαντες, ᾿Αναστασίαν ὠνόμασαν. Γρηγόριος μὴν οὖν, ἀνὴρ ἐλλόγιμος καὶ εὐλαβείᾳ τοὺς καθ᾽ ἑαυ- τὸν ὑπερβάλλων, vs δι ov- τας Twas ὡς εἴη ὑπερόριος, ee τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίαν νος, τὴν ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει Basins
v
σατο. 19 Greg. Naz. Orat. 32. passim.
264 Special laws for VI. iv.
many places of his writings. After the same manner, Theodo- ret 2° says, Meletius, the famous bishop of Antioch, when he was bishop of Sebastia, in Armenia, was so offended with the rebel- lious temper and contumacy of a perverse and froward people, that he abandoned them, and retired likewise to a private life. So Theodorus Lector2! tells us how Martyrius, bishop of An- tioch, being offended at the factiousness of his people and clergy, upon the intrusion of Peter Fullo, renounced his church with these words: ‘A contumacious clergy, a rebellious people, a profane church,—I bid adieu to them all, reserving to myself the dignity of priesthood.’ Another case was, when in charity a bishop resigned, or shewed himself willing to resign, to cure some invetérate schism. Thus Chrysostom?? told. his people, ‘that if they had any suspicion of him, as if he were an usurper, he was ready to quit his government when they pleased, if that was necessary to preserve the unity of the Church.’ And so Theodoret tells us2%, that in the dispute be- tween Flavian and Evagrius, the two bishops of Antioch, when Theodosius, the emperor, sent for Flavian, and ordered him to go and have his cause decided at Rome, he bravely answered,
(Vid. _precipue t.I. p-527 a.) Δότε μοι τὴν χάριν ταύτην, μετὰ εὐχῶν ἧ- στρατιωτικοῖς, κ.τ.λ.---Οαττη. de Vit. μᾶς ἀποπέμψατε" δότε μοι τὸ sua. (t.2. p.26 d.)
Ἡμῖν δὲ συγχωρήσατ᾽ ἄθρονον βίον,
Τὸν ἀκλεῆ μὲν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἀκίνδυνον"
Καθήσομ᾽ ἐλθὼν οἷ κακῶν. ἐρημία.
Κρεῖσσον γὰρ, ἢ τοῖς πλησίον μεμιγμένον,
Myr’ ἄλλον ἕλκειν πρὸς τὸ βούλημ᾽ ἰσχύειν,
Mnr αὐτὸν ἄλλοις συμφέρεσθ,, οὗ μὴ λόγος.
Δεῦρ᾽ ὅστις οἷδε τὸν θρόνον; προσβαινέτω.
20 L. 2. c. 31. (ν. 3. Ρ.118.20.).. 22 Hom. tt. in Eph. Pp. 11 IO. (t. 12.
γράμμα τῆς ἀφέσεως, ὥσπερ τοῖς
Kar ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν Medériobié θεσπέσιος πόλιν τινὰ τῆς ᾿Αρμενείας ἰθύνων, εἶτα τῶν ἀρχομένων τὸ δυσή- νιον δυσχεράνας, ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἑτέ- ρωθι διατρίβων.
21 'L. 1. (ibid. p. 567. 27.) Πρὸς Ba- σιλέα ἐλθὼν Maprvpios σὺν πολλῇ τιμῇ ἀπελύθη, σπουδῇ καὶ παραινέσει Γενναδίου" ἐλθὼν δὲ εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν, καὶ βλέπων. ᾿Αντιοχεῖς, ταραχαῖς καὶ στάσεσι χαίροντας, καὶ Ζήνωνα τού- τοις συμπράττοντα, ἀπετάξατο τῇ ἐπισκοπῇ ἐπ᾽ ἐκκλησίας, εἰπὼν, Κλήρῳ ἀνυποτάκτῳ καὶ λαῷ ἀπειθεῖ, καὶ ἐκ- κλησίᾳ ἐ ἐρρυπωμένῃ ἀποτάττομαι, φυ- λάττων ἐμαυτῷ τὸ τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἀξί- wpa,
Ρ. 89 c. :) Ei μὲν οὖν περὶ ἡμῶν ταῦτα ὑποπτεύετε, ἕτοιμοι παραχωρῆσαι τῆς ἀρχῆς ὅτῳπερ ἂν βούλοισθε" μόνον ἐκκλησία ἔστω μία.
23 Τῷ, 5. 6.23. (v.3 3. p. 225. 19.) Εἰ μὲν τῆς πίστεως, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τῆς ἐμῆς ὡς οὐκ ὀρθῆς κατηγορεῦσί τινες, ἢ τὸν βίων φασὶν ἱ ἱερωσύνης ἀνάξιον, καὶ αὖ- τοῖς χρήσομαι τοῖς κατηγόροις κριταῖς, καὶ τὴν παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐκφερομένην ψη- gov δέξομαι" εἰ δὲ περὶ θρόνου καὶ προεδρίας ζυγομαχοῦσιν, οὔτε δικάσο- μαι; οὔτε τοῖς λαβεῖν βουλομένοις ἀν- τιμαχέσομαι" ἀλλ᾽ ἐκστήσομαι, καὶ τῆς προεδρίας ἀφέξομαι' τοιγάρτοι δὸς ᾧ βούλει τὸν ᾿Αντιοχέων θρόνον, ὦ βα- σιλεῦ. ;
ξ.2. γ
the regulation of the clergy. 265
“Great sire, if any accuse my faith as erroneous, or my life as unqualifying me for a bishopric, I will freely let my accusers be my judges, and stand to their sentence whatever it be: but if the dispute be only about the throne and government of the church, I shall not stay for judgment, nor contend with any that has a mind to it, but freely recede, and abdicate the throne of my own accord. And you, sire, may commit the see of Antioch to whom you please.’ The emperor looked upon this as a noble and generous answer; and was so affected with it, that, instead of obliging him to go to Rome, he sent him home again, and bade him go feed the church committed to his care; nor would he ever after hearken to the bishops of Rome, though they often solicited him to expel him. There is one instance more of this nature, which I cannot omit, because 16 15 such an example of self-denial, and despising of private in- terest for the public good, and peace and unity of the Church, as deserves to be transmitted to posterity, and to be spoken of with the highest commendations. It was the proposal which Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, and St. Austin, with the rest of the African bishops, made to the Donatists, at the opening of the Conference of Carthage‘; that, to put an end to the schism, wherever there was a Catholic and a Donatist bishop in the same city, they should both of them resign, and suffer a new one to be chosen. ‘ For why,’ say they, ‘should we scruple to offer the sacrifice of such an humility to our Redeemer? Did he descend from heaven to assume our nature, and make us his members! and shall we make any doubt to descend from our chairs, to prevent his members being torn to pieces by a cruel schism? We bishops are ordained for the people of Christ : what therefore is most conducive to the peace of Christian
34 Die. 1. c. 16. (CC. t. 2. p. 1352 e.) Quid enim dubitemus Redemp-
ergo Christianis populis ad Christi- anam pacem prodest, hoc de nostro
tori nostro sacrificium istius humi- litatis offerre? An vero ille de ceelis in membra humana descendit, ut membra ejus essemus, et nos, ne ipsa ejus membra crudeli divisione lanientur, de cathedris descendere formidamus? Pro nos nihil suf- ficientius, quam Christiani fideles et obedientes simus: hoc ergo semper simus. Episcopi autem propter Chri- stianos populos ordinamur: quod
episcopatu faciamus. Si servi utiles sumus, cur Domini eternis lucris, pro nostris temporalibus sublimita- tibus, invidemus? Episcopalis dig- nitas fructuosior nobis erit, si gre- gem Christi magis deposita college- rit quam retenta disperserit. Nam qua fronte in futuro seculo promis- sum a Christo sperabimus honorem, si Christianum in hoc seculo noster honos impedit unitatem.
266 Special laws for V1. iv.
people, we ought to do in reference to our episcopacy. If we be profitable servants, why should we envy the eternal gain of our Lord for our own temporal honours? Our episcopal dignity will be so much the more advantageous to us, if by laying it aside we gather together the flock of Christ, than if we dis- perse his flock by retaining it. And with what face can we hope for the honour which Christ has promised us in the world to come, if our honours in this world hinder the unity of his Church.’ By this we see there were some cases, in which it was lawful for men to renounce even the episcopal office, and betake themselves to a private life; the grand rule being, in these and all other cases, to do what was most for the benefit and edifica- tion of the Church, and sacrifice private interest to the advan- tage of the public.
3. In these cases, a bishop after he had renounced was not to intermeddle with the affairs of the Church, to ordain, or perform any offices of the like nature, unless he was called to assist by some other bishop, or was commissioned by him as his delegate; yet he was allowed the title, and honour, and com- munion of a bishop, as the general Council of Ephesus®® deter- mined it should be in the case of Eustathius, bishop of Perga and metropolitan of Pamphylia, who had renounced his bi- shopric, being an aged man, and thinking himself unable to discharge the duties of it. In such cases, likewise, when any one receded with the approbation of a Council, he was some- times allowed to receive a moderate pension out of the bishopric for his maintenance. As it was in the case of Domnus, bishop of Antioch, who having been ejected, though unjustly, by Dio- scorus, in the second Synod of Ephesus, yet quietly resigned the bishopric to Maximus: upon which account Maximus de- sired leave of the Council of Chalcedon, that he might allow him an annual pension out of the revenues of the Church; which the Council of Chalcedon 36 readily complied with. And
And ca- nonical pensions sometimes granted in such cases.
25 Act. 7. in Ep. ad Synod. Pam- phyliz. ( . 3: Ρ. 807 ἃ.) ᾿Εδικαιώσα- μεν καὶ ὡρίσαμεν δίχα πάσης ἀντιλο- γίας ἔχειν αὐτὸν τό τε τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ὄνομα, καὶ τὴν τιμὴν καὶ τὴν κοινω- νίαν" οὕτω μέντοι, ὥστε μὴ χειροτο- νεῖν αὐτὸν, μήτε μὴν ἐκκλησίαν κατα- λαβόντα ἱερουργεῖν ἐξ ἰδίας αὐὖθεν-
τείας" ἀλλ᾽ ἣ ἄρα συμπαραλαμβανό- μενον, εἴτουν ἐπιτρεπόμενον, εἰ τύχοι, παρὰ ἀδελφοῦ καὶ συνεπισκόπου κατὰ διάθεσιν καὶ ἀγάπην τὴν ἐν Χριστῷ.
26 Act.7. al. το. (t.4. Ρ. 681e.).. Residentibus universis ante cancel- los sancti altaris, Maximus reveren- dissimus episcopus Antiochize dixit:
§ 3,4. 267
this, as Richerius?? ingenuously owns, was the ancient design and meaning of canonical pensions; which were not used to be granted but by the authority or approbation of a Synod, and only to such as, having spent the greatest part of their life in the service of the Church, desired to be disburdened of their office by reason of their age. For the reserving a pension out of a bishopric, which a man only resigns to take another, was a practice wholly unknown to former ages.
4. Another rule, designed to keep all clergymen strictly to No clergy- their duty, was, that no one should remove from his own a" 47 church or diocese, without the consent of the bishop to whose one diocese diocese he belonged. For as no one at first could be ordained mrt ἀπολελυμένως, but must be fixed to some church at his first or- — ag dination ; so neither, by the rules and discipline of the Church missory of then prevailing, might he exchange his station at pleasure, but bishor. must have his own bishop’s license, or letters dimissory, to qua- lify him to remove from one diocese to another. For this was the ancient right, which every bishop had in the clergy of his own church, that he could not be deprived of them without his own consent; but as well the party that deserted him, as the bishop that received him, were liable to be censured upon such a ion. ‘If any presbyter, deacon, or other clerk,’ says the Apostolical Canons?*, ‘ forsake his own diocese to go to
Deprecor magnificentissimos et glo- riosissimos jud ices, et sanctam hanc et uni synodum, et huma-
nitatem exercere in Domnum, qui
the regulation of the clergy.
nonicarum potest confirmari ; que iis tantum tribui consueverant, qui magnam vite partem in ministerio consumpserant, et propter zetatem
fuit Antiochiz episcopus, dignemini, et statuere ei certos sumptus de ec- clesia, que sub me est... . Universa sancta synodus vociferata est: Lau- dabiles merito sunt benevolentie archiepiscopi. Omnes cogitatum e- j amus.... Magnificentissimi ices dixerunt: Amplectente sancta synodo arbitrium Maximi, viri reli- oon episcopi Antiochiensium, quod Domno probavit, et nos eidem consentimus, ejus arbitrio derelin- tes, que sunt de Domni hono- rificentia.
27 Concil. Hist. 1. τ. ς. 8. n. 30. (p. 218.) Verum, qui ad hec attenderit, facile videbit. Nibil antiquitus con- suetum fieri nisi synodice compro- batum; hincque jus pensionum ca-
se exonerabant episcopatu.
23 Ce. 15 et τό. ral. 14 et 15. (Cotel. [e. 12. V. I. Ρ. 429.) Εἴ τις πρεσβύτερος, ἣ διάκονος, ἢ ὅλως τοῦ καταὰλ τῶν κληρικῶν, ἀπολείψας τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παροικίαν, εἰς ἑτέραν ἀπ-- έλθη, καὶ παντελῶς μεταστὰς δια- τρίβῃη ἐν ἄλλῃ παροικίᾳ παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, τοῦτον κελεύομεν μηκέτι λειτουργεῖν, μάλιστα εἰ προσ- καλουμένου αὐτὸν ἐπανελθεῖν ἐπισκό- που [8]. τοῦ ἐπισκόπου αὐτὸν ἐπατεὰλ- θεῖν] οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν, ἐπιμένων τῇ ἀταξίᾳ" ὡς λαϊκὸς μέν τοι ἐκεῖσε κοι- νωνείτω. El δὲ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, rap ᾧ fal Nemec, map οὐδὲν ἡγησάμενος
λογισάμενος τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτῶν dpt- σθεῖσαν ἀγρίαν, δέξηται (al. déferas} αὐτοὺς ὡς κληρικοὺς, ἀφοριζέ ὡς
908
Special laws for
another, and there continue without the consent of his own bi- shop; we decree, that such an one shall no longer minister as a clerk, especially if after admonition he refuse to return, but
only be admitted to communicate as a layman.
And if the bi-
shop, to whom they repair, still entertain them in the quality of clergymen, he shall be excommunicated as a master of dis-
order.’
The same rule is frequently repeated in the ancient
Councils, as that of Antioch29, the first and second of Arles*°, the first and fourth of Carthage *1, the first of Toledo 832, and the Council of Tours®, and Turin®4, and the great Council of Nice3>, to whose canons it may be sufficient to refer the reader.
διδάσκαλος dragias.— C. Chalced. 6. 20. (t. 4. Ῥ. 766 b.) Ei δέ τις ἐπίσκο- πος μετὰ τὸν ὅρον τοῦτον ἄλλῳ ἐπι- σκόπῳ προσήκοντα δέξεται κληρικὸν, ἔδοξεν ἀ ἀκοινώνητον εἶναι. τὸν δεχθέντα καὶ τὸν δεξάμενον, ἕως ἂν ὁ μεταστὰς κληρικὸς εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν ἐπανέλθη ἐκ- κλησίαν.
29 Ὁ. 3. (t. 2. p. δότ 6.) Et τις πρεσβύτερος, ἢ διάκονος, ἢ ὅλως τῶν τοῦ ἱερατείου τις, καταλιπὼν τὴν τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ παροικίαν, εἰς ἑτέραν ἀπέλθοι" ἔπειτα παντελῶς μεταστὰς, διατρίβειν ἐν ἄλλῃ παροικίᾳ πειρᾶται ἐπὶ πολλῷ χρόνῳ, μηκέτι λειτουργεῖν, εἰ μάλιστα καλοῦντι τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ τῷ ἰδίῳ, καὶ ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς παροικίαν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παραινοῦντι, μὴ ὑπακούοι" εἰ δὲ καὶ ἐπιμένοι τῇ ἀταξίᾳ, παντελῶς αὐτὸν καθαιρεῖσθαι τῆς λειτουργίας, ὡς μη- κέτι χώραν ἔχειν ἀποκαταστάσεως" εἰ δὲ καθαιρεθέντα διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν δέχοιτο ἕτερος ἐπίσκοπος, κἀκεῖνον ἐπιτιμίας τυγχάνειν ὑπὸ κοινῆς συνό- δου, ὡς παραλύοντα τοὺς θεσμοὺς τοὺς ἐκκλησιαστικούς.
80. Arelatens. I. 6. 21. ({.1. Ὀ. 1420 b.) De presbyteris aut. diaconibus, qui solent dimittere loca sua in qui- bus ordinati sunt, et ad alia loca:se transferunt, placuit ut eis locis. mi- nistrent, quibus preefixi [8]. pree- fecti | sunt. Quod si, relictis locis suis, ad alium se locum transferre voluerint,deponantur.—Arelatens.2. c.13. (t. 4. p. 1012 e.) Nullus cujus- cumque ordinis clericus, non diaco- nus, non presbyter, non episcopus, quacumque occasione faciente, pro- priam relinquat ecclesiam, sed omni-
modis aut excommunicetur aut re- dire cogatur.
31 Carth. 1. c. 5. (t. 2. p. 1824 Ὁ.)
-Non debere clericum alienum ab aliquo suscipi sine literis episcopi sui, neque apud se detinere.—Carth. 4. 6. 27. (ibid. p.1202 6.) Inferioris vero gradus sacerdotes, ut alii cle- rici, concessione suorum episcopo- rum possunt ad alias ecclesias trans- migrare.
82 Tolet. 1..c. 12. (1014. p. 1225 6.) Item ut liberum ulli clerico non sit discedere de episcopo suo, et alteri episcopo communicare.
88 Turon. 1. c. 11. (t. 4. 1052 b.) Si quis clericus, absque episcopi sui permissu, derelicta ecclesia sua, ad alium se transferre voluerit locum, alienus a communione habeatur.
34 Taurin. c..7. (t.2. p. 1157 ἃ.) .... Synodi sententia definitum est, ut clericum alterius secundum sta- tuta canonum nemo suscipiat, neque suz ecclesie, licet in alio gradu, au- deat ordinare, neque abjectum reci- plat in communionem.
35 Niceen. 16. (ibid. Ρ. 36 6.) Ὅσοι ῥιψοκινδύνως, pyre. τὸν φόβον τοῦ Θεοῦ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἔ ἔχοντες, μήτε τὸν ἐκκλησιαστικὸν κανόνα εἰδότες, ἀνα- χωρήσουσι τῆς ἐκκλησίας, πρεσβύτε- ροι ἢ διάκονοι, ἢ ἢ ὅλως ἐν τῷ κανόνι «ἐξεταζόμενοι" οὗτοι οὐδαμῶς. εκτοὶ ὁ- φείλουσιν εἶναι ἐν ἑτέρᾳ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν αὐτοῖς ἀνάγκην ἐπάγεσθαι χρὴ: ἀναστρέφειν εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν παροικίας, ἢ ἐπιμένοντας,. ἀκοινωνή- τους εἶναι προσήκει. εἰ δὲ καὶ Toh- μήσειέ τις ὑφαρπάσαι τὸν τῷ ἑτέρῳ
VL. iv.
§ 4.
the regulation of the clergy. 269
I only observe, that this was the ancient use of letters dimis- sory, or, as they were then called, ἀπολυτικαὶ, εἰρηνικαὶ, συστα- τατικαὶ, and coneessorie, which were letters of license granted by a bishop for a clergyman to remove from his diocese to another; though we now take letters dimissory in another sense; but the old canons call those dimissory letters, which were given upon the occasion that I have mentioned. The Council of Carthage®® gives them only the name of the bishop's letters, but the Council of Trullo®7 styles them expressly di- missory; when, reinforcing all the ancient canons, it says, * No clergyman, of what degree soever, shall be entertained in another church,—éxros τῆς τοῦ οἰκείου ἐπισκόπου ἐγγράφου ἀπο- Avrixijs,—without the dimissory letters of his own bishop; which he might grant or refuse, as he saw proper occasion for it: for there was no law to compel him to grant it, whatever arts any clerk might use to gain a dismission any other way. St. Austin mentions a pretty strange case of this nature, that happened in his own diocese. One Timotheus, a subdeacon of his church, being desirous to leave his post under St. Austin, and go to Severus, a neighbouring bishop, protests upon oath to Severus, that he would be no longer of St. Austin’s church: upon this, Severus, pretending a reverence for his oath, writes to St. Austin, and tells him, he could not return him his clerk for fear of making him guilty of perjury. To which St. Austin replied ®*, ‘that this opened a way to licentiousness; and there was an end of all ecclesiastical order and discipline, if a bishop would pretend to keep another man’s clerk upon such a scruple,
87 C. τῇ. (t. 6. p. 1152 a.) “Opt-
διαφέροντα, καὶ rn ἐν τῇ ὥοσμεν, ὥστε...... μηδένα τῶν ἁπάν-
αὐτοῦ ἐκκλησίᾳ, κατατιθεμένου
τοῦ ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου, οὗ ἀνεχώρησεν ὁ ἐν τῷ κανόνι ἐξεταζόμενος, ἄκυρος wre ἡ χειροτονία.
86 Carth. 1. c. 5. ook p.715 ἀν) Non licere clericum alienum ab ali- quo suscipi sine literis episcopi sui, neque apud se retinere. (‘This cita- tion is according to Labbe: but the citation of the same canon at ἢ, 31 preceding, and from the same Coun- cil, is according to the amended edi- tion by Holstenius e veteribus co- dicibus Vaticanis, as repeated by Ep) at the end of t. 2. p. 1824.
D.
τῶν κληρικῶν, κἂν ἐν οἷῳδήποτε τυγχάνῃ βαθμῷ ἄδειαν ἔχειν, ἐκτὸς τῆς τοῦ οἰκείου ἐπισκόπου ἐγγράφου rcpt ἐν ἑτέρᾳ κατατάττεσθαι
“a. τ ‘240. al. 63.] ad Sever. (t. 2. p. 152 b.) Quantus aditus aperi- tur ad dissolvendum ordinem eccle- siastice discipline, si alterius ec- clesie clericus cuicunque juraverit quod ab ipso non sit recessurus, eum secum esse permittat; ideo se facere affirmans, ne auctor sit ejus perjurii, &c,
270 Special laws for VI. iv.
for fear of being accessory to his perjury.’ This evidently im- plies, that there was no law then to compel a bishop to grant letters dimissory to his clerk: for if there had been any such, Timotheus needed not to have used the stratagem of an oath, but might have compelled St. Austin to have granted them. But the Church then did not think fit to put it in every man’s power to remove from one diocese to another at his own plea- sure; but left every bishop sole judge in this case, as best knowing the necessities and circumstances of his own church, and whether it were expedient to part with the clergy which were ordained for her service.
5. The laws were no less severe against all wandering cler- gymen,whom somé of the Ancients®? call βακάντιβοι, or vacan- tivi, by way of reproach. They were a sort of idle persons, who, having deserted the service of their own church, would fix in no other, but went roving from place to place, as their fancy and their humour led them. Now, by the laws of the Church, no bishop was to permit any such to officiate in his diocese, nor indeed so much as to communicate in his church; because, having neither letters dimissory nor letters commen- datory from their own bishop, which every one ought to have that travelled, they were to be suspected either as deserters, or as persons guilty of some misdemeanour, who fled from ecclesiastical censure. Therefore the laws forbad the admitting of such either to ecclesiastical or lay-communion. ‘A presbyter or deacon,’ says the Council of Agde?°, ‘ that rambles about without the letters of his bishop, shall not be admitted to com- munion by any other.’ The Council of Epone*! repeats the
Laws a- gainst the βακάντιβοι, or wander- ing clergy.
decree in the same words. Spain, orders such wandering
39 Vid. Synes. Ep. 67. (p. 216 ἃ. 10.) Περινοστοῦσί τινες βακαντίβοι παρ᾽ ἡμῖν" ἀνέξῃ γάρ μου “μικρὸν ὑπο- βαρβαρίσαντος, ἵ ἵνα διὰ τῆς συνηθεσ- τέρας τῇ πολιτείᾳ φωνῆς τὴν ἑνίων κακίαν ἐμφατικώτερον παραστήσαιμι" οὗτοι καθέδραν μὲν ἀποδεδειγμένην ἔχειν οὐ βούλονται" οἵγε τὴν οὖσαν ἀπολελοίπασι, οὐ κατὰ συμφορὰν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐθαίρετοι μετανάσται γινόμενοι" καρποῦνται δὲ τὰς τιμὰς, ἐκεῖ περινο- στοῦντες, ὅπου κερδαλεώτερον.
40 C. 52. (t. 4. p. 1392 a.) Pres-
And the Council of Valentia42, in
and roving clerks, as will not
bytero, sive diacono [al. vel diacono vel clerico] sine antistitis sui epi- stolis ambulanti communionem nul- lus impendat.
41 (Ὁ, 6. (t. 4. p. 1577 b.)
42 0.5. (ibid. p. 1619 e.).. Vagus atque instabilis clericus, .... si epi- scopi, a quo ordinatus est, preeceptis non obedierit, ut in delegata sibi ec- clesia officium dependat assiduum,
uousque in vitio permanserit, et Gah a] communione et honore pri- vetur.
the regulation of the clergy. 271
settle to the constant performance and attendance of divine of- fices in the church, whereto they were deputed by the bishop that ordained them, to be deprived both of the communion and the honour of their order, if they persisted in their obstinacy and rebellion. So strict were the laws of the ancient Church in tying the inferior clergy to the service of that church to which they were first appointed, that they might not upon any account move thence, but at the discretion of the bishop that ordained them.
6. Nor were the bishops so arbitrary in this matter, but that Laws they themselves were under a like regulation, and liable to onan laws of the same nature. For, as no clerk could remove from of bishops his own church without the license of his bishop, so neither ae might any bishop pretend to translate or move himself to an- other, how other see, without the consent and approbation of a provincial ed and un- council. Some few there were who thought it absolutely un- “tot lawful for a bishop to forsake his first see, and betake himself to any other; because they looked upon his consecration to be a sort of marriage to his church, from which he could not divorce himself, nor take another, without incurring the crime of spiritual adultery. To this purpose they wrested that pas- sage of St. Paul, “ A bishop must be the husband of one wife,” taking it in a mystical and figurative sense, as St. Jerom#? in- forms us. But this was but the private opinion of one or two authors, which never prevailed in the Catholic Church; whose prohibition of the translation of bishops was not founded upon any such reasons, but was only intended as a cautionary provi- sion to prevent the ambition of aspiring men: that they might not run from lesser bishoprics to greater, without the authority of a provincial Synod, which was the proper judge in such cases. Some canons indeed seem to forbid it absolutely and universally, as a thing not to be allowed in any case. The Councils of Nice ‘+ and Sardica‘5, and some others, prohibit it,
43 Ep. 83. [al. 69.1 ad Ocean. t. 2. p. 321. (t. 1. p. 415 a.) Qui- dam coacte interpretantur uxores
ecclesiis, viros pro episcopis de- accipi, &c. 440. 15. (t. 2. p. 36d.) Διὰ τὸν
πολὺν τάραχον καὶ τὰς στάσεις τὰς γινομένας, ἔδοξε παντάπασι περιαιρε-
θῆναι τὴν συνήθειαν τὴν παρὰ τὸν κα- νόνα εὑρεθεῖσαν ἕν τισι μέρεσιν" ὥστε ἀπὸ πόλεως εἰς πόλιν μὴ μεταβαίνειν,
ἦτε ἐπίσκοπον, μήτε πρεσβύτερον, μῆτε διάκονον" εἰ δέ τις μετὰ τὸν τῆς ἁγίας καὶ ἴλης συνόδου ὅρον, τοι- οὕτῳ τινὶ ἐπιχειρήσειεν, ἣ ἐπιδοίη
ἑαυτὸν πράγματι τοιούτῳ, ἀκυρωθή-
Q72 VI. iv. without any exception or limitation. But other canons restrain it to the case of a bishop’s intruding himself into another see by some sinister arts, without any legal authority from a pro- vincial synod. So those called the Apostolical Canons4¢ distin- guish upon the matter: ‘It shall not be lawful for a bishop to leave his diocese and invade another, though many of the peo- ple would compel him to it, unless there be a reasonable cause, as that he may the more advantage the Church by his preach- ing; and then he shall not do it of his own head, but by the judgment and entreaty of many bishops, that is, a provincial synod.’ The fourth Council of Carthage‘? distinguishes much after the same manner: ‘A bishop shall not remove himself from an obscure to a more honourable place out of ambition ; but, if the advantage of the Church require it, he may be translated by the order and decree of a provincial synod.’ Schelstrate 48 and some other learned persons think that these canons were a correction of the former ; the one allowing what the other had positively forbidden. But this is not at all pro- bable: it is more reasonable to think, that though in the Ni- cene and Sardican canons these exceptions are not expressed, yet they are to be understood; because the Council of Nice itself translated Eustathius, bishop of Bercea, to Antioch, as Mr. Pagi4? rightly observes out of Sozomen%°, and other his-
>
Special laws for
σεται ἐξ ἅπαντος τὸ κατασκεύασμα, [8]. ποιεῖν], ὡς πλέον τι κέρδος Suva-
καὶ ἀποκατασταθήσεται τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, 7 ὁ ἐπίσκοπος ἢ ὁ πρεσβύτερος ἐχει- ροτονήθη.
45 C. 1. (ibid. p. 628 d.)...."Iva μηδενὶ τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἐξῇ ἀπὸ πόλεως μικρᾶς εἰς ἑτέραν πόλιν μεθίστασθαι. —C. Antioch. c, 21. (ibid. p. 572 a.) ᾿Ἐπίσκοπον ἀπὸ παροικίας ἑτέρας εἰς ἑτέραν μὴ μεθίστασθαι, μήτε αὐθαιρέ- Tas ἐπιρρίπτοντα ἑαυτὸν, μήτε ἀπὸ λαῶν ἐκβιαζόμενον, μήτε ὑπὸ ἐπισκό- mov ἀναγκαζόμενον, κ. τ. A.—Conf. C. Carth. 2. c. 38. (ibid. Ρ. 1172 ¢.) Non liceat fieri rebaptizationes et reordinationes vel translationes epi- scoporum.
46 C. 14. [al. 13.] (Cotel. [c. 11.] Vv. 1. p. 438.) Ἐπίσκοπον μὴ ἐξεῖναι καταλείψαντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παροικίαν ἑτέρᾳ ἐπιπηδᾷν, κἂν ὑπὸ πλειόνων ἀναγκάζηται" εἰ μή τις εὔλογος αἰτία ἦ ἡ τοῦτο βιαζομένη αὐτὸν ποιῆσαι
μένου αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἐκεῖσε λόγῳ εὖσε- βείας συμβάλλεσθαι: καὶ τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, ἀλλὰ κρίσει πολλῶν ἐπισκόπων καὶ παρακλήσει μεγίστῃ.
47 C. 27. (t. 2. p. 1202 b.) Ut epi- scopus de loco ignobili ad nobilem per ambitionem non transeat. . Sane si id utilitas ecclesie fiendum po- poscerit, decreto pro eo clericorum et laicorum episcopis porrecto, per sententiam [al. in preesentia| synodi transferatur.
48 C, Antioch. Restitut. dissert. 4. c. 19. ἢ. 2. de Canone 21. (p. 614.)
49 Crit. in Baron. an. 324. n. 22. [al. 26.] (t. 1. p. 403.)... Kustathius, anno sequenti episcopus Antioche- nus dictus, cum Theophanes. de synodo Niczena loquens. dicat: Vi- dua pontifice Antiochensium eccle- sia synodus Eustathium confirmayit
-Berceee in Syria episcopum,. quod
§ 6, 7. the regulation of the clergy. 273
torians of the Church. Which had been to break and affront their own rule at the very first, had it meant that it should not be lawful in any case to translate a bishop from one see to another. We must conclude, then, that the design of all these canons was the same, to prevent covetousness, ambition, and love of preeminence in aspiring men, who thrust themselves into other sees by irregular means, by a faction, or the mere favour of the people, without staying for the choice or consent of a synod; which was the common practice of the Arian party in the time of Constantine and Constantius, and occasioned so many laws to be made against it. But when a synod of bishops in their judgment and discretion thought it necessary to trans- late a bishop from a lesser to a greater see, for the benefit and advantage of the Church, there was no law to prohibit this, but there are a thousand instances of such promotions to be met with in ancient history; as Socrates>! has observed long ago, who has collected a great many instances to this purpose. Those that please may see more in Cotelerius*? and, bishop Beveridge®* ; for in so plain a case I do not think it necessary to be more particular in my account of them, but proceed with other laws of the Church which concerned the clergy.
7. The next laws of this nature were such as concerned the Laws con- residence of the clergy; the design of which was the same as oe all the former, to bind them to constant attendance upon their he duty. And these laws equally concerned bishops and all the inferior clergy. The Council of Sardica has several canons re- lating to this matter. The seventh >‘ decrees, ‘ that no bishop should go εἰς στρατόπεδον, to the emperor's court, unless the emperor by letter called him thither.” The next canon®> pro-
ante Theophanem Sozomenus, 1. 1.
δὲ L. 7. c. 36. tot. (ibid. p. 385. 9.) c. 2. in literas miserat.
᾿Επειδὴ δέ τινες, κι T,X.
52 In Can. Apost. 14. (v. 1. p.
50 L. 1. c. 2. (v. 2. p. 11. 25.) Τῆς δὲ [ἐκκλησίας] ᾿Αντιοχέων τῶν πρὸς
ἐπετέτραπτο" τῶν ὧν, ὡς εἰκὸς, μὴ ω γενέσθαι τὴν χει- parerlee: οὐκ els δὲ οἱ εἰς Ni-
καίαν συνελὴλ > ς τοῦ βίου καὶ τῶν λόγων Εὐστάθιον, ἄξιον ἐδοκίμασαν τοῦ ἀποστολικοῦ 6, ἡγεῖσθαι" καὶ ἐπίσκοπον ὄντα τῆς γείτονος Βερροίας εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν μετέστησαν.
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
438. n.6.) Immensum esset, &c. 63 In eund. Can. (ap. Cotel. ibid.
p- 462.) Anno Domini 673, &c. 54 C. 7. (t. 2. p. 633 b.) Μηδένα ἐπίσκοπον χρῆναι els τὸ στρατόπεδον ίνεσθαι, κτὸς τούτων, ods
παραγ dy 6 εὐλαβέστατος βασιλεὺς τοῖς ἑαυ-
τοῦ γράμμασι μετακαλοῖτο.
ὅδ ©. 8. (ibid.) [According to Labbe, the latter part of c. 7. and ς. 8.] ᾿Επειδὰν πολλάκις συμβαίνει
T
274
Special laws jor VI. iv.
vides, ‘ that whereas there might be several cases which might require a bishop to make some application to the emperor in behalf of the poor, or widows, or such as fled for sanctuary to the church, and condemned criminals, and the like; im such cases the deacons or subdeacons of the church were to be employed to go in his name, that the bishop might fall under no censure at court, as neglecting the business of his church.’ Justinian has a law°® of the same import with these canons, ‘that no bishop should appear at court upon any business of his church without the command of the prince; but if any pe- tition was to be preferred to the emperor relating to any civil contest, the bishop, should depute his apocrisiarius, or resident at court, to act for him, or send his wconomus, or some other of his clergy, to solicit the cause in his name; that the church might neither receive damage by his absence, nor be put to unnecessary expenses. Another canon’? of the Council of Sardica limits the absence of a bishop from his church to three weeks, unless it were upon some very weighty and ur-
gent occasion.
τινὰς οἴκτου δεομένους καταφυγεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, διὰ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἁμαρτή- ματα εἰς περιο ισμὸν ἢ νῆσον καταδι- κασθέντας, ἢ ἢ [δ᾽ αὖ πάλιν οἷᾳδηπο- τοῦν ἀποφάσει ἐκδεδομένους" τοῖς τοι- οὕτοις μὴ ἀρνητέαν εἶναι τὴν βοήθειαν, ἀλλὰ χωρὶς μελησμοῦ καὶ ἄνευ τοῦ διστάσαι τοῖς τοιούτοις αἰτεῖσθαι συγ- χώρησιν"..«.... καὶ τοῦτο ἡ ἀγχίνοια ὑμῶν κρινάτω, ἵν᾽ ἐπειδὴ ἔδοξε, διὰ τὸ μὴ πίπτειν ὑπὸ κατάγνωσίν τινα τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἀφικνούμενον εἰς τὸ στρα- τόπεδον, εἴ τινες αὐτῶν τοιαύτας ἔχοιεν δεήσεις, οἵων ἐπάνω ἐπεμνήσθημεν, διὰ ἰδίου διακόνου ἀποστέλλοιεν᾽ τοῦ- το γὰρ ὑπηρέτου τὸ πρόσωπον οὐκ ἐπίφθονον τυγχάνει, καὶ τὰ παρασχε- θησόμενα θᾶττον διακομισθῆναι δυνή- σεται.
56 Novel. 6. c. 2. See before, b. 3. ch. 13. 8. 6. v. 1. p. 365. n. 84.
57 C.1r, (t. 2. p. 637 ἃ. ) Μέμνησθε καὶ ἐν τῷ προάγοντι χρόνῳ τοὺς πα- τέρας ἡμῶν κεκρικέναι, ἵνα εἴ τις λαϊ- κὸς ἐν πόλει διάγων, τρεῖς κυριακὰς ἡμέρας ἐν τρισὶν ἑβδόμασι μὴ συνέρ- χοιτο, ἀποκινοῖτο τῆς κοινωνίας" εἰ τοίνυν περὶ τῶν λαϊκῶν τοῦτο τεθέσ- πισται, οὐ χρὴ, οὐδὲ πρέπει, ἀλλ᾽
And another canon 58 allows the same time for
οὐδὲ συμφέρει, ἐπίσκοπον, εἰ μηδε- μίαν βαρυτέραν a ἀνάγκην ἔχοι, ἢ πρᾶγ- μα δυσχερὲς, ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀπολεί- πεσθαι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἐκκλησίας, καὶ λυ- πεῖν τὸν ἐμπεπιστευμένον. αὐτῷ λαόν.
58 C, 12. (ibid. b.) Τινὲς τῶν ἀδελ- φῶν καὶ συνεπισκόπων ἐν ταῖς πόλε- σιν, ἐν αἷς ἐπίσκοποι καθίστανται, δοκοῦσι κεκτῆσθαι σφόδρα ὀλίγα ὑπάρχοντα ἴδια" ἐν ἑτέροις δὲ τόποις κτήσεις μεγάλας, ἐξ ὧν καὶ ἐπικουρεῖν δυνατοί εἶσι τοῖς πένησιν" οὕτως οὖν αὐτοῖς συγχωρητέον εἶναι κρίνω, ἵνα εἰ μέλλοιεν εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν παραγίνε- σθαι κτήσεις, καὶ τὴν συγκομιδὴν. τῶν καρπῶν ποιεῖσθαι, τρεῖς κυριακὰς ἡμέ- ρας, τοῦτ᾽ ἔστι, τρεῖς ἑβδομάδας ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτῶν κτήμασιν αὐτοὺς διάγειν, καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀγχιστευούσῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἐν 7 πρεσβύτερος συνάγοι, ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ χωρὶς συνελεύσεως αὐτὸν δοκεῖ εἶναι, συνέρχεσθαι καὶ λειτουργεῖν, καὶ μὴ συνεχέστερον εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἐν 7 ἐστιν ἐπίσκοπος, παραγίγνοιτο. Τοῦτον γὰρ τὸν τρόπον καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα αὐτοῦ πράγ- ματα “παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ ἀπουσίαν οὐδε- μίαν ὑπομενεῖ ζημίαν, καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀλα- ζονείας καὶ τοῦ τύφου ἐκκλίνειν δόξει
ἔγκλημα.
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8 γ.
the regulation of the clergy. 275
a bishop,who is possessed of an estate in another diocese, to go and collect his revenues, provided he celebrate divine service every Lord’s-day in the country-church where his estate lies: and by two other canons*? of that Council, presbyters and deacons are limited to the same term of absence, and tied to the forementioned rules in the same manner as bishops were. The Council of Agde® made the like order for the French Churches, decreeing ‘that a presbyter or deacon, who was absent from his church for three weeks, should be three years suspended from the communion.’ In the African Churches, upon the account of this residence, every bishop’s house was to be near the church by a rule of the fourth Council of Car- thage®. And in the fifth Council there is another rule®, ‘that every bishop shall have his residence at his principal or cathedral church, which he shall not leave, to betake himself to any other church in his diocese; nor continue upon his pri- vate concerns, to the neglect of his cure, and hinderance of his frequenting the cathedral church.’ From this it appears that the city-church was to be the chief place of the bishop’s resi- dence and cure: and Cabassutius®, in his remarks upon this canon, reflects upon the French bishops, as transgressing the ancient rule, in spending the greatest part of the year upon
59 C. τό. (ibid. p. 640 €.) ᾿Αέτιος
60 C. 64. (t. 4. p. 1393 e.)... Tri- ἐπίσκοπος εἶπεν Οὐκ ἀγνοεῖτε ὁποία bas a
ennio a communione suspendatur. Similiter diaconus vel presbyter, si
καὶ πηλίκη τυγχάνει ἡ τῶν Θεσσαλο- νικέων μητρόπολις" πολλάκις τοιγαρ-
᾿ οὖν εἰς αὐτὴν ἀπὸ ἑτέρων ἐπαρχιῶν
πρεσβύτεροι καὶ διάκονοι παραγίνον- ται, καὶ οὐκ ἀρκούμενοι βραχέος δια- γωγῇ χρόνου, ἐναπομένουσι, καὶ ἅ- mavra τὸν χρόνον αὐτόθι ποιοῦντες διατελοῦσιν᾽ ἣ μόλις μετὰ πλεῖστον ν εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἐπανιέναι ἐκ-
σίας ἀναγκάζονται" περὶ τούτων ὁριστέον. Ὅσιος ἐπίσκοπος εἶπεν᾽ Οὗτοι οἱ ὅροι, οἱ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐπισκό- Tov ὡρισμένοι, φυλαττέσθωσαν καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων τῶν mpoownev.—lbid. c. 17 (b.) [This canon contains no- thing directly to the purpose, but permits a necessary absence, in case of a violent expulsion or in seeking :- Εἴ ris ἐπίσκοπος βίαν ὑπο-
μείνας ἀδίκως ἐκβληθῆ, κι τ.λ. Ἐπ.}
[per] tres hebdomadas ab ecclesia sua defuerint, huic damnationi suc- cumbant.
61 C. 14. (t. 2. p. 1201 Ὁ.) Ut episcopus non longe ab ecclesia hospitiolom habeat.
C. 5. (ibid. p. 1216 b.) Placuit ut nemini sit facultas, relicta princi- pali cathedra, ad aliquam ecclesiam in dicecesi constitutam se conferre : vel in re propria diutius quam opor- tet constitutum, curam vel frequen- tationem proprie cathedre negli-
ere. . 63 Notit. Concil. c. 44. [See. 4. an. 308.} (p. 178.) Huic canoni epi- scopi contraveniunt ....qui magna parte anni ruri versantur et delici- antur.
T2
276 Special laws for VI. iv.
their pleasure in the country. Yet there is one thing that seems a difficulty in this matter; for Justinian® says, ‘ No bishop shall be absent from his church above a whole year, unless he has the emperor’s command for it.’ Which implies, that a bishop might be absent from his bishopric a year in ordinary cases, and more in extraordinary. But I conceive the meaning of this is, that he might be absent a year during his whole life, not year after year; for that would amount to a perpetual absence, which it was not the intent of the law to grant, but to tie them up to the direct contrary, except the prince upon some extraordinary affair thought fit to grant them a particular dispensation. |
Of plurali- 8. Another rule, grounded upon the same reasons with the
ties, and "he former, was the inhibition of pluralities; which concerned both
aboutthem. bishops and the inferior clergy. As to bishops, it appears plainly from St. Ambrose that it was not thought lawful for a bishop to have two churches. For, speaking of those words of the Apostle, “‘a bishop must be the husband of one wife,” he says® ; ‘If we look only to the superficies of the letter, it forbids a digamist to be ordained bishop; but if we penetrate - a little deeper to the profounder sense, it prohibits a bishop to have two churches.’ That is; wherever there were two dio- ceses before, it was not lawful for one bishop to usurp them both, except where the wisdom of the Church and State thought it most convenient to join them into one. And it is remarkable, that though there be many instances of bishops removing from lesser sees to greater; yet there is no example in all ancient history, that 1 remember, of any such bishops holding both together ; no, not among the Arians themselves, who were the least concerned in observing rules of any other. As to the case of the inferior clergy, we must distinguish be- twixt diocesan and parochial churches, and between the office and the benefit in parochial churches. The circumstances and
64 Novel. 6. c. 2. (t. 5. p. 54.) append. p. 360d.) Si ad superficiem Et illud etiam definimus, ut nemo tantum litere respiciamus, prohibet . Deo amabilium episcoporum foris bigamum episcopum ordinari: si a sua ecclesia plusquam per totum vero ad altiorem sensum conscendi- annum abesse audeat, nisi hoc per mus, inhibet episcopum duas usur~ imperialem fiat jussionem. pare ecclesias.
65 De Dignit. Sacerd. c. 4. (t. 2.
“ Δ... Δ...
the regulation of the clergy. 277
necessities of the Church might sometimes require a presbyter or deacon to officiate in more than one parochial church, when there was a scarcity of ministers; but the*revenues of such churches did not thereupon belong to him, because they were paid into the. common stock of the city or cathedral church, from whence he had his monthly or yearly portion in the divi- sion of the whole, as has been noted before. And this makes it further evident, that in those early ages there could be no
. such thing as plurality of benefices, but only a plurality of
offices in the same diocese, within such a district as that a man might personally attend and officiate in two parochial churches. But then as to different dioceses, it being ordinarily impossible that a man should attend a cure in two dioceses, the canons are very express in prohibiting any one from having a name in two churches, or partaking of the revenues of both. The Council of Chalcedon has a peremptory canon® to this purpose: “ΤῈ shall not be lawful for any clergyman to have his name in the church-roll or catalogue of two cities at the same time, that is, in the church where he was first ordained, and any other to which he flies out of ambition as to a greater church; but all such shall be returned to their own church, where they were first ordained, and only minister there. But if any one is regularly removed from one church to another, he shall not partake of the revenues of the former church, or of any ora- tory, hospital, or almshouse belonging to it. And such as shall presume, after this definition of this great and cecumenical Council, to transgress in this matter, are condemned to be degraded by the holy synod.’ And, that none might pretend under any other notion to evade this law, the same rule was made for monasteries, that one abbot should not preside over two monasteries at the same time. Which provision is made by the Councils of Agde and Epone®’, and confirmed by the im-
66 C. το. (t. ta p- oat d.) ὙΦ Ὰ ἄλλης εἰς ἄλλην ἐκκλησίαν, μηδὲν τοῖς
εἶναι ρον αν ηρικῷ] ἐν
σθαι ἐκκλησίαις ma
τὸ αὐτὸ, ae Te τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐχειροτο- καὶ ἐν mpocé » ὡς μείζονι
ὃ - διὰ δόξης κενῆς ἐπιθυμίαν" τοὺς τοῦτο ποιοῦντας: ἀποκαθίστασθαι
τ Bs ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἐν ἡ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐχει- » καὶ ἐκεῖ μόνον λειτουρ-
γεῖν᾽ εἰ μέντοι ἤδη τις μετετέθη ἐξ
τῆς προτέρας ἐκκλησίας ἤτοι τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν μαρτυρίων, i) πτωχείων, ἣ ξενο- sexcum, ¢ ἐπικοινωνεῖν πράγμασι" τοὺς δέ γε τολμῶντας μετὰ τὸν ὅρον τῆς μεγάλης καὶ οἰκουμενικῆς ταύτης συν- όδου πράττειν τι τῶν νῦν ἀπηγορευο- μένων, ὥρισεν ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος, ἐκπί- mre τοῦ οἰκείου βαθμοῦ. 57 Agathens. c. 57. (ib. Ρ. 1392 ¢.)
VI. iv. perial laws of Justinian, who inserted it into his Code®. Now
the design of all these laws was to oblige the clergy to constant attendance upon their duty in the church where they were
first ordained ; from which if they once removed, whether with license or without, to any other diocese, they were no longer
to enjoy any dividend in the church or diocese to which they
first belonged. And this rule continued for several ages after
the Council of Chalcedon, being renewed in the second Council
of Nice®9, and other later Councils.
278 Special laws for
Laws pro- 9, In pursuance of the same design, to keep the clergy strict hibiting the : ἐόν clergy to and constant to their duty, laws were also made to prohibit re them from following any secular employment, which might νὸν τα divert them too much from their proper business and calling. ana onices.
Among those called the Apostolical Canons, there are three to this purpose. One7° of which says, ‘ No bishop, presbyter, or deacon, shall take upon him any worldly cares, under pain of degradation.’ Another’! says, ‘No bishop or presbyter shall concern himself in any secular offices or administrations, that he may have more time to attend the needs and business of the Church; and this under the same penalty of degradation.’. The last7? says, ‘ A bishop, presbyter, or deacon, that busies
Unum abbatum duobus monasteriis interdicimus presidere. — Epaun. c. 9. (ibid. p. 1577 5.) where the same words occur.
68 L. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. leg. 39. (t. 4. p. 110.).. OU γίνεται δὲ ἡγού- μενος δύο μοναστηρίων.
69 C. 15. (t.. 4. p. 609 a.) Κληρικὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ παρόντος μὴ κατατασσέσθω ἐν δυσὶν ἐκκλησίαις" ἐμπορίας γὰρ καὶ αἰσχροκερδείας ἴδιον τοῦτο, καὶ ἀλλό- τριον ἐκκλησιαστικῆς συνηθείας" ἠκού- σαμεν γὰρ ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς Κυριακῆς φω- vans’ ὅτι οὐ δύναταί τις δυσὶ κυρίοις δουλεύειν' ἢ γὰρ τὸν ἕνα μισήσει, καὶ τὸν ἕτερον ἀγαπήσει" ἢ τοῦ ἑνὸς ἀν- θέξεται, καὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου καταφρονήσει" ἕκαστος οὖν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αποστολικὴν φωνὴν, ἐν ᾧ ἐκλήθη, ἐν τούτῳ ὀφείλει μένειν, καὶ προσεδρεύειν ἐν μιᾷ ἐκ- kAnoia’ τὰ γὰρ δι’ αἰσχροκέρδειαν γινόμενα ἐπὶ σῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν πραγμάτων, ἀλλότρια τοῦ Θεοῦ καθε- στήκασι' πρὸς δὲ τὴν τοῦ βίου τού- του χρείαν ἐπιτηδεύματά εἰσι διάφορα" ἐξ αὐτῶν εἴ τις βούλοιτο, τὰ χειρώδη
τοῦ σώματος ποριζέσθω" ἔφη γὰρ ὁ ᾿Απόστολος" ταῖς χρείαις μου καὶ τοῖς οὖσι μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ ὑπηρέτησαν αἱ χεῖρες αὗται" καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ θεο- φυλάκτῳ πόλει" ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἔξω χωρί- os, διὰ τὴν ἔλλειψιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, δον ὡρείσθω.
ο ὦ. 7 . [al. 6.1 (Cotel. [c. 4.] ν.τ. htt Ν ᾿Επίσκοπος, ἢ ἢ πρεσβύτερος, ἢ διάκονος κοσμικὰς φροντίδας μὴ ἀναλαμβανέσθω fal. ἀναλαμβανέτω"} εἰ δὲ μήγε καθαιρείσθω.
71 Ο, 81. [8]. 80. ] (Cotel. [c. 72.} ibid. p. 441.) Εἴπομεν, ὅτι οὐ χρὴ ἐπίσκοπον, ἢ πρεσβύτερον εἰς δημο- σίας διοικήσεις καθιέναι ἑαυτὸν, ἀλλὰ προσευκαιρεῖν ταῖς ἐκκλησιαστικαῖς χρείαις" ἢ πειθέσθω οὖν τοῦτο μὴ ποιεῖν, ἢ καθαιρείσθω" οὐδεὶς γὰρ δύ- ναται δυσὶ κυρίοις δουλεύειν, κατὰ τὴν Κυριακὴν παρακέλευσιν.
72 C. 83. [8]. 82.) (Cotel. [c. 74:1 ibid. Ρ. 447-) ᾿Επίσκοπος, ἢ πρεσβύ- τερος, ἢ διάκονος στρατείᾳ σχολάζων, καὶ βουλόμενος ἀμφότερα κατέχειν, “Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἀρχὴν, καὶ ἱερατικὴν διοί
“Ὁ
ὃ 9.
the regulation of the clergy. 279
himself in any secular office, and is minded to hold both a place in the Roman government and an office in the Church, shall be deposed. For the things of Cesar belong to Cesar, and the things of God to God.’ Balsamon and Zonaras take this canon to mean only the prohibition of holding military offices, because it uses the word στρατεία: but I have shewed before, out of Gothofred and others, that the words στρατεία and militia are used by the Romans in a larger signification, to denote all kinds of secular offices, as well civil as military ; and therefore they more rightly interpret this canon7*, who understand it as a prohibition of holding any secular office, civil as well as mili- tary, with an ecclesiastical one, as things incompatible and in- consistent with one another. Eusebius informs us, from the Epistle of the Council of Antioch7*, which deposed Paulus Sa- mosatensis, ‘ that, among other crimes alleged against him, this was one, that he took upon him secular places, and preferred the title of ducenarius before that of bishop. The ducenarit among the Romans were a sort of civil officers, so called from their receiving a salary of two hundred sestertia from the em- peror, as Valesius?> observes out of Dio. And this makes it plain, that the intent of the canons was to prohibit the clergy from meddling with civil offices, as well as military. Only in some extraordinary cases, where the matter was a business of great necessity or charity, we meet with an instance or two of a bishop’s joining an ecclesiastical and civil office together with- out any censure. As Theodoret7® notes of the famous Jacobus Nisibensis, that he was both bishop and prince, or governor, of
κησιν, καθαιρείσθω" τὰ yap τοῦ Kai- ... Κοσμικὰ ἀξιώματα ὑποδυόμενος,
σαρος pe’ καὶ τὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ δουκηνάριος μᾶλλον ἢ ἐπίσκοπος a θέλων καλεῖσθαι. Bevereg. in Can. cit. (αρ. ὅο- 78 In loc. cit. (ibid. n. 5.) De pro-
curatoribus ducenariis vide, quz
ereg
tel. ibid. p. 476.).... Nobis autem civilem quamlibet administrationem,
istratum, aut dignitatem hic indigitare videtur ; propterea quod per Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἀρχὴν proximis verbis explicatur, et τῇ ἱερατικῇ διοικήσει opponitur: unde et in Epitome tam Logothete quam Aristeni pro orpa- reia ολάζων nihil substituitur seutér Ap ey, vis enim canonis in ea his solis verbis exhibetur, ἱερεὺς
ἄρχων ἀνΐερος. 4L. 7. c. 30. (v. 1. p. 361. 7.)..
scripsit Salmasius in Notis ad His- toriam Augustam. Sic dicebantur procuratores, qui ducenta sestertia annui salarii nomine accipiebant a principe, ut clare docet Dio in lib. 53. Ρ. 506.
76 L, 2. c. 30. (v. 3. Ρ. 116. 15.) Νίσιβις, ἣν ᾿Αντιόχειαν Μυγδονίας τινὲς ὀνομάζουσιν, ἐν μεθορίῳ κεῖται τῆς Περσῶν καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας" ταύτης ἐπίσκοπος ἦν καὶ πολιοῦχος καὶ στρατηγὸς ᾿Ιάκωβος.
280 Special laws for VI. iv,
Nisibis, or Antioch in Mygdonia, a city in the confines of the Persian and Roman empires. Theodoret represents him as a man of great fame in his country for his miracles, by which he sometimes relieved the city when besieged by the Persians ; and it is probable, in regard to this, the emperors Constantine and Constantius pitched upon him as the properest person to take the government of the city upon him, bemg a place in _ great danger, and very much exposed to the incursions of the Persians. But such instances are rarely met with in ancient history. Laws pro- 10. In some times and places the laws of the Church. were vowing Me so strict about this matter, that they would not suffer a bishop
clergy to be ἢ tutors and oy presbyter to be left trustee to any man’s will, or a tutor or
espn guardian in pursuance of it; because it was thought this would tended. —_ he too great an avocation from his other business. There is a famous case in Cyprian relating to this matter. He tells us, it had been determined by an African synod that no one should appoint any of God’s ministers a curator or guardian by his will, because they were to give themselves to supplications and prayer, and to attend only upon the sacrifice and service of the altar. And therefore77, when one Geminius Victor had made Geminius Faustinus, a presbyter of the Church of Furni, guar- dian or trustee by his last will and testament, contrary to the decree of the foresaid Council, Cyprian wrote to the Church of Furni, that they should execute the sentence of the Council against Victor, which was, that no annual commemoration should be made of him in the church, nor any prayer be offered in his name, according to the custom of the Church in those times, in the sacrifice of the altar. This was a sort of excommunication after death, by denying to receive such a person’s oblations, and refusing to name him at the altar among others that made their offerings, and neither honouring him with the common prayers or praises that were then put up to God for all the faithful that were dead in the Lord. This was the punishment of such as transgressed this rule in the
77 Ep. 66. [al. 1.] ad Cler. Fur- sus sit tutorem constituere, non est nitan. p. 3. (p. 170.) Et ideo Victor quod pro dormitione ejus apud vos cum, contra formam nuper in Con- fiat oblatio, aut. deprecatio aliqua cilio a sacerdotibus datam, Gemi- nomine ejus in ecclesia frequen- nium Faustinum, presbyterum, au- tetur.
§ 10, 11,12. the regulation of the clergy. 281
days of Cyprian. And in the following ages the canon was renewed, but with a little difference. For though bishops were absolutely-and universally forbidden to take this office upon them, both by the ecclesiastical and civil law7*; yet presbyters and deacons, and all the inferior clergy, were allowed to be tutors and guardians to such persons, as by right of kindred might claim this as a duty from them. But still the prohibition stood in force against their being concerned in that office for any other that were not of their relations; as appears from one of Justinian’s Novels79, which was made to settle this matter in the Church. 11. By other laws they were prohibited from taking upon Laws a-
them the office of pleaders at the bar in any civil contest, arora though it were in their own case, or the concerns of the = Face pleading
Church. Neither might they be bondsmen or sureties for any causes st other man’s appearance in such causes ; because it was thought jhe he in that such sort of encumbrances might bring detriment to the themselves, Church, in distracting her ministers from constant attendance δ ἐμοῖς upon divine ‘service, as appears both from the foresaid Novel of Justinian 50, and some ancient canons, which forbid a clergy- man to become a sponsor in any such cause, under the penalty of deprivation.
12. Now as all these offices and employments were forbidden Laws a- the clergy upon the account of being consumers of their time, cae
and hindrances of divine service; so there were some others ee - prohibited, not only upon this account, but also upon the notion merchan-
of their being generally attended with covetousness and filthy 4126.
78 Vid. C. Carth. 4. c. 18. (t. 2. Ῥ. 1201 c.) Ut episcopus tuitionem testamentorum non suscipiat.
79 Novel. 123. c. 5. (t. 5. Ρ. 542.) Deo autem episcopos et monachos ex nulla lege paca aut curatores 2 agg Sa e persone fieri
Presbyteros autem et
os et subdiaconos, jure et
ΩΝ cognationis, tutelam aut curam ial hereditatis permittimus,
80 Thid. c. 6. (p. 542. ad calc. et p $43.) 4 Alium autem [al. Sed neque] . aut procuratorem litis, aut
fidejussorem pro talibus causis epi- scopum, aut ceconomum, aut alium clericum cujuslibet gradus, aut mo- nachum proprio nomine, aut eccle- siz aut monasterii, subire non sini- mus; ut non per "hanc occasionem et sanctis domibus damnum fiat, et sacra ministeria impediantur.— Conf. C. Apost. 20. [al. ἐν (Cotel. [c. 16.] v. I. (ἢ 438.) Κληρικὸς ἐγ- γύας διδοὺς, καθαιρείσθω. —Constit. Apost. 1. 2. 6. “6 (Cote. ib. Ρ- 216.) "Ἔστω δὲ ὁ éricxoros .... μὴ ἐγγυώ- μενός τινα, ἢ συνηγορῶν ᾿ δίκαις χρη- ματικαῖς.
282 Special laws for VI. iv.
lucre. Thus, in the first Council of Carthage 51, we find several prohibitions of clergymen’s becoming stewards or accountants to laymen. The third Council®? forbids both that, and also their taking any houses or lands to farm, and generally all business that was disreputable and unbecoming their calling. The second Council of Arles*? likewise forbids their farming other men’s estates, or following any trade or merchandize for filthy lucre’s sake, under the penalty of deprivation. The ge- neral Council of Chalcedon has a canon * to the same purpose, ‘that no monk or clergyman shall rent any estate, or take upon him the management of any secular business, except the law called him to be guardian to orphans, in the case that has been spoken of before, as being their next relation, or else the bishop made him steward of the church-revenues, or overseer of the widows, orphans, and such others as stood in need of the Church’s care and assistance.’ And here the reason given for making this canon is, that some of the clergy were found to neglect the service of God, and live in laymen’s houses as their stewards, for covetousness and filthy lucre’s sake. Which was an old complaint made by Cyprian®*, in that sharp invective of his against some of the bishops of his own age, who were so
81-C, 6. (t. 2. p. 715 e.—Conf. ib. Ρ. 1824 ἃ.) Qui serviunt Deo, et annexi sunt clero, non accedant ad actus seu administrationem vel pro- curationem domorum.—lIbid. c. 9. (p. 716 d.)... Et ipsis [laicis] non liceat clericos nostros eligere apo- thecarios vel ratiocinatores.
82 C. 15. (ibid. p. 1169 e.)..... Clerici non sint conductores, neque procuratores, neque ullo turpi vel inhonesto negotio victum querant.
83 Arelatens. 1. al. 2. c. 14. (t. 4. p- 1013 a.) Siquis clericus ... con- ductor alienz rei voluerit esse aut turpis lucri gratia aliquod [genus] negotiationis exercuerit, depositus [ἃ clero,] a communione alienus habeatur [al. fiat].
84 C. 3. (ibid. p. 755 4.) Ἦλθεν eis THY ἁγίαν σύνοδον, ὅτι τῶν ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ κατειλεγμένων τινὲς δι᾿ οἰκείαν αἰσχροκέρδειαν ἀλλοτρίων κτημάτων γίνονται μισθωταὶ, καὶ πράγματα κο-
σμικὰ ἐργολαβοῦσι, τῆς μὲν τοῦ Θεοῦ λειτουργίας καταρρᾳθυμοῦντες, τοὺς δὲ τῶν κοσμικῶν ὑποτρέχοντες οἴκους, καὶ οὐσιῶν χειρισμοὺς ἀναδεχόμενοι διὰ φιλαργυρίαν" ὥρισε τοίνυν ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος, μηδένα τοῦ λοιποῦ, μὴ ἐπί- σκοπον, μὴ κληρικὸν, μὴ μονάζοντα, ἢ μισθοῦσθαι κτήματα, ἢ πράγματα, ἢ ἐπεισάγειν ἑαυτὸν κοσμικαῖς διοική- σεσι πλὴν εἰ μή που ἐκ νόμων κα- λοῖτο εἰς ἀφηλίκων ἀπαραίτητον ἐπι- τροπὴν, ἢ ὁ τῆς πόλεως ἐπίσκοπος ἐκκλησιαστικῶν ἐπιτρέψοι φροντίζειν πραγμάτων, ἢ ὀρφανῶν καὶ χηρῶν ἀπρονοήτων, καὶ τῶν προσώπων τῶν μάλιστα τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς δεομένων βοηθείας.
δῦ De Lapsis, p. 123. (p. 80.) Episcopi plurimi, divina procuratio- ne contempta, procuratores rerum seecularium fieri, derelicta cathedra, plebe deserta, per alienas provincias oberrantes, negotiationis questuosz nundinas aucupari, &c.
ξ 12, 13. the regulation of the clergy. 283
far gone in this vice of covetousness as to neglect the service of God to follow worldly business; leaving their sees, and desert- ing their people, to ramble about in quest of gainful trades in other countries, to the provocation of the Divine vengeance, and flagrant scandal of the Church. So that, these being the reasons of making such laws, we are to judge of the nature of the laws themselves by the intent and design of them; which was to correct such manifest abuses, as covetousness and ne- glect of divine service, which, either as cause or effect, too often attended the clergy’s engagement of themselves in se- cular business.
13. But in some cases it was reasonable to presume that What limi- their engagements of this nature were separate from these pe on vices. For in some times and places, where the revenues of these laws the Church were very small, and not a competent maintenance mammesonset for all the clergy, some of them, especially among the inferior orders, were obliged to divide themselves between the service of the Church and some secular calling. Others, who found they had time enough to spare, negotiated out of charity to bestow their gains in the relief of the poor, and other pious uses. And some, who, before their entrance into orders, had been brought up to an ascetic and philosophic life, wherein they wrought at some honest manual calling with their own hands, continued to work in the same manner, though not in the same measure, even after they were made presbyters and bishops in the Church; for the exercise of their humility, or to answer some other end of a Christian life. Now in all these cases, the vices complained of in the forementioned laws as the reasons of the prohibition, had no share or concern; for such men’s negotiations were neither the effects of covetousness, nor attended properly with any neglect of divine service ; and consequently not within the prohibition and censure of the laws.
For, first, both the laws of Church and State allowed the in- ferior clergy to work at an honest calling, in cases of necessity, to provide themselves of a liberal maintenance, when the reye- nues of the Church could not do it. In the fourth Council of Carthage there are three canons 56, immediately following one
86 C. 51. (t. 2. p. 1204 b.) Cleri- tus, artificio victum querat.—C. 52 cus, quantumlibet verbo Dei erudi- (ibid. c.) Clericus victum et vesti-
284 Special laws for VI. iv.
another, to this purpose; ‘that they should provide themselves of food and raiment at some honest trade or husbandry, with- out hindering the duties of their office in the Church; and such of them as were able to labour should be taught some trade and letters together.’ And the laws of the State were so far from hindering this, that they encouraged such of the clergy to follow an honest calling, by granting them a special immunity from the chrysargyrum, or lustral tax, which was exacted of all other tradesmen, as I have shewed more at large in another place 87,
Secondly. It was lawful also to spend their leisure hours upon any manual trade or calling, when it was to answer some good end of charity thereby ; as that they might not be over- burdensome to the Church, or might have some superfluities to bestow upon the indigent and needy; or even that they might set the laity a provoking example of industry and diligence in their callings: which were those worthy ends which the holy Apostle St. Paul proposed to himself in labouring with his own hands at the trade of tent-making ; after whose example many eminent bishops of the ancient Church were not ashamed to employ their spare hours in some honest labour, to promote the same ends of charity which the Apostle so frequently in- culcates. Thus Sozomen®$ observes of Zeno, bishop of Maiuma in Palestine, ‘that he lived to be an hundred years old, all which time he constantly attended both morning and evening the service of the Church, and yet found time to work at the trade of a linen-weaver, by which he not only subsisted him- self, but relieved others, though he lived in a rich and wealthy Church.’ Epiphanius8? makes a more general observation
mentum sibi, artificiolo vel agricul- tura, absque officii sui [duntaxat | detrimento, przeparet [al. paret].— C. 53. (ibid. c.) Omnes clerici, qui ad operandum validi [al. validiores ] sunt, et artificiola et literas discant. 87 B. 5. ch. 3. 8. 6. v. 2. Ρ. 138. 8 L. 7. c. 28. (v. 2. p. 321. 27.) Φασὶ γοῦν αὐτὸν, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς τεθεάμεθα, ἐπισκοποῦντα τὴν ἐν τῷ Μαϊουμᾶ ἐκκλησίαν, ἤδη γηραλέον καὶ ἀμφὶ τὰ ἑκατὸν ἔτη ὄντα, μηδεπώποτε ἑωθινῶν ἢ ἑσπερινῶν ὕμνων, ἢ ἄλλης λειτουργίας τοῦ Θεοῦ κατόπιν γενό- μενον, εἰ μήγε νόσος αὐτὸν ἐπέσχεν"
ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ δὲ μοναχικῇ τὸν βίον ἄγων λινὴν ἐσθῆτα ὕφαινεν ἐπὶ μονή- ρους ἱστοῦ, ἐντεῦθεν τὲ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια 3 Ν > , ὁ > ΄ εἶχε, καὶ ἄλλοις ἐχορήγει" καὶ οὐ διέ- λιπεν ἄχρι τελευτῆς τὸ αὐτὸ διέπων ἔργον, καίπερ ἀρχαιότητι τῶν ἀνὰ τὸ ἔθνος ἱερέων πρωτεύων, καὶ λαῷ καὶ χρήμασι μεγίστης ἐκκλησίας προε- στώς.
89 Her. 80. Massalian. n. 6. (t. 1. p-1072 c.) Καὶ yap ἐξ αὐτῶν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἱερέων, καὶ αὐτοὶ μετὰ τοῦ κηρύγματος τοῦ λόγου μιμούμενοι τὸν ἅγιον μετὰ τὸν Θεὸν ἐν Χριστῷ πατέρα, φημὶ δὲ Παῦλον τὸν ἅγιον Ἀπόστολον, καὶ αὐ-
13.
the regulation of the clergy. 285
against the Massalian heretics, who were great encouragers of idleness, ‘that not only all those of a monastic life, but also many of the priests of-God, imitating their holy father in Christ, St. Paul, wrought with their own hands at some honest trade that was no dishonour to their dignity, and consistent with their constant attendance upon their ecclesiastical duties ; by which means they had both what was necessary for their own subsistence, and to give to others that stood in need of their relief.’ The author of the Apostolical Constitutions” brings in the Apostles recommending industry in every man’s calling, from their own example, that they might have where- with to sustain themselves, and supply the needs of others. Which, though it be not an exact representation of the Apo- stles’ practice, for we do not read of any other Apostle’s labour- ing with his own hands, except St. Paul, whilst he preached the Gospel, yet it serves to shew what sense that author had of this matter; that he did not think it simply unlawful for a clergyman to labour at some secular employment when the end was charity, and not filthy lucre. And it is observable, that the imperial laws for some time granted the same immu- nity from the lustral tax to the inferior clergy, that traded with a charitable design to relieve others, as to those that traded out of necessity for their own maintenance; of both which I have given an account in another place.
Thirdly. We have some instances of very eminent bishops, who, out of humility and love of a philosophical and laborious life, spent their vacant hours in some honest business, to which
τοὶ, κατὰ τὸ δυνατὸν, εἰ καὶ μὴ πάντες, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ πλείους, ταῖς ἰδίαις χερσὶν ἐρ- γαζόμενοι, οἵαν δ᾽ ἀναλόγως συμπρέ- πουσαν τῷ ἀξιώματι, καὶ τῆς ἐκκὰλ ῆς ios ἐνδελεχείᾳ εὖὕ- ροιεν τέχνην, ὅπως μετὰ τοῦ ἃ καὶ τοῦ κηρύ ἡ συνείδησις χαί- pn, καὶ διὰ χειρῶν ἰδίων ῦ σα, καὶ ἑαυτῇ
εἰιρῶ δ ὑπε ν διαθέσεως rel Θιὰ oe
ἑκουσίως peradidovca’ καὶ τοί ye μὴ
΄
ἀναγκαζομένων αὐτῶν, μήτε κατακρι- ἶ ἀλλὰ Jos
Sth δικαιοσύνης πόνους καὶ ἐργασίαν ἐκκλησιαστικὴν ἐχόντων,
καὶ κατὰ δικαιοσύνην σιτουμένων, be ὑπερβολὴν δὲ προαιρέσεως τοῦτο αὐὖ- τῶν ποιούντων.
901,. 2. c. 63. (Cotel. v. 1. p. 271.) Οἱ δὲ νεώτεροι τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἐν πά- σαις ταῖς χρείαις ἀόκνως λειτουργεῖν σπουδάζετε' μετὰ πάσης σε ς τοῖς ἔργοις ὑμῶν σχολάζετε, ὅπως ἐν παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ ὑμῶν ἦτε ἐπαρκοῦντες καὶ ἑαυτοῖς ωἦἾὟ τοῖς πενομένοις, πρὸς
τὸ μὴ ἐπιβαρεῖν τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκκλη-
ta σίαν" καὶ γὰρ ἡμεῖς σχολάζοντες τῷ
λόγῳ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου, ὅμως καὶ τῶν ἐπεργιῶν οὐκ ἀμελοῦμεν᾽ οἱ μὲν γάρ εἰσιν ἐξ ἡμῶν ἁλιεῖς" οἱ δὲ, σκηνο- ποιοί. οἱ δὲ, γῆς ἐργάται" πρὸς τὸ μηδέποτε ἡμᾶς ἀργοὺς εἶναι.
286 Special laws for VI. iv.
they had been accustomed in their former days. Thus Ruffin 9, and Socrates 92, and Sozomen®, tell us of Spiridion, bishop of Trimithus in Cyprus, one of the most eminent bishops in the Council of Nice, a man famous for the gift of prophecy and miracles, ‘ that, having been a shepherd before, he continued to employ himself in that calling, out of his great humility, all his life.’ But then he made his actions and the whole tenor of his life demonstrate that he did it not out of covetousness. For Sozomen particularly notes, ‘ that, whatever his product was, he either distributed it among the poor, or lent it without usury to such as needed to borrow, whom he trusted to take out of his storehouse what they pleased, and return what they pleased, without éver examining or taking any account of them.’
Fourthly, I observe, that those laws which were most severe against the superior clergy’s negotiating in any secular busi- ness, in cases of necessity allowed them a privilege, which was equivalent to it; that is, that they might employ others to fac- tor for them, so long as they were not concerned in their own persons. For so the Council of Eliberis% words it: ‘ Bishops presbyters and deacons shall not leave their station to follow a secular calling, nor rove into other provinces after fairs and markets. But yet, to provide themselves a livelihood, they may employ a son, or a freeman, or an hired servant, or a friend, or any other: and, if they negotiate, let them negotiate within their own province.’ So that all these laws were justly tem- pered with great wisdom and prudence; that as, on the one hand, the service of God and the needs of his ministers and servants might be supplied together; so, on the other, no en-
91 Τὸ, 1. [8]. 10.] c. 5. (p. 220. a. 6.) Hic pastor ovium etiam in episco- patu positus permansit.
Mo Ae Teoh, τς, {ν.:2. Ρ- 39. 82.) Διὰ δὲ ἀτυφίαν πολλὴν, ἐχόμενος τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἐποίμαινε καὶ τὰ πρόβατα.
8 L. 1. ¢, τι. (ibid. p. 23.) Ἔθος ἦν τούτῳ τῷ Σπυρίδωνι, τῶν γινομέ- νων αὐτῷ καρπῶν, τοὺς μὴν πτωχοῖς διανέμειν, τοὺς δὲ προῖκα δανίζειν τοῖς ἐθέλουσιν" οὔτε δὲ διδοὺς, οὔτε ἀπο- λαμβάνων, δι’ ἑαυτοῦ παρεῖχεν ἢ ὑπε- δέχετο᾽ μόνον δὲ τὸ ταμεῖον ἐπιδει- κνὺς ἐπέτρεπε τοῖς προσιοῦσιν, ὅσον
δέονται κομίζεσθαι, καὶ πάλιν ἀποδι- δόναι ὅσον ἤδεσαν κομισάμενοι.
94 C. το. [4]. 18.] (t. 1. p. 972 e.) Episcopi, presbyteri, et diaconi, de locis suis negotiandi causa non dis- cedant, nec circumeuntes provin- cias questuosas nundinas secten- tur. Sane ad victum sibi conqui- rendum, aut filium, aut libertum, aut mercenarium, aut amicum, aut quemlibet mittant: et si voluerint negotiari, intra provinciam negoti- entur.
13,14. the regulation of the clergy. 287
couragement should be given to covetousness in the clergy, nor any one be countenanced in the neglect of his proper business, by a license to lead a wandering, busy, distracted life, which did not become those that were dedicated to the sacred func- tion. It is against these only that all the severe invectives of St. Jerom%, and others of the Ancients%, are levelled, which the reader must interpret with the same limitations and dis- tinction of cases as we have done the public laws; the design of both being only to censure the vices of the rich, who, with- out any just reason or necessity, immersed themselves in the cares of a secular life, contrary to the rules and tenor of their profession.
14. Another sort of laws were made respecting their outward Laws lagers behaviour, to guard them equally against scandal in their cha- ‘P&"PS _ racter, and danger in their conversation. Such were the laws ward con- against corresponding and conversing too familiarly with Jews sam and Gentile philosophers. The Council of Eliberis% forbids them to eat with the Jews, under pain of suspension. The Council of Agde 95 has a canon to the same purpose, forbidding them to give as well as receive an entertainment from the Jews. And those called the Apostolical Canons not only prohibit them ‘to fast or feast with the Jews, but to receive τῆς ἑορτῆς ξένια, any of those portions or presents, which they were used to send to one another upon their festivals.’
And the laws against conversing with Gentile philosophers
% Ep. 2. [al. 52.] ad Nepotian. (t. 1. p. 257 (.) sys cena cleri- cum, et ex inope divitem, ex igno-
bili ook, τρόμον quasi quamdam pes-
tem fuge.
96 ee Sever. Hist. 1. 1. p. 30. (p. (p: 120) δὴ anta hoc tempore animas bendi cupido veluti tabes, “πώ ἔς inhiant possessionibus ; preedia excolunt; auro incubant; emunt venduntque; queestui per om- nia student. At si qui melioris pro- positi videntur, neque identes neque negotiantes, quod est multo turpius, sedentes munera exspectant, atque omne vite decus mercede cor- ruptum habent, dum quasi venalem
preferunt sanctitatem. 7 C.1. (t.1. p.976b.) Si vero
quis clericus vel fidelis cum Judezis cibum sumpserit, placuit eum a com- munione a stinere, ut debeat emen- dari.
98. C. 40. (t. 4. p. 1390 a.) Omnes deinceps clerici, sive laici, Judeo- rum sonra, Recdcagpe nec eos ad
convivium uam excipiat. 99 C. 70. 9.) (Cot [e. 62.) v. I. p. pr Ne ἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος, ἣ ad
λος κληρικὸς, ‘Tal ἢ πρεσβύτερος, 4 διάκονος, ἢ ὅλως τοῦ καταλόγου τῶν κληρικῶν, νηστεύοι μετὰ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαί- ων, ij ἑορτάζει [4]. συνεορτάζει] μετ᾽ αὐτῶν, δέχεται αὐτῶν ἊΝ δέχοιτο παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τὰ τῆς ἑορτῆς ξένια, οἷον ἄζυμα, ἣ μὴ τοιοῦτον, K sab εἶ ιν ὧν εἰ δὲ λαϊκὸς, ἀφοριζέσθω.
288 VI. iv.
were much of the same nature. For Sozomen! says, Theodo- tus, bishop of Laodicea in Syria, excommunicated the two Apollinarii, father and son, because they went to hear Epipha- nius, the sophist, speak his hymn in the praise of Bacchus: which was not so agreeable to their character, the one being a presbyter, the other a deacon in the Christian Church. It was in regard to their character, likewise, that other canons re- strained them from eating or drinking in a tavern, except they were upon a journey, or some such necessary occasions required them to do it. For among those called the Apostolical Ca- nons?, and the decrees of the Councils of Laodicea? and Car- thage+, there are several rules to this purpose; the strictness of which is not much to be wondered at, since Julian required the same caution in his heathen priests, that ‘ they should nei- ther appear at the public theatres, nor in any taverns, under pain of deposition from their office of priesthood,’ as may be seen in his letter to Arsacius, high-priest of Galatia, which So- zomen® records, and other fragments of his writings.
Special laws for
Rk tn. 15. To this sort of laws we may reduce those ancient rules tating 9. Which concerned the garb and habit of the ancient clergy; in
which such a decent mean was to be observed, as might keep them from obloquy and censure on both hands, either as too nice and critical, or too slovenly and careless in their dress: their habit being generally to be such as might express the
' L. 6. ὁ, 25. (ibid. Pp. 251. 15.)
8 Ὁ. 24. (t. I, p. 1501 a.) Ὅτι οὐ Ἔτι γὰρ Θεοδότου. «τὴν Λαοδικέων
δεῖ i ἱερατικοὺς ἀπὸ πρεσβυτέρων ἕως
ἶ πῶς ἤνεγκε.
ἐκκλησίαν ἰθύνοντος, κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο και- ροῦ διαπρέπων ᾿Επιφάνιος, ὁ σοφι- στὴς, ὕμνον εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον παρήει" διδασκάλῳ δὲ αὐτῷ , χρώμενος ᾿Αποὰ- λινάριος, ἔ ἔτι γὰρ νέος ἦν, παρεγένετο τῇ ἀκροάσει σὺν τῷ πατρί" ὁμώνυμος δὲ αὐτῷ, γραμματικὸς οὐκ ἄσημος". . pa- θὼν ταῦτα Θεόδοτος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, χαλε- -᾿Απολλιναρίω ἄμφω, τὴν ἁμαρτίαν δημοσίᾳ ἐλέγξας, τῆς ἐκκλη- σίας ἀφώρισεν' ἤστην γὰρ κληρικὼ, 6 ὁ μὴν πατὴρ, πρεσβύτερος" ὁ δὲ παῖς, ἀναγνώστης ἔτι τῶν ἱερῶν γρα 50. 55. [8]. 53-] (Cotel. ἐν 461 P- 445.) Εἴ τις κληρικὸς ἐν καπη- λείῳ Soi (al. φωραθείη) ἐσθίων, ἀ ὁριζέσθ ω, παρὲξ τοῦ ἐν πανδοχείῳ ἐν ὁδῷ δι’ ἀνάγκην καταλύσαντος.
διακόνων, καὶ ἑξῆς τῆς ᾿ἐκκλησιαστι- κῆς τάξεως ἕως ὑπηρετῶν, ἢ ᾿ ἀναγνω- στῶν, ἢ ψαλτῶν, ἢ ἢ ἐπορκιστῶν, ἢ θυ- ρωρῶν, ἢ τοῦ τάγματος τῶν ἀσκητῶν, εἰς καπηλεῖον εἰσιέναι.
4 Carth. 3. c. 27. (t. 2. p. 1171 Ὁ.) Ut clerici, edendi vel bibendi causa, tabernas non ingrediantur, nisi pe- “or necessitate compulsi.
ae A c. τό. (v. 2. p. 203. 48.) Ἔπειτα παραίνεσον ἱερέα, μήτε θεά- τρῷ πα αβάλλειν, μήτε, ἐν καπηλείῳ πίνειν, ἢ τέχνης τινὸς καὶ ἐργασίας αἷ- σχρᾶς καὶ ἐπονειδίστου προΐστασθαι. καὶ τοὺς μὴν πειθομένους τίμα" τοὺς
δὲ ἀπειθοῦντας ἐξώθει.----τὰ, Julian. Fragment. Ep. (Ρ. 547.)
the regulation of the clergy. 289
gravity of their minds without any superstitious singularities, and their modesty and humility without affectation. In this matter, therefore, their rules were formed according to the eustoms and opinions of the age, which are commonly the standard and measure of decency and indecency in things of this nature. Thus, for instance, long hair, and baldness by shaving the head or beard, being then generally reputed inde- cencies in contrary extremes, the clergy were obliged to ob- serve a becoming mediocrity between them. This is the mean- ing of that controverted canon of the fourth Council of Car- thage, according to its true reading δ, ‘ that a clergyman shall neither indulge long hair, nor shave his beard,—clericus nec comam nutriat, nec barbam radat. The contrary custom being now in yogue in the Church of Rome, Bellarmin? and many other writers of that side, who will have all their ceremo- nies to be apostolical, and to contain some great mystery in them, pretend that the word radat should be left out of that ancient canon, to make it agreeable to the present practice. But the learned Savaro® proves the other to be the true read- ing, as well from the Vatican as many other MSS. And even
sit, malo exemplo. Nam sive illud ex Concilio Carthaginiensi sumptum sit, in illo legitur, Neque barbam ra-
© C. 44. (t. 2. p.1203 6.) [Vid. Not. in loc. Alias barbam t : ita in Libro Gemblacensi. Alias bar-
bam radat additur in Libro Gan- densi S. Bavonis, titulo Statuta Ec- clesiz antiqua. Pleraque autem ex- emplaria non habent, radat vel ton- deat, ut sit sensus, clerico nec co- mam nec barbam nutriendam. Ep. | 7 De Monachis, 1. 2. c. 40. (t.2. p. 495 a.) Concilium Carthag. 4. c. 43. hibet clericos alere comam aut
8 Not. in Sidon. 1. 4. Ep. 24. (p. 306.) Sicut clerici comam tondebant, ita promittebant. Concil. Carthag. 4. c.44. Clericus neque co- mam nutriat, neque barbam radat. Sic manuscripta Vaticane Biblio- thecee, 8. Victoris Gandensis ; meus et Isidori liber, Parisiis impressus, recte; quod radat erasum est ex De- ereto Burchardi, 1. 2. c.174., [vonis = 6. c. 265., et ex c. 5. Extrav. de Vita et Honest. Clericorum,aquodam malegeniato et feriato homine, qui una litura maximas altercationes ex- citavit, barbamque sacerdotibus era-
BINGHAM, VOL. I.
dat : si ex Decretis Aniceti Pape, in illis nulla barbe mentio est. Dist. 23., Can. Clericis. Usuard. 15. Kal.
aii, Pontific. c.12. Innocent. III. Ep. 2. ad Tardisinum, et Marianus Scotus in Chronico; qui omnes auc~ tores inter sanctiones Aniceti barbe rasionem non numerant. Martinus quidem Polonus in Chronico, et Pe- trus de Natalibus, 1. 4. c. 57.» consti- tutionem, qua coma et barba simul clericis prohibetur, Aniceto tribuunt, sed quo auctore nescio. Scio qui- dem et liquido -scio, ex traditione Apostolorum esse barbam alere. S. Clemens, Constit. Apostolic. 1. 1. c. 5 Clemens Alex., Peedag. 1. 3. c. 3.
. Cyprianus, 1. 3. ad Quirinum, c. 85. et Epiphanius, 1. 3. t. 2. Heres, 80. Praterquam quod Apostolorum icones omnem dubitationem abster- gunt. Vide Levit. 19. [v. 27. Ye shall not round the corners of your heads, neither shalt thou mar the corners of thy beard, Ed.] ;
U
290 Special laws for VL iv.
Spondanus himself? confesses as much, and thereupon takes oc- casion to correct Baronius, for asserting that, in the time of Si- donius Apollinaris, it was the custom of the French bishops to shave their beards; whereas the contrary appears from one of Sidonius’s Epistles, that their custom then was to wear short hair and long beards, as he describes his friend Maximus Pala- tinus, who of a secular was become a clergyman: he says!°, ‘his habit, his gait, his modesty, his countenance, his discourse, were all religious; and, agreeably to these, his hair was short and his beard long.’ Custom, it seems, had then made it de- cent and becoming; and upon that ground the Ancients are sometimes pretty severe against such of the clergy as trans- gressed in this point, as guilty of an indecency in going con- trary to the rules and customs of the Church, which were to be observed, though the thing was otherwise in itself of an indif- ferent nature.
The ton- 16. The Romanists are generally as much to blame in their sure οὐ ft’ accounts of the ancient tonsure of the clergy; which they de- ΤΩΣ ον scribe in such a manner, as to make parallel to that shaving of that of the the crown of the head by way of mystical rite, which is now Romish the modern custom. Whereas this was so far from being re-
quired as a matter of decency among the Ancients, that it was condemned and prohibited by them. Which may appear from that question which Optatus puts to the Donatists!!, when he asks them, ‘ Where they had a command to shave the heads of the priests?’ as they had done by the Catholic clergy, in order to bring them to do public penance in the church. In which case, as Albaspinzeus rightly notes!2, ‘it was customary
9 Epit. Baron. an. 58. ἢ. 58. (t.1. ligiosus: tum coma λέω: barba
p. 132 summ.) Nam sacerdotes Gal- liarum Sidonius [Ep. 13. 1. 4.1 do- cet corona decoros et barba rasos fuisse: servare autem in his loco- rum consuetudinem, ut secundum cujusque provincie mores vel bar- bati vel attonsi incederent, velut lege quadam fuisse preescriptum, ex eo saltem facile potest perspici, quod cum szpissime occidentales cum orientalibus ad concilia convenis- sent, nulla umquam exorta hujus rei gratia controversia‘reperitur, &c.
10 L. 4. Ep. 24. (p. 302.) Habitus
_ viro, gradus, pudor, color, sermo re-
prolixa, ὅζο. .
11 Cont. Parmen. 1. 2. Ρ. 58. (p. 54.) Docete, ubi vobis mandatum est radere capita sacerdotum, cum e contrario sint tot exempla propo- sita, fieri non debere. ..... Qui pa- rare debebas aures ad audiendum, parasti novaculam ad delinquen- dum.
12 In loc. p. 141. (ibid. ad cale. not. τη.) Poenitentium capita rade- bantur, et cinere aspergebantur: ita- que cum sacerdotibus pcenitentiam imponerent Donatiste, eis hace ra- debant.
δ τό, 17. the regulation of the clergy. 291
to use shaving to baldness, and sprinkling the head with ashes, as signs of sorrow and repentance. But the priests of God were not to be thus treated.’ Which shews that the An- cients then knew nothing of this, as a ceremony belonging to the ordination or life of the clergy. Which is still more evi- dent from what St. Jerom says upon those words of Ezekiel, 44, 20, “ Neither shall they shave their heads, nor suffer their locks to grow long; they shall only poll their heads.” ‘ This, says he’, ‘evidently demonstrates, that we ought neither to have our heads shaved, as the priests and votaries of Isis and Serapis, nor yet to suffer our hair to grow long, after the luxu- rious manner of barbarians and soldiers, but that priests should appear with a venerable and grave countenance; neither are they to make themselves bald with a razor, nor poll their heads so close that they may look as if they were shaven; but they are to let their hair grow so long that it may cover their skin.’ It is impossible now for any rational man to imagine, that Christian priests had shaven crowns in the time of St. Je- rom, when he so expressly says they had not, and that none but the priests of Isis and Serapis had. But the custom was to poll their heads, and cut their hair to a moderate degree: not for any mystery that was in it, but for the sake of decency and gravity; that they might neither affect the manners of the luxurious part of the world, which prided itself in long hair, nor fall under contempt and obloquy by an indecent bald- ness; but express a sort of venerable modesty in their looks and aspects ; which is the reason that St. Jerom assigns for the ancient tonsure.
17. From hence we may further conclude, that the ancient Of the co- clergy were not called coronati from their shaven crowns, as a ak some would have it, since it is evident there was no such thing why the
lergy call- among them. But it seems rather a name given them, as sd seaman
13 L. 13. in Ezek. c. 44. p. 668. (t. 5. ts ἀρὰ 547 Ὁ» b.) Quod pans ui- autem suum non r
— eeote, » nec ra- Hi “capitibus sicut sacerdotes cul-
est, barbarorumque et militantium ; sed ut honestus habitus sacerdotum facie demonstretur; nec calvitium novacula esse faciendum, nec ita ad pressum tondendum caput, ut ra-
egg τὰ Isidis atque Serapidis, nos bere ; nec rursum comam de- mittere, quod proprie luxuriosorum
sorum similes esse videamur; sed in tantum capillos esse demittendos, ut operta sit cutis,
‘U2
292 Special laws for VI. iv.
Gothofred!4 and Savaro!> conjecture, from the form of the an- cient tonsure; which was made in a circular figure, by cutting away the hair a little from the crown of the head, and leaving a round or circle hanging downwards. This in some Councils !® is called cireuli corona, and ordered to be used in opposition to some heretics, who, it seems, prided themselves in long hair and the contrary custom. But I am not confident that this was the reason of the name coronati. It might be given the clergy in general, out of respect to their office and cha- racter, which was always of great honour and esteem: for co- -rona signifies honour and dignity in a figurative sense, and it is not improbable but that the word was sometimes so used in this case, as has been noted before!? in speaking of the form of saluting bishops per coronam.
sai coronad 18. As to the kind or fashion of their apparel, it does not us tea appear for several ages that there was any other distinction
a observed therein between them and the laity, save that they 1 Ἢ . Φ parel from Were more confined to wear that which was modest and orayve,
laymen. and becoming their profession, without being tied to any cer-
14 In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc. et Cler. leg. 38. (t. 6. p. 77. col. dextr.) Cur autem coronato- rum, appellatione clerici designen- tur, proclive dictu. Nempe ob év- ptopa γυροειδές. Corona scilicet jam hoc tempore insigne clericorum ; et exinde clericalis reverentiz per Africam saltem, mox alibi nomen fuit: sic quidem ut quemadmodum purpuram, que principis παράσημον insigne erat, interdum pro principe et principali reverentia sumebant, ita et coronam pro clero et reve- rentia clericali acciperent.
15 Not. in Sidon. 1. 6. Ep. 3. ad verba, Auctoritas corone tue; (p. 386.) Id est, Dignitas episcopatus tui. D. Hieronymus Augustino, Ep. 81. tot., Precor coronam tuam. En- nodius Marcellino episcopo: Quia fiducie mee coronam vestram non ambigo responsuram. Idem Aureli- ano: Sed dormiunt apud coronam tuam propinguitatis privilegia, pri- usquam pater esse meruisti. Idem Symmacho Pape: Dum sedem apo- stolicam corone vestre cura modere-
tur. Corona episcopalis, Valenti- niano Augustin. Novella de Episcop. Ordinatione, 1. 7., De minimis vide- licet rebus coronam tuam maximis- que consulerem, ubi plura. Interim observabis papas exinde dictos, id est, coronatos, si quibusdam fides habeatur. Remigius Antissiodoren- sis de Celebratione Misse: Papa autem secundum quosdam dicitur ad- mirabilis vel coronatus, δ. Et ton- sura clerica et episcopalis corona, Balsamoni, Sexte Synodi in Trullo 6. 21. Παπαλήτρα dicitur corona cle- ricatus in Pragmatico Constantini ad Sylvest. Papam.
16 C, Tolet. 4. c. 41. (t.5. p. 1716 d.) Omnes clerici, vel lectores, sicut Levitz et sacerdotes, detonso supe- rius toto capite, inferius solam cir-
-culi coronam relinquant: non sicut
huc usque in Galliz partibus facere lectores videntur, qui prolixis, ut laici, comis, in solo capitis apice modicum circulum tondent. Ritus enim iste in Hispania huc usque hereticorum fuit, &c.
17 B. 2. ch.g. 8.5. V. 1. p. 117.
293
tain garb or form of clothing. Several Councils require the clergy to wear apparel suitable to their profession ; but they do not express-any kind, or describe it otherwise than that it should not border upon luxury or any affected neatness, but rather keep a medium between finery and slovenliness. This was St. Jerom’s direction to Nepotian'’: ‘that he should nei- ther wear black nor white clothing: for gaiety and slovenliness were equally to be avoided ; the one savouring of niceness and delicacy, and the other of vainglory.’ Yet in different places different customs seem to have prevailed, as to the colour of their clothing. For at Constantinople, in the time of Chry- sostom and Arsacius, the clergy commonly went in black, as the Novatians did in white. Which appears from the dispute which Socrates speaks of between Sisinnius, the Novatian bishop, and one of Arsacius’s clergy: for he says?9, ‘ Sisinnius going one day to visit Arsacius, the clergyman asked him, why he wore a garment which did not become a bishop? and where it was written that a priest ought to be clothed in white? To whom he replied, You first show me where it is written that a bishop ought to be clothed in black.’ From this it is easy to collect, that by this time it was become the custom at Constantinople for the clergy to wear black; and that perhaps to distinguish themselves from the Novatians, who affected, it seems, to appear in white. But we do not find these matters as yet so particu- larly determined or prescribed in any Councils, For the fourth Council of Carthage° requires the clergy to wear such apparel as was suitable to their profession, but does not particularize any further about it, save that they should not affect any finery or gaiety in their shoes or clothing. And the Council of Agde*' gives the very same direction. Baronius?2, indeed, is
δ 18. the regulation of the clergy.
18 Ep. 2. [4]. 52.] ad Nepotian. c.9. tot. (t. r. p. 262 a.) Vestes pullas e-
ἔφη, εἰπὲ, ποῦ γέγραπται μέλαιναν > ΄“΄ ’ ἐσθῆτα φορεῖν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ;
que devita, ut candidas. Ornatus ut sordes pari modo fugiende sunt; quia alterum delicias, alterum glo- riam redolet, &c.
19 L. 6. c. 22. (ν. 2. p. 340. 23.) “Adore δὲ ᾿Αρσάκιον τὸν ἐπίσκοπον κατὰ τιμὴν ὁρῶν Γ[Σισίννιος} ἠρωτήθη ὑπό τινος τῶν περὶ ᾿Αρσάκιον, διὰ τί ἀνοίκειον ἐπισκόπῳ ἐσθῆτα φοροίη, καὶ ποῦ γέγραπται λευκὰ τὸν ἱερωμέ- νον ἀμφιέννυσθαι; ὁ δὲ, σὺ πρότερον,
20 Ὁ, 45. (t. 2. p. 1204 a.) Clericus professionem suam et in habitu et in incessu probet ; et ideo nec vestibus nec calceamentis decorem quzrat.
21 C. 20, (t. 4. Ρ. 1386 d.). . . Vesti- menta vel calceamenta etiam eis, nisi que religionem deceant, uti aut {al. vel] habere non liceat.
22 An. 261. nn. 43, 44. (t. 2. p. pS b.) Cum Acta Cypriani Passionis
cor ipsum lacernum birrum
294 Special laws for
very earnest to persuade his reader, that bishops in the time of Cyprian wore the same habit that is now worn by cardinals in the Church of Rome, and such bishops as are advanced from a monastery to the episcopal throne. As if Cyprian had been a monk or a cardinal of the Church of Rome. But, as the learned editor 9 of Cyprian’s works observes, there is scarce any thing so absurd that a man, who is engaged in a party- cause, cannot persuade himself to believe, and hope to persuade others also. For is it likely that bishops and presbyters should make their appearance in public in a distinct habit, at a time when tyrants and persecutors made a most diligent search after them to put them to death? Do the clergy of the present Church of Rome use to appear so in countries where they live in danger of being discovered and taken? But what shall we say to the writer of Cyprian’s Passion, who mentions Cy- prian’s2* lacerna or birrus, and after that his tunica or dal- matica, and last of all his linea, in which he suffered? Of which Baronius makes the linea to be the bishop’s rochet; and the dalmatica or tunica, that which they now call the loose tunicle; and the lacerna or birrus, the red silken vestment that covers the shoulders. Why, to all this it may be said, that these are only old names for new things. For besides the ab- surdity of thinking that Cyprian should go to his martyrdom in his sacred and pontifical robes, which were not to be worn out of the church, it is evident that these were but the names of those common garments which many Christians then used without distinction, [F. Simon?’ speaking of the canons of the
VL. iv.
complicuisse, et ad genua posuisse, illud fuisse perbreve, ac parvi nego- tii operam egisse demonstrant: nam non sic de tunica eum fecisse, sed diaconis dedisse tradunt. Ex his itaque jam exploratum haberi vide- tur, episcoporum fuisse antiquum habitum, ut post vestem superindu- erent lineam, et desuper eam solu- tam tunicam, ac denique humeros tantum tegens et brachia lacernum birrum: quo genere indumenti ho- die videmus uti sanctze Romane ec- clesie cardinales atque episcopos illos, qui ex regularibus ad eam dignitatem provecti sunt: Roma- num vero pontificem birro absque tunica super lineam, sed serico at-~
que rufo, interdum vero albo pro temporis ratione.
23 Bp. Fell, Not. in Vit. Cypr. p. 13. (p.14. n. 7.) Nihil certe est, Xe quo partium studio addicti sibi non possunt persuadere et etiam sperare ut aliis persuadeant.
24 Pass. Cypr. p. 13. (p. 14.)...+ Cyprianus in agrum Sexti produc- tus est, et ibi se lacerna birri [al. birro] exspoliavit ... Et cum se dal- matica [al. tunica] exspoliasset, et diaconibus tradidisset, in linea ste- tit, et coepit spiculatorem sustinere.
25 (Bibl. Critique, v. 3. ἢ. 31.» cited by Mr. Lia Roche, Memoirs of Literature, v. 2. p. 3. (Lond. 1722. v.1. p.3.) Ed.]
ee ον τ ὐὰ Νεμμν-
§ 18, 19. the regulation of the clergy. 295
Synods of Poictiers and Langree, anno 1396 and 1404, says the clergy did not then wear clothes of a particular colour ; they were only forbidden to wear red, green, or any other such colour. In former times there was no distinction of clothes between the clergy and the laity: all men of any note wore long clothes, as one may see in old pictures. None but the common people wore short ones; which occasioned the word courtant de boutique. None were then called gownmen; but because short clothes appeared by degrees to be very conve- nient, they grew fashionable. However, the magistrates and the clergy continued to wear long clothes: an ecclesiastic could not wear a short gown, reaching no lower than his knee, with- out acting against his character. ]
19. As to the birrus, it is evident that it was no peculiar A particu- habit of bishops, no, nor yet of the clergy. That it was not 7 jcoum peculiar to bishops, appears from what St. Austin®© says of it, rus and that it was the common garment which all his clergy wore as is well as himself. And therefore if any one presented him with a richer birrus than ordinary, he would not wear it. ‘For, though it might become another bishop, it would not become him, who was a poor man, and born of poor parents. He must have such an one as a presbyter could have, or a deacon, or a subdeacon. If any one gave him a better, he was used to sell it; that, since the garment itself could not be used in common, the price of it at least might be common.’ This shews plainly that the birrus was not the bishop’s peculiar habit, but the common garment of all St. Austin’s clergy. And that this was no more than the common tunica, or coat, worn generally by Christians in Afric and other places, may appear from a canon of the Council of Gangra?’, made against Kustathius the he-
26 Serm. 50. deDivers.t.10. p.523. dare. Qualem potest habere pres- —— a6. ] (t.5. p. 1389 e ὙΣΨΩΣ ... byter; qualem potest habere decen- erat i, verbi gratia, b ter diaconus et subdiaconus, talem
pretiosum ; forte decet μυρίοι, quamvis non deceat Augustinum, id est, hominem pauperem et de
ibus natum. Modo dicturi sunt homines, quia inveni pretiosas vestes, quas non potuissem habere vel in domo patris mei, vel in illa seculari professione mea. Non de- cet. Talem debeo habere, qualem possim, si non habuerit, fratri meo
aio accipere. Si quis meliorem de- derit, vendo, quod et facere soleo: ut quando non potest vestis esse communis, pretium vestis sit com- mune.
27 In Preefat. (t. 2. Ρ. 413 6.) .. Ξένα ἀμφιάσματα ἐπὶ
296 Special laws for VI. iv.
retic, and his followers, who condemned the common habit, and brought in the use of a strange habit in its room. Now this common habit was the birrus, or βῆρος, as they call it in the canon made against them, which runs in these words?§: ‘If any man uses the pallium, or cloak, upon the account of an ascetic life, and, as if there were some holiness in that, con- demns those that with reverence use the birrus and other gar- ments that are commonly worn, let him be anathema.’ The birrus then was the common and ordinary coat which the Christians of Paphlagonia and those parts generally wore; and though the ascetics used the περιβόλαιον, the philosophic pal- lium, or cloak, yet the clergy of that country used the com- mon birrus, or coat. For Sozomen29, in relating the same history, instead of βῆρος uses the word χίτων, which is a more known name for the Latin tunica, or coat; and he also adds, ‘that Eustathius himself, after the synod had condemned him, changed his philosophic habit, and used the same garb that the secular presbyters wore.’ Which plainly evinces that as yet the clergy in those parts did not distinguish themselves by their habit from other Christians, though the ascetics generally did. In the French Churches, several years after this, we find the clergy still using the same secular habit with other Christ- ians. And when some endeavoured to alter it, and introduce the ascetic or philosophic habit among them, Celestine, bishop of Rome, wrote a reprimanding letter to them, asking ®°, ‘ why that habit, the cloak, was used in the French Churches, when it had been the custom of so many bishops, for so many years, to use the common habit of the people? from whom the clergy were to be distinguished by their doctrine, and not by their
28 Id. C. 12. (ibid. p. 419 d.) Εἴ τις ἀνδρῶν διὰ νομιζομένην ἄσκησιν περιβολαίῳ χρῆται, καὶ, ὡς ἂν ἐκ τού- του τὴν δικαιοσύνην ἔ ἔχων, καταψηφί- σοιτο τῶν μετ᾽ εὐλαβείας τοὺς βήρους φορούντων, καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ κοινῇ καὶ ἐν συνηθείᾳ οὔσῃ ἐσθῆτι κεχρημένων,
τ ἡ ae ἔστω. ᾿ς 59 L, 8. 6. 14. (Vv, 2. P. 115. 35.)
. Χιτῶνας μὴν συνήθεις καὶ στολὰς μὴ ἀνε ομένους ἀμφιέννυσθαι.----1 1α. (p. 116. 4.) ᾿Εντεῦθεν δὲ «λόγος, Εὐ- οὐδεν. ἐπιδεικνύμενον, ὡς οὐκ av- θαδείας ἕνεκα, ἀλλὰ THs κατὰ Θεὸν
ἀσκήσεως εἰσηγεῖτο ταῦτα καὶ ἐπιτη- δεύοι, ἀμεῖψαι τὴν στολὴν, καὶ παρα- πλησίως τοῖς ἄλλοις ἱερεῦσι τὰς προ- όδους ποιήσασθαι.
30 Ep. 2. ad Episc. Gall. c. 1. (CC. a 2. p.1619 c.) Unde hic ha- bitus in ecclesiis Gallicanis, ut tot annorum tantorumque pontificum in alterum habitum consuetudo ver- tatur? Discernendi a plebe vel cz- teris sumus doctrina, non veste; conversatione, non habitu: mentis puritate, non cultu.
§19,20. ᾿ the regulation of the clergy. 297
garb; by their conversation, not their habit; by the purity of their souls, rather than their dress.’ But yet I must observe, that in some places the ascetics, when they were taken into the ministry of the Church, were allowed to retain their ancient philosophic habit without any censure. Thus St. Jerom*! ob- serves of his friend Nepotian, that he kept to his philosophic habit, the pallium, after he was ordained presbyter, and wore it to the day of his death. He says the same of Heraclas*?, pres- byter of Alexandria, that he. continued to use his philosophic habit when he was presbyter. Which is noted also by Euse- bius, out of Origen, who says*®, ‘ that when Heraclas entered himself in the school of philosophy, under Ammonius, he then laid aside the common garb, and took the philosophic habit, with which he sat in the presbytery of Alexandria.’ Upon which Valesius** very rightly observes, ‘that there was then no peculiar habit of the clergy, forasmuch as Heraclas always retained his philosophic pal/ium;’ which was the known habit of the ascetics, but as yet was very rarely used among the clergy, who wore generally the common habit, except when some such philosophers and ascetics came among them. For here we see it was noted as something rare and singular in Heraclas: but in after ages, when the clergy were chiefly chosen out of the monks and ascetics, the philosophic habit eame in by degrees with them, and was encouraged, till at last it became the most usual habit of the clergy of all sorts. But this was not till the fifth or sixth century, as may be collected from what has been said before on this subject. 20. But some perhaps may think the clergy had always a Of the co-
distinct habit, because some ancient authors take notice of the %™ 4”
matica, colobium as a garment worn by bishops and presbyters in the racalla, he-
ium,
primitive ages. For Epiphanius, speaking of Arius, while he 777 nea. was presbyter of Alexandria, says*> he always wore the colo-
31 E 651 ἡ ἢ h. Nepotian. Ep. 3. [al. Πρότερον κοινῇ ἐσθῆτι χρώμενος, eliodor. (t. 1. p. 339 Ὁ.) ἀποδυσάμενος καὶ φιλόσοφον ἀναλα-
Projicere pallium, manus extendere, Bay » σχῆμα μεχρὶ τοῦ δεῦρο τηρεῖ. videre quod alii non videbant ..... $4 In loc. (ibid. n. 2.) Ex his ap- Intelligere illum non emori, sed — nullum etiam tum peculiarem a et mutare amicos, non i vestitum clericorum, quan- doquidem Heraclas .. . . philosophi-
is Seino, Eccles. c. 54. ‘t. 2. oun lium semper retinuit.
p. "819.) dives Heraclam, presbyte- er. Hbdp rom n. 3. (t. 1. p. rum, qui sub habitu philoeophi per- ie “ a.) ‘ ὁ τοιοῦτος severabat, &c. cies ἐνδιδυσκόμενος,
88 1, 6. c. 19. (v. 1. p. 282. 4.)..
298 Special laws for VI. iv.
bium or hemiphorium. And Pius, bishop of Rome, in his Epistle to Justus, bishop of Vienna, which by many is reck- oned genuine, speaks®> of Justus as wearing a colobium also. But this was no more than the tunica, of which there were two sorts, the dalmatica and colobium, which differed only in this respect, that the colobtwm was the short coat without long sleeves, so called from κολοβὸς 86, curtus; but the dalmatica was the tunica manicata et talaris, the long coat with sleeves. Both which were used by the Romans, though the colobiwm was the more common, ancient, and honourable garment. As appears from Tully?7, who derides Catiline’s soldiers, because they had their tunice manicate et talares; whereas the an- cient Romans were used to wear the colobia, or short coats without long sleeves; as Servius*® and St. Jerom?? after him observe from this place of Tully. So that a bishop’s or a pres- byter’s wearing a colobiwm means no more, when the hard name is explained, but their wearing a common Roman gar- ment. Which is evident from one of the laws of Theodosius the Great, made about the habits which senators were allowed to use within the walls of Constantinople, where they are forbid- den’° to wear the soldier’s coat, the chlamys, but allowed to use the colobium and penula, because these were civil habits, and vestments of peace.
The dalmatica, or as it was otherwise called yeupdderos, or tunica manicata, because it had sleeves down to the hands,
35 Ep. 2. ad Just. Vienn. (CC. Allobr. 1620. p. 583.) Et tunice
t.I. p.577 a.) Tu vero apud sena- toriam urbem Viennensem ejus loco a fratribus constitutus et colobio episcoporum vestitus, vide, ut mini- sterium quod accepisti, in Domino impleas.
86 [Hence colobium is the more correct term, and I have adopted it accordingly, though the Author wrote collobium. Ed.]|
37 Orat. 2. in Catilin. n. 22. [al. 10.] (v. 5. p- 1953.) Postremum au- tem genus est, non solum numero, verum etiam genere ipso atque vita,
uod proprium est Catilinze, de ejus didadtts imme vero de complexu ejus ac sinu: quos pexo capillo ni- tidos, aut imberbes, aut bene bar- batos videtis,‘manicatis et talaribus tunicis, velis amictos, non togis. . 38 In Virg. Ain. g. v. 616. (Col.
manicas, et habent redimicula mitre. Tunicz vestre habent manicas, quod etiam Cicero vituperat, dicens, ma- nicatis et talaribus tunicis. Nam colobiis utebantur antiqui.
39 Quest. Hebr. in Gen. 37, 32. t. 3. p. 222. (t. 3."p. 363 6) Pro varia tunica .... Symmachus inter- pretatus est tunicam manicatam ; sive quod ad talos usque descende- ret, .... sive quod haberet manicas; antiqui enim magis colobiis ute- bantur.
40 Cod. 1. 14. tit. 10. de Habitu quo uti oportet intra Urbem, leg. 1. (t. 5. p. 207.) Nullus senatorum habitum sibi vindicet militarem, sed, chlamydis terrore deposito, quieta colobiorum ac penularum induat vestimenta, &c.
the regulation of the clergy. 299
was seldom used among the Romans; for Lampridius notes 16 11 as a singular thing in the life of Commodus, the emperor, that he wore a dalmatica in public; which he also censures in Heliogabalus*2, as Tully had done before in Catiline. And that is a good argument to prove that the clergy of this age did not wear the dalmatica in public, since it was not then the common garment of the Romans. And the conjecture of a learned man*? is well grounded, who thinks ‘that in the life of St. Cyprian, where the ancient copies have tunicam tulit, some officious modern transcribers changed the word tunica into dalmatica, as being more agreeable to the language and custom of their own time, when the dalmatica was reckoned among the sacred vestments of the church, though we never find it mentioned as such in any ancient author.’
The caracalla, which some now call the cassock, was ori- ginally a Gallic habit, which Antonius Bassianus, who was born at Lyons in France, first brought into use among the Roman people, whence he had the name of Caracalla, as Aurelius Vic- tor** informs us. It was a long garment, reaching down to the heels, which Victor says the Roman people put on when they went to salute the emperor. But whether it was also a clerical habit in those days may be questioned, since no ancient author speaks of it as such: but if it was, it was not any pe- culiar habit of the clergy; since Spartian‘4>, who lived in the time of Constantine, says they were then used by the common people of Rome, who called them caracalle Antoniniane from their author.
The ἡμιφόριον, which Epiphanius joins with the colobium,
- 4i Vit. Commod. [c. 8.1 p. 139. ~ August. Hist. Scriptor. p. 277.) »- ape in ὭΡΗ ge
it. τὴν . [e. 26.7 p. 317. (ibid. p. 495.) Dalmaticatus in a lico post ccenam szepe visus est.
43 Bp. Fell, Not. in Vit. Cypr. Ρ. 13. (p. 14. n. 7. sub fin.) Obese us est naris, qui in his, que sequuntur, librariorum interpolatio- nes, seculis et ingeniis suis dignas,
non deprehenderit. [li quidem cum ἢ
tunicam —e episcopali non sa- tis respondere iderant, officio- sissimi homines dalmaticam submi- nistrabant.
44 Epitom. Vit. Caracall. (p. 34.) Cum 6 Gallia vestem plurimam de- vexisset, talaresque caracallas fecis- set, coegissetque plebem ad se salu- tandum indutam talibus introire, de nomine hujus vestis Caracalla cog- nominatus est.
45 Vit. Caracall. [c. 9.] p. 251.] ᾿- August. Hist. Scriptor. p. 416.)
pse Caracalle [al. Caracalli] no- men accepit a vestimento, quod po- lo dederat, demisso usque ad ta- os, quod ante non fuerat; unde hodieque Antoniniane dicuntur ca- racallz hujusmodi, in usu maxime Romane plebis frequentate.
300. Special laws for VI. iv.
was either but another name for the same garment, or one like it; for it signifies a short cloak or coat, as Petavius*® and other critics explain it, ἥμισυ ἱματείας [ἱματίου], or dimi- dium [dimidiatum] pallium, which answers to the description of the colobium, given before.
As for the linea, mentioned in the Life of Cyprian, which Baronius calls the bishop’s rochet, it seems to have been no more than some common garment made of linen, though we know not what other name to give it. Baronius‘/ says, plea- santly, ‘it was not his shirt,’ and therefore concludes it must be his rochet; which is an argument to make a reader smile,
but carries no great conviction in it.
46 Animadvers. in Epiphan. Heer. 69. n. 3. (284.) ἩΗμιφόριον idem est quod Hesychio ac Suidze ἡμιφάριον, hoc est, ἥμισυ ivariov. Palladius in Historia Lausiaca, quem citat Meursius : Πάντα αὐτῆς [ de Melania Juniore| τὰ σηρικὰ ἡμιφόρια καλύμ- ματα τοῖς θυσιαστηρίοις ἐδωρήσαντο. Utraque voce dimidiata vestis expri- mitur. Colobium curtam tunicam interpretari possis : proprie quidem que manicis careat, ac decurtata sit. De qua non nihil ad Themistium diximus. Sed non minus apte sic appellari videtur, quid [quod] non ultra pectus atque humeros pateret, quasi dimidiatum esset pallium. Si- quidem κολοβιῶνα latum clavum nominari censet Acro; cui respon- dere dicit indumentum illud ex pur- pura, quod a cervice ad pectus ex- tentum gestabant principes. Ergo propterea κολόβιον et ἡμιφόριον vo- catum est, quia juste vestis more nequaquam extendebatur. Aliud est ὠμοφόριον episcoporum, de quo Germanus Constantinopolitanus.— Conf. Suicer. Thes. Eccles. (t. 1. p. 1334.) “Hyiddprov significat dimidi- atam vestem: nam φόρεμα Grecis recentioribus, ut ex Ulachi Thesauro constat, vestem notat. Epiphanius contra Ariomanitas, seu Heresi 69. Ἡμιφόριον yap 6 τοιοῦτος ἀεὶ καὶ κολοβίωνα ἐνδιδυσκόμενος γλυκὺς ἦν τῇ mpoonyopia. Palladius, Hist. Lausiac. in Melania Juniore, p. 148. Πάντα αὐτῆς τὰ onpika ἡμιφόρια Ka- λύμματα τοῖς θυσιαστηρίοις ἐδωρή-
And yet it is as good as
σατο. Hesychius et Suidas scribunt ἡμιφάριον, et interpretantur, ἥμισυ ἱματίου, dimidium vestis, dimidiata vestis. Cl. Meursius hance quoque lectionem probat, quia @dpos vestem significet. Hesychius φάρη, ἱμάτια" vestimenta. Item, φάρος, ἱμάτιον, περιβόλαιον, vestis, amiculum. Ita etiam Suidas et Etymolog. M.
47 An. 261. n. 40. (t. 2. p. 558 b.) Etenim ex iis adeo certis antiquita- tis ecclesiasticee monumentis, qualis esse soleret episcoporum habitus, probe possumus intelligere. Sed ilud primum de tunica linea, qua, ceteris vestibus exspoliatus, ictum gladii excepturus remansit indutus, exacte considerandum. Ex iis enim, que ex dictis Actis sunt superius notata, neminem certe puto adeo obtusum ingenio, ut cum ipsa di- cant, Cyprianum exutum birro at- que tunica remansisse in linea, ex- istimet de linea interula intelligen- dum, que super nudum indui con- suevit: non enim decebat sacerdo- talem decorem, Cyprianum ad in- terulam usque denudari, cum pre- sertim ad hoc non cogeret magis- tratus, nec carnificina functio pos- tularet: quid enim opus erat ad ca- pitis obtruncationem ad subuculam usque exui, cum presertim nullum ea de re exstet exemplum? Sic igi- tur nihil aliud est, quod dici possit, nisi lineam illam Cypriani commune illud omnibus episcopis lineum in- dumentum fuisse, quod ephod alii dicunt, Italice vero rochetto.
- ϑ
820. v.1. the regulation of the clergy. 301
any that he produces to prove that bishops in Cyprian’s time appeared in public differently habited from other men. That the clergy had their particular habits for ministering } in divine service, at least in the beginning of the fourth cen- Γ tury, is not denied, but will be proved and evidenced in its proper place; but that any such distinction was generally ob- served extra sacra in their other habits in that age, is what does not appear, but the contrary, from what has been dis- : coursed. It was necessary for me to give the reader this cau- : tion, because some unwarily confound these things together, and allege the proofs or disproofs of the one for the other, which yet are of very different consideration.
CHAP. V. Some reflections upon the foregoing discourse, concluding with | an address to the clergy of the present Church.
1. Havine thus far gone over, and as it were brought into fy ye one view, the chief of those ancient laws and rules which con- aa ΡΝ cerned the elections, qualifications, duties, and general offices εν Bavigicd of the primitive clergy; reserving the consideration of parti- necessary cular offices to their proper places, I shall close this part of the won a discourse with a few necessary reflections upon it, in reference the present to the practice of the clergy of the present Church. And here, ae Ἢ first of all, it will be proper to observe, that all the laws and rules of the primitive Church are not obligatory to the present clergy, save only so far as they either contain matters neces- sary in themselves, or are adopted into the body of rules and eanons which are authorized and received by the present Church. For some laws were made upon particular reasons, peculiar to the state and circumstances of the Church in those times; and it would neither be reasonable nor possible to re- duce men to the observance of all such laws, when the reasons of them are ceased, and the state of affairs and circumstances of the Church are so much altered. Other laws were made by particular Churches for themselves only, and these never could oblige other Churches till they were received by their own con- sent, or bound upon them by the authority of a general Coun- cil, where they themselves were represented, and their consent virtually taken. Much less can they oblige absolute and inde-
pendent Churches at the distance of so many ages; since every
302 Reflections on the VI. v.
such Church has power to make laws and rules about things of an alterable nature for herself, and is not tied to the laws of any other. Nor consequently are any of the members of such a Church bound to observe those rules, unless they be revived and put in force by the Church whereof they are members. As this is agreeable to the sense and practice of the Catholic Church ; so it was necessary here to be observed, that no one might mistake the design of this discourse, as if it tended to make every rule that has been mentioned therein become ne- cessary and obligatory; or designed to reflect upon the present Church, because in all things she does not conform to the pri- mitive practice ; which it is not possible to do, without making all cases and circumstances exactly the same in all ages. Reflection 2, But, secondly, notwithstanding this, I may, I presume, oo without offence, take leave to observe, in the next place, that ἀρ ΜΝ some ancient rules would be of excellent use, if they were re- lent use, if Vived by just authority in the present Church. What if we had ae a law agreeable to that of Justinian’s in the Civil Law, that thority. | every patron or elector, who presents a clerk, should depose upon oath, that he chose him neither for any gift, or promise, or friendship, or any other cause, but because he knew him to be a man of the true Catholic Faith, and good life, and good learning? Might not this be a good addition to the present laws against simoniacal contracts? What if the order of the ancient chorepiscopi were reduced and settled in large dio- ceses? and coadjutors in case of infirmity and old age? Might not these be of great use, as for many other ends, so particu- larly for the exercise of discipline, and the easier and constant discharge of that most excellent office of Confirmation? The ju- dicious reader will be able to carry this reflection through abundance of other instances, which I need not here suggest. And I forbear the rather, because I am only acting the part of an historian for the ancient Church; leaving others, whose pro- vince it is, to make laws for the present Church; if any things are here suggested, which their wisdom and prudence may think fit to make the matter of laws for the greater benefit and advantage of it. Reflection 0. Lhirdly, it may be observed further, that there were some 3- Some Jaws in the ancient Church, which, though they be not esta-
ancient
laws may lished laws of the present Church, may yet innocently be com-
, § 2, 3,4. Soregoing discourse. 303 .
plied with; and perhaps it would be for the honour and ad- be — vantage of the clergy voluntarily to comply with them, since though not there is no law to prohibit that. I will instance in one case of !@ws of the this nature. It was a law in the ancient Church, as I have pier d
Ἵ shewed**, that the clergy should end all their civil controver-
sies, which they had one with another, among themselves, and
not go to law in a secular court, unless they had a controversy
with a layman. Now, though there be no such law in the pre-
sent Church, yet there is nothing to hinder clergymen from choosing bishops to be their arbitrators, and voluntarily re-
ferring all their causes to them, or any other judges whom
they shall agree upon among themselves; which must be owned
to be the most Christian way of ending controversies. Whence,
as I have shewed, it was many times practised by the laity in
the primitive Church, who took bishops for their arbitrators by voluntary compromise, obliging themselves to stand to their arbitration. And what was so commendable in the laity, must
needs be more reputable in the clergy, and more becoming
their gravity and character ; not to mention other advantages
that might arise from this way of ending disputes, rather than
any other. From this one instance it will be easy to judge,
how far it may be both lawful and honourable for the clergy to
imitate the practic eof the Ancients in other cases of the like
+ nature.
4, Fourthly. The last observation I have to make upon the Reflection foregoing discourse, is in reference to such laws of the ancient = alien hay Chureh as must be owned to be of necessary and eternal obli- of great
examples,
| gation. Such are most of those that have been mentioned in and laws of |
_ the second and third chapters of this book, relating to the life Perpetual
obligation.
and duties of the clergy; in which the clergy of all Churches t will for ever be concerned, the matter of those laws being in : itself of absolute and indispensable obligation. The practice of the Ancients, therefore, in compliance with such laws, will be a continual admonition, and their examples a noble provocation to the clergy of all ages. There is nothing that commonly moves or affects us more than great and good examples; they at once both pleasantly instruct, and powerfully excite us to the practice of our duty; they shew us that rules are prac- ticable, as having already been observed by men of like passions
48 B.5. ch. Τ᾿ 8.1. v. 2. p. 104.
904 Reflections on the VI.
with ourselves ; they are apt to inflame our courage by an holy. contagion, and raise us to noble acts by provoking our emula- tion; they, as it were, shame us into laudable works, by up- braiding and reproaching our defects in falling short of the patterns set before us; they work upon our modesty, and turn it into zeal; they raise our several useful passions, and set us to work by exciting those inbred sparks of emulation, and principles of activity, that are lodged within us. And for this reason, whilst others have done good service by writing of the pastoral office and care, in plain rules and directions, I have added the examples of the Ancients to their rules; the better to excite us to tread those paths which are chalked out to us, by the encouragement of such instructive and provoking exam- ples. Who can read that brave defence and answer?? which St. Basil made to the Arian prefect, without being warmed with something of his zeal for truth upon any the like occasion? How resolute and courageous will it make a man, even against the calumnies of spite and malice, to contend for the Faith, when he reads*° what base slanders and reproaches were cast upon the greatest luminaries of the Church, and the best of men, Athanasius and Basil, for standing up in the cause of re- ligion against the Arian heresy? Again, how peaceable, how candid, how ingenuous and prudent will it make a man, in composing unnecessary disputes, that arise among Catholics in the Church, always to have before his eyes that great example of candour and peaceableness, which Nazianzen describes in the person of Athanasius*!, who, by his prudence, reconciled two contending parties, that for a few syllables and a dispute about mere words had like to have torn the Church in pieces? To | instance but once more ;—who, that reads that great example of charity and self-denial in the African fathers at the Collation of Carthage 53, and considers with what a brave and public spirit they despised their own private interest for the good and peace and unity of the Church, will not be inspired with some- thing of the same noble temper, and ardent love of Christ; which will make him willing to do or suffer any thing for the benefit of his Church, and sacrifice his own private interest to the advantage of the public; whilst he persuades himself, with
49 See b.6. ch. 3. 8.10. V. 2. p. 252. 51 See Ὁ. 6. ch.3. 8. 9. V. 2. p. 251. 50 See the same. | _ 52 Tbid. ch. 4. s. 2. v. 2. p. 265.
§ 4, 5. 305
those holy fathers, that he was made for the Church of Christ,
and not the Church for him? As it is of the utmost conse-
quence to the welfare of the Church, to have these and the
like virtues and graces planted in the hearts of her clergy; so
among other means that may be used for the promoting this
end, there is none perhaps more likely to take effect than the recommending such virtues by the powerful provocation of such
noble examples. And he, that offers such images of virtue to
public view, may at least be allowed to make the apology
which Sulpicius Severus? makes for his writing the Life of
St. Martin :—Ztsi ipsi non viximus, ut aliis exemplo esse possimus ; dedimus tamen operam, ne illi laterent, qui essent imitandi.
_ 5. But, whilst I am so earnest in recommending the exam- Some me ee ples of the ancients, I must not forget to inculcate some of © ben at their excellent rules; such as their laws about training up aor young men for the ministry, under the magister discipline, tion. First, whose business was to form their morals, and inure them to πέσω. Be such studies, exercises, and practices as would best qualify method of them for higher offices and services in the-Church. This me- ins "P thod of education being now changed into that of universities for the and schools of learning, it highly concerns them, on whom this
care is devolved, to see that the same ends however be an-
swered; that is, that all young men who aspire to the sacred profession be rightly formed, both in their studies and morals,
to qualify them for their great work and the several duties of
their calling. And they are the more concerned to be careful
in this matter, because bishops now cannot have that personal knowledge of the morals of such persons as they had formerly,
when they were trained up under their eye, and liable to their inspection ; but now, as to this part of their qualification, they
must depend first upon the care, and then upon the testimony,
of those who are intrusted with their education. Besides, a
late eminent writer **, who inquires into the causes of the pre-
Soregoing discourse.
* [De Vit. B. Martin., in Prolog. Horne’s edition, ( ce ον "Bat. Fad p- 460.) from which-I have verified the citations of this author, reads— ne is lateret, qui esset imitandus. Bs)
Ostervald’s Causes of the Cor-
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
ruption of Christians, part 2. ch. 3. P-333- (p-345-) For, first, as to man- ners, &c. According - the original, (Amsterdam, 17 εἶν . 127.) Car remiérement a |’é es mceurs, jeunesse y vit a le dérégle- ment; elle y est abandonnée ἃ sa
x
306 Reflections on the
sent corruption of Christians, where he has occasion to speak of the pastoral office, and the ordinary methods now used for training up persons to it, makes a double complaint of the way of education in several of the universities of Europe. As to
manners, he complains ‘that young people live there licen-
tiously, and are left to their own conduct, and make public profession of dissoluteness; nay, that they not only live there irregularly, but have privileges which give them a right to commit with impunity all manner of insolencies, brutalities, and scandals, and which exempt them from the magistrate’s juris- diction.’ Now such universities as are concerned in this accu- sation, which by the blessing of God those of our land are not, have great reason to consider how far they are fallen from the primitive standard, and what a difference there is between the ancient way of educating under the inspection of a bishop, and the conduct of a master of discipline in every Church, and the way of such academies ; where, if that learned person say true, ‘the care of masters and professors does not extend to the re- gulating of the manners of their disciples.’ The other com- plaint he makes is in reference to the studies which are pur- sued at universities; in which he observes two faults, one in re-
propre conduite; les soins des mai- tres et des professeurs ne s’entendent pas jusqu’a régler les mceurs de leurs disciples. Ce désordre va si loin que dans plusieurs universités de I’Europe les écoliers et les étu- dians font une ouverte profession de libertinage. Non seulement ils y vivent dans la licence, mais ont des priviléges, qui leur donne le droit de commettre impunément toutes sortes d’insolences, de brutalitez et de scandales, et qui les exemptent de la jurisdiction de magistrat, &c.— Ibid. (p. 128.) La théologie y est traitée, et l’Ecriture Sainte y est expliquée, d’une 'maniére_ scholas- tique, et toute speculative. On y lit des lieux communs, remplis des termes d’école, et de questions peu nécessaires. On y apprend propre- ment a disputer sur tout, et a reduire la religion en controverses. Cette méthode perd les jeunes gens; elle leur donne des idées embarassées et méme fausses de la théologie, &c.
—Ibid. (p. 129.) L’autre défaut est plus essentiel. On n’a pas soin dans des académies d’apprendre aux jeunes gens, qui se consacrent aut service de l’Eglise, diverses choses dont la connoissance leur seroit tout-a-fait nécessaire. L’étude de Vhistoire et de V’antiquité ecclésias- tique y est négligée. ..... On n’en- seigne pas morale dans les écoles de théologie, si ce n’est d’une maniére superficielle et scholastique; et en plusieurs académies on ne len- seigne point du tout. On y parle rarement de la discipline. On n’y donne que peu ou point d’instruc- tions sur la maniére d’exercer la
charge de pasteur et de gouverner
Véglise. Tellement que le plus grand nombre de ceux, qui sont admis a cette charge, y entrent sans savoir en quoi elle consiste, et n’en ont point d’autre idée, que comme d’une profession, qui oblige ἃ précher et a expliquer des textes.
~~ μον. ως... - -
§ 5,6. 7ονοσοΐη discourse. 307
ference to the method of teaching: ‘ Divinity is treated there, and the holy Scripture explained altogether, in a scholastical and speculative manner. Common places are read, which are full of school-terms, and of questions not very material. This makes young men resolve all religion into controversies, and gives them intricate and false notions of divinity.’ The other fault, he thinks, is more essential: ‘ Little or no care is taken to teach those, who dedicate themselves to the service of the Church, several things, the knowledge of which would be very necessary to them. The study of history and of Church-anti- quity is neglected, morality is not taught in divinity-schools, but in a superficial and scholastic manner ; and in many acade- mies it is not taught at all. They seldom speak there of disci- pline, they give few or no instructions concerning the manner of exercising the pastoral care, or of governing the Church. So that the greater part of those who are admitted into this office enter into it without knowing wherein it consists; all the no- tion they have of it is, that it is a profession which obliges them to preach and to explain texts.’ I cannot think all univer- sities are equally concerned in this charge, nor shall I inquire how far any are, but only say, that the faults here complained of were rarely to be met with in the methods of education in the primitive Church; where, as I have shewed, the chief stu- dies of men deyoted to the service of the Church, both before and after their ordinations, were such as directly tended to in- struct them in the necessary duties and offices of their function. The great care then was to oblige men carefully to study the Scriptures in a practical way, and to acquaint themselves with the history, and laws, and discipline of the Church, by the knowledge and exercise of which they became expert in all the arts of curing souls, and making pious and holy men, which is the business of spiritual physicians, and the whole of the pas- toral office; in which, therefore, their rules and examples are proper to be proposed to all Churches for their imitation.
6. Another sort of rules, worthy our most serious thoughts Secondly. and consideration, were those which concerned the examination hoger τοὶ of the candidates for the ministry. For by these such methods ing the were prescribed, and such caution used, that it was scarce pos- angry sible for an unfit or immoral man to be admitted to an ecclesi- ogg astical office, unless a bishop and the whole Church combined, ministry.
x2
808. Reflections on the Vi. v.
as it were, to choose unworthy men, which was a case that very rarely happened. It was a peculiar advantage in the primitive Church, that by her laws ordinarily none were to be ordained but in the church where they were personally known, so that their manners and way of living might be most strictly can- vassed and examined; and a vicious man could not be ordained if either the bishop or the Church had the courage to reject him. Now though this rule cannot be practised in the present state of the Church, yet the main intent of it is of absolute ne- cessity to be answered, and provided for some other way; else the Church must needs suffer greatly, and infinitely fall short of the purity of the primitive Church, by conferring the most sacred of all characters upon immoral and unworthy men. The only way which our present circumstances will admit of, to answer the caution that was used in former days, is to certify the bishop concerning the candidates’ known probity and in- tegrity of life, by such testimonials as he may safely depend upon. Here, therefore, every one sees, without my observing it to him, that to advance the present Church to the purity and excellency of the primitive Church, there is need of the utmost caution in this matter; that testimonials in so weighty an affair be not promiscuously granted unto all; nor to any but upon reasonable evidence and assurance of the things testified therein: otherwise we partake in other men’s sins, and are far from consulting truly the glory of God and the good of his Church, whilst we deviate so much from the exactness and caution that is shewed us in the primitive pattern.
The other part of the examination of candidates, which re- lated to their abilities and talents, was made with no less dili- gence and exactness. The chief inquiry was, whether they were well versed in the sense and knowledge of the Holy Scriptures ; whether they rightly understood the fundamentals of religion, the necessary doctrines of the Gospel, and the rules of morality, as delivered in the law of God; whether they had been conversant in the history of the Church, and understood her laws and discipline ; and were men of prudence to govern as well as of ability to teach the people committed to their charge. ‘These were things of great importance, because most of them were of daily use in the exercise of the ministry and pastoral care, and therefore proper to be insisted on in exami-
§ 6,7.
Foregoing discourse. 309
nations of this nature. These were the qualifications which, joined with the burning and shining light of a pious life, raised the primitive Church and clergy to that height of glory which we all profess to admire in them. And the very naming that is a sufficient provocation to such as are concerned in this mat- ter, to express their zeal for the welfare and glory of the pre- sent Church, by keeping strictly to the measures which were so successfully observed in the ancient Church, and without which the ends of the ministry cannot be fully attained in any Church, whilst persons are ordained that want proper qualifica- tions.
ἡ 7. Ishall not now stand to inculcate any other rules about Thirdly.
acre duties, studying, preaching, or the like, but only
Their rules
about pri-
beg leave to recommend the primitive pattern in two things vate ad-
more. ‘The one concerns private pastors,
offered to the governors of the Church. That which concerns οὗ
private pastors is, the duty of private address and the exercise of private discipline toward the people committed to their charge. Some eminent persons>*°, who have lately considered the duties of the pastoral office, reckon this one of the principal and most necessary functions of it, which consists in inspecting the lives ef private persons, in visiting families, in exhortations, warn- ings, reproofs, instructions, reconciliations, and in all those other eares, which a pastor ought to take of those over whom he is constituted. ‘ For,’ as they rightly observe, ‘ neither general exhortations, nor public discipline can answer all the occasions of the Church. There are certain disorders, which pastors neither can nor ought to repress openly, and which yet ought to be remedied by them. In such cases, private admonitions are to be used. The concern of men’s salvation requires this,
ὅδ Ostervald’s Causes of the Cor- Pam He can) Foe? γος 2. ch. 3. p- 318. (p. 331.) For neither general exhortations, ὅς. According to the original, (Amsterdam, 1709+, vol. 2. τὴς ταὶ ‘last line,) Car, ni les ex- ik a générales, ni .dlecipline blique ne rae pourvoir a tous fs besoins de |’Eglise. Il y a de certains désordres qe les we ρος ne peuvent ni ne doivent ouvertement, et aux quels ils wowed pourtant apporter du reméde. Dans
ces cas la, il en faut venir ἃ des a- vertissements particuliers. L’interét du salut des ames le demande, et il est de la sollicitude pastorale d’aller chercher la brebis qui s’égare, et de ne laisser pas périr le méchant faute d’avertissement.——See also Bisho op ᾿ς ior eyed Care, ch. era 9 nd. 1692 192, seqq have broke in upon the third head of his duty, his private labours in his TP &e.
ss, and
the other is humbly the exercise private discipline.
910 Reflections on the γεν
and it becomes the pastoral carefulness to seek the straying sheep, and not to let the wicked perish for want of warning.’ But now because this is a nice and difficult work, and requires not only great diligence and application, but also great art and prudence, with a proportionable share of meekness, moderation and temper, to perform it aright; it is often either wholly ne- glected or very ill performed, whilst some think it enough to admonish sinners from the pulpit, and others admonish them indiscreetly, which tends more to provoke than reclaim them. To remedy both these evils it will be useful to reflect upon that excellent discourse of Gregory Nazianzen, which has been sug- gested in the third chapter of this book, where he considers that great variety of tempers which is in men, and the nicety of all matters and occasions that a skilful pastor ought to con- sider, in order to supply suitable remedies to every distemper. And there the reader will also find some other excellent cau- tions and directions given by Chrysostom and others upon this head, with examples proper to excite him to the performance of this necessary duty. 3 Fourthly. 8, The other thing I would humbly offer to the consideration > sonal arog of our superiors, who are the guardians of public discipline, νά ἀσρρᾷ and inspectors of the behaviour of private pastors, is the ex- upon delin- ercise of discipline in the ancient Church. By which I do not sss now mean that general discipline which was exercised toward were con- all offenders in the Church, but the particular discipline that vice Sean was used among the clergy; by virtue of which every clerk offences. convicted of immorality, or other scandalous offence, was lable to be deposed, and punished with other ecclesiastical censures; of which, both crimes and punishments, I have given a parti- cular account in the three foregoing chapters of this book. It is a thing generally acknowledged by all, that the glory of the ancient Church was her discipline; and it is as general a com- plaint of the misfortune of the present Church, that corruptions abound for want of reviving and restoring the ancient discipline. Now, if there be any truth in either of these observations, it ought to be a quickening argument to all that sit at the helm of government in the Church, to bestir themselves with their utmost zeal, that discipline, where it is wanting, may at least
56 See 5, 8. vol. 2. p. 245. [See ibid. nn. 87 and 88. Ep.]
§8, 9. Soregoing discourse. $11
be restored among the clergy; that no scandals or offences may be tolerated among them, whose lives and practices ought to be a light and a ‘guide to others. As there is nothing to hinder the free exercise of it here, so it is but fitting it should be exemplified in them; as for many other reasons, so particu- larly for this, that the laity may not think they are to be tied to any discipline which the clergy have not first exercised upon themselves with greater severity of ecclesiastical censures. And if either rules or examples can encourage this, those of the primitive Church are most provoking; her rules of discipline were most excellent and exact in themselves, and for the most part, as exactly managed by persons intrusted with the execu- tion of them.
9. After these reflections, made upon the laws and practice J δόμων de: of the primitive clergy, it will be needless to make any long 92°97" address to any orders of the clergy of the present age. I will heathen therefore only observe one thing more, that Julian’s design to epee ge bring the laws of the primitive clergy into use among the the primi-
tive clergy, heathen priests, in order to reform them, as it was then a plain ps pc
testimony of their excellency, so it is now a proper argument cl Oh: to provoke the zeal of the present clergy, to be more forward zeal in the and ambitious in their imitation. I have already*7 in part spear recited Julian’s testimony and design, out of his Letter to Ar- sacius, high priest of Galatia; I shall here subjoin a more ample testimony from a Fragment of one of his Epistles*’ printed among his Works, where speaking of the gentile priests, he says, ‘ It was reasonable they should be honoured, as the minis- ters and seryants of the gods, by whose mediation many bless- ings were derived from heaven upon the world; and 580 "9 long as they retained this character, they were to be honoured and respected by all, but if wicked and vicious, they should be deposed from their office, as unworthy their function. Their lives® were to be so regulated, as that they might be a copy
oe ge ch. 3. 8. 13. v. 2. δ9 Thid. (p. 543. 15.) ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἕως ἂν
p- or n. ἱερεύς τις ὀνομάζηται, τιμᾷν αὐτὸν a. pst. tise, ἃ 542. 15. ἀγὸς χρὴ καὶ θεραπεύειν" εἰ δὲ εἴη πονηρὸς, Εὔλογον ρέας τιμᾷν, ὡς ἀφαιρεθέντα τὴν ἱερωσύνην, ὡς ἀνά-
cmd "διῶ καὶ ὑπηρέτας, καὶ voy ar ἔντα, περιορᾷν.
es ἡμῖν τὰ πρὸς τοὺς θεούς" 60 Thid. (547. 6. ) Ὧν ς τὰ = ς τῇ ἐκ θεῶν εἰς ἡμᾶς χρὴ λέγειν, δεῖγμα τῶν ἑαυτῶν ἐκφέ-
ἐῶν ὁ ὧν δόσει. τς βόντας βίον" ἀρκτέον δὲ ἡμῖν τῆς πρὸς
VI. ¥.
and pattern of what they were to preach to men. To this purpose they should be careful in all their addresses to the gods, to express all imaginable reverence and piety, as being in their presence, and under their inspection. They®! should neither speak a filthy word, nor hear one; but abstain as well from all impure discourse, as vile and wicked actions, and not let a scurrilous or abusive jest come from their mouths. They should read no books tending this way, such as Archilochus and Hipponax, and the writers of loose wanton comedies; but apply themselves to the study of such philosophers as Pytha- goras, Plato, Aristotle, Chrysippus, and Zeno, whose writings were most likely to create piety in men’s minds. For all sorts of books were not fit to be read by the priests. Even among philosophers, those of Pyrrho® and Epicurus were wholly to be rejected by them; and instead of these they should learn such divine hymns, ® as were to be sung in honour of the gods, to whom they should make their supplications publicly and privately thrice a day, if it might be; however twice at least, morning and evening. In the course of their public ministra- tions in the temples,® which, at Rome, commonly held for
312 Reflections on the
τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβείας" οὕτω γὰρ ἡμᾶς
πρέπει τοῖς θεοῖς λειτουργεῖν, ἁ ὡς πα- ρεστη κόσιν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ὁρῶσιν μὲν ἡμᾶς, οὖχ ὁρωμένοις ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν.
1 Ibid. (p. 549. 4:). - - Αἰσχρὸν δὲ μήτε λέγοντας, μήτε ἀκούοντας" ay- νεύειν δὲ χρὴ τοὺς ἱερέας οὐκ ἔργων μόνον ἀκαθάρτων οὐδὲ ἀσελγῶν πρά- ἕξεων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥημάτων καὶ ἀκροαμά- τῶν τοιούτων. ᾿Ἐξελατέα τοίνυν ἐστὶ ἡμῖν πάντα τὰ ἐπαχθῆ σκώμματα" πᾶσα δὲ ἀσελγὴς ὁμιλία" καὶ ὅπως εἰδέναι ἔ ἔχῃς ὃ βούλομαι φράζειν' ἱερω- μένος τίς (bare ᾿Αρχίλοχον. ἀναγινω- σκέτω" μήτε Ἱππώνακτα᾽ μήτε ἄλλον τινὰ τῶν τοιαῦτα γραφόντων᾽ ἀποκλι- νέτω καὶ τῆς παλαιᾶς κωμῳδίας, ὅ ὅσα τῆς τοιαύτης ἰδέας. "Ἄμεινον μὲν γὰρ, καὶ πάντως πρέποι δ᾽ ἃ ἂν ἡμῖν, ἡ φιλο- σοφία μόνη" καὶ τούτων, ἡ θεοὺς ἡγε- μόνας προστησαμένη τῆς ἑαυτῶν παι- δείας" ὅπερ Πυθαγόρας, καὶ Πλάτων, καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλης, οἵ τε ἀμφὶ Χρύσιπ- πον καὶ Ζήνωνα. Προσεκτέον μὲν γὰρ οὔτε πᾶσιν, οὔτε τοῖς πάντων δόγμασι, ἀλλὰ ἐκείνοις “μόνον καὶ ἐκείνων, ὅσα εὐσεβείας ἐστὶ ποιητικά.
62 Ibid. (p. 553. I.) Οὐδὲ ἀνά-
γνωσμα πᾶν ἱερωμένῳ πρέπει.. -- Mire ᾿Επικούρειος εἰσιέτω λόγος, μῆνε Πυῤ- ῥώνειος.
63 Ibid. (p. 551. 16.) ᾿Ἐκμανθάνειν χρὴ τοὺς ὕμνους τῶν bear’ εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι πολλοὶ μὲν καὶ καλοὶ πεποιημένοι πα- λαιοῖς καὶ νέοις" οὐ μὲν ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνους πειρατέον ἐπίστασθαι, τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἀδομένους" οἱ πλεῖστοι γὰρ ὑφ᾽ αὐτῶν θεῶν ἱκετευθέντων ἐδάθησαν" ὀλίγοι δέ τινες καὶ παρὰ ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ πνεύματος ἐνθέου, καὶ ψυχῆς ἀβάτου τοῖς κακοῖς ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν θεῶν τιμῇ συγ- κείμενοι. Ταῦτά γε ἄξιον. ἐπιτηδεύειν" καὶ εὔχεσθαι πολλάκις τοῖς θεοῖς ἰδίᾳ καὶ δημοσίᾳ" μάλιστα μὲν τρὶς τῆς ἡμέρας" εἰ δὲ μὴ, πάντως ὄρθρου τε καὶ δείλης.
64 Thid. (p. 553- 1:) Οἶμαι δὲ χρῆ- ναι τὸν ἱερέα πάντων ἁγνεύσαντα νύκ- τωρ καὶ ἡμέραν" εἶτα | ἄλλην ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ νύκτα καθηράμενον, οἷς διαγορεύουσιν οἱ θεσμοὶ καθαρμοῖς, οὕτως εἴσω φοι- τῶντα τοῦ ἱεροῦ μένειν, ὅσας ἂν ἡ ἡμέρας ὁ νόμος κελεύῃ" τριάκοντα μὲν γὰρ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν εἰσιν ἐν Ῥώμῃ" παρ᾽ ἄλλοις δὲ ἄλλως. Εὔλογον οὖν οἶμαι μένειν ἁπάσας ταύτας τὰς ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς
$9.
Soregoing discourse. 313
thirty days, they were to reside all the time in the temples, and give themselves to philosophic thoughts, and neither go to their own houses, nor into the forum, nor see any magistrate but in the temple. When their term of waiting was expired, and they were returned home, they might not converse or feast promiscuously with all, but only with their friends and the best of men ; they were but rarely then to appear in the forum, and not to visit the magistrates and rulers, except it were in order to be helpful to some that needed their assistance. While they ministered in the temple, they were to be arrayed with a mag- nificent garment; but out of it they must wear common ap- parel, and that not very costly, or in the least savouring of pride and vain glory. They were in no case® to go to see the obscene and wanton shows of the public theatres, nor to bring them into their own houses, nor to converse familiarly with any charioteer, or player, or dancer, belonging to the theatre.’ After this he signifies out of what sort of men the priests should be chosen. ‘They should be the best that 66 Ibid. (p. 556. 27.) ᾿Εγώ φημι
dyra’ καὶ μήτε eis οἰκίαν τοὺς ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι βελτίστους καὶ
φιλοσοφοῦ; ἶ ᾿ βαδίζειν, μήτε εἰς ἀγορὰν, μηδὲ ἄρχοντα
πλὴν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐφορᾷν᾽ ἐπιμελεῖ- σθαι δὲ τῆς ra τὸ θεῖον θεραπείας αὐτὸν, ῶ πάντα καὶ διατάτ- πε πληρώσαντα δὲ τὰς ἡμέρας, Ta ἑτέρῳ παραχωροῦντα τῆς λειτουρ- γίας. "Ἐπὶ δὲ “i ἀνθρώπινον τρεπο- nee Boe ἐξέστω καὶ βαδίζειν εἰς φίλων, καὶ εἰς ἑστίασιν ἀπαντᾷν παρακληθέντα, μὴ πάντων, ἀλλὰ τῶν βελτίστων" ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ εἰς ἀγορὰν παρελθεῖν οὐκ ἄτοπον ὀλιγάκις" ἡγε- μόνα τε προσειπεῖν,καὶ ἔθνους ἄρχοντα" καὶ τοῖς εὐλόγως δεομένοις ὅσα ἐνδέ- χεται σαι. Πρέποι δὲ οἶμαι τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔνδον μὲν, ὅτε λειτουργοῦσιν, ἐσθῆτι χρῆσθαι μεγαλοπρεπεστάτῃ" τῶν ἱερῶν δὲ ἔξω, τῇ συνήθει, δίχα πολυτελείας"... ἀφεκτέον ἡμῖν ἐσ- θῆτος πολυτελεστέρας ἐν ἀγορᾷ, καὶ aaa ἣ καὶ πάσης ἁπλῶς ἀλαζο-
νείας. 65 Ibid. (p. 555. 21.) Τοῖς ἀσελ- wes τούτοις θεάτροις τῶν ἱερέων μη- is μηδαμοῦ παραβαλλέτω" μήτε εἰς οἰκίαν εἰσαγέτω τὴν ἑαυτοῦ. Ibid. (556. 10.) Μηδὲ [leg? Μηδεὶς] ποιείτω φίλον θυμελικόν᾽ μηδὲ appa- τηλάτην' μηδὲ ὀρχηστὴς, μηδὲ μῖμος, αὐτῶν τῇ θύρᾳ προσίτω.
μάλιστα μὲν φιλοθεωτάτους, ἔπειτα ἰλανθρωποτάτους" ἐάν τε πένητες ιν, ἐάν τε πλούσιοι" διάκρισις ἔστω πρὸς τοῦτο μηδέ τις οὖν ἀφανοῦς καὶ ἐπιφανοῦς. “O γὰρ διὰ πρᾳότητα λε- ληθὼς, οὐ διὰ τὴν τοῦ ἀξιώματος ἀφά- νειαν, δίκαιός ἐστι κωλύεσθαι' κἂν πένης οὖν ἦ τις, κἂν δημότης, ἔχων ἐν ἑαυτῷ δύο ταῦτα, τό τε φιλόθεον καὶ τὸ φιλάνθρωπον, ἱερεὺς ἀποδεικνύσθω. Δεῖγμα δὲ τοῦ φιλοθέου μὲν, εἰ τοὺς οἰκείους ἅπαντας εἰς τὴν περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσέβειαν εἰσαγάγοι᾽ τοῦ φι- λανθρώπου δὲ, εἰ καὶ ἐξ ὀλίγων εὐκό- λως κοινωνεῖ τοῖς δεομένοις, καὶ μετα- δίδωσι προθύμως, εὖ ποιεῖν ἐπιχειρῶν ὅσους ἂν οἷός τε hv’ προσεκτέον γὰρ μάλιστα τῷ μέρει τούτῳ, καὶ τὴν ἰατρείαν ὅθεν ποιητέον. ᾿Ἐπειδὴ γὰρ οἶμαι συνέβη, τοὺς πένητας ἀμελεῖσθαι παρορωμένους ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων, οἱ δυσ- σεβεῖς Ταλιλαῖοι κατανοήσαντες, ἐπέ- θεντο ταύτῃ τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ" καὶ, τὸ χείριστον τῶν ἔργων, διὰ τοῦ δοκοῦν- Tos τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων, ἐκράτυναν" ὥσπερ οἱ τὰ παιδία διὰ τοῦ πλακοῦντος ἐξαπατῶντες, τῷ καὶ δὶς καὶ τρὶς προ- έσθαι, πείθουσιν ἀκουλουθεῖν ἑαυτοῖς" εἶθ᾽ ὅταν ἀποστήσωσι πόρρω τῶν ol-
814 Reflections on the VI. ν. could ‘be”found in every city, persons that had true love for god and man, and then it mattered not whether they were rich or poor; there being no difference to be made between noble and ignoble in this case. No one was to be rejected upon other accounts, who was endued with those two qualities, piety to god, and humanity to men. Whereof the former might be evi- denced by their care to make all their domestics as devout as themselves; and the latter, by their readiness to distribute liberally to the poor, out of that little they had, and extending their charity to as many as was possible. And there was the more reason to be careful in this matter, because it was mani- festly the neglect of this humanity in the priests, which had given occasion to the impious Galileans,’ by whom he means the Christians, ‘to strengthen their party by the practice of that humanity, which the others neglected. For as kidnappers steal away children, whom they first allure with a cake; so these begin first to work upon honest-hearted Gentiles with their love-feasts, and entertainments, and ministering of tables, as they call them, till at last they pervert them to atheism, and impiety against the gods.’
Now, from this discourse of Julian, I think it is very evident that he had observed what laws and practices had chiefly con- tributed to the advancement of the character and credit of the Christian clergy, and of the Christian religion by their means ; and therefore he laboured to introduce the like rules and dis- cipline among. the idol -priests, and intended to haye made many other alterations in the heathen customs, in compliance with the envied rites and usages of the Christian religion, as is observed both by Gregory Nazianzen® and Sozomen,®’ who
ῥυθμίζουσι, καὶ ὅσαι τῆς ἐπικρύψεως" εὐχῶν τε τύπον ἐν μέρει, καὶ τῆς τῶν
κιῶν, ἐμβάλλοντες εἰς ναῦν ἀπέδοντο" καὶ γέγονεν εἰς ἅπαντα τὸν ἑξῆς βίον
πικρὸν τὸ δόξαν πρὸς ὀλίγον γλυκύ. Τὸν αὐτὸν καὶ αὐτοὶ τρόπον ἀρξάμενοι διὰ τῆς λεγομένης παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀγάπης καὶ ὑποδοχῆς καὶ διακονίας τραπεζῶν" ἔστι γὰρ ὥσπερ τὸ ἔργον, οὕτω δὲ καὶ ὄνομα, παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς πολύ" πιστοὺς ἐνή- γαγον εἰς τὴν ἀθεότητα.
7 Orat. 3. Invect. 1. in Julian. (t. x. p. ror. ἢ.) Διδασκαλεῖα μὲν ἱδρύσασθαι κατὰ πᾶσαν πόλιν ἕ ἕτοιμος ἦν, βήματά τε καὶ προεδρίας καὶ ὑφε- δρίας. “Ἑλληνικῶν τε δογμάτων ἀ ἀνα- γνώσεις καὶ ἀναπτύξεις, ὅσαί τε ἦθος
ἁμαρτανόντων κατὰ μέτρον ἐπιτιμή- σεως" προτελείων δὲ καὶ τελειώσεως, καὶ ὅσα τῆς ἡμετέρας capes ἐστιν εὐταξίας" ἔτι δὲ καταγώγια πήξασθαι καὶ ξενῶνας" ἁγνευτήριά τε καὶ παρθε- νῶνας, καὶ φροντιστήρια, καὶ τὴν εἰς τοὺς δεομένους φιλανθρωπίαν, τήν τε ἄλλην ὁπόση. καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιστο- λιμαίοις συνθήμασιν, οἷς ἡμεῖς ἐξ ἔθ- νους εἰς ἔθνος τοὺς χρήζοντας παρα- πέμπομεν" ἃ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ἡμε- δον εἶχε θαυμάσας.
68 L, 5. c. 16 (v. 2. p. 203. 3.)
§ 9, 10.
give usa particular account of his intended emendations; the very mentioning which, if I mistake not, is a loud call to us to be at least as zealous as Julian was in copying out such excellencies of the primitive clergy as are proper for our imi- tation. It is the argument which the Apostle makes use of in a like case :—“ I will provoke you to jealousy by them that are no people, by a foolish nation will I anger you.” Rom. 10, 19. I must needs say, it will be but a melancholy consideration for any man to find hereafter, that the zeal of an apostate heathen shall rise up in judgment against him and condemn him.
10. We all profess, as it is our duty to do, a great zeal for The con- the honour and welfare of the present Church. Now, if indeed (15000 we have that zeal which we profess, we shall be careful to de- dress to the monstrate it in all our actions; observing those necessary rules oe ent and measures, which raised the primitive Church to its glory. Chur. We are obliged, in this respect, first, to be strict and exem- plary in our lives; to set others a pattern of sobriety, humility, meekness, charity, self-denial, and contempt of the world, and all such common graces as are required of Christians in general to adorn their profession; and then to add to these the peculiar graces and ornaments of our function, diligence, prudence, fidelity, and piety in the whole course of our minis- try; imitating those excellencies of the Ancients, which have been described ; confining ourselves to the proper business of our calling, and not intermeddling or distracting ourselves with other cares; employing our thoughts and time in useful studies, and directing them to their proper end, the edification of the Church; performing all divine offices with assiduity and
foregoing discourse. 315
Oe
“Ὑπολαβὼν δὲ τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν τὴν σύστασιν ἔχειν ἐκ τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς πολιτείας τῶν αὐτὸν μετιόντων, διε- νοεῖτο πανταχῇ τοὺς Ἑλληνικοὺς ναοὺς, τῇ παρασκευῇ καὶ τῇ τάξει τῆς Χρισ- τιανῶν θρησκείας διακοσμεῖν" By τε, καὶ προεδρίαις, καὶ Ἑλληνικῶν δογ- μάτων καὶ παραινέσεων διδασκάλοις τε καὶ ἀναγνώσταις, ὁρῶν τε πὰ καὶ ἡμερῶν τεταγμέναις εὐχαῖς, φροντισ- τηρίοις τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν
σοφεῖν ἐγνωκότων, καὶ καταγωγίοις ξένων καὶ πτωχῶν, καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ τῇ περὶ τοὺς δεομένους φιλανθρωπίᾳ τὸ Ἑλλη-
βήμασί
νικὸν δόγμα σεμνύναι. “Exovaiwy τὲ καὶ ἀκουσίων ἁμαρτημάτων κατὰ τὴν τῶν Χριστιανῶν παράδοσιν ἐκ μεταμελείας σύμμετρον τάξαι σωφρωνισμόν. Οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ ζηλῶσαι λέγεται τὰ συνθῆή- ματα τῶν ἐπισκοπικῶν γραμμάτων, οἷς ἔθος ἀμοιβαδὸν τοὺς ξένους ὅποι δή- πότε διϊόντας, καὶ παρ᾽ οἷς ἀφίκωνται, πάντως κατάγεσθαι καὶ θεραπείας ἀξι-
ῦσθαι, οἷά γε γνωρίμους καὶ φιλτά- τους, διὰ τὴν τοῦ συμβόλου μαρτυρίαν" ταῦτα διανοούμενος ἐσπούδαζε τοὺς “Ἑλληνιστὰς προσεθίζειν τοῖς τῶνΧρισ- τιανῶν ἐπιτηδεύμασιν.
316 Reflections on the VI. ν.
constancy, and in that rational, decent, and becoming way, as suits the nature of the action; making our addresses to God with a serious reverence, and an affecting fervency of devo- tion; and in our discourses to men, speaking always, as the oracles of God, with Scripture-eloquence, which is the most persuasive ; in our doctrine shewing uncorruptness, gravity, sincerity, sound speech that cannot be condemned; in our reproofs, and the exercise of public and private discipline, using great wisdom and prudence, both to discern the tempers of men, and to time the application to its proper season, mixing charity and compassion with a just severity, and endeavouring to restore fallen brethren in the spirit of meekness; shewing gentleness and patience to them that are in error, and giving them good arguments with good usage, in order to regain them; avoiding all bitter and contumelious language, and never bringing against any man a railing accusation ; treating those of our own order, whether superiors, inferiors, or equals, with all the decency and respect that is due to them, since nothing is more scandalous among clergymen than the abuses and contempt of one another; endeavouring here, as well as in all other cases, “to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace ;” shewing ourselves candid and ingenuous in mode- rating disputes among good Catholics, as well as resolute and prudent in opposing the malicious designs of the professed enemies of truth; briefly, employing our thoughts day and night upon these things, turning our designs this way, and always acting with a pure intention for the benefit and edifica- tion of the Church; even neglecting our own honours, and de- spising our own interest, when it is needful for the advantage of the public.
Such actions will proclaim our zeal indeed, and draw every eye to take notice of it. Such qualities, joined with probity and integrity of life, will equal our character to that of the primitive saints; and either give happy success to our labours, or at least crown our endeavours with the comfort and satis- faction of having discharged a good conscience in the sight of God. The best designs indeed may be frustrated, and the most pious and zealous endeavours be disappointed. It was so with our Lord and Master himself, and no one of his house- hold then is. to think it strange, if it happen to be his own
} j
§.10.
Ps
Soregoing discourse. 317
ease. For, “though he spake as never man spake;” though he had done so many miracles among the Jews, yet they be- lieved not on him. This seems to be written for our comfort, that we should not be wholly dejected, though our endeavours fail of success, since our Lord himself was first pleased to take his share in the disappointment. It will still be our comfort, that we can be able to say with the Prophet in this case, “ Though we have laboured in vain, and spent our strength for nought, yet surely our judgment is with the Lord, and our work with our God.” And then “though Israel be not gathered, yet shall we be glorious in the eyes of the Lord, and our God shall be our strength.” Isai. 49, 4 and 5.
- [PS. For the law of Justinian, referred to in the second section of this
_chapter, p. 302, requiring of patrons and electors a declaration upon oath, that they were not influenced in their choice by favour, friendship, or any other selfish motive, see Novels 123. ch. 1., and 137. ch. 2., as cited before, Ὁ. 4. ch. 2. 8. 18. v. 2. Ρ. 31. ἢ. 4. Ep.]
918 The difference between VIL. i.
BOOK VIL.
OF THE ASCETICS IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH.
CHAP. 1.
Of the difference between the first ascetics and monks, and of the first original of the monastic life.
Aidcetics 1. ‘THEY, who are conversant in the writings of the An- always in
cients, will very often meet with the name ἀσκηταὶ, ascetics,
the Church; ὶ ἜΝ ἜΤΙ
monks πος @pplied to some Christians by way of distinction from others.
ae The generality of writers in the Romish Church, wherever they meet with this word, lay hold of it as an argument to prove the antiquity of monks in the Church; whereas indeed there was a very wide difference between them. For though in the writers of the fourth and fifth ages, when the monastic life was fully established, ascetics and monks often signify the same persons; yet for the greatest part of the three first centuries it was otherwise; for there were always ascetics in the Church, but not always monks retiring to the deserts and mountains, or living in monasteries and cells, as in after-ages.
This differ. 2% This difference is freely confessed by some of the more enceac- frank and ingenuous writers of the Romish Church; as Vale- knowledged ,
by some in- Sius®? and Mr. Pagi7°, who correct the mistake of Baronius,
69 Not. in Euseb. 1. 2. c. 17. (v. 1. p- 66. π. 1.) Τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀσκητῶν.
Arrianum, in 1. 3. Dissertationum, caput Περὶ ᾿Ασκήσεως. Sic apud
Musculus et Christophorsonus mon- achos his verbis significari existima- runt: aquibus magnopere dissentio: ἀσκητὰς enim priscis illis temporibus vocabant eos, qui inter Christianos strictius quoddam ac durius vite genus profitebantur. Quam vocem a philosophis mutuati erant, qui ex- ercitationem virtutis atque abstinen- tiz ἄσκησιν vocabant. Est apud
Artemidorum, in 1]. 4. 6. 35. Alex- ander quidam philosophus ἀσκητὴς vocatur. Et Philo in illud, Excita- tus est Noé, p. 280, ἀσκητὴν, pieta- tis exercitiis deditum, vocat. Recte igitur Rufinus hec Eusebii verba tam de clericis quam de monachis interpretatus est: Sed et abstinen- tium vitas, eorum duntaxat, qui nunc in ecclesiis vel monastertis degunt,
| §1, 2, 3. ascetics and monks. 319
Christophorson, and others in this matter. Eusebius speaking genuous of Philo Judus’s description of the Egyptian therapeute, age oder αϑε says7, ‘he therein exactly described the life of the Christian Church. ascetics, that lived in those times.’ Where, by ascetics, Chris- tophorson and Baronius understand monks and religious, as
they speak in the modern style ; but Valesius rightly observes,
that there were no monks in the time of Philo, but both the
name and institution of them was of much later date. Ascetic
was a more general name than that of monk ; for though every
monk was an ascetic, yet every ascetic was not a monk: but anciently every Christian, that made profession of a more
strict and austere life, was dignified with the name of ascetic;
which is a name borrowed by the Christians from the ancient philosophers, as Valesius shews out of Arrian, Artemidorus, and Philo; and signifies, as the word imports, any one that exer-
cises himself by the severe rules of abstinence and virtue; of which kind there were always ascetics, without being monks,
from the first foundation of the Church by the Apostles.
3. Such were all those, that inured themselves to greater What the degrees of abstinence and fasting than other men. As those Pmt” mentioned by Origen??, who abstained from flesh and living were. creatures as well as the Pythagoreans, but upon very different principles and designs. The Pythagoreans ‘abstained upon the fond imagination of the transmigration of souls, lest a father
should kill and eat his own son in the body of a living creature ;
describit ad liquidum. Ἦφος si ani- madvertisset Scaliger, non tam facile
hendisset Eusebium. Neque enim Eusebius monachos a Marco institutos esse dicit Alexandria, sed
Τὸν βίον τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀσκητῶν ὡς én μάλιστα ἀκριβέστατα ἱστορῶν, x. τ. Δ. 72 Cont. Cels. 1. 5. p. 264. (t. 1.
p- 615 6.) “Opa δὲ καὶ τὴν διαφορὰν
ascetas. Hi autem multum distant a monachis, ut genus distat a specie. Et ascetz quidem in ecclesia fuerunt semper: monachorum vero nomen et institutum serius ceepit. Scio Cassianum, in 1. 2. Institutionum, c. 5.» Sozomenum, et alios hunc Eu- sebii locum de monachis accepisse. Verum hi ab Eusebii mente, meo uidem judicio, longe aberrarunt. See also n. ὅδ, following. Ep.] 70 Crit. in Baron. an. 62. n. 4. ο 1. p. 48.) Eusebius, lib. 2. c. 17.» 6 Philone loquens, ait, &c. ΤῈ Ἐν 2. c.17. (v.11. p. 66. 2.):..
τοῦ αἰτίου τῆς τῶν ἐμψύχων ἀποχῆς, τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ Tvbaydpou καὶ rio’ ἐν ἡμῖν ἀσκητῶν" ἐκεῖνοι μὲν, διὰ τὴν περὶ Ψυχῆς μετενσωματουμένης μῦθον, ἐμψύχων ἀπέχονται"
καί τις, φίλον υἱὸν ἀείρας,
Σφάξει ἐπευχόμενος μέγα νήπιος ;-- ἡμεῖς δὲ, κἂν τὸ τοιοῦτο πράττωμεν, ποιοῦμεν αὐτὸ, ἐπεὶ ὑπωπιάζομεν τὸ σῶμα καὶ SovAaywyovpev’ καὶ βουλό- μεθα νεκροῦν τὰ μέλη τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, πορνείαν, ἀκαθαρσίαν, ἀσέλγειαν, πά- θος, ἐπιθυμίαν κακήν καὶ πάντα πράττομεν, ἵνα τὰς πράξεις τοῦ σώ- ματος θανατώσωμεν.
920 The dijjerence between
VIL. i
but the ascetics,’ says he, ‘among us do it only to keep under the body, and bring it into subjection; to mortify their mem- bers upon earth, fornication, uncleanness, lasciviousness, and all inordinate passions and affections.’ Such abstinence the Apostolical Canons call73 ἄσκησις, the exercise of an ascetic life, saying, ‘If any bishop, presbyter, or deacon, or any other of the clergy, abstain from marriage, flesh, or wine, οὐ διὰ ἄσκησιν, ἀλλὰ διὰ βδελυρίαν, not for exercise sake, but as abominating the good creatures of God, §c., let him either reform himself, or be deposed and cast out of the Church.’ So that all, who exercised themselves with abstinence from flesh, only for mortification, and not out of an opinion of its uncleanness, as some heretics did, were reckoned ascetics, whether they were of the laity or clergy. Some of these not only abstained from flesh, but often continued their fasts for two or three days together without taking any food at all; of which there are frequent instances in Irenzeus’*, and Dionysius of Alexandria?®, and Epiphanius’7®, and others. .And such again were called ascetics?’ from the severe exercise of fasting, to which they accustomed themselves.
Secondly, in like manner, they who were more than ordinary intent upon the exercise of prayer, and spent their time in de- votion, were justly thought to deserve the name of ascetics. Whence Cyril of Jerusalem’, speaking of Anna, the prophet-
780, 51: [8]. 50. ‘| (Cotel. εἶς. 43.]ν.1. Ρ.445. ) Εἴτις ἐπίσκοπος, ἢ πρεσβύτε- ρος, ἢ διάκονος, ἢ ἢ ὅλως τοῦ καταλόγου τοῦ ἱερατικοῦ, γάμου, [al. γάμων, καὶ κρεῶν, καὶ οἴνου, οὐ δι ἄσκησιν, ἀλλὰ διὰ βδελυρίαν ἀπέχεται, ἐπιλανθανό- μενος [8]. ἐπιλαθόμενος] ὅτι πάντα καλὰ λίαν, καὶ ὅτι ἄρρεν [8]. ἄρσεν καὶ θῆλυ ἐποίησεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἄνθρω- πον, ἀλλὰ βλασφημῶν διαβάλλει τὴν δημιουργίαν, ἢ ἢ ᾿διορθούσθω, ἢ ἢ καθαι- ρείσθω, καὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀποβαλ- λέσθω.
74 Ap. Euseb. 1. 5: ὃ. 24. (v. 1. Ρ- 246. 2.) Of μὲν γὰρ οἴονται μίαν ἡμέραν δεῖν αὐτοὺς νηστεύειν" οἱ δὲ καὶ πλείονας" οἱ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα ὥρας ἡμερινάς. τε καὶ νυκτερινὰς συμμε- τροῦσι τὴν ἡμέραν αὐτῶν.
75 Ep. Canon. ap. Bevereg. Pand. (t. 2. part 1. p. 3 8.) "Emel μηδὲ ras
ἐξ τῶν νηστειῶν ἡμέρας ἴσως oe ὁμοίως. πάντες διαμένουσιν" ἀλλ᾽ μὲν καὶ πάσας ,ὑπερτιθέασιν, δώ διατελοῦντες, οἱ δὲ δύο, οἱ δὲ τρεῖς, οἱ δὲ τέσσαρας, οἱ δὲ οὐδεμίαν.
76 Expos. Fid. ἢ. 22. (t. 1. p. 1105 c.) ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ of σπουδαῖοι διπλᾶς, καὶ τριπλᾶς, καὶ τετραπλᾶς ὑπερτίθενται, καὶ ὅλην τὴν ἑβδομάδα τινὲς ἄχρι ἀλεκτρυόνων κλαγγῆς, τῆς Κυριακῆς ἐπιφωσκούσης.
77 Vid. Antioch. Hom. 7. ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. s. Auctar. Du- cean. (t. I. p. 1037 b. 7.) Νηστεία οὖν ἐστὶν οὐ “μόνον τὸ βραδυφαγῆσαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ βραχυφαγῆσαι, καὶ οὐ διὰ δύο ἐσθίειν' τοῦτο ἄσκησίς ἐστιν᾽ ἀλλὰ τὸ μὴ πολυφαγῆσαι ἄσκησις γάρ ἐστιν ἐν μονοειδεῖ! τροφῇ συνε- σταλμένη τράπεζα.
78 Catech. 10. ἢ. 9. [4]. 19] (p.
§ 3. ascetics and monks. 321
ess, who departed not from the temple, but served God with fasting and prayer night and day, styles her ἀσκήτρια εὐλα- βεστάτη. the religious ascetic, which the common translations, not so correctly, render monialis, as if she had been confined to a monastery or a cloister; of which we read nothing in those times in Jerusalem.
Thirdly, The exercise of charity, and contempt of the world, | in any extraordinary degree, as when men gave up their whole | estate to the service of God or use of the poor, was another thing that gave men the denomination and title of ascetics. In this respect St. Jerom79 calls Pierius a wonderful ascetic, be- cause, among other things, he embraced a voluntary poverty, and lived an austere and philosophic life. And perhaps for the same reason, he gives Serapion, bishop of Antioch, the same title 8°, as having freely given up his whole estate to the service of the Church upon his ordination ; which was a practice very common in those days, as appears from the examples of Cyprian, | Paulinus, Gregory Nazianzen, and many others. | Fourthly, The widows and virgins of the Church, and all such as confined themselves to a single life, and made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven’s sake, were reckoned into the number of ascetics, though there was then neither cloister nor vow to keep them under this obligation. Thus Epiphanius*! observes of Marcion, that before he fell into his heresy he lived an ascetic life, professing celibacy under his father, who was bishop of Sinope in Pontus, by whom he was excommunicated for corrupting the virgins of the Church. Origen*, in like manner, alludes to this name when he says, the number of those who exercised themselves in perpetual virginity among the Christians, was great in comparison of those few who did it among the Gentiles. And hence, in after-ages, the word
, ἃ Οὐ ν —— ΣΝ
se 8 ee os
Y P
146 b.) .... Καὶ ἴΑννα π
gris €y- 5] Ηκι. 42. n. 1. (t. 1. 302 b.) κρατὴς, εὐλαβεστάτη, κα
ἀσκήτρια, Τὸν δὲ πρῶτον αὐτοῦ βίον παρθενίαν
κ. TA.
79 De Scriptor. Eccles. c. 76. (t. 2. p- 901.) Constat hune mire ἀσκή- σεως et appetitorem voluntarie pau-
pertatis 80 Ibid. c. 41. (p. 869.) Leguntur et sparsim ejus breves epistole, auc- toris sui ἀσκήσει et vite congruentes.
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
δῆθεν ἤσκει. μονάζων γὰρ ὑπῆρχε, καὶ υἱὸς ἐπισκόπου τῆς ἡμετέρας ἁγίας ικῆς ἐκκλησίας.
82 Cont. Cels. 1. 7. Ρ. 365. (t. I. P. 729 6.) Ἔν δὲ Χριστιανοῖς οὐ διὰ τὰς παρὰ stage ine ope οὐ διὰ μι- σθοὺς καὶ ἀργύρια, οὐδὲ διὰ δαῤύρηνι
ἀσκοῦσι τὴν παντελῆ παρθενίαν.
Υ
322 The original of
ascetrie, in the Civil Law%®, is commonly put to signify the widows and virgins of the Church.
Lastly, All such as exercised themselves with uncommon hardships or austerities for the greater promotion of piety and religion, as in frequent watchings, humicubations, and the hike, had the name of ascetics also. In allusion to which, Athanasius, or whoever is the author of the Synopsis Scripture among his works, styles Lucian the martyr®* μέγαν ἀσκητὴν, the great ascetic, because of the hardships he endured in prison, being forced to lodge on sharp potsherds for twelve days together, with his feet and hands so bound in the stocks that he could not move, and being denied all sustenance, except he would eat things sacrificed to idols; rather than pollute himself with which he chose to die with famine, as the Acts of his Martyrdom relate the story.
Now, from this account that has been given of the primitive ascetics it plainly appears, that originally they were not monks, but men of all orders, that freely chose such a way of living as engaged them upon some austerities, without deserting their station or business in the world, whether it were ecclesiastical or secular, that they were otherwise engaged in; and therefore, wherever we read of ascetics in the writers of the three first ages,we must not, with Baronius, dream of monks and regulars, but take them for persons of another character, agreeable to this description. Valesius®* makes this observation upon se- veral passages in Eusebius’s Book of the Martyrs of Palestine, who suffered in the beginning of the fourth century, in the Diocletian persecution. There he terms one of them* ‘ Peter the ascetic ;’ and another, called Seleucus 87, ‘ a follower of the
ὙΠ]. 1.
83 Justin. Novel. 123. c. 43. (t. 5. p. 562.) Si quis rapuerit, aut soli- ae aut corruperit ascetriam,&c.
84 Synops. t. 2. p. 157. (t. 2. ὦν Τ 156 b. ) Ἑβδόμη πάλιν καὶ τελευταία ἑρμηνεία, ἣ τοῦ ἁγίου Δουκιανοῦ, τοῦ μεγάλου ἀσκητοῦ καὶ μάρτυρος, k.T.A.
85 In Euseb. de Mart. Palestin. c. Xl. (v. I. p. 432. n.1.) Male Christophorsonus monachos intel- lexit. Neque enim tunc temporis ulli adhuc erant monachi. Aut si qui erant, longe ab illis distabant ascete. Nam monachi, ut nomen
ipsum indicat, solitudinem sectaban- tur; ascetez vero in mediis versaban- tur urbibus. Quicumque igitur ex Evangeliipreeceptis severiorem vitam instituerant, et cuncta propter Deum reliquerant, ascete dicebantur. Sic Petrus quidam asceta, et virgo asce- tria, nominatur supra in hoc Eusebii libro: quos si quis monachos nomi- nare vellet, is procul dubio falleretur.
86 Euseb. ipse, ibid. 6.10. (P- 426. τ6.).... Πέτρος ἀσκητὴς 6 καὶ ᾿Αψέ- λαμος.
87 Ibid. c. 11. (p. 432.13.) Μετὰ
a
ἂν ὁ ἃ ὦ υν ~
§ 3, 4.
religious ascetics, whose chief exercise was to take care of the fatherless and widows, and minister to the sick and the poor.’
These were no-monks, as Valesius rightly observes; for St. Jerom
says there were no monks in Palestine before Hilarion, who brought the monastic life into use in that country, nor till
about fifty years after the death of those martyrs. Cotelerius**
makes the like remark upon the author of the Apostolical Con- stitutions®®, who speaks of ascetics among other orders of Christians, but never of monks; whence he concludes, not without some probability, ‘ that that author wrote before the monastic life was settled in the Church ; else it is hardly to be imagined that he should not somewhere in his Collections have
taken notice of monks as well as others.’
4. Ascetics, then, there always were in the Church ; but the When the
monastic life, neither name nor thing, was not known till to- monastic
life first ward the fourth century. Mr. Pagi% fixes its original to the began,
the monastic life. 323
δὲ τὴν τῆς στρατείας ἀπαλλαγὴν, ζη- λωτὴν ἑαυτὸν καταστήσας τῶν τῆς θεοσεβείας ἀσκητῶν, ὀρφανῶν ἐρήμων χηρῶν ἀπεριστάτων, τῶν τε ἐν πενίαις καὶ ἀσθενείαις ἀπερριμμένων, ἐπίσκοπος, ὥσπερ καὶ ἐπίκουρος, πα- τρὸς καὶ κηδεμόνος δίκην ἀναπέφανται. 88 In Constit. Apost. 1.8. c. 13. Vv. I. p. 405. n. 76.) Οἱ ἀσκηταί. on monachi ascetz; sed laici, in severioribus pietatis officiis sese ex- ercentes : quales semper inter Chri- stianos exstitisse dubitari non debet; ut et ecclesiasticas virgines nequa- quam moniales ascetrias. Nam opus, quod notis imus illustratum, ante exortum vite monastice conscriptum fuit : unde in eo nulla illius mentio, multa habenda, si per tempus licuis- set. Vocabulorum autem ἀσκήσεως et ἀσκητῶν in austeriori vita, absque monachatu tamen,exempla sunt ob-
via.
89 Ibid. (Cotel. p. 405.) .... Καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο pe ἕτω ὁ ἐπίσκο- mos, ἔπειτα οἱ πρεσβύτεροι, καὶ οἱ διάκονοι, καὶ ὑποδιάκονοι, καὶ οἱ ἀνα- γνῶσται, καὶ οἱ ψάλται, καὶ οἱ ἀσκη- ταὶ, καὶ ἐν ταῖς iv αἱ διακόνισ- σαι, καὶ αἱ ‘vot, καὶ αἱ χῆραι, εἶτα τὰ παιδία, καὶ τότε πᾶς ὁ λαὸς κατὰ τάξιν μετὰ αἰδοῦς καὶ εὐλαβείας ἄνευ θορύβου.
90 Crit. in Baron. an. 318. n. 12. fel. 14.] (t. 4. p. 390.) In Actis S. achomii a monacho supparis evi scriptis, capite primo, dicitur: Cum jinem accepisset persecutio, regnavit Constantinus M., imperatorum Ro- manorum primus Christianus ; et ad- versus tyrannum quendam bello con- tendens, multos etiam tirones conquiré jussit : quos inter ipse quoque in militiam abreptus est Pachomius, vi- gesimum tunc circiter agens etatis sue annum: et deinde ait, Pachomium sub Palzmone in AXgypto monacha- tum amplexum esse. Hactenus ig- noratum, de quo tyranno ibi sermo fiat. Baronius quidem Licinium in- telligit; alii Maxentium; alii Achil- lem, qui, Diocletiano imperante, ty- rannidem in Agypto arripuit. Sed Fe ρα sit, recte Holstenius, in reefatione ad Regulas Veterum Mo- nachorum, ztati Constantini Μ, vite regularis initia imputat: 11 enim consentit Actorum S.Pachomii auc- tor, cum dicit in Prologo, quod, ex- treme persecutionis tempore .... tunc et monasteria cepta sunt ex- strui, et ascetarum habitacula in vite innocentia et rerum omnium abdica- tione fundari; idque, ut ait ipse, exemplo potissimum S. Antonii, as- cete clarissimi et in omni virtutum Y2
924 The original of VIL. 1.
time of Constantine, and he cites Holstenius?! and Papebro- chius% for the same opinion. The rise of it was thus.
In the Decian persecution, which was about the middle of the third century, many persons in Egypt, to avoid the fury of the storm, fled to the neighbouring deserts and mountains, where they not only found a safe retreat, but also more time and liberty to exercise themselves in acts of piety and divine con- templations ; which sort of life, though at first forced upon them by necessity, became so agreeable to some of them, that when the persecution was over, they would not return to their ancient habitations again, but chose rather to continue in those cottages or cells, which they had made themselves in the wilderness. The first and most noted of these were Paul and Antonius, two famous Egyptians, whom therefore St. Jerom% calls ‘ the fa- thers of the Christian hermits.’ For though some deduced them from John the Baptist and Elias, yet they who understood the matter best reckoned Paul the Thebean the first author, and Antony the great encourager of that way of livmg among the Christians ; to which opinion, as the truest, St. Jerom him- self94 subscribes. But as yet there were no bodies or commu- nities of men embracing this life, nor any monasteries built, or any regular societies formed into any method of government, but only a few single persons scattered here and there in the deserts of Egypt, till Pachomius, in the peaceable reign of Constantine, when the persecutions were ended, procured some monasteries to be built in Thebais, in Egypt, from whence the custom of
genere excellentis ; cujus ea fuit vite ratio, quam et magnus Elias, et Eli- seus, et Joannes Baptista, quondam tenuerunt.
91 Preefat. ad Regul. Vet. Monach. c. 1. (Paris. 1663. 4to.) Verum ut alia multa ecclesiastica monumenta illorum temporum, sic memoria dis- tinctior primevee illius vite regularis, Diocletiani flammis, quibus Christi- ana tabularia conflagravit, abolita fuit. Ex his porro, que supersunt, monumentis etati Constantini Magni vite regularis initia imputanda sunt: tunc scilicet per ecclesize pacem ea perpetuari sine interpellatione, dila- tari sine obstaculis, potuit.
92 Comment. in Acta Pachomii,
die Maii 14. (Ed.Venet. ap. Prolog. t. 3. p. 295 e. 20.) See note ΟἹ, pre- ceding.
93 Kp. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 36. (t.1. p-118 e.) .... Ad tertium genus ve- niam, quos anachoretas vocant; qui et de ccenobiis exeuntes, excepto pane et sale, ad deserta nihil perfe- runt amplius. Hujus vite auctor Paulus, illustrator Antonius... . fuit.
94 Vit. Pauli, t. 1. p. 237. c. 1. (t. 2. p.ta.)....Affirmant Paulum, quendam Thebzum, principem istius rei fuisse: quod non tam nomine, quam opinione nos quoque compro- bamus. [Vallarsius reads,—princi- pem istius rei, non nominis ; quam &c. Ep.]
§ 4.
living as regulars in societies was followed by degrees in other parts of the world in the succeeding ages. This is evident from what Papebrochius and Pagi% have observed out of the ancient writer of the acts of Pachomius, where the author brings in Antony, the hermit, thus comparing the different states of monachism together. ‘ When I first became a monk,’ says he, ‘there was as yet no monastery in any part of the world, where one man was obliged to take care of another; but every one of the ancient monks, when the persecution was ended, exercised a monastic life by himself in private. But afterward your fa- ther Pachomius,’ (he speaks to one of Pachomius’s disciples,) . ‘by the help of God, effected this.’—that is, he brought the monks to live in communities and under rules, which they had not done before. So that here we see at once the rise and progress of the monastic life. Till the year 250 there were no monks, but only ascetics, in the Church: from that time to the reign of Constantine monachism was confined to the an- chorets living in private cells in the wilderness: but when Pachomius had erected monasteries in Egypt, other countries presently followed the example, and so the monastic life came to its full maturity in the Church. Hilarion, who was scholar to Antonius, was the first monk that ever lived in Palestine or Syria: for St. Jerom% says plainly, there was neither monas- tery nor monk before he came there ; but he was the founder and beginner of that sort of life in those provinces. Not long after, Eustathius, bishop of Sebastia, brought it into the regions of Armenia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus, as Sozomen 55 informs us; but as yet there were no monasteries in Thrace, or Illyricum,
the monastic life.
’ vester [Pachomius
% Crit. in Baron. an. 318. ἢ. 12. [al. 15.] (t.1. p. 390.) See the next note
% Act. Pachom. c.77. fe 10.7 ap. Papebroch. die Maii 14. (t. 3. p. 326 d. 2.) Etenim quo ego primum tem- pore monachum ceepi agere, nullum uspiam exstabat ccenobium, in quo de aliorum salute cura aut metus cuiquam erat. Sed quisque anti- quorum monachorum, utione jam finita, privatim in vita sese mo- nastica exercebat : vero pater
ἴων bonum, Deo adjuvante, effecit. 97 Vit. Hilarion. c. 11. [al. c. 14.] (t. 2. p.19 d.) Necdum enim tunc
monasteria erant in Palestina, nec quisquam monachos [al.monachum ] ante sanctum Hilarionem in Syri noverat. Ille fundator et eruditor hujus conversationis et studii in hac provincia fuit.
% L. 3. c. 14. (v. 2. p. 115. 16.) ᾿Αρμενίοις δὲ καὶ Παφλαγόσι καὶ τοῖς πρὸς τὸν Πόντον οἰκοῦσι λέγεται Εὐστάθιος, ὁ τὴν ἐν Σεβαστίᾳ τῆς ᾿Αρμενίας ἐκκλησίαν ἐπιτροπεύσας, μοναχικῆς πολιτείας ἄρξαι" καὶ τῆς ἐν ταύτῃ ias ἀγωγῆς, ἐδεσμάτων τε, ὧν χρὴ μετέχειν καὶ ἀπέχεσθαι, καὶ ἐσθῆτος, ἡ Mei κεχρῆσθαι, καὶ ἠθῶν, καὶ πολιτείας a Us εἰσηγη-
826 The difference VIE i.
or amongst the Europeans, as the same author testifies. Baro- nius99 owns there were no monasteries in Italy or Rome, till Athanasius came thither, anno 340, and taught the anchorets to live in societies, after the example of Pachomius and the Egyptian monks. Which is confirmed by St. J erom!, who says, Marcella was the first noble woman that embraced the monastic life at Rome, and that she was instructed by Athanasius, and Peter, his successor, who fled to Rome for shelter against the Arian persecution. It was some time after this that St. Martin, bishop of Tours, fixed his cell in France, and eighty other monks? followed his example. from whence, some learned men? think, Pelagius brought the monastic life first into Bri- tian in the beginning of the fifth century ; beyond which pe- riod I think it needless to carry the present inquiry. They who would know the rise and distinction of the several later orders may consult Hospinian, Creccelius, and others?, who pursue this history through all ages. Inwhatthe 5, But it may now be properly inquired, since monks are of ascetics dif- ° , . . fered from 80 much later date than ascetics, how the ancient ascetics dif- monks. —_ fered from them ?—To which it may be replied, chiefly in these three things: ist. That the monks were men that retired from the business and conversation of the world; for they either lived in private cells singly by themselves; or, if in monasteries and societies, yet those were remote from cities, in some far distant
99 An. 340. n. 7. (t. 3. p. 527 C.) Quam vero proficuus fuerit Atha- nasii Romam accessus, vel ex eo po- test intelligi, quod in urbem invex- erit ipse primus A‘gyptiorum mona- chorum institutionem, vitamque ad- mirandam Antonii Magni, licet ad- huc viventis, a se conscriptam detu- lerit, &c.
1 Ep. 16. [al. 127.] Epitaph. Mar- celle. (t. 1. p.948b.) Nulla eo tem- pore nobilium foeminarum noverat Rome propositum monachorum, nec audebat, propter rei novitatem, ig- nominiosum, ut tunc putabatur, et vile in populis nomen assumere. Hee [ Marcella] ab Alexandrinis sa- cerdotibus, Papaque Athanasio, et postea Petro, qui, persecutionem Ariane heereseos declinantes, quasi
ad tutissimum communionis suze portum Romam confugerant, vitam Beati Antonii adhuc tunc viventis, monasteriorumque in Thebaide Pa- chomii et virginum ae viduarum didicit disciplinam.
2 Vid. Sulp. Sever. Vit. Martin. c. 7. (p. 473.) Discipuli octoginta erant, qui ad exemplum beati magi- stri instituebantur.
3 Sutlif. de Monach. Institut. c. 6. (p. 17.) In Galliam monasticam primus intulit Martinus, in Britan- niam Pelagius.
4 Vid. Hospinian. de Origin. Mo-. nachat. Pref. Glossar. et Act. ad Benedict. Cod. Regular. (Paris.1663. 4to.)—-Creccel. Collectan. de Origin. et Fundat. Ordinum Monastic. &c. (Francofurt. 1614. 4to.)
Ἕ᾿ 5. 6. between ascetics and monks. 327
mountain, or a desert wilderness. But the first ascetics, as their name implies, were always men of an active life, living in cities, as other men, and in nothing differing from them, save only in this, that they were more intent and zealous in attempting greater heights and heroical acts of Christian virtue.
and. The monks, by their first institution, as we shall see hereafter, were to be no more than laymen; for, being confined to the wilderness, the clerical and monastic life were upon that account incompatible states, and for almost one whole age they were scarce ever joined together. But the ancient ascetics were indifferently persons of any order of men, clergy as well as laity, because the clerical and ascetic life were then con- sistent with each other ; the business of each being to converse with men, and exercise themselves in acts of piety and charity among them.
3rd. The monks, at least such as lived in monasteries and societies, were always brought under certain private rules and laws of discipline. But the ancient ascetics had no laws but those of the Gospel, and the Church where they lived, to be governed by; their exercises were freely chosen, and as freely pursued, in what manner, and to what degree they pleased, without any binding laws or rules of compulsion. And these things are a further proof that the first ascetics were no monks, however some writers unwarily confound them together.
6. The reader may take notice of one thing more concerning What other the primitive ascetics, that they were sometimes called by a other names. Eusebius® calls them σπουδαῖοι, and Epipha- »y- nius® uses the same appellation; meaning persons more emi- nent for their sanctity and diligence in the exercises of fasting, and prayer, and alms-deeds, and the like. Clemens Alexan- drinus? styles them ἐκλεκτῶν ἐκλεκτότεροι, the elect of the elect ; for all Christians, as has been observed in another place*, were called the elect, and therefore the ascetics are termed the elect of the elect, because they were the more eminent or choice
part of Christian professors. ® L. 6. c. 11. (v. 1. p. 268. ah p- 181. d. 9. (int. Oper. Clem. Oxon, Bete tora αὐτῶν σπουδαίοις. 15. Ρ- 955+ 29.) Οὐ μὴν ἀλλ᾽ εἰσὶν nage Fid. n. 22.—See 8. 3- ἤδη τινὲς καὶ τῶν ἐκλεκτῶν ἐκλεκτό- Ῥ. ρον τεροι, καὶ τοσούτῳ μᾶλλον ἧττον ἐπί-
τοί ew dives salvetur? σημοι, κι τ. X. n. 36. ap. Combefis. Auctar. Noviss. % B.1. ch, 1. 8.1. V. 1. p. Ie
328 The several sorts VIL. i. CHAP. II. Of the several sorts of monks, and their ways of living mn the Church. Ba seat 1. Havine hitherto shewed the difference between the first Ss. ascetics and monks, I come now to speak a little more par- tinguished ticularly of the monks alone, so far as may be necessary to —. inform the reader of the true state of the monastic life at its waysof first appearance and settlement in the Church. And here we Ἡπας are to observe, that the ancient monks were not like the modern, distinguished into orders, and denominated from the authors and founders of them; but they had their names either from the places where they inhabited, as the monks of mount Sce- this, Tabennesus, Nitria, Canopus in Egypt, &c.; or else they were distinguished by their different ways of living, some in cells, others on pillars, others in societies, and others by a roving and rambling kind of life, which were always reckoned a dishonour and reproach to the Church. The first, 2. The first sort were commonly known by the name of nie. Anchorets, from their retiring from society, and living in pri- ee vate cells in the wilderness.. Such were Paul, and Antony,
and Hilarion, the first founders of the monastic life in Egypt and Palestine; from whom other monks took their model. Some of these lived in caves, ἐν σπηλαίοις, as, Chrysostom 9 says, the monks of mount Casius, near Antioch, did; and others in little tents or cells ;—oixloxo., Evagrius!° them; and Chrysostom, σκηναὶ, tabernacles. When many of these were placed together in the same wilderness at some distance from one another, they were all called by one common name, laura; which, as Evagrius!! informs us, differed from a canobiwm or
9 Hom. 17. ad Pop. Antioch. p. 215. (t. 2. p. 172 a. )"Ereot yap τοσ- οὕτοις ἐν ταῖς αὐτῶν καλύβαις συγκε- κλεισμένοι, οὐδενὸς παρακαλέσαντος, οὐδενὸς συμβουλεύσαντος, ἐπειδὴ τοσ- οὔτον νέφος εἶδον τὴν πόλιν περιϊστά- μενον, καταλιπόντες αὐτῶν τὰς σκη- νὰς, καὶ τὰ σπήλαια, πάντοθεν συνέρ- ἀν αὐ K.T. A.
9 Lt. 6. 21. (v. 3. P- 277: 13.) Ἕτεροι. δ᾽ αὖ πάλιν ἀπεναντίας ἰόντες, μόνους ἑαυτοὺς καθειργνύουσιν ἐν oiki-
σκοις, τοσοῦτον εὗρος, τοσοῦτον ὕψος ἔχουσιν, ὡς μηδὲ τὰ σώματα ἀνορ- θοῦν, μηδὲ μὲν én’ ἀδείας τὰς κλίσεις ποιεῖσθαι, σπηλαίοις “προσκαρτεροῦν- τες καὶ ταῖς ὀπαῖς τῆς γῆς, κατὰ τὴν τοῦ ᾿Αποστόλου φωνήν.
1 Ibid. (p. 270. 18.) Ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν ἀνὰ τὴν ἁγίαν τοῦ Χριστοῦ πόλιν γε- νομένη, πολλὰ πρὸς. τιμῆς τοῦ Σωτῆ- ρος πέπραχε Θεοῦ" ὥστε καὶ “εὐαγῆ δείμασθαι φροντιστήρια καὶ τὰς κα- λουμένας λαύρας..
_ 4
4
;
;
§1, 2, 3. of monks. 329 community in this, that a lawra was many cells divided from each other, where every monk provided for himself; but a caenobium-was but one habitation, where the monks lived in society, and had all things in common. Epiphanius!? says | laura or labra was the name of a street or district, where a church stood at Alexandria; and it is probable that from thence the name was taken to signify a multitude of cells in» the wilderness, united, as it were, in a certain district, yet so divided as to make up many separate habitations; whereas a cenobium was more like a single house for many monks to dwell in. 9. And hence arose a second sort of monks, who, from their The second, different way of living, were commonly called Cenobite ; and ΩΝ Ἢ their habitations cwnobia, κοινόβια, because they lived in com- mon. In the Theodosian Code they are also called Synodite, which does not signify the attendants of monks, as some Civili- ἈΠΕ}. by mistake explain the word, deriving it from σὺν and ὁδίτης, viator ; but it denotes the monks themselves, who were so called from their living ἐν συνόδοις, in communities or con- vents. And in this they differed from anchorets, as has been noted before. Gennadius'> applies these two names indiffer- ently to this second sort of monks, when he says, ‘ Evagrius wrote a book concerning Ceenobites and Synodites, containing rules and directions for leading a life in common.’ St. Jerom?®
12 Her. 69. Arian. n.1. (t. 1. p. 427 ας.) Ὅσαι γὰρ ἐκκλησίαι τῆς κα- θολικῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ ὑπὸ ἕνα ἀρχιεπίσκοπον οὖσαι, καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ταύταις ἐπιτεταγμένοι εἰσὶ πρεσβύτεροι, διὰ τὰς ἐκκλησιαστικὰς χρείας τῶν οἰκητόρων, πλησίων ἑκά- στῆς ἐκκλησίας αὐτῶν, καὶ ἀμφόδων, ἤτοι λαβῶν [forte λαυρῶν, Petay. in marg.| ἐπιχωρίως καλουμένων, ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων κατοικούντων πόλιν.
18 1,, 11. tit. 30. de Appellat. leg. 57- (t. 4. p. 271.) Addictos suppli- cio.... nulli clericorum vel mona- chorum, eorum etiam quos Synoditas vocant, per vim atque usurpationem vindicare liceat, &c.—Conf. Cod. Justin. 1. 1. tit. 4. de Episcop. Au- dient. leg. 6. (t. 4. p. 148.)
M4 Vid. Lex. Juridic. voce Synodite (Genev. 1615. p. 1138.) Suvodira. .
..-dici videntur comites monacho- rum, nam ὁδίτης viatorem significat. Solent autem monachi ex collegii sui inferiore ordine quempiam deli- gere, qui eos comitetur, quos Galli culopolosos appellant, quod, ut qui- dam aiunt, a tergo monachorum concionantium sedentes, illos hore preeterite culi jone admoneant.
19 De Scriptor. Eccles. in Evagr. e.11. (int. Oper. Hieron. t. 2. p. 957.) Composuit de Ceenobitis ac Synoditis doctrinam aptam vite communis.
16 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. (t. 1. p- 116 a.) Tria sunt in Aigypto genera monachorum: primum [8]. unum] Cenobite, quod illi Saue gentili lingua vocant; nos, in com- mune viventes, possumus appellare. Secundum Anachorite, [al. Anacho- rete,} quod [al. qui} soli habitant per et ab eo quod procul
The several sorts VIL. ii.
330
says, ‘the Egyptians called this sort of monks Sauches, in their proper tongue,’ which signifies the same as Cenobites in the Greek and Latin Church; and that ‘the anchorets were of a different order from them, and had their name from living in solitude, or singly by themselves in the wilderness.’
4, There was ‘another sort,’ he says!7, ‘whom the Egyptians called Remboth, who were a sort of monks that would live as they listed themselves, only two or three together, under no rule or government. They did not resort to the wilderness as the others, but lived chiefly in cities and castles, where every thing they did might be seen and valued by men, which was the only end they aimed at. For they turned religion into an art, and made a real gain of pretended godliness. Whatever they sold of the work of their own hands, was at a higher price than any others. And this made them very turbulent and con- tentious; for living upon their own labour, they would be sub- ject to no superiors. They fasted to an extraordinary degree; but then they made that, which should have been a private exercise, matter of strife, and public victory, and triumph. Every thing about them was affected, loose sleeves, wide stock- ings, coarse clothes, often sighing, making frequent visits to the virgins, and always bitterly inveighing against the clergy. But, if ever there came a feast-day, they would indulge them- selves even to riot and excess.’ These, therefore, St. Jerom justly brands as the pests and banes of the Church. He, that would see more of their character, may consult Cassian}%,
The third, Sarabaile.
ab hominibus recesserint, nuncu- antur.
17 Tbid. (e.) Tertium genus est quod Remboth [al. Remoboth]| di- cunt, deterrimum atque neglectum. Hi bini vel trini [4]. terni] nec multo plures simul habitant, suo arbitratu ac ditione viventes.... ....Habitant autem quamplurimi [al. quamplurimum] in urbibus et castellis : et quasi ars sit sancta, non vita, quicquid vendiderint ma- joris est pretii. Inter hos spe sunt jurgia, quia, suo viventes cibo, non patiuntur se alicui esse subjectos. Revera solent certare jejuniis, et rem secreti victoriz faciunt. Apud hos affectata sunt omnia, laxee ma- nice, calige follicantes, vestis cras-
sior, crebra suspiria, visitatio virgi- num, detractio clericorum. Et si quando dies festus venerit, saturan- tur ad vomitum, &c.
18 Collat. 18. c. 7. (p. 521.) Cum- que his duabus professionibus mo- nachorum [ Ceenobitarum et Anacho- retarum] religio Christiana gaude- ret, coepisset autem in deterius paul- latim hie quoque ordo recidere, emersit post hec illud deterrimum et infidele monachorum genus, vel potius noxia illa plantatio rediviva concrevit, que, per Ananiam et Sap- phiram in exordio ecclesiz pullulans, Apostoli Petri severitate succisa est ; que inter monachos tam diu detes- tabilis execrandaque judicata est, nec a quoquam ulterius usurpata,
4. 5. of monks. 331 among the ancient writers, who exposes them under the name of Sarabaite ; and Spalatensis!®, among the moderns, who draws the parallel between them and the Minorites, Domini- eans, Carmelites, Servites, and Minims of the Romish Church.
5. Another sort of monks in the ancient Church, of which of the there were but a very few, were the Stylite or Pillarists, so voce Pag called from their taking up a singular way of living perpetually upon @ pillar. Simeon, surnamed Stylites, who lived about the time of the Council of Chalcedon, was the first, Evagrius?°
amdiu illius tam district for- mido sententiz memorize fidelium inserta duravit, qua beatus Aposto- lus predictos novi facinoris princi- pes, non peenitentia, non ulla passus est satisfactione curari, sed pernici- Osissimum germen celeri morte suc- cidit. Illo igitur exemplo, quod in Ananiam et Sapphiram apostolica istrictione punitum est, a nonnullo- rum contemplatione paullatim longa incuria et temporis obliteratione subtracto, emersit istud Sarabaita- rum genus, qui ab eo, quod semet- — a ceenobiorum congregationi- sequestrarent, ac sigillatim suas curarent necessitates, Aogyptie lin- gue proprietate Sarabaite nuncu- pati sunt, de illorum quos predixi- mus numero procedentes, qui evan- gelicam perfectionem simulare po- tius quam in veritate arripere malu- erunt, zmulatione scilicet eorum, vel laudibus provocati, qui universis divitiis mundi perfectam Christi en nuditatem. Hi igitur imbecillo animo rem summz virtutis affectant, vel necessitate ad hance professionem venire compulsi, dum censeri tantummodo nomine monachorum absque ulla studiorum zemulatione, festinant, coenobiorum nullatenus expetunt disciplinam, nec seniorum subjiciuntur arbitrio, aut, eorum traditionibus instituti, suas discunt vincere voluntates; nec ullam sane discretionis regulam le- gitima eruditione suscipiunt, sed ad a tantummodo, id est, ad ominum faciem renuntiantes, aut in suis domiciliis sub privilegio hu- jus nominis iisdem obstricti occu- pationibus perseverant ; aut, con- struentes sibi cellulas, easque mo-
nasteria nuncupantes, suo in eis jure ac libertate consistunt, nequaquam evangelicis praceptionibus fal. pre- parationibus] succumbentes, ut nul- la scilicet quotidiani victus soli- citudine, nullis rei familiaris disten- tionibus, occupentur. Quid illi soli absque [ulla] infideli dubitatione consummant, qui cunctis mundi hujus facultatibus absoluti, ita se cenobiorum prepositis subdide- runt, ut ne sul quidem ipsius fate- antur esse se dominos? Illi autem, qui districtionem, ut diximus, cce- nobii declinantes, bini vel terni in cellulis commorantur, non contenti abbatis cura atque imperio guber- nari, sed hoc precipue procurantes, ut, absoluti a seniorum jugo, exer- cendi [4]. na με παρὸ voluntates suas, et procedendi, vel quo placu- erit evagandi, agendive quod libi- tum fuerit, habeant libertatem, etiam amplius in operibus diurnis, quam hi, qui in ceenobiis degunt, diebus ac noctibus consumuntur, sed non ea fide eodemque proposito. Hoc enim isti faciunt, non ut fructum sui operis subjiciant dispensatoris arbitrio, sed ut acquirant pecunias, quas recondant.
19 De Republic. part. 1. 1. 2. c¢. 12. n. 77. (p. 378 d. 8.) Si nostri Minoritez, Dominicani, Carmelite, Servite, Minimitz, ac similes, non sunt ipsissimi Sarabaite, (bonos, si quis inter ipsos est verus Ccenobita, excipio,) quinam erant, aut jam diu fuerunt? Etiam Benedictinos quis non videt ferme plenissime jam diu _ veros Sarabaitas degenerasse?
α.
2 L. 1. c. 13. (v. 3. p- 265. 20.) Ἔν τούτοις τοῖς χρόνοις ἤκμασέ τε
332 The several sorts VIL. ii.
says, that introduced this sort of life among the monastic or- ders. And Theodorus Lector2! observes, ‘that the novelty of it at first was so offensive to the Egyptian monks, that they sent anathematizing letters against him; but, upon better in- formation, coming to understand the worth and conversation of the man, they afterward communicated with him.’ The severity of this way of living was not very inviting, and therefore it made but few proselytes. ‘Theodorus Lector2? mentions one Daniel, a disciple of Simeon’s; and Evagrius?? speaks of an- other Simeon in the time of Mauricius, who lived sixty-eight years upon a pillar, and is commonly-called Simeon Stylites Junior, to distinguish him from the former. Johannes Mos- chus24 gives an account of two or three more of this way in the same age. Surius, also among his Catalogue of Saints, has the Life of one Alipius, bishop of Adrianople, who renounced his see to live upon a pillar; where, if the story say true, he
καὶ διεφάνη καὶ Συμεωνὴς, 6 τῆς ὁσίας καὶ πάντα ἀοιδίμου μνήμης, πρῶτος τὴν ἐπὶ κίονος στάσιν ἐπιτηδεύσας, Ret. δὰ
21 L. 2. (ibid. p. 580. 31.) Οἱ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ μοναχοὶ, περὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Συ- μεῶνος μαθόντες ὅτι ἐπὶ κίονος ἵστα- ται, μεταπεμψάμενοι τῷ ξένῳ τοῦ πράγματος, πρῶτος γὰρ αὐτὸς τοῦτο ἐπενόησεν, ἀκοινωνησίαν αὐτοῦ ἔπεμ- Wav’ εἶτα ἐγνωκότες τὸν βίον τοῦ ἀν- δρὸς, καὶ τὸν στέφανον, πάλιν αὐτῷ ἐκοινώνησαν.
22 L. 1. (ibid. p. 567. 6.) Δανιὴλ ὁ θαυμάσιος, ἐκ τῆς Συμεῶνος μάνδρας ἐλθὼν, τῷ στύλῳ ἐπέβη τῷ ἐν τῷ ᾿Ανάπλῳ.
25 L. 6. c. 23. (ibid. p. 471. 21.) Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ κίονι, καὶ ἐν ἑτέρῳ ἑστὼς ἀνωτάτω τοῦ ὄρους ἀκρωρείας, ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑξήκοντα διετέλει χρόνους.
24 Prat.Spirit. c. 36. (ap. Bibl.Patr. Gr. Lat. t. 2. p. 1068.) Cum enim audisset [Sanctus Ephrem] de Sty- lite illo, qui erat in partibus Hiera- polis, quod Severianz esset here- seos, abiit ad illum, ut impietatem diffunderet illi. Coepit ergo divus Ephrem corripere Stylitem, &c.— C. 57. (ibid. p. 1078 e.) “Awd τεσ- σάρων σημείων τῆς πόλεως Αἰγαίων Στυλίτης ἵστατο ὀνόματι Συμεών. Οὗ- τος ἀπὸ ἀστραπῆς καταβληθεὶς, ἐτε- λεύτησεν᾽ ὁ οὖν ᾿Αββᾶς ᾿Ιουλιανὸς 6
Στυλίτης, 6 εἰς τὸν κόλπον, παρὰ τὸν συνήθη καιρὸν, λέγει τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ, Βάλλετε θυμίαμα, κ. T. A.— C. 129. (ibid. p. 1113 a.) Ὁ πάλιν αὐτὸς ᾿Αββᾶς ᾿Αθανάσιος διηγήσατο, ὅτι ἀκήκοεν τοῦ ᾿Αββᾶ Αθηνογένους, τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Πέτρου, λέγοντος, ὅτι ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ σου Στυλίτης ἦν, καὶ πάν- τες οἱ ἐρχόμενοι πρὸς αὐτὸν κάτω ἑστῶτες ἐλάλουν αὐτῷ διὰ τὸ μὴ ἔχειν αὐτὸν κλίμακα, κ. τ. Δ.
25 Ap. Hospin. de Monach. 1. 2. c.5. p. 22. (fol. 21. vers.) Simile ge- nus vite ingressus etiam est Alipius, episcopus Adrianopolitanus, qui, ut Surius habet, t. 6. de Vitis Sancto- rum, valedicens terrenis omnibus et amicis et negotiis, vitam egit in co- lumna, unde et Ciconita dictus est, per annos septuaginta, inter ccelum et terram pendens, adeoque paucis tabulis conclusus in capite columne, ut ne quidem parum sedere aut re- cumbere posset, sed perpetuo staret in ipsa tamquam statua enea: quin etiam tabulis tandem dejectis, im- bribus, nivi, frigori, et calori solis, ventis et tempestatibus obnoxius fuit, planeque sub dio vivit usque ad finem vite. Habuit sibi adjunc- tos duos choros virginum et unum monachorum, cum quibus alterna- tim hymnos et psalmos diu noctu- que decantavit.
of monks. 333
Se ee χι
85, 6. ‘ continued seventy years ; having two choirs of virgins and one
of monks attending him, with whom he sang psalms and hymns alternately night and day. Beside these, we scarce meet with
any other of this way in ancient history. An argument, that it
was not of any great esteem, when it was first invented in the primitive Church.
Ἵ 6. Beside these sorts of monks, who renounced the world, Of secular | and lived in perpetual celibacy, Spalatensis26 thinks there was ™°™** another order, which did neither of those things, but lived in a married state and enjoyed their own property and possessions,
only they exercised themselves in acts of austerity and reli- gion, as the primitive ascetics were used to do, of whom we haye given an account in the former chapter. Thus much is certain from the express words of Athanasius and St. Austin,
that in their time some went by the name of monks, who were married men, and possessed of estates. For Athanasius, writ-
ing to Dracontius, a monk, to persuade him to accept of a bishopric, to which he was averse, because he thought it would
not consist with his ascetic way of living, uses this argument
to him: ‘ You may still,’ says 637, ‘after you are made a bishop, hunger and thirst with Paul, and abstain from wine
with Timothy, and fast frequently, as St. Paul was wont to do.
Let not therefore your counsellors throw such objections in your way. For we know many bishops that fast, and monks
that eat and drink ; we know bishops that drink no wine, and monks that do; we know bishops that work miracles, and
i
ee eee
26 De Republic. part. 1. lib. 2. c. 11. n. 22. (p. 335 ἢ. 5.) Non de-
τίζης ἄλλους διδάσκων. Μὴ οὖν ταῦτα προβαλλέτωσαν οἱ συμβουλεύοντές
erant monachi, etiam uxorati in ecclesia catholica: et non apostate, sed veri monachi....Erat fortasse us monachorum laicorum et con- jugatorum, et cum proprietate re- rum, sed vite asperioris et religiosz in peenitentia: sed hi non erant Ceenobite. 27 Ep. ad Dracont. t. 1. Ρ. 958. (t. 1. part. I. p. 211 a. ἢ. 9.) "Ἐξεστι καὶ ἐπίσκοπον ὄντα σε πεινᾷν, καὶ ἱψᾷν, ὡς ὁ Παῦλος. Δύνασαι μὴ πιεῖν οἶνον, ὡς ὁ Τιμόθεος" καὶ νη- στεύειν καὶ αὐτὸς συνεχῶς, ὡς ὁ Παῦ- λος ἐποίει: ἵνα, κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον οὕτως νηστεύων, χορτάζης ἄλλους ἐν τοῖς λόγοις, καὶ διψῶν ἐν τῷ μὴ πιεῖν, πο-
σοι" οἴδαμεν γὰρ καὶ ἐπισκόπους νη- στεύοντας καὶ μοναχοὺς ἐσθίοντας" οἴδαμεν δὲ ἐπισκόπους μὴ πίνοντας οἶνον, μοναχοὺς δὲ πίνοντας" οἴδαμεν καὶ σημεῖα ποιοῦντας ἐπισκόπους, μο- ναχοὺς δὲ μὴ ποιοῦντας. Πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐπισκόπων οὐδὲ γεγαμήκασι, μο- ναχοὶ δὲ πατέρες τέκνον [τέκνων γεγόνασιν' ὥσπερ καὶ ἐπισκόπους πατέρας τέκνων καὶ μοναχοὺς ἐξ ὁλο- κλήρου γένους τυγχάνοντας. Καὶ πάλιν οἴδαμεν κληρικοὺς πεινῶντας, μονα- χοὺς δὲ νηστεύοντας᾽ ἔξεστι γὰρ καὶ οὕτως, καὶ ἐκείνως οὐ κεκώλυται" ἀλ- Aa πανταχοῦ τις ἀγωνιζέσθω" καὶ γὰρ 6 στέφανος οὐ κατὰ τόπον, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀποδίδοται.
4
994 The several sorts VI. i.
monks that work none. Many bishops are not married; and on the other hand many monks are fathers of children. You may also find bishops that are fathers of children, and monks that are not so; clergy that eat and drink, and monks that fast. For these things are at liberty, and no prohibition laid upon them. Every one exercises himself as he pleases; for it is not men’s stations, but their actions, for which they shall be crowned.’ From these words of Athanasius it seems plain, that as yet the rules of the monastic life obliged no man to renounce either his possessions or a married state, but he might use both, if he pleased, without any ecclesiastical cen- sure. And though the case was a little altered with some monks before St. Austin’s time, yet others reserved to them- selves their ancient privilege; for St. Austin, writing against the heretics who called themselves Apostolics, says2%, ‘ they arrogantly assumed to themselves that name, because they rejected all from their communion, who had either wives or estates, of which sort the Catholic Church had many, both monks and clergy.’ So that at least some monks were still at liberty to enjoy both a conjugal state and possessions of their own, without any impeachment of apostasy or breach of vow in the Catholic Church. For which reason I have given this sort of monks the distinguishing name of seculars. Allmonks 7. Though, to avoid ambiguity in terms, it must be observed, originally that all monks at first might properly be called seculars, as than lay- that name is opposed to ecclesiastics. For monks in their first — original were generally laymen, nor could they well be other- wise, by their proper constitution and the general laws of the Catholic Church. For the first monks were generally hermits, that is, persons confined by their own rules to some desert or wilderness, where solitude was thought to help forward the exercises of contemplation and repentance, and they had none ’ to take care of but their own souls. But the clerical life re- quired men to live in towns and cities, where crowds of people afforded them proper occasions to exercise the offices of the clerical function; and it was against the rules of the Catholic
28 De Heeres. c.40. (t.8.p.11e.) A- tes conjugibus, et res proprias pos- postolici, quise isto nomine arrogan- sidentes; quales habet Catholica tissime vocaverunt, eo quod in suam_ [ecclesia] et monachos et clericos communionem non reciperent uten- plurimos.
of monks. 335
Church, as I have shewed in another place29, for any clerk to be ordained without a proper cure or title in some church, where he might do the duties of his function. For this reason it was a thing impracticable in itself, as well as against the rules of the two different states of the clerical and monastic life, that the-generality of monks should be clergymen ; which, to the confusion of ancient rules and discipline, has been the unwarrantable practice of later ages, especially since the time of Clement V, anno 1311, who obliged*®® all monks to take holy orders, that they might say private mass for the honour of God, as he esteemed it; which was in truth a manifest tram- pling on the laws of the ancient Church, and an affront to her practice. For anciently monks were put into the same class with laymen, as they generally were, and considered only as such. St. Jerom gives us at once both the rule and the prac- tice, when he says®', ‘ the office of a monk is not to teach, but to mourn;’ and ‘that the cause of the monks and clergy is very different from each other; the clergy are those that feed the sheep, but the monks, among whom he reckons himself, are those that are fed.’ It is true, St. Jerom was not only a monk, but a presbyter likewise; but being ordained against his will, and resolving to continue a monk, he refused to officiate as a presbyter. Which shews, that he had no great opinion of joining the monk and the clerk together, much less of making all monks in general become clerks according to the modern practice. The Council of Chalcedon once or twice very ex- pressly distinguishes the monks from the clergy, and reckons them with the laymen. In one canon®? it says, ‘ Whoever are imstrumental in getting others ordained or promoted to any office in the Church for money or filthy lucre; such trans-
29 B. 4. ch. 6. 5. 2. v. 2. Ρ. 76. toris, sed plangentis officium ha- 30 Vid. Clementin. 1. 3. t. το. 6. bet.—Ep.1. (al. 14.] ad Heliodor. (ap. Corp. Jur. Canon. t. 3. p. (t.1. p. 33 d.)...Alia monachorum
ont 50.) Ad ampliationem autem cultus divini statuimus, quod mo- nachiquilibet ad monitionem abbatis se faciant ad omnes ordines sacros, excusatione cessante legitima, pro- ete gy 0d tee:
par. [corrige, Lib. sare. igilant. c. 16.] (t. 2. p. 401 ἃ.) Monachus autem non doc-
est causa, alia ‘Clericorum ; clerici pascunt oves, ego pascor.
#2 0. 2. (t. 4. Ῥ. 755 ©). El δέ τις καὶ | μεσιτεύων φανείη τοῖς οὕτως αἰσχροῖς καὶ ἀθεμίτοις λήμμασιν, καὶ οὗτος, εἰ μὲν κληρικὸς εἴη, τοῦ οἰκείου ἐκπιπτέτω βαθμοῦ εἰ δὲ λαϊκὸς, ἢ μονάζων, ἀναθεματιζέσθω.
336:
The several sorts VIL. ii
actors, if they be clergymen, shall be deposed; if laymen or monks, excommunicated.’ And another canon 33 forbids monks to meddle with ecclesiastical affairs. Both which canons plainly imply, that the monks then were not of the clergy, but merely laymen. Pope Leo* at the same time speaks of them as such, telling Maximus, bishop of Antioch, ‘ that he should not permit monks or laymen, however learned, to usurp the power of teaching or preaching, but only the priests of the Lord.’ And therefore, when any monk was to be ordained presbyter or bishop, he was obliged first to go through all other orders of the Church, as it was then customary for lay- men to do, before the superior orders were conferred upon them. This we learn from a Decree of Pope Gelasius®>, which orders, ‘ that, if a monk of good life and learning was minded to be ordained a priest, he should first be made a reader, or a notary, or a defensor, and after three months an acolythist, after six months a subdeacon, after nine months a deacon, and at the year’s end a presbyter.’ So that the difference between a monk and any other layman was only this, that a monk by virtue of his education in a school of learning and good disci- pline, such as monasteries then were, was supposed to be a better proficient than other laymen, and therefore allowed the. benefit of a quicker passage through the inferior orders than other candidates of the priesthood. All which shews, that anciently the generality of monks were only laymen, or at most but in a middle state betwixt common laymen and the clergy ; as the learned men of the Romish Church, Habertus*®,
88. C. 4. (ibid. p. 758 Ὁ.) ἜἜδοξε ...Tovs καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πόλιν καὶ χώραν μονάζοντας ... μήτε ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς, μήτε βιωτικοῖς παρενοχλεῖν πράγμα- σιν, ἢ ἐπικοινωνεῖν, καταλιμπάνοντας τὰ ἴδια μοναστήρια, κ.τ.λ.
34 Ep. 60. al. 62. (CC. ibid. p. 888 b.) Wlud quoque....convenit preecavere, ut, preter eos qui sunt Domini sacerdotes, nullus sibi jus docendi et preedicandi audeat vindi- care, sive sit ille monachus, sive laicus, qui alicujus scientiz nomine glorietur.
35 Ep. g..ad Episc. Lucan. c. 3. (CC. ibid. p. 1188 9.) Si quis de
religioso proposito, et disciplinis monasterialibus eruditus, ad cleri- cale munus accedat. . .continuo lec- tor, vel notarius, aut certe defensor effectus, post tres menses existat acolythus. . .sexto mense subdiaconi nomen accipiat...nono mense dia- conus, completoque anno sit pres- byter.
36 Archierat. ad Edict. pro Archi- mandr. ἢ. 1. (p. 6o01.)...Monachi quales primo erant evo extra ordi~ nem constitui, ad hierarchiam im-
- perantem non pertinent: sed medio
quodam inter ordinem et plebem statu.
§ 7, 8. of monks. 337
Lindanus*®’, and others, scruple not to confess, though they are willing to defend the modern practice. Nay even Gratian®* himself, who is most eoncerned for the Moderns, owns it to be plain from ecclesiastical history, that to the time of Popes Siri- cius and Zosimus the ancient monks were only simple monks and not of the clergy.
_ 8. But though monks did not anciently aspire to be ordained, In what nor was it consistent with the rules of the Church, that all of po rls them should be so; yet in several cases the clerical and monas- monastic tie life was in some measure capable of being conjoined. As, peste 2° first, when a monastery happened to be at so great a distance from its proper episcopal or parochial church, that the monks could not ordinarily resort thither for divine service; which was the case of the monasteries in Egypt and other parts of the East, where the monks lived in great deserts, sequestered from the rest of mankind; then some one or more of the monks were ordained for the performance of divine offices among them. Thus Cassian®9 often speaks of the churches of the monasteries of Scethis, or Scythia, in the deserts of Egypt, one of which had two presbyters, Paphnutius and Daniel; and three others, single presbyters residing, and performing divine offices in them. These were the abbots, or fathers of the monasteries, and presbyters of the churches together; whom
37 ῬΆΠΟΡΙ. 1. 4. ¢. 75. (Ρ. 560.) non nescimus fuisse
olim quosdam Christiani hujus gre- gis ductores, qui a perfectioris sanc- timoniz studio dicebantur vel thera- vel monachi, vel etiam aliis
illius que in eremo Scythi [al. Scy- thize | morabatur, fuit; in qua ita us- que ad extremam duravit etatem, ut nunquam e cella, quam junior ceeperat habitare, = ue ab ecelesia millibus quinque distabat, saltem ad
nominibus. Qui omnes, sicuti erant ordinis laici, ita una cum re- liquis templi choro, quem dicimus, erant exclusi.
38 Caus. 16. queest. 1. post c. 39. (t. τ. p. 1108. 23.) Monachos vero, usque ad tempus Eusebii, Zosimi, et Siricii, monachos simpliciter et non clericos fuisse, ecclesiastica testatur historia.
89 Collat. 3. ¢. τ. (p. 254.) In illo choro sanctorum, qui velut astra pu- rissima in nocte mundi istius reful- gebant, vidimus Sanctum Pafnutium, vice luminaris magni, claritate scien- tie coruscantem. Hic namque pres- byter congregationis nostre, id est,
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
viciniora migraverit, &c.——Collat. iv. c.i.(p.267.) Inter caeteros Chris- tiane philosophie viros, abbatem quoque vidimus Danielem, equalem quidem in omni virtutum genere his, qui in eremo hi [al. Scythiz] commanebant, sed peculiarius gratia humilitatis ornatum; qui merito pu- ritatis ac mansuetudinis suz a beato Pafnutio, solitudinis ejusdem pres- bytero, et quidem cum multis junior esset etate, ad diaconii est prelatus officium fal. in diaconii preelectus est gradu.] In tantum enim beatus Pafnutius virtutibus ipsius adgau- debat, ut quem vite meritis sibi et gratia parem noverat, cowquare 510] Z
338 The several sorts VIL. ii Cassian‘° mentions with this remarkable circumstance: ‘ that: all of them, except Paphnutius, being overrun with the heresy of the Anthropomorphites; when Theophilus, bishop of Alex-' andria, sent one of his paschal letters among them, to give no- tice of Easter according to custom, and there made some sharp reflections on that absurd heresy; they would not so much as suffer his epistle to be read in their churches.’ Sozo- men likewise*! tells us, that Prines, the monk, whom the Arians made use of as their instrument to conceal Arsenius, while they accused Athanasius of his murder, was a presbyter of one of the monasteries in the deserts of Thebais. Where it seems the
monasteries were vastly great; for Cassian 4? assures us that one
etiam sacerdotii ordine festinaret, siquidem nequaquam ferens in infe- riore eum ministerio diutius immo- rari, optansque sibimet successorem dignissimum providere, superstes eum presbyterii [al. presbyteralis gradus | honore provexit.
40 Ibid. το. c. 2. (p. 383.) Intra Aigypti regionem mos iste antiqua traditione servatur, ut peracto Epi- phaniorum die, quem provinciee illius sacerdotes, vel dominici baptismi, vel secundum carnem nativitatis esse
definiunt, et idcirco utriusque sacra-
menti solemnitatem non bifarie, ut in occiduis provinciis, sed sub una diei hujus [al. unius | festivitate con- ‘celebrant, epistole pontificis Alex- andrini per universas dirigantur Aigypti ecclesias, quibus initium Quadragesime et dies Pasche non solum per civitates omnes, sed etiam per universa monasteria designentur. Secundum hunc igitur morem post ‘dies admodum paucos, quam supe- rior cum abbate Isaaci fuerat agitata Collatio 'Theophili, preedictz urbis episcopi, solemnes epistolee commea- runt, quibus, cum denuntiatione pas- chali, contra ineptam quoque Anthro- ‘pomorphitarum heeresin longa dis- putatione disseruit, eamque copioso sermone destruxit. Quod tanta est amaritudine ab universo propemo- dum genere monachorum, qui per totam provinciam Atgypti moraban- tur, pro simplicitatis errore suscep- tum, ut e contrario memoratum pon- ‘tificem, velut heresi gravissima de- pravatum,-pars maxima seniorum ab
universo fraternitatis corpore decer- neret detestandum: quod scilicet im- pugnare Scripture Sancte senten- tiam videretur, negans Omnipoten- tem Deum humane figure compo- sitione formatum, cum ad ejus ima- ginem creatum Adam Scriptura ma- nifestissime testaretur. Denique ab his, qui erant in eremo Scythi [al. Scythize] commorantes, quique per- fectione ac scientia omnibus, qui erant in Ai‘gypti monasteriis, pre- eminebant, ita est heec epistola refu- tata, ut preter abbatem Pafnutium, nostre congregationis presbyterum, nullus eam ceterorum presbytero- rum, qui in eadem eremo aliis iting ecclesiis presidebant, nec legi dem aut recitari in suis κὐξομε οἷο, ερεῖ prorsus admitterent.
4l Ibid. 2. C. 23. (v. 2. p. 74. 17.) Tov μὲν ᾿Αρσένιον ἐπιμελῶς (ητήσαν- τες εὗρον, καὶ φιλοφρονησάμενοι, καὶ πᾶσαν εὔνοιαν καὶ ἀσφάλειαν παρέξειν αὐτῷ ὑποσχόμενοι, ἄγουσι λάθρα πρός τινα τῶν αὐτοῖς συνήθων καὶ τὰ αὐτὰ σπουδαζόντων" Πρίνης 6: ὄνομα αὐτῷ ἦν, πρεσβύτερος μοναστηρίου" ἐνταῦθα τέ τὸν ᾿Αρσένιον κρύψαντες, σπουδῇ περιήεσαν κατὰ τὰς ἀγορὰς καὶ τοὺς συλλόγους τῶν ἐν τέλει, λογοποιοῦν- τες τοῦτον πεφονεῦσθαι παρὰ ᾿Αθα- νασίιου. ;
42 De Instit. Renunt. 1. 4. δ. 1. (p. 48.).... In Thebaide est coeno- bium, quanto numero populosius cunctis, tanto conversationis rigore districtius : siquidem in eo plusquam
quinque millia fratrum sub uno ab-
hate reguntur, &c.
ἐ8ι::;
of monks: 339
of them had no less than five thousand monks in it; and it cannot be thought strange, that such monasteries, in remote deserts, should have their proper churches, and presbyters to officiate in them. But it was not only in the deserts that monasteries were allowed presbyters in them, but in some places the city-monasteries, as soon as they began to get footing there, had the same privilege likewise. For Eutyches, the heretic, was not only archimandrite, but presbyter also of his monas- tery at Constantinople, as Liberatus*? and other ancient writ- ers style him. And that this was no unusual thing, appears from hence, that both the Civil and the Canon Law allow the practice. Justinian, in one of his Novels,4+ has a proviso both for such monasteries as had churches of their own, and such as had not. For those, which had none of their own, it is or- dered, ‘that the monks should repair to the parish-church with their abbot, and after divine service immediately return to their monastery again; but such monasteries as had churches in them might have four or five of their own body ordained presbyters or deacons or of the inferior orders, as there was oceasion.’ And before this the Council of Chalcedon 45 speaks of churches in monasteries and clergy belonging to them; allowing a deputation to any such church to be a sufficient title to qualify a man for holy orders. So that in these circum- Stances there is no question to be made but that the clerical and monastic life were often joined together.
Another case, in which the same thing was practised, was
nachi rursus ad ccenobium revertan-
δον ¢-11-(CC. 5. p.7544.) ir tur, ibique sedeant Quatuor
His temporibus Eutyches quidam,
ise ae archimandrita, presi- tinopoliceleberrimo mo- nasterio, urgente Satana, preedicabat Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum consubstantialem nobis non esse se- cundum carnem, sed de ccelo corpus habuisse.
44 Novel. 133. c. 2. (t. 5. p. 591.) Deinde vel si ulla ecclesia in monas- terio sit, neque sic occasione eccle-
i ingredi et deambulationes icite illic facere, et confabulari cum quibus non convenit: sed venire uidem tempore sacri ministerii cum abate, suisque prioribus, et senibus, sacrificioque completo, omnes mo-
autem vel quinque seniores ex ipso monasterio esse in constituta eccle- sia, quibus jam omnis exercitatio est expleta in continentia, et qui ordi- nationem habere meruerunt in clero presbyterorum forsan, aut diacono- rum, aut deinceps habentium schema. 45 (Ὁ, 6. (t. 4. p. 758 4.) Μηδένα δὲ ἀπολελυμένως χειροτονεῖσθαι, unre πρεσβύτερον μήτε διάκονον μήτε ὅλως τῶν ἐν ἐκκλησιαστικῷ τάγματι, εἰ
μὴ ἰδικῶς ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ πόλεως, ἢ κώμης, ἢ μαρτυρίῳ, ἣ μοναστηρίῳ, ὁ χειροτο- νούμενος ἐπικηρύττοιτο. C. 8. (ibid. p. 759 a.) Οἱ κληρικοὶ τῶν πτω- χείων καὶ μοναστηρίων, κ. τ. A. ᾿
Z2
940 The several sorts VIL. ii.
when monks were taken out of the monasteries by the bishops, and ordained for the service of the Church. Which thing was frequently done, and not only allowed, but encouraged both by the imperial and ecclesiastical laws. When once monasteries were become schools of learning and pious education, they were thought the properest nurseries for the Church. There- fore Arcadius*® made it an instruction to the bishops, ‘that if at any time they needed to augment their clergy, they should do it out of the monks.’ Gothofred, in his learned Observa- tions on this law, has abundantly shewed the Church’s practice from the testimonies of Athanasius 47, St. Jerom48, St. Austin 49, Epiphanius®*°, Palladius*!, St. Basil>?, Marcellinus’s Chronicon, and the Code of the African Church*?. To which may be
46 Vid. Cod. Theod. lib. 16. tit. 2. de Episc. leg. 32. (t. 6. p. 68.) Si quos forte episcopi deesse sibi cleri- cos arbitrantur, ex monachorum nu- mero rectius ordinabunt.
47 Ep. ad Dracont. (t. 1. part 1. p- 210 ¢. n. 7.) Οὐ yap od μόνος ἐκ μοναχῶν κατεστάθης, οὐδὲ σὺ μόνος
προέστης μοναστηρίου, ἢ μόνος ὑπὸ μοναχῶν ἠγαπήθης" ἀλλ᾽ οἶδας, ὅ ὅτι καὶ Σεραπίων μοναχός itp καὶ τόσων μο- ναχῶν προέστη. κ. τ.
48 Ep. 3. [al.60. | ἃ Heliodor. (t.2. Ρ. 335 4.) In uno atque eodem et imitabatur monachum, et episcopum venerabatur.—Ep. 4. [al. 125.| ad Rustic. (ibid. p.938 d.) Ita age et vive in monasterio, ut clericus esse merea- ris. ... Quum ad perfectam etatem veneris, si tamen vita comes fuerit, et te vel populus vel pontifex civitatis in clericum [leg. clerum] elegerint, agito quee clerici sunt.
49 Ep. 67. [4]. 22.] (t. 2. p. 28 a.)
Ut nemo dignus non modo ec- clesiastico ministerio, sed ipsa etiam sacramentorum communione videa- tur, &c. Ep. 76. [al. 60.] (ibid. Ῥ- 147 f. et p. 148 a.) Et ipsis enim facilis lapsus, et ordini clerico- rum fit indignissima injuria, si de- sertores monasteriorum ad militiam clericatus eligantur, cum ex his, qui in monasterio permanent, non tamen nisi probatiores atque meliores in clerum assumere solemus; &c.—— Ep. 81. [4]. 48.] (ibid. p. 113 f.) Nos autem fratres exhortamur in Do-
mino, ut propositum vestrum custo- diatis, et usque.in finem persevere- tis: ac sl quam operam vestram ma- ter ecclesia desideraverit, nec elatione avida suscipiatis, nec blandiente de- sidia respuatis, sed miti corde ob- temperetis Deo, &c.
50 Expos. Fid. n. 21. ἐν Ὲ: Pp. 1103 d. ) Στεφάνη δὲ τούτων πάντων, ἢ μήτηρ, ὡς εἰπεῖν, καὶ γενήτρια, ἡ ἁγία ἱερωσύνη, ἐκ μὲν παρθένων τὸ πλεῖσ- τον ὁρμωμένη" εἰ δὲ οὐκ ἐκ παρθένων, ἐκ μοναζόντων" εἰ δὲ μὴ εἶεν ἱκανοὶ εἰς ὑπηρεσίαν ἀπὸ μοναζόντων, ἐξ ἐγκρα- τευομένων τῶν ἰδίων γυναικῶν, ἢ χη- ρευσάντων ἀπὸ μονογαμίας.
51 Hist. Lausiac. c. 22. (Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. t. 2. p. 936 b. 8.) Τελευτᾷ δὲ οὗτος [Μωῦσῆς. μοναχὸς ἐ ἐτῶν ἐβ- δομήκοντα πέντε ἐν τῇ Σκήτει' γενό- μενος πρεσβύτερος, καταλιπὼν μαθη- τὰς ἑβδομήκοντα.
δα Amphi-
52 Ep. 403. [al. 218. loch. (t. 3. part. 2. p. 4 per Εἰ δὲ
μέλλει τις ἀπιέναι, ἐπιζητησάτω ἐν Κορυδάλοις ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἀπὸ μοναζόν- τῶν ἐπίσκοπον.
53 C. 8ο. al. 82. (CC. t. 2.p. 1098 a.) ὋὉμοίως ἤρεσεν, ἵνα, ἐάν τις ἀπὸ ἀλλοτρίου μοναστηρίου ὑποδέξηταί τινα, καὶ πρὸς κλήρωσιν προσαγαγεῖν ἐθελήσοι, ἢ τοῦ ἰδίου μοναστηρίου ἡγούμενον καταστήσοι, ὁ τοῦτο ποιῶν ἐπίσκοπος, ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν λοιπῶν κοινωνίας χωριζόμενος, τῇ τοῦ ἰδίου λαοῦ κοινωνίᾳ ἁρκεσθῇ μόνῃ" ἐκεῖνος δὲ, μηδὲ κληρικὸς, μηδὲ ἡγούμενος ἐπιμείνῃ.
88.
of monks. 341
added the Letters of Siricius, Innocent, and Gelasius, alleged by
Gratian*+, and the Councils of Agde®> and Lerida>®, which allow a bishop to-take any monk out of a monastery with the consent and approbation of the abbot, and ordain him for the service of the Church. And in this case they usually continued their ancient austerities and ascetic way of living, and so joined the clerical and monastic life together. Upon which account both these and the former sort were by the Greeks styled ἱερομοναχοὶ, clergy-monks, to distinguish them from such as were only laymen.
_ It happened sometimes that a bishop and all his clergy chose an ascetic way of living, by a voluntary renunciation of all property, and enjoying all things in common, in imitation of the first Church under the Apostles. St. Ambrose*7 seems to say, that Eusebius Vercellensis was the first that brought in this way of living into the western Church. For before his time the monastic life was not known in cities; but he taught his clergy to live in the city after the rules and institution of monks in the wilderness. Which must be understood chiefly, I conceive, of their austerities, and renouncing their property, and having all things in common, as the other had. St. Austin set up the same way of living among the clergy of Hippo, as we learn from his own words, who says®® ‘ he made the bishop’s
54 Causs. 16. quest. 1. c.'20. ({.1. p- 1099. 22.) Faciat autem Deus, ut tales sint hi, qui vel a nobis in isto habitu nutriuntur, vel in monasteriis crescunt, ut provecta tate et vita probata, non ad litigiorum officia, sed ad sacerdotium valeant promo-
i . 22. (ibid. 69.) Si mona- chus ad clericatum promoveatur, beneficia ei pleniter et annone et decime donentur, &c.—C. 28. (ibid.
1102. 40.) Si quis monachus
it, qui venerabilis vite merito sacerdotio dignus videatur, et abbas, sub cujus imperio regi Christo mili- tat, illum fieri presb petierit, ab episcopo debet eligi, et in loco quo judicaverit ordinari ; omnia que ad sacerdotis officium pertinent, vel populi vel episcopi electione provide ac juste acturus. C. 27. (t. 4. p. 1387 6.) Mo- nachi etiam vagantes ad officium
clericatus, nisi eis testimonium abbas suus dederit, nec in civitatibus nec in pareeciis ordinentur.
C. 3. (ibid. p. 1611 d.) De mo- nachis vero id observari placuit, quod Synodus Agathensis vel Aurelianen- sis noscitur decrevisse: hoc tantum- modo adjiciendum, ut pro ecclesiz utilitate, quos episcopus probaverit in clericatus officio, cum abbatis vo- luntate debeant ordinari.
57 Ep. 82. [al. 63.] ad Eccles. Ver- cell. p. 254. (t. 2. p. 1038 a. ἢ. 66.) Hecenim primusin Occidentis parti- bus diversa inter se Eusebius sanctz memorize conjunxit, ut et in civitate positus instituta monachorum tene- ret, et ecclesiam regeret jejunii so- brietate.
58 Serm. 49. de Divers. t. 10. p.
19 [αἱ]. Serm. 355.] (t.5- p-1381 b.) fe Neo volui ΣΝ in Gen domo episcopii [leg. episcopi] mecum [8].
848 The several sorts VIL i.
" house a monastery of clergymen, where it was against the rule for any man to enjoy any property of his own, but they had all things in common.’ Which is also noted by Possidius in his Life>9, ‘that his clergy lived with him in the same house, and ate at the same table, and were fed and clothed at a common expense.’ And so far as this was an imitation of the Ccenobites’ way of living, and having all things common, it might be called a monastic as well as clerical life, as Possidius and St. Austin eall it. But as yet there was no monastery in the world, where all the monks were ordained only to say private mass, without being fixed to any certain cure, where they might perform the several offices of the clerical function. The monastery of St. Austin consisted only of such as had public offices and business in the Church, and were not men confined to a cloister.
Theoriginal. 9. Therefore the hermits of St. Austin, and many other mo- a dern orders which assume his name, do but falsely pretend to derive their original from him; who, it is certain, never was a hermit himself, nor wrote any rules for them, though a great many sermons are fathered on him as preached to the hermits in the wilderness. They, who count the rise of canons regular from him, as Duarenus® and others, have something more of probability on their side ; because, as I have shewed, the clergy of Hippo were under some of the exercises of a monastic life, which made them a sort of canons regular. And yet Onu- phrius®™ and Hospinian®, who have inquired very nicely into
-meum]| monasterium clericorum.
Ecce quomodo vivimus. ΝᾺ] licet in societate nostra habere aliquid proprium: &c.
59 C, 25. See before, b. 3. ch. 1. 8. 4. V. I. p. 306. n. 25. ~ 60: De Minist. et Benefic. 1.1. 6.21. (fol. 24. vers.) Itaque dicebantur non simpliciter, ut nunc, canonici, sed regulares, ab illo peculiari insti- tuto ac regula, quam amplecteban- tur: et hoc modo discrimen inter eos designabatur et aliarum eccle- siarum canonicos, qui hujusmodi se votis non alligaverant; idque supra a nobis ostensum est. 866 secta, eujus author Augustinus perhibetur, quum Hipponensis episcopus esset, late Christianorum orbem pervagata est, adeo ut eorum ccenobia hodie
in quibus locis monachorum nomen deletum non est, nusquam non re~ periantur.
6! Annot. in Platin. Vit. Gelas. p. 62. (ap. Platin. Vit. Pontific. cum Onuphr. Continuat. et Opuscul. Lo- van. 1572. p.53-) Gelasius.... ca- nonicos, ut vocant, regularis ordinis Sancti Augustini Laterani primus collocavit, qui ibidem usque ad Bo- nifacium VIII., ἃ quo expulsi sunt, permanserunt. Ex Archivis Basilice Lateranensis.
62 De Orig. Monachat. 1. 3. c.6. p. 72. (fol. 55. vers. n. 4.) Onuphrius Panvinus in suis ad Platinam An- notationibus, indicat ex Archivis Ecclesiz Lateranensis, Gelasium I. Papam,.circa annum 495, canonicos regulares ordinis Sancti Augustini
δ 9, 10. of monks. 343
these matters, make Gelasius the first founder of them under that name in the Lateran Church, where they continued to the time of Boniface VIE, who expelled them thence. How soon the name or order came into other Churches, Hospinian will inform the curious reader.
10. About the beginning of the fifth century, or, as Baronius® Of the
thinks, toward the middle of it, at Constantinople, under Gennadius ogy hagas the patriarch, one Alexander set up an order of monks, whom the i» oF | writers of that and the following ages commonly style ᾿Ακοιμη- : ταὶ, that is, Watchers; the reason of which name is taken from their manner of performing divine offices day and night with- out intermission: for they divided themselves into three classes, and so one succeeded another at a stated hour, and by that means continued a perpetual course of divine service without any interval, as well by night as by day; whence they had the name of Watchers given them. The piety of this order pro- eured them great esteem and veneration, and many monaste- ries were builded for their use at Constantinople. Among others, one Studius, a nobleman of Rome, and a man of con- sular dignity, renounced the world and became one of their order; erecting a famous monastery for them himself, which, from the founder, was called Studium®*, and the monks of it, Studite. And this, perhaps, is the first time we meet with any monks that took their denomination from any founder. But these monks in a little time sunk in their credit, because they were many times found to be favourers of the heresy of Nestorius, for which they are frequently reflected on by eccle- siastical writers ®°.
Laterani primum collocasse. Cre- diderim ergo hunc Gelasium horum canonicorum esse auctorem, et ad hoc exemplum mox alibi quoque in majoribus ecclesiis eos institutos esse : de quo tamen alii πόρνος: Fuit certe σ᾿; Gelasius idololatrie egre- gius architectus, et ceremoniarum cumulator, ut in Vita ejus indicatur. 63 An. 459. ex Act. Marcelli, ap. Sur. Decembr. 29. c. 7. (t. 6. p. 250 ἃ.) Quod spectat ad Aceemetarum monachorum institutum, non fuit Marcellus auctor aut propaga- = verum Alexander abbas, ejus- demque Marcelli institutor, religio-
sum illum cultum invenit, prout e- jusdem Marcelli Acta testantur.
64 Vid. Niceph. Hist. 1. 15. c. 23. (t. 2. p.623 d. 8.) Τούτου [Tevvadiov | ἐπὶ τὸν θρόνον ὄντος, καὶ Στουδιός τις περ ς ἀνὴρ, ἐκ Ῥώμης ἥκων, τὸν τοῦ 7, ρόμου ἀνεγείρει νεὼν, μονα-
οὺς ἐκ τῆς τῶν Ἀκοιμήτων μονῆς ζεῖσε ἐ ἐγκαταστήσας" ἣν Μάρκελλος ὁ θειότατος ἤγειρεν, ἀσίγητον τὸν ὕμνον κευάσας Θεῷ ἀναπέμπεσθαι, εἰς
τρία μέρη τὴν ποίμνην διανειμάμενος.
ὁ ted (p. pA a. 8. ) Τότε καὶ Τι- μοκλῆς τε καὶ Sarat y οἱ i$ μι μου κα ρίων ἤκμαζον ποιηταὶ, κατὰ ppar διῃρημένοι. ἀλλ᾽ ἀλλ᾽, ὅσοι μὲν τοῖς ys
944 The several sorts VIL. in. Of those 11. In the regions of Syria and Mesopotamia, Sozomen δ6 sta or takes notice of another sort of monks, who, from their peculiar Grazers. way of living, were commonly called Βοσκοὶ, the Grazers. For they lived after the same manner as flocks and herds upon the mountains, never dwelling in any house, nor eating any bread or flesh, nor drinking wine; but continuing instantly in the worship of God, in prayers and hymns, according to the cus- tom of the Church, till eating time was come; and then every man went with his knife in his hand to provide himself food of the herbs of the field, which was their only diet and constant way of living. Se ea 12. I take no notice here of those called by some the monks and Gyro- Of St. Basil and St. Jerom; for it is certain those fathers never ony set up any distinct orders of their own, though both of them
were promoters of the monastic life in general. The Rule, which goes under the name of St. Jerom, is known to be a forgery of some later writer; and the Ascetics, commonly ascribed to St. Basil, are by some learned men? rather thought to be the
τῇ ἐκ Χαλκηδόνι συνόδῳ προσέκειντο, παρὰ τῷ λνθιμῳ συνήγοντο" ὃς πρῶ- τὸς καὶ τὰς παννυχίδας ἐπενόησε γίνε- σθαι: ὅσοι δ᾽ ἐχθρωδῶς ἐκείνῳ ἐφέ- ροντο, μᾶλλον προσέκειντο Τιμοκλεῖ,
66 L. 6. c. 33. ἐν, 2. p. 267. 31.) Τούτους δὲ καὶ Βόσκους ἀπεκάλουν, ἔναγχος τῆς τοιαύτης φιλοσοφίας ἄρ- ἕαντας. ᾿Ονομάζουσι δὲ ὧδε αὐτοὺς, καθότι οὔτε οἰκήματα ἔχουσιν, οὔτε ἄρτον, οὔτε ὄψον ἐσθίουσιν, οὔτε οἷ- νον πίνουσιν" ἐν δὲ τοῖς ὄρεσι διατρί- βοντες, ἀεὶ τὸν Θεὸν εὐλογοῦσιν, ἐν εὐχαῖς καὶ ὕμνοις κατὰ θεσμὸν τῆς ἐκ- κλησίας" τροφῆς δὲ ἡνίκα γένηται και- ρὸς, καθάπερ νεμόμενοι, ἅρπην ἔχων ἕκαστος, ἀνὰ τὸ ὄρος περιϊόντες τὰς βοτάνας σιτίζονται.---ναρῪ. 1.1. 6. 21. (v. 3. Ρ. 277. 22.) "Es ἔρημον κε- καυμένην σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἀφέντες, καὶ μόνα τὰ τῆς φύσεως ἀναγκαῖα περι- στείλαντες, ἄνδρές τε καὶ γύναια, τὸ λοιπὸν σῶμα γυμνὸν κρυμοῖς τε ἐξαι- σίοις ἀέρων τε πυρακτώσεσιν ἐπι- τρέπουσιν, ἐπίσης θάλπους τε καὶ ψύχους περιορῶντες" καὶ τὰς μὲν τῶν ἀνθρώπων τροφὰς τέλεον ἀποσείονται" νέμονται δὲ τὴν γῆν, (Βόσκους καλοῦ- ot,) μόνον τὸ ζὴν ἐντεῦθεν ποριζόμε- vot.—[Conf. Mosch. Prat. Spirit. ς. T9. ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. (t. 2. Paris. 1624.) Ep.]
67 Hospinian. de Orig. Monachat. p- 69. (p. 53. im.).. A multis dubita- tur, num libri illi de Virginitate et Monastica Vita scripti, qui Ascetici dicuntur, Basilii γνήσιοι sint; cum pleraque in iis horridiora sint, quam in reliquis ejus scriptis. Deinde et- iam in catalogo scriptorum Basilii, in Oratione Nazianzeni, Ascetica illa non recensentur: quze certe vir ille, qui ex professo laudationem Basilii instituerat, omissurus minime fuis- set. Potest igitur esse alius quidam Basilius, et hoc quidem recentior. Sozomenus autem, 1. 3. 6. 14., affir- mat, visum nonnullis suo tempore Asceticorum illorum authorem fu- isse Kustathium, illum Sebastiz Ar- meniz episcopum, sed Macedonia- num hereticum, qui monastice au- thor Armeniis exstiterit, &c.—Soz- om.1.3.¢.14.(v.2. p.115.23.) ‘Qs καὶ τὴν ἐπιγεγραμμένην Βασιλείου τοῦ Καππαδόκου ἀσκητικὴν βίβλον, ἰσχυ- ρίζεσθαί τινας αὐτοῦ | Εῤσταθίου γρα- piv etva.—Sutlif. de Monach. In- stit. c.7. (fol.23. vers.). . Neque enim character dictionis Basilium refert, &c.... Sozomenus denique Regulam hanc Eustathio Sebastiz episcopo ascribit, &c.
"es
᾿ δ τή τὰ.
of monks. 345
offspring of Eustathius of Sebastia. But admitting them to be his, as most learned men do, they do not argue him the author of any new order, but only a director of those which were al- ready founded. Therefore passing by these, I shall only take notice of two orders more, the Benedictines in Italy, and the Apostolies in Britain.
The Benedictines had their rise from Benedict, a famous Italian monk in the time of Justinian, about the year 530. His first settlement was at Sublaqueum, in the diocese of Tibur in Italy, where he erected twelve monasteries, of twelve monks apiece, in the neighbouring wilderness; one of which, in after-ages, grew so great, that it was not only exempt from episcopal power, against all ancient rules, but, as a modern writer © observes, had no less than fourteen villages under its own proper jurisdiction. From this place he removed to Mount Cassin, where he erected another monastery, from whence he propagated his order into other countries with so great suc- cess, that, for six hundred years after, the greatest part of the European monks were followers of his rule; and so whatever other names they went by,—Carthusians, Cistercians, Grandi- montenses, Preemonstratenses, Cluniacs, &c.,—they were but dif- ferent branches of the Benedictines, till, about the year 1220, the Dominicans and Franciscans took new rules from their leaders. Hospinian®? reckons up twenty-three orders that sprang from this one; and observes out of Volateran, that in
68 Baudrand, Lex. Geograph. voce Sublaqueum. (t. 2. 2s 220.) Subla- m, seu’ melius Sublacum, oppi- ΞΕ m in Latio. Hodie di- citur Subiaco, cujus abbatia, nullius est dicecesis, quatuorde- cim vicos sub se habet, in confinio Neapolitani. Sedet in colle, μν τον , 36 milliaribus di- stans a Roma in ortum, et 10 a Pree- neste ; estque in Campania Romana, sub dominio Summi Pontificis. ᾿ 6 De Monachat. 1. 4. c. 5. p. 116. .1o1.im.)Cardinales habuitet Ordo ο, Volaterani wtate, fere 200, archi- episcopos in diversis ecclesiis 1600, episcopos 4000, abbates eruditione et scriptis celebres 15700, canoniza- er et sanctorum catalogo insertos 600.—Ibid. p. 182. (fol. 111. vers.) Miiteat autem sub hac regula ordi-
nes circiter 23. ...... Ordo Specu- ensis, Carthusiensis, Cisterciensis, S. Vuilhelmi [S. Gulielmi] Scoto- rum MontisOlivetensium,album por- tantium habitum, Ceelestinorum, Sclavorum, Vallis Umbrose, Fon- tis Ebrandi, Humiliatorum sub albo habitu, Grandimontensis, S. Am- brosii, Camaldulensis, Vallis Scho- larium,S. Pauli primi Eremite, quem alii ad ‘A stinenses referunt, Clu- niacensis, Preemonstratensis, S, Jus- tine, Sylvestrinorum, Gilbertinorum, et Ordo de S. Burga vidua: ut Tri- themius judicat, (1. 1. c. “3: .) de Viris Illustribus Ordinis Benedictinorum. His Polydorus Vergilius, (1.7. c. 2.) a eee D. Hieronymi annume-
uos dicit p tremo per Marti- nun . in fi Benedicti adsci- tos fuisse.
346 The several sorts ὙΠ. ue
his time it was computed that there had been of the order 200 cardinals, 1600 archbishops, 4000 bishops, and 15,700 abbots; by which it is easy to judge of the prodigious increase of this order. I shall not concern myself to give any further account of them, but only observe one thing out of the Rule of Benedict himself,—that he never intended his monks should be called after his own name, or reckoned a new order; much less that so many new orders should be derived from it. For he pro- fesses only to write in general for the use of the Coenobites and Anchorets of the primitive Church, which in his time were the only two standing orders that the Churches of Italy allowed. He says, indeed, there were four sorts of monks in all, Cano- bite, Anachorete, Sarabaite, and Gyrovagi; but the two last were only scandals and reproaches to the Church. Of the Sara- baite he gives much the same account that St. Jerom and Cas- sian7° do before him. And the Gyrovagi he thus?! describes: ‘That they were a sort of rambling monks, that spent their whole life in running about from one province to another, and getting themselves well entertained for three or four days together at every cell they came at, being arrant slaves to their bellies, and wholly addicted to their pleasures, and in all things worse than the very Sarabaite themselves.’ So that he professes ‘to pass over their miserable conversation in si- lence, and to write only for the instruction and use of the an- cient Cenobite of the Church.’ By which it is plain, that in the time of St. Benedict, the monks had not distinguished themselves into very many different orders allowed in the Western Church.
13. About the year 596, the Benedictines came with Austin the monk into Britain, and so all the monasteries which the Saxons built were for monks of that order. But the ancient Britons had long before this entertained the monastic life. Some7? say Pelagius first brought it out of the East into Bri-
Of the Apo- stolics in Britain and Treland.
70 Vid. 8. 4. p. 330. nn. 17 and 18. ' 71 De Monachat. ibid. Benedict. Regul. c. 1. (fol. ro. vers.) Quar- tum vero genus est monachorum, quod nominatur Gyrovagum, qui tota vita sua per diversas provincias ternis aut quaternis diebus per di- versorum cellas hospitantur; semper vagi et nunquam stabiles; propriis
voluptatibus et gule illecebris ser- vientes, et per omnia deteriores Sa- rabaitis: de quorum omnium mi- serrima conversatione melius est si- lere quam loqui. His ergo omissis, ad Coenobitarum fortissimum genus disponendum, adjuvante Domino, veniamus.
72 Hospinian. ut supra, c, 3.
᾿ξ χα,
of monks. 347
tain: others make him also abbot of the college of Bangor, and speak of zcoo monks under him; but this is justly censured by learned men?? as-a mere fable of modern authors. How- eyer, it is certain from Bede that there was a monastery at Bangor (whoever was the first founder of it is not very material to inquire) before Austin and his monks came into England; and here?4 ‘ was such a number of monks, that the monastery being divided into seven parts, each part had a rector, and no less than three hundred persons in it, all which were wont to live by the labour of their own hands.’ Hospinian and Bale give this the name of the Apostolic Order; but whe- ther upon good grounds I cannot say. In one thing it is cer- tain they make a great mistake, in that they confound this monastery of Banochor, or Bangor, with that of Benchor in Ireland; which was another famous monastery, founded by Congellus about the year 520. Out of this monastery sprang many thousand monks, and many other monasteries in Ireland and in other nations also. St. Bernard?® says, ‘ Luanus, one of the monks of this congregation, himself alone founded an hundred monasteries.’ And Bishop Usher has observed?® of Brendanus, one of Congellus’s first disciples, ‘that he presided over three thousand monks, who, by their own labours and handiwork, did earn their own living.’ Columba was another of his disci- ples, who, having first founded the monastery of Dearmach in
Ρ. 115. og 100.) Ordo Apostolico- Erant autem plurimi eorum de mo- rum. Ὁ Congello Bannocorensi, nasterio Bancor, in quo tantus fer- illustris familie Britanno,monachis- tur fuisse numerus monachorum, ut
mus A°gyptius, a Pelagio prius in- troductus, sub specie ἀνα ἰωτὰ in Britannia radices, vires, et incre- menta largissima ccepit, ad alias et- jam Europe provincias plantaria transmittens.
73 Cave, Hist. Liter. (v. 1. p. 201. Unum monachum fuisse fPelagiten} facile concedimus: collegii vero Ban- nochorensis fuisse abbatem, et duo millia monachorum sub regimine suo habuisse, et exinde postea a suis in exsilium pulsum ; denique acade- mize Cantabrigiensis fuisse alum- num, nuda videntur Ranulphi Ces- trensis, Joannis Tinmuthensis, Ni- colai Cantilupi, Caii, Balei, aliorum-
ue somnia. : 74 Hist. Angl. 1. 2. ς. 2. (p. 80.37.)
cum in septem portiones esset cum prepositis sibi rectoribus monaste- rium divisum, nulla barum portio minus quam trecentos homines ha- beret, qui omnes de labore manuum suarum vivere solebant.
75 Vit. Malachiz, c. 5. [ς. 6.] p. 034. (t. 2. p. 1477 Ὁ. 11.) Locus
enchor]} vere sanctus foecundus- ue sanctorum, copiosissime fructi- cans Deo, ita ut unus ex filiis sancte illius congregationis, nomine Luanus, centum solus monasterio- rum fundator exstitisse feratur.
76 Religion of the Ancient Irish, ch. 6. p. 46. (Works, v. 4. p.303-)..- We find it related of our Brendan, that, &c.
I [
948 The several.sorts VII. i.
Ireland, went and converted the Northern Picts to the Christian faith, anno 565, and builded a monastery in the Isle of Huy; from whence many other monasteries, both in Britain and Ire- land, as Bede’? observes, were propagated by his disciples. Columbanus and Gallus were also monks under Congellus: the latter of which is famous for founding the monastery of St. Gall, in Helvetia, which is since become an eminent city; and the other for founding that of Lexovium or Lisieux, in Nor- mandy, where the monks, like the Acwmete, or Watchérs, of Constantinople, mentioned before, were used to divide them- selves into several choirs, to succeed one another, and continue divine service day and night, without intermission, as St. Ber- nard78 informs us.
I have been the more particular in giving a distinct account of these two famous monasteries, Benchor and Bangor, not only because they were the most ancient in Ireland and Britain, but because they are so unhappily by Hospinian and Bale con- founded into one.
14. I will shut up this chapter with a few remarks upon
Of some
uncommon the different names which the Ancients gave to some or to all
ee rs kinds of monks in general. Beside the names of monks and
ay gag ascetics, we find them frequently styled by other titles, re- urcn.
specting some particular act of their profession. In regard to their retirement and quiet way of living, some are styled by Justinian79, in one of his Novels, ‘Hovxacral, Hesychaste, Quietists. Suicerus®® and Habertus®! take it to be only an-
struxit monasterium, factus ibi in
77 Hist. Angl. 1. 2. c.4.(p. 106. 30.) gentem magnum. Aiunt tam ma-
Venit.... Britanniam Columba,reg-
nante Pictis Bridio, filio Meilochon, rege potentissimo, nono anno regni ejus, gentemque illam verbo et ex- emplo ad fidem Christi convertit. . Fecerat autem, priusquam Bri- tanniden veniret, monasterium no- bile in Hibernia, quod a copia robo- rum Dearmach lingua Scotorum, hoc est, Campus Roborum, cognomi- natur. Ex quo utroque monasterio, plurima monasteria per discipulos ejus, et in Britannia et in Hibernia, propagata sunt. 78 Vit. Malachie, c. 5. [c.6.] (t. 2. p.1477.0.°3.) 62.405 Nv has nostras Gadiiconne partes Sanctus Colum- banus ascendens Luxoviense con-
gnam fuisse, ut succedentibus sibi vicissim choris, continuarentur so- lemnia divinorum, ita ut ne mo- mentum quidem diei ac noctis va- caret a laudibus.
79 Novel. 5. c. 3. ((. 5. Ρ. 45+) «- Nisi, tamen quidam eorum in con- templatione, et perfectione degentes vitam remotam habeant in hospitio : quos vocare anachoretas, id est, dis- cedentes; et hesychastas, id est, quiescentes consueverunt, &c
80 Thes. Eccles. Voce Ἡσυχαστής: (tom. I. p. 1335.) ΡΔΟΜΟΝ a cat quiesco, “in otio vivo.,... Hine ἡσυχάζων notat dvervenpesigiet .Pho- tius, Epistolam 20. p. 81, inscribit :
5 ἃ “Ὁ - rr ΜΞ
of monks. 349
other name for anchorets; but, according to Justinian’s ac- count it seems rather to mean persons who lived among the Ceenobites,-but for greater exercise were allowed to retire from the community, and live, though within the bounds of a ewno- bium, in particular cells by themselves, and those cells were called ἡσυχαστήρια upon that account. Otherwhiles monks are styled Continentes, because of their great abstinence and continent life: as in the third Council of Carthage*%?, which forbids ‘the clergy and persons professing continence to go to the virgins or widows without the leave of the bishops or pres- byters.’ So also in a law of Valentinian, in the Theodosian Code*, and other places. Sometimes again they are noted by the names, ᾿Αποταξάμενοι and Renunciantes, Renouncers, from renouncing the world and a secular life ; as in Palladius **, and Cassian*>, who particularly entitles one of his books, De Institutis Renunciantium. Sometimes they are termed Philo- sophers, as by Isidore of Pelusium 56, Palladius*7, Theodoret*S, and others, because their way of living seemed to resemble the philosophic life more than others. The author under the name of Dionysius the Areopagite seems to give them the name of Therapeute 59, though that was once a common name
᾿Αθανασίῳ μοναχῷ ἡσυχάζοντι, Atha- se volunt nomine nuncupari, &c. nasio monachoanachorete. Hinccol- % Hist. Lausiac. c.15. (Bibl. Patr.
heir, hunc non simpliciter mona- Gr. Lat. t. 2. p.917 b. 2.).... Τοῖς , Sed ἡσυχάζοντα : hoc μὲν ἤρεσκεν ὃ τοῦ ἅπαξ ἀποταξαμένου
est, quem nos dicimus anachoretam, cellam incolens solitariam se bat a κοινοβιωτῶν ἀναστροφῇ.
Hie vocatur ἡσυχαστής.
81 Archierat. ad Edict. pro Archi- mandr. observ. 2. (p. 588.) Anacho- retarum loca non _ Φροντιστήρια, vel monasteria, sed ἡσυχαστήρια dicta sunt, ut et ipsi ἡσυχασταί.
C. 25. (t.2. p. 1171 a.) Ut clerici vel continentes, ad viduas vel
virgines, nisi jussu vel permissu epi- scoporum et presb rum non ac- cedant.—— Vid. - Can. African.
e. 38. (ibid. p. to7o a. ) Κληρικοὶ ἢ ἐγκρατευόμενοι πρὸς χῆρας ἣ παρθέ- νους, εἰ μὴ κατ᾽ ἐπιτροπὴν καὶ συναί- veow τοῦ ἰδίου ἐπισκόπου ἣ τῶν πρεσ- βυτέρων, μὴ εἰσίτωσαν.
88. L. 16. tit. 2. de Episc. leg. 20. (t. 6, p. 48.) .... Qui continentium
Bios, τοῖς δὲ ὁ κοινωνικὸς πρὸς πάντας τοὺς δεομένους.
89 L. 4. (Conf. c. τ. (p. 48.) ..... Ad institutionem ejus renuntiat huic mundo, &c. Ep.
% L.1. Ep. 1.(p.1a.) Οἱ μὲν ἅγιοι τῆς μοναχικῆς φιλοσοφίας κορυφαῖοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες ἐκ τῶν ἄθλων καὶ ἀγώνων ὧν ἐτέλεσαν, καὶ τὰς προσηγορίας ἁρμοδίας τοῖς πράγμασι πρὸς νουθε- σίαν ἡμῶν καὶ σιν ἔθεντο.
57 Hist. Lausiac. c. 8. (ut supr. p.
p- 910}. 9. )"Arorov γάρ ἐστι δι᾿ ἐμὲ κρύπτεσθαί σου τὴν τοσαύτην καὶ τοι- avrny ἀρετὴν τῆς φιλοσοφίας, συνοι- κοῦντά μοι διὰ τὸν Κύριον ἐν ἁγνείᾳ.
8 LL. 4. c. 28. (v. 3. Ρ. 186. 29.) Ἦσαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν τὰς τῆς μοναχικῆς φιλοσοφίας ἀφιέντες
89 De iicrarch. E. Eccles. c. 6. part.
350 The several sorts ΠΣ
of Christians in Egypt, if the accounts of Eusebius and St. Je- rom 9 may be trusted. Palladius9! sometimes uses the term φιλοθεΐα for the monastic life, because they made a profession ef renouncing all for the love of God: and upon this account. Theodoret% gives one of his books the title of Philotheus, or Religious History, because it contains the lives of the most famous ascetics of his time. The reader will sometimes also meet with the name of Silentiarii, given to some monks in ancient history; but this was not a name of any particular order, but given to some few for their professing a more than Pythagorean silence; such as Johannes Silentiarius, who was first bishop of Colonia in Armenia but renounced his bishopric to become a monk in Palestine, where he got the name of Silentiarius, from his extraordinary silence, as Cyril® of Sey- thopolis, the writer of his Life, informs us. Though it must be noted, that the name, Stlentiart, is more commonly given to another sort of men, who were civil officers in the emperor’s palace, and served both as apparitors to execute public busi- ness, and as guards to keep the peace about him, whence they had the name of Stlentiarit, under which title they are spoken ef in the Theodosian Code 9’, which joins them and the Decu- riones together, where in Gothofred’s learned Notes the curi- ous reader may find a further account of them. Another name which the historians give to some Egyptian monks, who were deeply concerned in the disputes between Theophilus and Chrysostom, is the title of Maxpoi, or Longi; but this was peculiar to four brethren, Dioscorus, Ammonius, Eusebius, and Euthymius, who were noted by this name for no other reason,
I.n.3. Ρ. 9286. ({.1. p. 250d.) Ἔνθεν οἱ θεῖοι καθηγεμόνες ἡμῶν ἐπωνυμιῶν αὐτοὺς ἱερῶν ἠξίωσαν οἱ μὲν θερα- πευτὰς, οἱ δὲ μοναχοὺς ὀνομάζοντες, ἐκ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ καθαρᾶς ὑπηρεσίας καὶ θεραπείας, καὶ τῆς ἀμερίστου καὶ ἑνιαίας ζωῆς, κιτ.Ὰὰ,
90 See before. ch. 1. c. I. 8.1. Vv. I. p. 2. nn. 2, 3.
91 Hist. Lausiac. c. 12. (ut supr. p-914 b. 1.) Ὁ ᾿Αμμώνιος οὗτος pa- θητὴς γεγονὼς τοῦ μεγάλου ἸΠαμβὼ ἅμα τρισὶν ἀδελφοῖς ἐτέροις καὶ δυσὶν ἀδελφαῖς, εἰς ἄκρον φιλοθεΐας ἐλά- σαντες, κατειλήφασι τὴν ἔρημον, καὶ
ἀμφοτέρας τὰς μονὰς κατὰ ἰδίαν ποιή- σαντες τῶν τε ἀνδρῶν καὶ τῶν γυναι- κῶν, ὡς ἱκανὸν ἀπέχειν ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων διάστημα.
92 Φιλόθεος Ἱστορία, t. 4. (Ed. Schultz, ν. 3. part 2. p. 1099.)
589. Ap. Papebroch. Act. Sanctor. Maii13.c.12.(t.3. p.234.)Ab eo tem= pore siluit in cella, neque procedens ad ecclesiam, neque ullum omnino conveniens, spatio quatuor anno- rum, eo excepto, qui ei ministrabat, ac nisi solum Dei dedicationis, &c.
94 L. 6. tit. 23. de Decurionibus et. Silentiariis, (t. 2. pp. 125, seqq.) |
τ
ἌΡ ie νν-. - a hike Sey ae
of monks. 351
‘as Sozomen®> observes, but only because they were tall of
stature. In Sidonius Apollinaris they are sometimes called Cellulani, from their living in cells, and Insulani, Islanders, because the famous monastery in the Isle of Lerins was the place where most of the French bishops and learned men in those ages had their education. So this was a peculiar name
for the monks of Lerins.
The monasteries, beside the common names of μοναστήρια and μοναὶ, were also sometimes termed σεμνεῖα, as Suicerus%” shews out of Balsamon, and Methodius, and Suidas, though that anciently in Eusebius and Philo signified a church. They were also called ἡγουμενεῖα and μάνδραι, whence hegumenus and archimandrita are names for an abbot, who is the chief father
ofa mopastery or governor of it. And they are sometimes styled
φροντιστήρια, places of education, and schools of learning, be- cause, as 1 shew in the next chapter, they were anciently made use of to that end, and had their φροντισταὶ, or curators,
.668))....
particularly designed for that purpose.
% L. 6. c. 30. (ν. 2. p. 262. 37.) Oi Μακροὶ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ σώματος ὠνομά- ζοντο. The Historian does not mention Euthymius. Ep. ]
96 L. 9. Ep. 3. ad Faustum. (p. es a peritus Insulana- rum, quas de senatu Lirinensium Cellulanorum in urbem. . . . transtu- listii—So Eucherius ad Salon., FF Insulani tironis—And Faustus de Natali 8. Maximi, Studium Insula-
num.—See Savaro, Not.in loc. Sidon
(p. 565.) Precum peritus Insulana- rum; quibus scilicet in Insula Liri- nensi institutus est Faustus Regien- sis, de quibus Car. 16. et Hilarius Arelat. in Vita S. Honorati, Euche- rius de Laudibus Eremi, Faustus in
Homil. de Natali S. Maximi, et
Cesarius Arelat. Homil. 25. Insu- lane preces. Faustus, Et quia supe-
rius memoravimus, quam magnifice
Insulano illo studio perfectionis vias cucurrit. Eucher. ad Salonium, lib. 1. Cum te illic beatiss. Hilarii In- sulani tironis, sed jam nunc summi , doctrina formaret.—Insu-
; ‘monachi ; Fulgenti Vita, c. 15. —Ilbid. sgh sing ead.) Lirinensium cellu- upr. Ep. 17. lib. 7. Liri-
nensium patrum statuta. Carm. 16, cellulanos vocat monachos et ere- mitas. Ennod., Preceptum cum visi sunt omnes episcopi Cellulanos ha- bere, a cellis quibus se conclude- bant. Eusebius de Eremo Liri- nensi, Hec nunc habet sanctos senes illos, qui divisis cellulis Afgyptios
patres Galliis nostris intulerunt, &c.
97 [Eccles. Thes. (t. 2. p. 947.) Σεμνεῖον est locus sacer, seu sanctus, quasi dicas sanctuarium. Hesychio est ἱερὸς οἶκος, sacra domus. Philo usurpat de loco, in quo monachi τὰ τοῦ σεμνοῦ βίου μυστήρια τελοῦνται, quod et μοναστήριον. Suidas : Σε- μνεῖον" τὸ μοναστήριον, ἐν ᾧ μονού- μενοι, οἱ ἀσκηταὶ, τὰ τοῦ σεμνοῦ βίου μυστήρια τελοῦσι... . Methodius in Chronico: Μάρκος ‘6 εὐαγγελιστὴς πολλὰ μοναστήρια συνεστήσατο, ἅπερ σεμνεῖα τότε προσηγορεύθησαν... ... Balsamon ad can. 12. Concilii 2. Niceni, Ρ. 519. “Ov τρόπον ὁ δημό- σιος οὐ πολυπραγμονεῖται ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, οὕτως οὐδὲ τὰ ἱερὰ σεμνεῖα" ἣ ἡ ἡσυ- χαστήρια, μοναστήριά τε καὶ λοιπὰ
τινος τῶν τοῦ δημοσίου φροντισ-
τῶν ἀνακριθήσεται. Grischov.
Laws and rules VIL. iii. CHAP. III.
An account of such ancient laws and rules, as relate to the monastic life, chiefly that of the Ceenobites.
Thecuriales 1, Havine thus far taken a view of the several sorts of not allowed ; ᾿ .
totun monks, and their several titles, I proceed to give a short ac- monks.
count of the principal laws and rules, made partly by the joint concurrence of the civil and ecclesiastical power, and partly by the authority of private superiors, for the government of the Coenobites, or such monks as lived in communities, which were chiefly regarded in the Church. And here we must first look to the laws relating to their admission ; for all men were not allowed to turn monks at pleasure, because such an indis- criminate permission would have been to the detriment both of Church and State. Upon this account the Civil Law forbids any of the cwriales to become monks, unless they parted with their estates to some others, that might bear the offices of their country in their stead. To this purpose is that law of Valentinian and Valens, in the Theodosian Code9%, which, taking notice of some curtales, who pretended to associate themselves with the monks in Egypt, only to avoid bearing the offices of their country, orders them ‘to be fetched back from the monasteries by force, and to be compelled to do their duty in their civil station, or else to part with their estates to others that should officiate for them.’ This was agreeable to all those ancient laws, which forbad any of the curiales to be ordained among the clergy, except upon the same condition of quitting their estates to others to bear the offices of their country in their stead. And yet Baronius%9 is so offended at
98 L. 12. tit.1. de Decurionibus leg. 63. (t. 4. p. 409.) Quidam ig- navi sectatores, desertis civitatum muneribus, captant solitudines ac secreta, et specie religionis cum cce- tibus monazontOn congregantur. Hos igitur atque hujusmodi intra Aigyptum deprehensos, per comitem Orientis erui e latebris consulta pre- ceptione mandavimus, atque ad mu- nia patriarum subeunda revocari, aut pro tenore nostre sanctionis familiarum rerum carere illecebris: quos per eos censuimus vindicandas, qui publicarum essent subituri mu-
nera functionum.
99 An. 375. 0. 10. (t. 4. p. 373 δὴ) At Valens imperator, nequitia exar- descens, sic oratione Themistii visus est ab ecclesiarum persecutione ab- stinuisse, ut tamen alia via, novo excogitato preetextu, diram adversus monachos persecutionem conflarit, cum eos exutos monastica profes- sione e monasteriis, lege lata, ad militiam revocari precepit hoe ipso anno, quo Valentinianus ex hac vita sublatus est, ut S. Hieronymus habet, &c.
ee
of the monastic life. 353
this law, that he reckons it was but the preludium to a severe persecution, which Valens, shortly after the death of Valen- tinian, brought upon the monks in the East, when, as St. Jerom! and Orosius? inform us, he by another law obliged them to turn soldiers, and ordered such as refused to be bas- tinadoed to death. Gothofred® by mistake reckons this law the-very same with the former; but Mr. Pagi* corrects both him and Baronius together, and shews them to be distinct laws, and plainly to refer to different times and things ;—the one being made while Valentinian was alive, the other by Valens alone after his death;—the one a very severe law, raising a great persecution against the monks, the other laying no greater burden on them than was always laid upon the clergy by other laws, which prohibit the curiales to be or- dained®, unless they found proper substitutes to bear the offices of their country in their room. And the reason of these laws, as they referred both to the monks and clergy, was one and | the same,—that men, who by their estates were tied to the service of their country, might not exempt their estates from that service under pretence of entering into a religious life.
2. For the same reason the most ancient laws, both of Nor serv- Church and State, forbid any servant to be admitted into any 80> monastery without his master’s leave, because that was to de- master's prive his master of his legal right of service, which by the ori- een ginal state and condition of his servants was his due. To this purpose Valentinian the Third has a law, at the end of the Theodosian Code®, which equally forbids servants to become
Huc tribuni et milites
1 Chron. a 376. (t. 8. p. 815.) Valens, lege data, ut monachi mi- litarent, nolentes fustibus jussit in-
AN c. 33. t. 9 p- tap τ πο ανβς μείων tris obitum], velut vegans γτϑλ τα = dedit, ut monachi, hoc est, istiani, qui ad unum fidei opus, dimissa secularium re- rum multimoda actione, se redigunt, ad militiam cogerentur. Vastas illas tune Aigypti solitudines, arenasque diffusas, quas propter sitim ac steri- , periculosissimamque serpen- tum abundantiam, conversatio hu- mana non nosset; magna habitan- tium monachorum multitudo com-
BINGHAM, VOL. I.
pleverat. missi, qui sanctos ac veros tmilites Dei alio nomine persecutionis abs- traherent. Interfecta sunt ibi ag- mina multa sanctorum.
ὁ In Cod. Theod. 1. c. ja aa (t. 4. p. 413. col. dextr.) Maneat .
ane legem nostram eandem esse cum altera illa, neque aliam ab hac querendam.
4 Crit. in Baron. an. 818. et 13. (t. 1. p. 542.) Qui hac re sit, &c.
5 See b. 4. ch. 4. 8. 4. V. 2. p. 58.
§ Novel. 12. (t. 6. append. p. 26.) Nullus originarius, inquilinus, ser- vus, vel colonus, ad clericale munus accedat, neque monachis et mona-
Aa
nn, 12 quid de
Nor hus- bands and wives with- out mutual consent of each other.
354 Laws and rules
either clerks or monks against their master’s will, to evade the proper bonds and duties of their station. Baronius?7 has a sour reflection upon this law also; for he says, nothing ever pros- pered with Valentinian after the making of it: and yet he could not but know that the same thing had been before deter- mined by the Council of Chalcedon 8, and that, at the instance of the emperor Marcion, who himself drew up the law,-and desired the fathers in synod to make a canon of it, as appears from the Acts? of that Council.. The words of the canon are, ‘that no one shall be received into any monastery, to continue there as a monk, without the consent of his own master ;’ so little reason was there to charge Valentinian with an innova- tion in this matter, when an emperor and a general Council had determined the same before him. But Justinian cancelled all these former laws by a new edict of his own?®, which first set servants at liberty from their masters, under pretence of betaking themselves to a monastic life. So that what innova-
tion was made in this matter is justly to be ascribed to him as
its proper author.
3. Another caution which the Ancients prescribed to be ob- served in this matter was, that married persons should never betake themselves to a monastic life without mutual consent of
VIL. ii
steriis aggregetur, ut vinculum de- bite conditionis evadat.
7 An. 452. (t. 6. p. 182 ¢.)...Sed et vetuit curiales clericos ordinari, vel monachos fieri, similiter et ori- ginarios, inquilinos, colonos, et ser- vos. Hec quidem Valentinianus turpiter Rome promulgat: sed quam inique et impie, lata a suc- cessore Majoriano, his contraria,
sanctio demonstravit .... Quam 811-
tem male consulatur imperio, dum in ecclesiarum jura insurgunt impe- ratores, pluribus spe superius est demonstratum, et nunc graviore damno id ipsum imperatorem con- tigit experini, &c. .
8 Act. 6. (t. 4. p. 610 a.) ὋὉ θειό- τατος καὶ εὐσεβέστατος ἡμῶν δεσπό- της πρὸς τὴν ἁγίαν σύνοδον εἶπε" Τινά ἐστι κεφάλαια, ἅ τινα πρὸς τιμὴν τῆς ὑμετέρας εὐλαβείας ὑμῖν ἐφυλάξαμεν, πρέπον ἡγησάμενοι, παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ταῦτα κανονικῶς κατὰ σύνοδον τυπωθῆναι, ἢ
«ly a € ΄ Ν \ νόμοις θεσπισθῆναι ἡμετέροις" καὶ
κατὰ κέλευσιν τοῦ θειοτάτου καὶ ev- σεβεστάτου ἡμῶν δεσπότου, Βερονι- κιανὸς 6 καθωσιωμένος σηκρητάριος τοῦ θείου κονσιστορίου τὰ κεφάλαια ἀνέγνω οὕτω, κ. τ. A.—Ibid. c. 1. (c.) ... Μήτε μὲν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν τοὺς μο- νάζοντας δέχεσθαι ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτῶν μο- ναστηρίοις δούλους, ἢ ἐναπογράφους, παρὰ γνώμην τῶν δεσποτῶν.
9 Act. 15. 6. 4. (ibid. p. 758 c.) Μηδένα δὲ προσδέχεσθαι ἐν τοῖς μο- ναστηρίοις δοῦλον ἐπὶ τῷ μονάσαι παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἰδίου δεσπότου.
10 Novel. 5. c. 2. (t. 5. p. 42.) Et dum triennio toto ita permanserint, optimos’ semetipsos, et tolerabiles aliis monachis et presuli demon- strantes, hos monasticam promereri vestem atque tonsuram : et sive li- beri sint sine calumnia permanere, sive servi, penitus non inquietari migrantes ad communem omnium, dicimus autem ccelestem, Domi- num : et arripiantur in libertatem.
— se ἡ χὰ.
63:
of the monastic life. 355
_ both parties. Thus Ammus and his wife acted by consent, as
Socrates" and Palladius'? relate the story. And so Martinia- nus and Maxima, mentioned by Victor Paulinus’, bishop of Nola, and Therasia his wife, by mutual consent. But Pauli- nus" inveighs severely against the contrary practice, blaming Celantia and others, who indiscreetly dissolved their marriage- ow, and thereby exposed their husbands to the sin of adul- tery, making themselves partakers in their guilt, by acting against the rule of the Apostle, which says, “ The wife hath not power of her own body, but the husband; and likewise also the husband hath not power of his own body, but the wife.” St. Austin!» argues upon the same ground, " that such engage- ments are not to be made but by mutual consent ; and if either party inconsiderately enter into any such vow, they are rather to repent of their rashness than perform their promise.’ This was his constant sense, as appears from other places'® of his
Christo ego, O Martiniane frater,
Ἦ Γ, 4. c. 23. (v. 2. p. 237. 15.) v, membra mei corporis dedicavi, nec
Οὐ πολλοῦ δὲ παραδραμόντος καιροῦ,
ἡ ve ς καὶ ἀμόλυντος τοιάδε πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αμμοῦν ἔλεξεν Οὐ πρέπον, ἔφη, ἀσκοῦντί σοι σωφροσύνην, ὁρᾷν ἐν τοσούτῳ οἰκήματι θήλειαν" διὰ εἰ δοκεῖ, ἕκαστος ἰδίᾳ τὴν ἄσκησιν ποιη-
ὕ πάλιν αἱ συνθῆκαι
σώμεθα' αὗται pager ἀμφοτέροις" καὶ χωρισθέντες it ἀλλήλων, οὕτω τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ
βίου eee , κιτ.λ. 12 | Hist. Lausiac. c. 7. (Bibl. Patr.
Gr.-Lat. t. 2. p. 909.) Ep.] _ 18 De Persecut. Vandal. 1. 1. ap. Bibl. Magn. 1580. t. 7. (Bibl. Max. t. 8. p.677 ἢ. 15.) Quia Martinianus τίς erat, et Domino suo sa- tis videbatur tus, et Maxima universe domui dominabatur, cre- didit Vandalus, ut fideles sibi magis memoratos faceret famulos, Mar- tinianum Maximamque conjugali consortio sociare. artinianus ad-
“olescentulorum secularium more
conjugium yee : P seme namque, jam Deo sacrata, humanas nuptias refutabat. At ubi ventum est, ut cubiculi adirentur secreta silentia, et Martinianus, nesciens quid de illo decreverat Deus, mari- tali fiducia quasi cum conjuge cu- peret cubitare, vivaci voce memo- rata famula Christi respondit :
possum humanum sortiri conjugi- um, habens jam celestem et verum sponsum; sed dabo consilium: si velis, poteris et ipse tibi preestare cum licet, ut, cul ego concupivi, de- lecteris et #pse servire. Ita factum est, Domino procurante, ut obedi- ens virgini etiam adolescens suam animam lucraretur.
14 Ep. 14. [al. 148.] ad Celant. int. Ep. Hieron. (t. 1. p. 1101 c.) Multa jam per hujuscemodi igno- rantiam et audivimus et vidimus scissa conjugia; quodque recordari piget, occasione castitatis adulteri- um perpetratum, &c.
13 Ep. 45. [al. 127.] ad Armentar. et Paulin. (t. 2. p. 376 g.) Nam et vovenda talia non sunt a conjugatis, nisi ex consensu et voluntate com- muni. Et si prepropere factum fu- erit, magis est corrigenda temeritas quam persolvenda promissio.
16 Ep. 199. tal 262.] ad Ecdiec. (t. 2. p. 889 ἢ.) Neque enim cor-
ris tui debito fraudandus fuit vir tuus} prius quam ad illud bo- num, quod superat pudicitiam con- jugalem, tue voluntati voluntas quoque ejus accederet: &c.
Aaz2
956 Laws and rules VIL. i
writings: and herein St. Jerom!7, St. Basil!8, and all the An- cients agree, except Theonas in Cassian!9, who, having for- saken his wife to turn monk, is said to have done it with the approbation of the fathers in Scethis, though Cassian himself dares not undertake to excuse it, as knowing it to have been against the general sense and practice of the Catholic Church. Justinian indeed gave some encouragement to this unwarrant- able practice by a law2°, wherein he authorizes the deserting party, man or woman, to claim their own fortune again, and not to be liable to the least punishment for their desertion. But the Church never approved of this law; and it is re- marked, even by Bellarmin himself?', that Gregory the Great
wrote against it.
17 Hieron. Ep. 46. [al. 122.] ad Rustic. De non divellendo matri- monio sine utriusque consensu. (t. τ. p. 892 6.) Narravit mihi uxor quondam tua, nunc soror atque conserva, quod juxta preceptum Apostoli, ex consensu abstinueritis vos ab opere nuptiarum.
18 Regul. Major. queest. 12. (t. 2. part. I. p. 494 b. ) Kal τοὺς ἐν συζυ- γίᾳ δὲ γάμου τοιούτῳ βίῳ προσερχο- μένους ἀνακρίνεσθαι δεῖ, εἰ ἐκ συμ- φώνου τοῦτο ποιοῦσι κατὰ τὴν διατα- γὴν τοῦ ᾿Αποστόλου" τοῦ γὰρ ἰδίου σώματός, φηδιν, οὐκ ἐξουσιάζει' καὶ οὕτως ἐπὶ πλειόνων μαρτύρων δέχε- σθαι τὸν προσερχόμενον' τῆς γὰρ πρὸς Θεὸν ὑπακοῆς οὐδὲν προτιμό- τερον. ᾿ 19 Collat. 21. c. 9. (p. 559.) Cum ergo his atque hujusmodi verbis muliebris non flecteretur intentio, et in eadem obstinationis duritia permaneret, Si ego, inquit beatus Theonas, te abstrahere a morte non possum, nec tu me separabis a Christo. Tutius est autem mihi cum homine, quam cum Deo ha- bere divortium. Aspirante itaque gratia Dei, definitionis suz execu- tionem instanter aggressus est, nec intepescere per aliquam moram de- siderii sui passus est ardorem ; nam confestim, omni mundana facultate nudatus, ad monasterium pervola- vit.—Ibid. c. το. (p. 560.) Nemo au- tem existimet nos hc ad provo- canda conjugiorum divortia texu-
isse, qui non solum nuptias minime condemnamus, verum etiam aposto- licam sequentes sententiam dici- mus, Honorabile connubium in om- nibus et thorus immaculatus, sed ut lectori initium conversionis, quo tantus ille vir Deo dicatus est, fide- liter panderemus ; a quo, bona gra- tia, hoc primum deposco, ut sive hoc ei placeat, sive displiceat, me quoquo modo a calumnia alienum esse concedens, in suo hoc facto, aut laudet aut reprehendat aucto- rem. Ego autem, qui non meam su- per hac re sententiam- prompsi, sed rei geste historiam. simplici narra- tione complexus sum, equum est, ut sicut mihi de eorum, qui hoc factum probant; laude nihil ven- dico, ita eorum, qui id improbant, non pulser invidia.
20 Cod. 1. 1. tit. 3. de Episc. et Cler. leg. 52. (t. 4. p- 136. sub med.) "Er θεσπίζομεν᾽ εἴτε ἀνὴρ ἐπὶ μονήρη βίον ἐλθεῖν βουληθείη, εἴτε γυνὴ τὸν ἄνδρα καταλιποῦσα πρὸς ἄσκησιν ἔλ- θοι, μὴ τοῦτο αὐτὸ ζημίας παρέχειν πρόφασιν" ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν οἰκεῖα πάντως λαμβάνειν" ὥστε τῇ γυναικὶ τὴν προῖκα εἶναι λαβεῖν τὴν αὐτῆς" καὶ τὴν πρὸ γάμου δωρεὰν τῷ συνοικήσαντι" τὸ δὲ ἐκ τούτου κέρδος, μὴ κατὰ τὴν ἐκ ῥε- πουδίου διάζευξιν ἐκδικεῖν, ἢ μένειν παρὰ τῷ μὴ ἀποταξαμένῳ, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὸ ἐκ θανάτου σύμφωνον' οἷα δοκοῦν- τος τοῦ ἀφισταμένου τῷ τῆς μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων διαίτης ἀναχωρεῖν τῷ γε ἐπὶ τῷ συνοικεσίῳ τεθνᾶναι., διὰ τὸ τῷ
83,4, 5. 357
_ 4, It was anciently also thought unreasonable to admit chil- _ = dren into the monastic life without or against the consent of eee Ἢ their parents..-The Council of Gangra?? seems to reflect on nae this practice, as encouraged by Eustathius the heretic, in a rents. canon, which decrees, ‘ that if any children, under pretence of religion, forsook their parents, and did not give them the ho-
nour due to them, they should be anathematized.’ St. Basil’s directions’ are conformable to the rule of that Council, ‘ that children should not be received into monasteries, unless they
were offered by their parents, if their parents were alive.’ But Justinian a little enervated the force of this ancient rule by a
new law‘, ‘forbidding parents to hinder their children from becoming monks or clerks, and evacuating their wills, if they presumed to disinherit them upon that account.’ And this
seems to have been the first step toward the contrary practice;
which some learned writers?> of the Romish Church have been
so far from approving, that they have with the utmost zeal
and yehemence declaimed against it, as repugnant to the laws
of reason and Scripture, and the general practice of the pri-
mitive Church.
_ 5. Nor was it only the parent’s right that was to be consi- Children, dered in this case, but also the right that every person is Pet ey presumed to have in himself; for if a parent offered a child their pa- before he was capable of giving his own consent, the act was peg ea of no force, unless a child confirmed it voluntarily when he pear
came to years of discretion; which the second Council of their own consent.
of the monastic life.
συνοικήσαντι παντελῶς ἄχρηστον εἷ-
ναι, K.T.A.
_ 31 De Monachis, 1. 2. c. 38. (t. 2. Ρ. 480 d.) Alter error est in altero extremo, quod nimirum matrimo- nium etiam consummatum dissol- vatur per ingressum in religionem. Ita CS esc Justinianus, Cod. de Epise. et Cler. 1. finali; et refert hanc legem Gregorius, lib. 9. epist.
3959 Ὁ. 16. (t. 2. Pp. 224 [corrige, 420] a.) Εἴ τινα τέκνα γονέων, μά- λιστα πιστῶν, ἀναχωροίη 7 εἰ θεοσεβείας, καὶ μὴ τὴν μὴ ” τιμὴν τοῖς γονεῦσιν ἀπονέμοι, προτι-
ιωμένης δηλονότι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῆς θεο- Galles, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω.
23 Regul. Major. quest. 15. (t. 2. be Ds ad μος “ἃ an.c0 10) Of παιδία] ὑπὸ γονεῖς ὄντα, παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων προσαγόμενα, ἐπὶ πολλῶν μαρτύρων δεχόμενοι, ὥστε μὴ δοῦναι ἀφορμὴν τοῖς θέλουσιν ἀφορμὴν, ἀλλὰ πᾶν ἄδικον στόμα τῶν λαλούντων κ ἡμῶν βλασφημίαν ἐπισχεθῆναι.
24 Cod. ut supr. ἢ. 20. leg. 54. (t. 4. p. 140.) Ut non liceat paren- tibus impedire, quo minus liberi eorum volentes monachi aut clerici fiant, aut eam ob solam causam ex- heredare, &c.
25 Arodius de Patr. Jur. ad Fil. (pp. 649, seqq.) Agamus itaque de votis, &c.
?
358 Laws and rules VIL. iii.
Toledo reckons to be about the age of eighteen, decreeing, ‘that all such, as were entered in their infancy by their parents into the clerical or monastic state, should be instructed in the bishop’s house till they came to that age, and then they should be interrogated, whether they intended to lead a single life or marry, that accordingly they might now resolve either to con- tinue in their present state, or betake themselves to a secular life again :᾿ which, by the decree of this Council, they had still liberty to do. And virgins had the same liberty till forty by an edict of the emperors Leo and Majorian2’ at the end of the Theodosian Code. But the fourth Council of Toledo 38. was. more severe in this respect to infant monks, for there it was. — decreed, anno 633, ‘ that whether their parents’ devotion or their own profession made them monks, both should be equally binding, and there should be no permission to return to a se-
cular life again.’
26 C. 1. (Ὁ. 4. p. 1733 a.) De his, quos voluntas parentum a primis infantiz annis in clericatus officio vel monachali posuit, [al. clericatus officio manciparit, | [pariter] statui- mus observandum, ut mox cum de- tonsi vel ministerio electorum con- traditi fuerint, in domo ecclesiz sub episcopali preesentia a preposito sibi debeant erudiri. At ubi octa- vum decimum etatis suze comple- verint annum, coram totius cleri plebisque conspectu, voluntas eo- rum de expetendo conjugio ab epi- scopo perscrutetur, &c.
27 Novel. 8. ad cale. Cod. Theod. (t.6. append. p. 36. col. sinistr.)... Unde ne per hujusmodi impietatem parentum egestas et opprobrium personis nobilibus irrogetur, et, quod precipue submovendum est, irrisionibus execrandis Omnipoten- tis Dei contrahatur offensio, edictali lege sancimus, filias, quas pater ma- terve a seculari permixtione trans- latas Christiane fidei servare pre- cepta continuata virginitate censue- rint, in beat vite proposito per- manentes, non ante suscepto hono- rato capitis velamine consecrari, quam 40. anno etatis emensz tali- bus infulis inoffensa meruerunt ob- servatione decorari, et multi tem-
This, as Spalatensis29 rightly observes, was
poris series et czlestis consuetudo servitii ad perfidam voluntatem no- vis desideriis aditum non relinquant, qui, ante definitum temporis spa- tium, sanctimonialem puellam aliis adulti sexus sui votis calentem me- moratorum quisquam parentum ve- lari fecerit atque permiserit, tertia bonorum parte multetur; eadem peena constringi etiam, que illa pa- rentibus destituta ut intra preedictz zetatis annos voluerit consecrari.
28 C. 48. [al. 49.] (t. 5. p.1717 ἃ.) Monachum aut paterna devotio aut propria professio facit. Quicquid horum fuerit alligatum, tenebit. Proinde his ad mundum revertendi [al. reverti] intercludimus aditum, et omnes [8]. omnem] ad seculum interdicimus regressus [al. regres- sum. |
29 De Republ. part. 1. 1. 2. ¢. 12. n. 29. (p. 358. 6. 10.) Immo eo pro- gressi sunt homines, humana in hoc sapientes, ut pro monachis veris et obligatis monachali vite, habendos censuerint interdum et decreverint 608 quoque, qui nullo propriz vo- luntatis arbitrio, propriave electione, sed solo parentum voto solaque eo- rum obligatione, pueri in monaste- riis esse, monachalemque habitum gestare, inveniuntur. ~ |
§ 5; 6. of the monastic life. 359
the first canon that ever was made to retain children in mon- asteries, who were only offered by their parents, without re- quiring their own consent at years of discretion.
6. The manner of admission was generally by some change Of the ton- of their habit and dress, not to signify any religious mystery, jie ar but only to express their gravity and contempt of the world. monks. . And in this, the sober part of them were always careful to ob- serve a decent mean betwixt vanity and lightness, on the one hand, and hypocritical affectations on the other. Long hair was always thought an indecency in men, and sayouring of secular vanity; and therefore they polled every monk at his admission, to distinguish him from the seculars; but they never shaved any, for fear they should look too like the priests of Isis.
This, then, was the ancient tonsure, in opposition to both those extremes. Long hair they reckoned an effeminate dress, and against the rule of the Apostle; therefore Epiphanius*° blames the Mesopotamian monks for wearing long hair against the rule of the Catholic Church; and St. Austin?! censures such under the name of criniti fratres, the long-haired brethren. St. Jerom, according to his custom, expresses himself with satire and indignation against them; for, writing to Eustochium®?, he bids her ‘ beware of such monks as affected to walk in chains, and wear long hair, and goats’-beards, and black cloaks, and go barefoot in the midst of winter; for these were but argu- ments and tokens of a devil.’ From which invective it may be easily collected that such sort of affectations in habit and dress were not approved then by wise men in the Church. But, on the other hand, the ancient tonsure was not a shaven crown;
30 Her. 80. Massal. a6. (th
81 De Oper. Monach. c, 31. (t. 6. P- 1073 a. b.) ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ ἄλλῳ
. 501 a.) Vereor in hoc vitio plura
5 ge of αὐτοὶ τίμιοι ἡμῶν
οἱ κατὰ Μεσοποταμίαν ἐν μοναστηρίοις ὑπάρχοντες, εἴτουν ῥέν- dpas = tan Pa ene
ρύγματος Trav’
icere propter quosdam crinitos fra- tres, quorum preter hoc multa et pene omnia veneramur. a c. 12. [al. 28.] (t. 1. p- 110 ὃ.) Viros quoque fuge, quos videris catenatos; quorum fceminei contra Apostolum [ aulum | crines, hircorum barba, nigrum pallium, et nudi in patientia frigoris pedes. ον omnia argumenta sunt dia-
360 Laws and rules VIL. iii.
for St. Jerom 3, St. Ambrose?*#, and others, equally inveigh against this as a ceremony of the priests of Isis; it was only an obligation on the monks and clergy to wear decent and short hair, as is evident from all the canons®> that appoint it.
As to their habit and clothing, their rules were the same, that it should be decent and grave, as became their profession; not hight and airy, nor slovenly and affected. The monks of Ta- bennesus, in Thebais, which lived under the institution of Pa- chomius, seem to have been the only monks in those days who were confined to any particular habits. Cassian has a whole book among his Institutes 86 to describe them; where he speaks of their cingula, cuculli, colobia, redimicula, palliola, or mafortes, melotes, their sheep-skins, and calige, their sandals ; all which they that are curious in this matter may find there particularly described. But he owns%? these habits were not
33 In Ezek. c. 44. (t. 5. p. 547 b.) Quod autem sequitur, Caput autem suum non radent, neque comam nu- trient, sed tondentes attondebunt ca- pita sua, perspicue demonstratur, nec rasis eapitibus, sicut sacerdotes cultoresque Isidis atque Serapidis, nos esse debere, nec rursum comam demittere, quod proprie luxurioso- rum est, barbarorumque et militan- tium, sed ut honestus habitus sacer- dotum facie demonstretur.
34 Ep. 36. [al. 58.] ad Sabin. (t. 2. p- 1013 d. n. 3.) Cum ipsi capita et supercilia sua radant, si quando Isidis suscipiunt sacra, si forte Christianus vir attentior sacrosanetz religioni vestem mutaverit, mdig- num facinus appellant.
85 Vid. C. Carth. 4. c. 44. (t. 2. p- 1203 6.) Clericus nec comam nutriat, nec barbam [radat]. [See before, book 6. chap. 4. sect. 15. Ρ. 289. n. 6.]}—C. Agathens. c. 20. ({. 4. p. 1386 c.) Clerici, qui comam nutriunt, ab archidiacono, etiamsi noluerint, inviti detondeantur.—C. Tolet. 4. c. 40. fal. 41.] (t. 5. p. 1716 d.) Omnes clerici, vel lectores, sicut levite et sacerdotes, detonso superius toto capite, inferius solam circuli coronam relinquant: non sicut huc usque in Gallicize partibus facere lectores videntur, qui pro-
lixis, ut laici comis, in solo capitis apice modicum circulum tondent. Ritus enim iste, &e.
36 L. 1. wa Habitu Monachorum. (pp. 4, seqq.
37 ibid.” τ 11. (ap. Ed. Lugdun. 1516. Item ap. Ed. Basil. 1575. ad calc. Damasceni, p. 907.) [In the
-editions of Cassian by Gazeeus or
Gazey, viz. Duaci, 1616. 2 vol. 8vo., Atrebati, (Arras) 1628. fol., Fran- cofurti s. Lipsiz, 1722, fol., and Lipsiz, 1733, fol., which last I have chiefly consulted, the eleventh and twelfth chapters of the first Book, entitled, De temperamento observan- tie, que secundum aérum qualitatem vel usum provincia sit tenenda, are omitted. Cassian, I believe, is nearly apocryphal with Romanists ; (see the Index Librorum Prohibito- rum, Rome 1770. 8vo. p. 37, at the name Buffi Benedetto, the Italian translator of the Institutes,) and possibly the liberality of chapter eleven, which I here give entire, may have led to its omission by the Benedictine editor:— Hee dicta sint, ne quid pretermisse de Ai- gyptiorum habitu videamur. Ce- terum a nobis tenenda sunt illa tantummodo, que vel locorum situs vel provinciz usus admittit. Nam neque caligis nos, neque eolobiis,
§ 6.
361
in use among the Western monks; and some of them, particu- larly the cowl and the sheep-skins, would have exposed them only to derision to have worn them. St. Jerom often speaks of the habit of monks, but he never once intimates that it was any particular garb differing from others, save only in this®, that it was a cheaper, coarser, meaner raiment than others wore, expressing their humility and contempt of the world without any singularity or affectation. For as to the affecting of black cloaks, and appearing in chains, we have heard him already express himself severely against them. And he is no less satirical? against those who wore cowls and sackcloth for their outward garment; because these were vain singularities, which religious persons ought to avoid, and rather observe a becoming mean in their habit between gaiety and slovenli- ness4°, without any notable distinction to draw the eyes of the world upon them. Palladius takes notice of some who loved to walk in chains; but he says*!, Apollo, the famous Egyptian monk, was used to inveigh severely against them. And Cassian justly blames some others as having more zeal than knowledge,
of the monastic life.
seu una tunica esse contentos hye- mis permittit asperitas: et parvis- simi cuculli velamen, vel melotis gestio, derisum potius quam edifi- cationem ullam videntibus compa-
Ep. 13. τ: 58.] ad Paulin. (ibid. p- 317 d.) Tunicam mutas cum ani- mo, nec pleno marsupio gloriosas sordes appetis, &c.—Ep. τῷ. fal. 4] ad Marcell. de Laud. Aselle. (ibid.
rabit. Quapropter illa tamen, que
ius Commemoravimus, queeque sunt et humilitate professionis nos- tre et qualitati aérum congruentia, a nobis quoque affectanda cense- mus; ut omnis summa nostri vesti- tus non in novitate habitus, qui possit offendiculum hominibus se- culi hujus inferre, sed honesta in utilitate consistat.—This extract is made from a black letter copy of Cassian, Lugdun. 1516. fol., in the Bodleian Library. I have also seen the chapters in question in Basa’s edition, Lugduni 1606. 8vo., dedi- cated to Pope Gregory XIII. But they are omitted in the reprint of Cassian from Gazey’s edition in the or mp Maxima, Lugdun. 1677.
Ep. 4. [al. 125.] ad Rustic. (t. 1. p. 930 b.) Sordidz vestes can- didz mentis indicia sunt: vilis tu- nica contemptum szculi prebet.—
127 d.) Tunica fusciore induta [al. tunicam fusciorem induta] se re- pente Dominz consecravit.
39 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 12. [al. 27.) (ibid. p. 110 b.) Sunt que ci- liciis vestiuntur et cucullis fabre- factis : ut ad infantiam redeant, imi- tantur noctuas et bubones.
40 Ibid. paul. ant. (p. 109 d.) Vestis sit nec satis munda, nec sordida, et nulla diversitate nota- bilis: ne ad te obviam pretereun- tium turba consistat, aut [al. et] digito demonstreris.
41 Hist. Lausiac. c. 52. (ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr.—Lat. t. 2. p. 985 ¢- 4.) ᾿Εμέμφετο δὲ a τοὺς τὰ σι-
ρα ροντας καὶ τοὺς κομῶντας" τ A ἐνδεικνύουσί, φησι, καὶ ἀν- θρωπαρέσκειαν θηρῶσι' δέον αὐτοὺς μᾶλλον νηστείαις ae rd wines καὶ ἐν κρυπτῷ τὸ καλὸν πράττειν" o δὲ οὐ τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἑαυτοὺς φα- νεροὺς καθιστῶσι.
362 Laws and rules VIL. iii.
because they, literally interpreting that saying of our Saviour, “he, that taketh not up his cross. and followeth me, is not worthy of me,” made themselves wooden crosses, and carried them continually about their necks; which, as he rightly ob- serves #2, was not to edify, but raise the laughter of all spec- tators.’ Such affectations were generally condemned by the Ancients, and it was only the ignorant or superstitious that ap- proved them. So that upon the whole matter it appears that the Western monks used only a common habit, the philosophic pallium, which many other Christians in those times did ; whence, as I have noted in another place*?, the Heathens called Christians Greeks and Impostors; and sometimes the looser sort of Christians gaye monks the same name for the same reason, as St. Jerom4+ seems to intimate, when he says, ‘if aman did not wear silk, he was reckoned a monk; if he did not appear in gay clothing, he was presently termed a Greek and impostor.’ And Salvian*> reflects on the African people, and especially those of Carthage, for the same treat- ment of them; for he says, ‘they could scarce ever see a man with short hair, and a pale face, and habited in a pallium,’ that is, a monk, ‘ without bestowing some reviling and re- proachful language on him.’ These words of Salvian I take to be an exact description of their ancient habit and tonsure.
No solemn ἢ. As to any solemn vow or profession required at their ad-
με δι ve. Mission, we find no such thing; for it was not yet the practice
— of of those ages; but whatever was done in that kind was only a private transaction between God and themselves. St. Basil 4
42 Collat. 8. c. 3. (p. 336.) Quod quidam districtissimi monachorum, habentes quidem zelum Dei sed non secundum scientiam, simplici- ter intelligentes, fecerunt sibi cruces ligneas, easque jugiter humeris cir- cumferentes, non edificationem, sed risum cunctis videntibus apt eb:
43 B. 1. ch. 2. 8. 4. v. 1. p. 15.
44 Ep. 23. [al. 38.] ad 'Mixooll (t.1. Ρ. 174 a.) Nos, quia serica veste non utimur, monachi judica- mur. ....Si tunica non canduerit, statim illud de trivio, Impostor et Grecus est.
4) De Gubernat. 1. 8. n. 4. p. 295. (p. 181.)...Intra Africee civitates, et
maxime intra Carthaginis muros, palliatum et pallidium, et recisis comarum fluentium jubis usque ad cutem tonsum videre, tam infelix ille populus, quam infidelis, sine convicio atque execratione vix pot- erat.
46 Ep. Canon. c. 19. (CC. t. 2. Ρ. 1733 na ) ᾿Ανδρῶν δὲ ὁμολογίας οὐκ ἔγνωμεν, πλὴν εἰ μή τινες ἑαυτοὺς τῷ τάγματι τῶν ᾿μοναζόντων ἐγκατηρίθμη- σαν" οἵ κατὰ τὸ CtoTr ὦμενον δοκοῦσ᾽ t παραδεδέχθαι [8]. _ παραδέχεσθαι] τὴν ἀγαμίαν' πλὴν καὶ €7 ἐκείνων, ἐκεῖνο ἡγοῦμαι προηγεῖσθαι προσήκειν, ἐρω- τᾶσθαι αὐτοὺς, καὶ λαμβάνεσθαι τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁμολογίαν ἐναργῆ.
§ 7, 8. 363
says plainly, ‘that there was no express promise of celibacy taken of any, but they seemed only to promise it tacitly by becoming monks.’ He advises, indeed, that a profession should be required of them for the future; but that implies, that as yet no such promise had been exacted before. There were some monks that lived in a married state, as appears from what has been alleged from Athanasius and St. Austin in the foregoing chapter‘? ; and it is certain a promise of celibacy could not be exacted of them. And for others that lived in communities, their way of admission was not upon any explicit promise, but a triennial probation, during which time they were inured to the exercises of the monastic life in the greatest severity ; and if, after that term was expired, they liked to continue the same exercises, they were then admitted without any further ceremony or solemnity into the community, to cohabit as proper members of it. This was the method pre- seribed by the rule of Pachomius, the father of the monks of Tabennesus, from which all others took their model, as the reader may find in Palladius‘* and Sozomen‘9, where the rule is at large recited.
__ 8, There was as yet no solemn vow of poverty required nei- What ther; though it was customary for men voluntarily to renounce "eent Py the world by disposing of their own estates to charitable uses, manciation before they entered into a community, where they were to Ὁ enjoy all things in common. Thus Hilarion divided all his sub- stance between his brethren and the poor, reserving nothing to himself, as St. Jerom*° and Sozomen®! report of him. And Paulinus, a rich senator’s son, with his wife Therasia, by mu- tual consent disposed of both their estates, which were very great, to the poor, and then betook themselves to a monastic life at Nola, where Paulinus, after he was made bishop of the
of the monastic life.
Sei
47 §. 6. 50 Vit. Hilar. c. 3. (t. 2. p. 14 d.)
mv ς
᾿ἰσάπα ᾿ “oup- εἰς ἀδύτων αὐτὸν οὐ δέξη" ἀλλ᾽ ἐργατικώ- τέρα ἔργα ποιήσας, οὕτως εἰς τὸ στά- dior ἐ μετὰ τὴν τριετίαν.
4 . 6,14. tot. (v. 2. pp. 110, sega.) “Ἀρέομαι δὲ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου, K. τι ἡ,
Reversus est cum quibusdam mo- nachis ad patriam, et, parentibus jam defunctis, partem substantiz fratribus, partem pauperibus largi- tus est, nihil sibi omnmino reservans. δ] L. 3. 6. 14. (ν. 2. Pp. 114. 14.) Καταλαβὼν δὲ τελευτήσαντας. τοὺς πατέρας εἰς τοὺς “ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τοὺς δεομένους τὴν οὐσίαν διένειμεν.
364 Laws and rules VIL. iii.
place, continued the same voluntary poverty still; insomuch that St. Austin»? says of him, ‘ that when the Goths were ra- vaging and plundering the town, he made this prayer to God; Domine, ne excrucier propter aurum et argentum; ubi enim sint omnia mea, tu scis.—Lord, let not the barbarians tor- ture me for my silver or gold, for thou knowest where all my treasure ts. Such instances of voluntary poverty are every- where obvious in ancient history. But then one thing they were very careful to avoid in those early times, that is, that when they had once renounced their own estates, they did not afterward seek to enrich themselves, or their monasteries, by begging or accepting the estates of others. It was a remark- able answer to this purpose, which Isaac Syrus, bishop of Ni- neveh, is said 58 to have given to his monks, when they desired him to receive some lands that were offered him for the use of his monastery; he replied, Monachus, qui in terra possessio- nes querit, monachus non est.—A monk, that seeks for pos- sessions in the earth, ts not a monk. The Western monks were not always precise to this rule, as appears from the com- plaints of St. Jerom> and Cassian**, and some imperial laws*®
52 De Civit. Dei, 1.1. c. 10. (t. 7. liaris magis aucta quam imminuta.
p.- 11d.) Unde Paulinus noster, Nolensis [al. Nolanus] episcopus, ex opulentissimo divite voluntate pauperrimus et copiosissime sanc- tus, quando et ipsam Nolam bar- bari vastaverunt, cum ab eis tene- retur, sic in corde suo, ut ab eo postea cognovimus, precabatur 5 Domine, ne excrucier propter au- rum et argentum, &c.
53 Vid. Cave, Hist. Liter. (v. 2. p. 184.) Isaac, natione Syrus, urbis Ninives episcopus.....muhi certe in nullo magis memorabilis, quam quod monachos suos ipsum humi- liter hortantes, ut in usum monas- terii possessiones, que oblatz erant, acciperent, simplici hoc responso refellit : Monachus, qui in terra pos- sessiones querit, monachus non est.
54 Ep. 4. [al. 125.] ad Rustic. (t. 1. p. 937 b.) Vidi ego quosdam, qui, postquam renuntiavere szculo, vestimentis duntaxat et vocis pro- fessione, non rebus, nihil de pristina conversatione mutarunt. Res fami-
Eadem ministeria servulorum, idem apparatus convivii. In vitro et pa- tella fictili aurum comeditur, et in- ter turbas et examina ministrorum nomen sibi vendicant solitarii. — Ep. 3. [al. 60. c. 11.] ad Heliodor. (ibid. p. 337d.) Alii...sint ditiores monachi, quam fuerant seculares : possideant opes sub Christo pau- pere, quas sub locuplete Diabolo non habuerant; ut suspiret eos ec- clesia divites, quos mundus antea tenuit mendicos.
55 Instit. 1. 4. c. 15. (p. 58.) Ad hee nos miserabiles quid dicemus, qui in ccenobiis commorantes, ac sub abbatis cura et solicitudine constituti, peculiares circumferimus claves, omnique professionis nostre verecundia et confusione calcata, etiam annulos, quibus_ recondita presignemus, in digitis palam ges- tare nos non pudet, quibus non so- lum cistelle vel sport, sed ne arcee quidem vel armaria, ad ea que con- gerimus, vel que egressi de szeculo
8.
of the monastic life. 365
made to restrain their avarice. But the monks of Egypt were generally just to their own pretensions ; their monasteries had no lands or revenues belonging to them, nor would they have any, nor suffer any monk to enjoy more than was necessary for his daily subsistence. For they thought it a contradiction to their profession that men who made a show of renouncing the world should grow rich in monasteries, who perhaps were
poor before they came thither. And therefore, if ever they re-
ceived any donation, it was not for their own use, but the use of the poor. Nay, they would not suffer any monk to enjoy any thing to call it his own; but in a community they would have all things in common. And therefore St. Jerom*? tells a remarkable story of one of the monks of Nitria in Egypt, how he was punished for hoarding up but an hundred shillings as his own property, which he had saved out of his daily labour. At his death, when the thing came to be discovered, a council of all the monks was called to advise what should be done with the money; and they were about five thousand who met at this consultation. Some said it should be distributed among the poor; others, that it should be given to the Church; and others, that it should be remitted to his parents. But Maca-
reservavimus, condenda sufticiunt. Quique ita nonnunquam pro vilis- simis nullisque rebus accedimur, eas duntaxat velut proprias vendi- cantes, ut si quis vel digito quic-
ex his contrectare presum- pserit, tanta contra eum iracundia suppleamur, ut commotionem cor- dis nostri ne a labiis quidem ac tota corporis indignatione revocare
possimus.
56 Vid. Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episc. leg. 20. (t. 6. p. 48.) Ecclesiastici, aut ex ecclesiasticis, vel qui Continentium se volunt no- mine nuncupari, viduarum ac pupil- larum domos non adeant : sed pub- licis exterminentur judiciis, si post- hac eos ad fines earum vel propinqui putaverint deferendos. nsemus etiam, ut memorati nihil de ejus mulieris, cui se privatim sub pre- textu religionis adjunxerint, libera- litate qnacunque, vel extremo judi- cio possint adipisci: et omne in tantum inefficax sit, quod alicui ho-
rum ab his fuerit derelictum, ut nec per subjectam personam valeant ali- quid, vel donatione, vel testamento,
reipere.
a a ec. ad Eustoch. c. 14. [al. 33.] (t. 1. p.116 b.) Quod ante non lures annos Nitrize gestum sit, re- eramus. Quidam ex fratribus par- cior magis quam avarior, et nesciens triginta argenteis Dominum vendi- tum, centum solidos, quos lino tex- endo acquisierat, moriens dereliquit. Initum est inter monachos consi- lium, (nam in eodem loco circiter quinque millia divisis cellulis habi- tabant, ) quid [hinc] facto opus esset. Alii pauperibus distribuendos esse dicebant; alii dandos ecclesiz ; non- nulli parentibus remittendos. Ma- carius vero, et Pambo, et Isidorus, et ceeteri quos Patres vocant, sancto in eis loquente Spiritu, decreverunt infodiendos esse cum eodem, [8]. domino suo,] dicentes, Pecunia tua tecum sit in perditionem !
366 Laws and rules VII. i
rius, and Pambo, and Isidore, and the rest of those called fa- thers among them, decreed that it should be buried with him in his grave, saying, Thy money perish with thee! So little regard had those ancient monks for any thing more than what was necessary for their daily sustenance !
Of the dif- 9, Some indeed did not thus renounce all property, but kept ference be- : : F :
tween the their estates in their own hands, and yet enjoyed no more of renouncing them than if they had actually passed them over to others; and the ote r
communi- for they distributed their whole yearly revenue constantly to cative life.
the poor, and such charitable uses as men’s daily needs re- quired. Of this sort Palladius>? and Sozomen 59 mention one Apollonius, who kept his estate in his own possession, but ex- pended the annual income in providing physic and other ne-
eessaries for the sick monks, as there was occasion.
Palladius
also 6° speaks of two brothers, Pacesius and Esaias, sons of a
58 Hist. Lausiac. c.14. (Bibl. Patr. Gr. -Lat. t. 2. p. 916 b.) ᾿Απολλώνιός τις ὀνόματι ἀπὸ πραγματευτῶν ἀπο- ταξάμενος καὶ οἰκήσας τὸ ὄρος τῆς Νιτρίας, μήτε τέχνην. τὸ λοιπὸν μαθεῖν δυνάμενος, μήτε ἐπὶ ἄσκησιν γραφικὴν τῷ παραβεβηκέναι τὴν ἡλικίαν, ζήσας ἐν τῷ ὄρει εἴκοσι ἔτη, ταύτην ἔσχεν τὴν ἄσκησιν" ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων χρημάτων καὶ τῶν οἰκείων πόνων παντοία ἰατρικὰ
“καὶ κελλαρικὰ ἀγοράζων ἐ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξ-
ανδρείᾳ, πάσῃ τῇ ἀδελφότητι εἰς τὰς νόσους ἐπήρκει, κι τ. A.
ὅ91,. 6. C. 29. (v. 2. p. 260. 1.)
᾿Απολλώνιος δὲ, τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἐμ-
πορίαν μετιὼν, ἤδη πρὸς γῆρας ἐλαύ- νῶν, ἐπὶ τὴν Σκῆτιν ἦλθε: λογισάμενος
-δὲ ὡς οὔτε γράφειν, οὔτε ἄλλην τινὰ
τέχνην μαθεῖν οἷός τέ ἐστι διὰ τὴν
ἡλικίαν, παντοδαπῶν φαρμάκων εἴδη
‘ > -. > , Les 4 καὶ ἐδεσμάτων ἐπιτηδείων τοῖς κάμ-
'γουσιν, ἐξ οἰκείων χρημάτων ὠνούμε- vos, ἀνὰ ἑκάστην θύραν μοναστικὴν
περιήει μέχρις ἐννάτης ὥρας, ἐφορῶν τοὺς νοσοῦντας" ἐπιτηδείαν δὲ ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν ἄσκησιν εὑρὼν, ὧδε ἐπολι- τεύσατο" μέλλων δὲ τελευτᾷν, ἄλλῳ παραδοὺς ἃ εἶχεν, ἐνετείλατο τὰ αὐτὰ ποιεῖν. 60 Hist. Lausiac. c. 15. (ibid. p
916 d. }» Ἕτερός τις Πακήσιος καὶ Ἤς
'σαΐας οὕτω καλούμενοι ἀδελφοὶ ὑ ὑπῆρ-
χον πατρὸς. ἐμπόρου Σπανοδρόμου" οἵ τινες τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῶν τελευτήσαντος
ἐμερίσαντο τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἐν κινητοῖς, ἃ ἔσχον ἐν “μὲν νομίσμασι πεντακισ- χιλίοις, ἐν ἱματίοις δὲ καὶ οἰκέταις τὰ εὑρεθέντα. Οὗτοι μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἐσκέ- ψαντο, καὶ συμβουλεύοντες ἑαυτοῖς ἔλεγον πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ᾿Επὶ ποίαν μέθοδον ἔλθωμεν. βίου, ἀδελφέ: ἐὰν ἔλθωμεν ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν ἐμπορίαν, ἣν μετῆλ- θεν ὁ ὁ πατὴρ ἡμῶν, καὶ ἡμεῖς ἑτέροις ἔχομεν καταλεῖψαι τοὺς πόνους ἡμῶν" ἴσως δὲ καὶ κινδύνοις περιπεσούμεθα πάντως ἢ ληστρικοῖς ἢ θαλαττίοις" δεῦρο οὖν, ἀδελφὲ, ἐπὶ τὸν μονήρη βίον ἔλθωμεν, ἵνα καὶ τὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν κερδήσωμεν, καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἧ- μῶν μὴ ἀπολέσωμεν." ἬἭρεσεν οὖν ἀμ- φοτέροις ὁ σκοπὸς τοῦ μονήρους βίου" εὑρέθησαν οὖν ἄλλος κατ᾽ ἄλλο δια- φωνοῦντες" μερισάμενοι δὲ τὰ ᾿χρή- ματα, καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα, τοῦ μὲν σκοποῦ εἴχοντο ἕκαστος τοῦ ἀρέσαι Θεῷ, ἐνηλλαγμένῃ δὲ τῇ πολιτείᾳ. ὁ μὲν γὰρ πάντα “διασκορπίσας ἔδωκεν ἀσκητηρίοις, καὶ ἐκκλησίαις, καὶ φυ- λακαῖς" καὶ τεχνύδριον ἔμαθεν, ὅθεν τὸν ἄρτον πορίσηται, καὶ τῇ ἀσκήσει προσέσχεν, καὶ τῇ προσευχῇ. 6 δὲ ἕτερος τούτου μηδὲν διασκορπίσας, ἀλλὰ ποιήσας ἑαυτῷ μοναστήριον, καὶ προσλαβόμενος a ελφοὺς ὀλίγους,
πάντα ξένον ἐδεξιοῦτο, πάντα ἄρρω- στον ἐθεράπευεν, πάντα γέροντα περι-
ἐκράτει, πάντι πένητι παρεῖχεν κατὰ σάββατον καὶ κυριακὴν τρεῖς ἢ τέσ-
ᾧ 9, 10. of the monastic life. 367
rich merchant, who, betaking themselves to ἃ monastic life, disposed of their’ estates in these different ways; the one gave away his whole-estate at once to churches and prisons, and such monasteries as needed relief, and then betaking himself to a small trade for his own subsistence, he spent the rest of his life in labour and prayer; but the other kept his estate in his own possession, and therewith first building a monastery, and taking to himself a few associates, he entertained all strangers travelling that way, took care of the sick, enter- tained the aged, relieved the poor, and on every Saturday and Lord’s-day spread three or four tablés for the refreshment of such as needed. Palladius calls this rightly κοινωνικὸν βίον, the communicative life, and the other ἀποταξαμένου βίον, the life of a renouncer ; and adds®', ‘ that the question being put by some brethren to Pambo, the famous Egyptian, concerning these two brothers, whether of them took the better course ? he replied, they were both equally perfect and acceptable in the sight of God; the one imitating the hospitality of Abraham and the other the zeal of Elias.’
10. Hence it appears that the ancient monks had no regard All monks to estates and possessions; for one way or other they dis- sore eae charged themselves of the burden of them. And then, since by their monasteries had no standing revenues, all monks whatever °”” — were obliged to exercise themselves in bodily labour, partly to maintain themselves without being burdensome to others, and partly to keep their souls well guarded, and as it were out of the way of Satan’s strongest temptations. For Cassian® notes it as a very wise saying of the old Egyptian fathers, ‘ that a labouring monk was but tempted with one devil, but an idle one was exposed to the devastation of a legion.’ And therefore
σαρας τράπεζαν ee τοὺς λιπομέ- τοῖς" ay reg Arr εἰσι πρὸς τὸν = Pre a a Ψ τρόπῳ ἥνρως ὁ μὲν Αβραμιαῖον «ας κά Ἢ κλασαμσταμέ ri Chi rh 917 b. 4) Φίλονευ. ste rob Ἠλίου τὸ a ἀκαμπὲς τοῦ ἐμπεσούσης ἐπὶ lr 8 ζὥλου τῆς πρὸς Θεὸν εὐαρεστήσεως or τούτων τῶν acapley ἐνεδέξατο. Grischov. ἀδελφότητα μάλιστα, ἐπὶ τοῖς διαφό, 62 Instit. 1. το. ¢. 23. (P: 169.) pos ecg ἀπέρχονται πρὸς τὸν Hee est apud ASgyptum [ab] anti- Εν" καὶ ἅγιον Παμβὼ, καὶ ἀνα- quis Patribus sancita fal. sancta] τίθενται αὐτῷ τὴν περὶ τούτων ἐπί- sententia, Operantem monachum κρισιν, ἀξιοῦντες μαθεῖν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ uno demone pulsari; otiosum vero τὴν ἀμείνω πολιτείαν. “O δὲ λέγει αὐς innumeris spiritibus devastari.
368 VII. iw.
St. Jerom, writing to his friend Rusticus® the monk, bids him ‘be sure to exercise himself in some honest labour, that the Devil might always find him employed.’ ‘This,’ he tells him, ‘was the custom of the Egyptian monasteries, to admit none without working with their own hands, as well to supply their bodily wants as to preserve their souls from danger.’ They had then no idle mendicants among them, as Duarenus® him- self rightly observes. They looked upon a monk that did not work as no better than a covetous defrauder. For so, Socra- tes® tells us, the Egyptian fathers were used to express them- selves concerning such as eat other men’s bread for nought. We have already heard out of Bede how the monks of Ban- gor, two thousand in number, maintained themselves with their own labour. And Bishop Usher has collected a great many other instances of the same nature, in relation to the first mon- asteries of Ireland and Britam. It would be endless to pro- duce all the passages of ancient writers that relate to this matter; therefore I shall content myself to refer the reader to the places themselves, cited in the margin®, and only observe
Laws and rules
63 Ep. 4. [4]. 125.] ad Rustic. (t. 1. p. 933 d.) Facito aliquid ope- ris, ut te semper Diabolus inveniat occupatum ... Augyptiorum monas- teria hunc morem tenent, ut nul- lum absque operis labore suscipiant, non tam propter victus necessitatem quam propter anime salutem.
64 De Minister. et Benefic. 1. 1. c. 20. (p. 23.) Nec ita otio dediti erant, more pseudo-monachorum nostri temporis.
65 L. 4. c. 23. (v. 2. p. 238. 40.) ..» Movayds, εἰ μὴ ἐργάζοιτο, ἐπίσης τῷ πλεονέκτῃ κρίνεται.
66 See before, ch. 2. 8. 13. ἢ. 347.
n. 74.
οὗ Religion of the Ancient Irish, ch. 6. (Works, v. 4. p. 303.) But to leave the begging friars, &c.— See before, ch. 2. sect. 13. p. 347. n. 76.
63 Epiphan. Her. 80. Massal. n. 6. (t. 1. Ὁ. 1072c.) See b. 6. ch. 4. 8. 13. p. 284. n. 89.—Chry- sost. de Compunct. Cord. 1. 1. c. 6. (t. τ. p. 132 6.) Ὅτε καὶ πρῴην ἐγὼ ἐγνώκειν, τὴν πόλιν ἀφεὶς, ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνὰς τῶν μοναχῶν ἐλθεῖν, πο-
λὺς ἤμην τοῦτο ἐρευνῶν καὶ πολυ- πραγμονῶν, πόθεν ἡ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἔσται χορηγία... εἰ μή τις ὁ εἰς ἔργον ἐμβάλλων χαλεπὸν, οἷον, σκάπτειν, ἢ ξυλοφορεῖν κελεύων, ἢ ὑδροφορεῖν, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα τὰ τοιαῦτα ὑπηρε- τεῖν᾽ καὶ ὅλως, ὁ περὶ τῆς ἀναπαύσεως λόγος ἦν πολὺς Hyuiv.—Hieron. Ep. 76. [4]. τη.} ad Marc. Celedens. (t. 1. p- 43 c.) Nihil alicui przripui nihil otiosus accipio. Manu quotidie et proprio sudore querimus cibum, scientes ab Apostolo scriptum esse, Qui autem non operatur, nec man- ducet.—Cassian. Instit. 1. 10. c. 22. See n. 71, following.—Justin. Novel. 133. c. 6. (t. 5. p. 594.) Oportet enim duplex hoc opus monachis esse, aut divinis vacari Scripturis, aut que monachos decent, que vocant manuum opera, meditari et operari : mens enim frustra vacans nihil bonorum parit.—Cod. Justin. 1. r1. tit. 25. de Mendicant. Valid. (p. 148. ad calc.) Cunctis, quos in publicum quzstum incerta mendi- citas vocaverit, inspectis, exploretur in singulis et integritas corporum et robur annorum: atque inertibus
δ το.
9609 one thing further, that anciently monks, by the labour of their hands, did not only provide themselves of sufficient main- tenance, but had superfiuities also to relieve the necessities of others. Sozomen®? says Serapion presided over a monastery of ten thousand monks near Arsinoe in Egypt, who all thus laboured with their own hands, going to reap in the fields in the time of harvest, so that they had enough and to spare for the use of the poor; which is confirmed by St. Austin7°, who, speaking of the labour of the monks of his own time, assures us they many times sent away whole ships laden with neces- saries, to supply the needs of such countries as were exceeding barren and poor. He means the deserts of Libya, of which Cassian?* speaks, telling us, ‘ that the fathers in Egypt would never suffer their monks to receive any thing by way of main- tenance from others; but they had sufficient out of their la- bour not only to entertain strangers and travellers that came to visit them, but also to send abundance of provisions into the famished parts of Libya, and to supply the wants of men in prison in other places; reckoning that hereby they offered a reasonable and true sacrifice to God of the fruit of their own
of the monastic life.
et absque ulla debilitate miserandis necessitas inferatur, ut eorum qui- dem quos tenet conditio servilis, proditor studiosus et diligens do- minium consequatur: eorum vero,
natalium sola libertas perse-
quitur, "ge μὰ a fulciatur,
oe oa hujusmodi _lenitudinem it
ac probaverit: salva do- minis in eos actione, qui vel late-
5 forte fugitivis vel mendicitatis consilium prestiterunt.— Conf. Pallad. Hist. ‘ara cc. 7.10. 20. 28. 30. 39. 76. 89. 96. 112.— It. Mosch. Prat. Spirit. cc. 22. 114. 160. 161. 183. 194. _ L. 6. c. 28. (v. 2. p. 251. 17.) Σεραπίων περὶ τὸν ᾿Αρσενοίτην διέ-
τριβεν, ἀμφὶ τοὺς μυρίους ὑφ᾽ ἑαυ- τὸν ἔχων" πάντας ΩΣ
τὰ ἐπιτήδεια πορίζεσθαι, =
os yale Ἃ χορηγεῖν" θέρους ἐπ αὐτοῖς σῖτον ἀπετίθεντο, καὶ
μετεδίδουν. we Morib. Eccles. c. 11. (t. 1. p. 711b.) Sane quicquid necessario vic-
BINGHAM, VOL. II.
tui redundat, (nam redundat pluri- mum ex operibus manuum et epula- rum restrictione,) tanta cura egenti- bus distribuitur, quanta non ab ipsis, qui distribuunt, comparatum est. Nullo modo namque satagunt, ut hee sibi abundent ; sed omni modo agunt, ut non apud se remaneat, quod abundaverit ; usque adeo ut eatrgparel goes naves in ea loca mit- s incolunt.
petit. . 10. c. 22. (p. 166.) Non solum a nullo quicquam ad usum victus sui accipere patiuntur, sed etiam de laboribus suis non tantum supervenientes ac pe nos reficiunt [fratres}]; verum etiam pes loca Libyz, que sterilitate ac ame laborant, nec non etiam per civitates his, qui squalore carcerum contabescunt, immanem conferentes
nt alimoniz victusque sub- stantiam, de fructu manuum sua- rum, rationabile ac verum sacrifi- cium Domino tali oblatione se of- ferre credentes.
ΒΡ
VIL. iii
hands by such an oblation.’ It seems they did not then think that working was inconsistent with the other duties of a monk, but one necessary part of his office and station. And St. Austin wrote a whole book?7? to prove this to be their duty, wherein he takes occasion to answer all the plausible objections that have ever been made to the contrary.
11. Now, the better to promote this, and all their other du- ties, the monasteries were commonly divided into several parts, and proper officers appomted over them. Every ten monks were subject to one, who was called the decanus or dean, from his presiding over ten; and every hundred had another officer called centenarius, from presiding over an hundred. Above these were the patres, or fathers of the monasteries, as St. Jerom and St. Austin commonly term them; which in other writers are called abbates, abbots, from the Greek ἀββᾶς, a father; and hegumeni, presidents; and archimandrites, from mandra, a sheepfold; they being as it were the keepers or rulers of these sacred folds in the Church. The business of the deans was to exact every man’s daily task, and bring it to the economus, or steward of the house, who himself gave a monthly account to the father of them all, as St. Jerom7® and St. Austin 74 inform us.
72 De Oper. Monach. c. 17. (t. 6. p. 489 ἃ.) Quid enim agant, qui ope-
370 Laws and rules
Proper of- ficers ap- pointed in monaste- ries for this purpose ; viz. decani, centenarii, patres, &c.
da et linguas suas, cum manus ab opere non recedant? Quid ergo
raricorporaliter nolunt, cui rei vacent, scire desidero. Orationibus, inqui- unt, et psalmis, et lectioni, et verbo Dei. Sancta plane vita et in Christi suavitate laudabilis: sed si ab his avocandi non sumus, nec mandu- candum est, nec ipse esce quotidie preparande, ut possint apponi et assumi. Si autem ad ista vacare servos Dei, certis intervallis tempo- rum, ipsius infirmitatis necessitas cogit, cur non et apostolicis pre- ceptis observandis aliquas partes temporum deputamus? Citius enim exauditur una obedientis oratio, uam decem millia contemptoris. Cantica vero divina cantare etiam manibus operantes facile possunt, et ipsum laborem tanquam divino celeusmate consolari. An ignoramus omnes opifices, quibus vanitatibus et plerumque etiam turpitudinibus theatricarum fabularum donent cor-
impedit, servum Dei, manibus ope- rantem, in lege Domini meditari, et psallere nomini Domini altissimi : ita sane ut ad ea discenda, que me- moriter recolat, habeat seposita tem- pora? Ad hoc enim et illa bona opera fidelium subsidio supplendo- rum necessariorum deesse non de- bent, ut hore, quibus ad erudien- dum animum ita vacatur, ut illa opera corporaliter geri non possint, non opprimant egestate, &c.
73 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c.15. [al. 35-] (t.1. p. 118 b.) Opus diei sta- tum est, quod decano redditum, fertur ad ceconomum, qui et ipse per singulos menses patri omnium cum magno tremore reddit ratio- nem.
74 De Morib. Eccles. c. 31. (t. 1. p- 710 6.) Operantur manibus ea, quibus et corpus pasci possit, et a Deo mens impediri non possit.
571
12. The fathers were commonly of the order of presbyters, The power both for the performance of divine offices and the exercise of οἱ the & discipline among them. And their power was very consider- abbots very able: for though it was not absolute and unlimited, yet it was _ sarge seldom or never disputed by their inferiors; it being, as St. discipline Jerom?> observes, a prime part of their confederation to obey rest. their superiors, and do whatever they commanded them. And in ease of wilful transgression, they had power to inflict both Spiritual and corporal punishments on them. Their spiritual punishments were the censures of the Church, suspension from the eucharist, and excommunication. For these powers were lodged in their hands; as appears from several passages in Cassian, who often speaks7* of the abbots casting the monks out of the Church, and forbidding the rest to pray with them, - ἘΠῚ they had done a very submissive penance, prostrate upon the ground, and had been reconciled and absolved by the abbot publicly before all the brethren. He particularly notes of Paphnutius, abbot of Scethis?7, ‘that he struck a monk’s name out of the diptychs of the Church, and could scarce be prevailed with to let him be mentioned in the oblation for those that are at rest in the Lord; because he had murdered
§ 11,12. of the monastic life.
Opus autem suum tradunt eis, quos decanos vocant, eo quod sint denis prepositi, ut neminem illorum cura i is tangat, neque in cibo, neque in vestimento, neque si quid i est, vel quotidiane ne-
excellentissimi, omnibus rebus ex- celsi, nulla superbia consulunt iis, = filios vocent magna sua in ju- do auctoritate, magna illorum in obtem ὁ voluntate. 75 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [al. 35-] (t.1. p. 117 b.) Prima apud eos cederati ire majoribus, et quicquid jusserint facere.
76 Instit. 1. 2. c. 16. (p. 27.) Sane si quis pro admisso quolibet delicto fuerit ab oratione suspensus, nullus cum eo prorsus orandi habet licen- tiam, antequam, submissa in terram peenitentia, reconciliatio ejus et ad- missi venia coram fratribus cunctis publice fuerit ab abbate concessa. —Lib. 4. c. τό. (p. 58.) ... Tamdiu
rostratus in terram veniam postu- abit, donec orationum consumme- tur solemnitas, impetraturus eam, cum jussis fuerit abbatis judicio de solo surgere. — Vid. ibid. c. 20. (p- 62.) In septimana cujusdam fratris, &c.—It. Collat. 18. c. 15. (Pp. 527-) See the latter part of the ς
ἜΣ Collat. 2. ¢. 5. (; 240.)...Vix a presbytero abbate Paphnutio po- tuit obtineri, ut non, inter biothana- tos reputatus, etiam memoria et ob- latione pausantium judicaretur in- dignus.
Bb2
912. Laws and rules VIL. in. himself at the instigation of Satan, who appeared to him in the form of an angel of light, persuading him to throw himself into a deep well, with confidence that no harm could befall him for the great merit of his labours and virtues.’ -Socrates7® speaks of the like power in Arsenius, who used it, he says, with this discretion, that ‘he never excommunicated the junior monks, but only the seniors, because the juniors were likely to become more refractory by it, and contemn his discipline; but the se- niors were quickly amended by it.’ The reader may find some other instances in Palladius79 to the same purpose.
As to their corporal punishments, Cassian®° tells us they were these two, whipping and expulsion; and he particularly enumerates the crimes for which they were inflicted. Palladius also mentions the flagellum monachorum: for he says®! in the church of Mount Nitria there were three whips hanged upon three palm-trees; one for the offending monks, another for the correcting of thieves, and a third for the punishment
78 L. 4. c. 23. (v. 2. p. 238. 4.) ᾿Αρσήνιος ἄλλος τοὺς τῶν νέων πταί- σαντας οὐκ ἀφώριζεν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς προ- κόψαντας" λέγων, ὅτι ὁ νέος ἀφορι- σθεὶς καταφροτητὴς γίνεται" ὁ δὲ προκόψας τῆς ἐκ τοῦ ἀφορισμοῦ ὀδύ- ἫΝ ταχεῖαν λαμβάνει τὴν αἴσθησιν.
79 Hist. Lausiac. c. 40. (ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr.-Lat. t.2. p.958 b.) Ἔν τού- τῷ μοναστηρίῳ τῶν “γυναικῶν συνέβη πρᾶγμα τοιοῦτον. Ῥάπτης κοσμικὸς περάσας Kar ἄγνοιαν ἐζήτει ἔργον" ἐξελθοῦσα δὲ μία νεωτέρα τῶν παρθέ- νὼν λόγῳ ἑαυτῆς, (ἔρημος γάρ ἐστιν ὁ τόπος,) συνέτυχεν αὐτῷ ἀκουσίως, καὶ δέδωκεν αὐτῷ τὴν _ ἀπόκρισιν, Ὅτι ἡμεῖς ἔχομεν ῥάπτας ἡμετέρους. “AMY ἑωρακυΐα τὴν συντυχίαν ταύτην, χρό- νου παρελθόντος, γενομένης μάχης, ἐξ ὑποβολῆς τοῦ Διαβόλου, ἀπὸ πολλῆς πονηρίας καὶ ζέσεως θυμοῦ ἐσυκοφάν- τησεν ταύτην ἐπὶ τῆς ἀδελφότητος διὰ τὴν συντυχίαν 7 συνέδραμον ὀλίγαι
οὐ πολλῇ κακίᾳ φερόμεναι. ᾿Απολυπη-
θεῖσα δὲ ἐκείνη ὡς τοιαύτην. ὑποστᾶσα συκοφαντίαν, τὴν μηδὲ εἰς ἔννοιαν av~ τῆς ἀνελθοῦσαν, καὶ μὴ ἐνεγκοῦσα τὸ πρᾶγμα ἔβαλεν ἑ ἑαυτὴν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν λάθρα, καὶ ἐτελεύτησεν οὕτως. Εἰς συναίσθησιν δὲ ἐλθοῦσα ἡ συκοφαν-
τήσασα, καὶ ἑωρακυῖα ὅτι ἀπὸ rinags ae
pias ἐσυκοφάντησεν, καὶ τοῦτο εἰργά-
σατο τὸ ἄλγος τῆς ἀδελφότητος, λα- θοῦσα ἑ ἑαυτὴν ἀπήγξατο, καὶ αὕτη μὴ ἐνεγκοῦσα τὸ πρᾶγμα" ἐξελθόντος δὲ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου, ἀνήγγειλαν ταῦτα αἱ "λοιπαὶ παρθένοι. ᾿Ἐκέλευσεν οὖν τούτων μηδεμιᾷ προσφορὰν ἐπιτελε- σθῆναι" τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς ὡς συνειδυίας καὶ μὴ εἰρηνευσάσας τὴν συκοφαντῶ- σαν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον πιστευσάσας τὰ εἰρημένα, ἑπταετίαν ἀφώρισεν, ἀκοι- πασήγανν ποιήσας.
80 Collat. 2. c. 16. [corrige, Instit. 1. 4. c. 16. ] (p. 58.).... Vel plagis e- mendantur, vel expulsione purgan- tur.
81 Hist. Lausiac. c. 6. (ut supr. p. go8 d. 1.)’ Ἐν τῷ ὄρει" τούτῳ Νιτρίας, ἐκκλησία μία ἐστὶ μεγίστη. Ἔν ταύτῃ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τρεῖς φοίνικες ἱστᾶσιν, ἕκαστος ἔχων μάστιγα ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ κρε- μαμένην᾽" καὶ ὁ μέν ἐστιν εἰς ἐπιστρο- φὴν τῶν μοναχῶν τῶν πταιόντων" ὁ δὲ, εἰς τιμωρίαν λῃστῶν, ἐ ἐάν γε ἐμπέ-. σωσι tore’ ὁ δὲ, εἰς διόρθωσιν τῶν. περιτυγχανόντων καὶ ἐμπεπτωκότων οἵ--. οιἰσδήποτε σφάλμασιν᾽ ὡς πάντας τοὺς πταίοντας, καὶ διελεγχομένους, καὶ ὑπευθύνους πληγῶν καθεστῶτας, περι-- λαμβάνειν τὸν φοίνικα, καὶ λαμβάνον- τας κατὰ νώτου ῥητας [πληγὰς] ov- τῶς ἀπολύεσθαι.
§ 12, 13. of the monastic life. 873 ef strangers, whom they entertained in an hospital adjoining. But as yet we read nothing of voluntary whipping of them- selves by way of exercise: that is a later invention of the mo- dern monks, whom Spondanus*? and Prateolus*? themselves eannot forbear ranking among heretics; and a late French writer has more fully exposed them in a discourse on purpose, entitled Historia Flagellantium **, to which I refer the curious reader. 13. The abbots, or fathers, were also of great repute in the Allowed
Church. For many times they were called to Councils, and ™S° sm allowed to sit and vote there in the quality of presbyters; as privileges Benedict, in the Council of Rome, under Boniface the Second, At anno 531; which I relate upon the authority of Dr. Cave 35, who
| has it from Antonius Scipio, in his Zlogiwm Abbatum Cassi-
) nensium. The like privilege we find allowed in the Council
| of Constantinople, under Flavian, anno 448, where twenty-three
) archimandrites subscribe with thirty bishops to the condemna-
᾿ tion of Eutyches, as appears from the Fragments of that Coun-
; ceil, related in the Council of Chalcedon*®, But it is justly
noted by learned men 87 as a new thing, to find abbesses, as well
as abbots, subscribing in the Council of Becanfeld, in Kent,
anno 694, and that before both presbyters and temporal lords,
as the author of the Saxon Chronicle** reports it. For this is
a a a aE τυ».
82 Continuat. Baron. an.1349. ἢ. nentes, epistola quadam divinitus
2. (t. 1. p. 500.) .. Surrexit hoc ipso anno, et in sequentem prop ta est, nova quedam secta Flagellatorum sive tium dicta, vel etiam Cruciferorum, quod et preeuntibus crucibus Sothdarint, et cruces sin- guli manu tarent, crucibusque rubris insignirentur in vestibus, ca- se et capillis a fronte et a tergo.
i ex Hungaria ortum ducentes, brevi per totam Germaniam supe- riorem et inferiorem, Poloniam, Gal. liam, Angliam, aliasque regiones turmatim sese diffuderunt, viri pari- ter ac once a — πον nus corporibus, bis e die, sed Sales Matploailce, a clam de nocte, nodosis et aculeatis funiculis ad sanguinem usque flagellantes se- se et invicem, divinamque clemen- tiam miserabilibus vocibus sua qui-
lin implorantes, seseque in Gram Gs modum crucifixi proster-
ae ad hee se invitatos jactantes, c.
83 Elench. Heereticor. 1.6. ¢.8. (p. 183.) Flagellantium heresis in Ita- lia primum orta, &c.
84 Paris. 1700. 8vo.
85 Hist. Liter. (v. 1. p. 402.) anno 531. a Bonifacio Il. Romam ad Sy- nodum evocatus est; eo majorem synodo auctoritatem presentia sua conciliaturus ; quod ex Bibliothece Vaticane codice refert Antonius Scipio, monachus Cassinensis.
Act.1. (t. 4. Ρ. 230 6. seqq.) Kai μετὰ τὸ ἀν σθῆναι, κ.τ.λ.
87 Cave, Hist. Liter. (ν. 2. p. 240.) Decreto synodico subscribunt, id- que ante presbyteros proceresque seculares, abbatisse; exemplo plane novo, et hactenus, quod sciam, in- audito.
88 An. 694. (p. 48.) Ubi primum rex esset (Wihtredus, sive Withre-
374 Laws and rules
VIL. iii.
the first time we meet with any such thing in the records of the ancient Church.
14, But though such power and privileges were granted to abbots, yet neither they nor their monasteries were as yet exempt from the jurisdiction of bishops. For by the ancient laws, both ecclesiastical and civil, no monastery was to be erected in any place without the leave of the bishop of the diocese. This was one of those things which the emperor Mar- cian proposed to the Council of Chalcedon, and at his request it was there enacted into a canon 89, ‘that no one should build either monastery or oratory without the consent of the bishop of the city or country where it was to be erected.’ And by Justinian’s law 90 the bishop was to make a sort of consecration of the ground, before they went to buildmg. It is further provided in the fore-mentioned canon, ‘ that all monks shall be subject to the bishop of the diocese, and give attendance to their own proper duties of fasting and prayer, not intermeddling themselves either in ecclesiastical or secular affairs, except upon great and urgent necessity, and that by the permission of the
Yet always subordi- nate to the power of bishops.
bishop of the city or diocese to which they belonged.’ But I have already had occasion to speak of this matter
dus) jussit cogi magnum concilium in locum, qui dictus est Baccan- celde. Ei interfuit Wihtredus, Can- twarorum rex, et Archiepiscopus Cantwarensis Brihtwaldus, et ‘To- bias episcopus de Hroveceaster, et cum 115 abbates et abbatissz, mul- tique viri prudentes, ὅς. Gibson’s Translation of the original Saxon. [See also Spelman, t. 1. (p. 190.)
Ego Withredus, auxilio Christi, his legibus constitutis pro me et Wer- burga regina, itemque pro filio nostro Alirico, subscripsi.
Ego. Berthuvald, gratia Dei archi- episcopus, his legibus a nobis con- stitutis subscripsi.
Signum manus Ethelbarti pro se et fratre suo, Eadlerto.
Signum manus Tobie episcopi.
Signum manus Mildrede, abbatissz.
Signum manus Ethelride, abbatissz.
Signum manus Aetz, abbatissze.
Signum manus Wilnode, abbatissx.
Signum manus Herelwidee, abbatis- 886.
Signum manus Redempti, presbyteri. Signum manus Eastwaldi, presbyteri, ὥς. Ep.]
89 C. 4. (t.4. p.758 b.) Ἔδοξεν μη- δένα μηδαμοῦ οἰκοδομεῖν, μηδὲ συνι- στᾷν μοναστήριον ἢ εὐκτήριον οἶκον παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ τῆς πόλεως ἐπισκό- που.
Novel. 5.6.1. (t.5. P. 41. ad calc.) Illud igitur ante alia dicendum est, ut omni tempore, et in omni terra, si quis zdificare venerabile monaste- rium voluerit; non prius licentiam esse hoc agendi, quam Deo amabi- lem locorum episcopum advocet: et ille manus extendat ad ccelum, et per orationem locum consecret Deo, figens in eo salutis nostre signum :
. Sicque inchoet edificum, &c.— Novel. 1321. 6. 7. (t. 5. p» 584.) Si quis autem voluerit fabricare vene- rabile oratorium, aut. monasterium, precipimus non aliter inchoandam fabricam, nisi locorum sanctissimus episcopus orationem ibi fecerit et ve- nerabilem fixerit crucem.
es
" —.
of the monastic life. 375 more fully in another place%; I shall therefore here only
observe two or three mistakes committed by some modern
authors in their descants upon the words of Bede, which are commonly alleged to prove the contrary. In one place Bede™, speaking of the Isle of Huy, and the monastery founded there
_ by Columba, says, ‘the island was always governed by a
presbyter-abbot, under whose power the whole province, and the bishops also, were subjected, after an unusual manner, pur- suant to the example of the first founder, who was not a bishop, but only a presbyter and a monk.’ Carolus ἃ Sancto Paulo” unluckily mistakes this island for Hibernia, and so makes all the bishops of Ireland subject to one abbot. Others mistake the province for all Scotland, and so make the same false de- duction in reference to that. Whereas, in truth, Bede is speak- ing only of one small part of Scotland, the country of the northern Picts, who were converted by Columba, in the time of King Bridius, who gave him the Isle of Huy to build a monas- tery in; whence that province of the northern Picts became subject to the abbot of that monastery. But that this subjec- tion was in spirituals, Bede says not; but it seems to have been an acknowledgment of some civil jurisdiction over the bishops, which may very well consist with their superiority in spirituals, as the learned Bishop of Worcester shews at large in his Discourse of the Culdees among his Antiquities of the British Church. Another passage in Bede, which has been grossly mistaken, is where he speaks of the Council of Herudford, anno 673. In one of the Canons of this Council, according to some corrupt printed copies of Bede, there is this decree : ‘that
91 B. 2. ch. 4. s. 2. v. 1. p. 87. φ. 156.) where he treats of fhe Cul- 92 Hist. Anglor. 1. 3. c.4. See be- dei, Colidei, Ceelibes. Ep.]
fore, b.2. ch. 4. 5.2. v.1. p.88. n.50. % Hist. Anglor. 1.4. c.5. capitul.5. 98 Geogr. Sacr. 1. 6. (p.167.) Ab juxt. Ed. Cantabr. 1644. per Abrah.
his obstare videtur, quantum ad Ar- macham Beda hee de Hibernia scri- bens; Habere solet ipsa insula, &c. 94 Bp. Lloyd’s Historical Account of Church Government, ch. 7. (pp. 133, seqq.) A confutation of that i at, before there were bi- shops in Scotland, that Church was ed by a sort of monks called
, that were only si fe
—See particularly at p. 180. [c mp. also Spelman, . Archaiolog
elocum. (p. 273.) Ut episcopi monachi non migrent de loco ad lo- cum, hoc est, de monasterio ad mo- nasterium, nisi per dimissionem [al. demissionem] proprii abbatis, sed in ea permaneant obedientia, quam tempore suze conversionis promise- runt. [So also according to the
Ed. Basil. 1503. (ἔ 8. p. 122. 58.) I.
. and the Ed.
on. Agripp. 1 12mo, (fol. 154 vers.) of t e Eccle-
. siastical History alone. Ep.]|
376 Laws and rules VII. iu.
the bishops, who are monks, shall not wander from one monas- tery to another without leave of their abbot, but continue in that obedience which they promised at the time of their con- version.’ But this is nothing but a mere mistake of the first editors of Bede, who, not minding the abbreviations of the manuscript, read episcopi monachi, instead of ipsi monachi, as some later editions® rightly have it. So that there is nothing said in this place either for the exemption of monasteries, or ἴῃ derogation of the episcopal power, as some seem wilfully to have mistaken. Yet I deny not but that before this time there might be some monasteries exempt. For Habertus%7 is of opinion that the third Council of Arles, anno 455, granted an exemption to Faustus, abbot of the monastery of Lerins, which he thinks was the first that was ever granted. But from that time, the bishops of Rome took occasion to exempt monasteries in the West, as other patriarchs did in the East; whence such monasteries by the later Greeks are called patriarchal monas- teries, as being exempt from episcopal visitations, and only sub- ject to patriarchal jurisdiction.
The spi- 15. But I return to the ancient monks; and haying given an ashe account of their bodily exercises, I proceed to speak of those monks: that were spiritual. For the improvement of the spiritual life oat § =i was the thing originally aimed at by men’s retiring from the pentance. world. Here they thought they should have more leisure and
better opportunities for the great business of repentance. Upon which account the life of a monk is, by St. Jerom% and others, so often styled the life of a@ mourner. And in allusion to this, the Isle of Canopus, near Alexandria, formerly a place of great lewdness, was, upon the translation and settlement of the monks of Tabennesus there, called JInsula Metanwe, the Isle of Repentance ; as may be collected from St. Jerom%, who
96 [ Vid, Ed. Colon. Agripp. 1612. (t. 3. p.89.)—Ed. Cantabr. cura et studio Joh. Smith, 1722. (p.148. 21.) Ut ipsi monachi, &c.—Conf. not. in loc. (ibid.) Mira fuit hic editorum, ignorantia, dicam, an oscitantia, qui legerunt episcopi ; unde absurdissi- mam dederunt eruditis controver- siam, ac si in hac etiam Ecclesia, sic- ut in Hiiensi traditur, episcopi ab- batibus obedientiam debeant. Ep. | _ 97 Archierat.ad Edict. pro Archi-
mandr. observ. 2. (p.595.) Ceteris enim sui sunt limites: nullus Ro- mano, qui ab Arelatensis Synodi ter- tiz tempore, an. 404, in qua prima omnium exemptio monasterio Liri- nensi concessa est, innumeris toto orbe monasteriis immunitatem simi- lem concessit.
98 Ep. 53. ad Ripar. See before, ch..2. 8,7. P. Goh. Ὁ aks
99 Prolog. in Fee Pachom. (t. 2. p. 53 b.) In monasterio Metanee,
§ 15,16. of the monastic life. 377
speaks of its changing its name upon the building of a monas-
tery there ; and so both Valesius! and others understand it.
' 16. To their extraordinary repentance they usually joined Secondly, extraordinary fasting. For the Egyptian monks kept every ca ok day a fast till nine o’clock,—that is, till three in the afternoon,— ἴδε. except on Saturdays and the Lord’s-day, and the fifty days of Pentecost, or other days when any brother came to visit them.
For then they had their relaxations, as we learn from Cassian
and St.Jerom. The fifty days of Pentecost they kept always festival, in compliance with the public rules and practice of the Catholic Church, whose custom was, as Tertullian? says, to
keep all the time between Easter and Whitsuntide festival, in memory of our Saviour’s resurrection. Therefore St. Jerom3, speaking of their daily fasts, says, they fasted every day alike throughout the year, except in Lent, when their fasts were a
little more strict; that is, not only till nine o'clock, but till evening; and in Pentecost, when they turned their suppers
into dinners, in compliance with the custom of the Church. Cassian‘ often speaks of their daily fasts till nine; but then
he excepts likewise the time of Pentecost, for the same reason
ee ψγυν ΤῸ"
quod de Canobo [4]. Canopo] in peenitentiam felici nominis conver- sione mutatum est, &c.
1 Not. in Sozom. 1.3. c. 14. (v. 2.
. 11g. n. 2.)....In Insula Canopo
uit monasterium insigne Tabennen-
sium. Ex quo factum est, ut Cano- pus, qui antea ob luxum ac deli- cias infamis fuerat, Insula Metanewe vocaretur, translatis illuc a Theo-
hilo vel Cyrillo monachis, qui re-
igiosam ac peenitentium similem vi-
tam illic agebant.
. 2 De Cor. Mil. c. 3. (p. 102 a.) Die Dominica jejunium nefas ducimus, vel de geniculis adorare. Eadem im- munitate a die Paschz in Pentecosten et gaudemus.
_ 8 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [al. 35-] (t. 1. p. 118d.) Jejunium to- tius anni «quale est, excepta Qua- dragesima, in qua sola conceditur strictius vivere. A Pentecoste cen mutantur in prandia, quo et tradi- tioni ecclesiastice satisfiat, et ven- trem cibo non onerent duplicato.
4 Collat. 2. c. 25. (p.253.) .. Non- nunguam hora nona, soluta jam statione jejunii supervenientibus fra-
tribus, necesse est eorum obtentu,
aut adjici aliquid ad statutam soli- tamque mensuram, aut certe huma- nitatem, quam jubemur omnibus ex- hibere, penitus abdicari.—Ibid. c. 26. (p. 253.) Si vero nullus advene- rit, hunc quoque velut de canonico modo debitum nobis libere presu- memus ; qua parcitate nec stomachus vespere poterit aggravari; quippe hora nona uno paximacio jam pre- misso; quod plerumque his, qui districtiorem abstinentiam se tenere credentes, totam refectionem ad ves- peram differunt, evenire consuevit. —Ibid. 19. c. τό. (p. 542.) Hoe ab- bas Joannes, cum hore none re- fectionem imminere sensisset, colla- tionem fine conclusit.—Ibid. 21. c. 23. (p. 568.) Ut ergo et diebus festi- vis statute consuetudo solemnitatis [al. statuta consuetudinis solemni- tas] conservetur, et saluberrimus parsimoniz modus minime tran- scendatur ; sufficit, ut indulgentiam remissionis eo usque progredi pa- tiamur, ut cibus, qui hora diei nona fuerat capiendus, paullo citius, id est, sexta hora, pro festivitate tem- poris capiatur, &c.
5 Ibid. 21, c. 11. (p. 560.) Abbas.
918
Laws and rules
assigned by St. Jerom; and Saturdays and Sundays also®, be- cause both these days were always festival in the Hastern Church, being days of solemn assembly, on which they received
the eucharist at morning service.
Some indeed exercised
themselves with greater austerities, fasting two, three, four, or five days together: but these were not generally approved. St. Jerom? and Cassian® both express themselves against such
Theonas cum, diebus Quinquage- simee, nos in nostra cellula visitas- set, vespertina orationum solemni- tate transacta, humi paullulum con- sidentes ccepimus diligentius per- contari, cur apud eos.tanta obser- vantia caveretur, ne quis penitus to- tis Quinquagesime diebus, vel genua in oratione curvaret, vel usque ad horam nonam jejunare presumeret, &c.—Ibid. c. 20. (p. 565.) Post as- censionem Salvatoris nostri, que quadragesimo resurrectionis ejus ac- ta est die, Apostoli reversi de monte Oliveti, in quo se ad Patrem per- gens prebuit intuendum, sicut et- iam Actuum Apostolorum lectio contestatur, ingressi Hierosolymam, decem diebus adventum Spiritus Sancti exspectasse referuntur; qui- bus expletis, quinquagesimo eum die cum gaudio susceperunt, et ita est per hec festivitatis hujus nume- rus evidenter impletus. Quem in Veteri quoque Testamento legimus figuraliter adumbratum, in quo, con- summatis hebdomadibus septem, pri- mitiarum panis per sacerdotes Do- mino jubebatur offerri, qui veracis- sime per Apostolorum predicatio- nem, qua in illo die concionati le- guntur ad populum, oblatus Domino comprobatur, verus scilicet primi- tiarum panis, qui nove doctrine in- stitutione prolatus, quinque millibus virorum esc suze munere satiatis, primitivum de Judzis Christiano- rum populum Domino consecravit. Et idcirco hi quoque decem dies, cum superioribus quadraginta pari solemnitate sunt ac letitia celebran- di. Cujus festivitatis traditio, per apostolicos viros ad nos usque trans- missa, eodem tenore servanda est. Ideo namque in istis diebus nec [in] genua in oratione curvantur, quia inflexio genuum velut peenitentiz ac luctus indicium est. Unde etiam
per omnia eandem in illis solemni- tatem, quam die dominica, custodi- mus, in qua majores nostri, nec je- junium agendum, nec genu esse flectendum, ob reverentiam resur- rectionis dominice tradiderunt.
6 Ibid. 3. c. 1. [This reference is apparently incorrect. Compare In- stit. 1. 3. 6. 9. (p. 45.) Ideoque et absolutio jejunii post vigiliarum la- borem totidem apostolicis viris in die Sabbati statuta non immerito presumitur per universas Orientis ecclesias, &c. See also ibid. c. 11. (p. 47.) ... Et nihilominus differen- tia quedam, &c. Ep.
7 Ep. 4. [al. 25. ] ad Rustic. (t. 1. p. 937 4.) Sunt qui humore cellarum immoderatisque jejuniis, tedio soli- tudinis, ac nimia lectione, dum die- bus ac noctibus auribus suis perso- nant, vertuntur in melancholiam, et Hippocratis magis fomentis quam nostris monitis indigent.—Ep. 7. [al.107.] ad Leet. (ibid. p. 680e. ult. syll. et p. 681 a.) Displicent mihi, in teneris maxime etatibus, longa et immoderata jejunia, in quibus jun- guntur hebdomades, oleum in cibo ac poma vetantur. Experimento di- dici, asellum in via, cum lassus fue- rit, diverticula queerere. .... Hoc in perpetuum jejunium sit preceptum, ut longo itineri vires perpetes supe- rent : ne in prima mansione curren- tes, in mediis corruamus.
8 Instit. 1. 5. c.g. (p. 84.) Tantum enim debet unusquisque sibi fruga- litatis indicere, quantum corporez obluctationis pugna deposcit. Utilis quidem et omnimodis observanda est canonica jejuniorum custodia ; sed nisi hanc frugi [al. phe achat fuerit ciborum refectio subsecuta, a integritatis caleem non poterit per- venire. Longorum namque jejunio- rum inedia, saturitate corporis sub- sequente, lassitudinem potius tem-
VII. ii,
§ 16,17. of the monastie life. 879
immoderate fasts; and Cassian® particularly notes it as a wise saying of Macarius, the famous Egyptian, ‘that a monk should so fast, and keep under his body, as if he were to live an hun- dred years; but so kill and mortify the affections of his soul, as if he were to die the next moment.’ By which it appears, that they did not think excessive abstinence of any use, but ra- ther a disservice to religion. And therefore St. Austin !° ob- serves, ‘ that the ancient rules imposed no absolute necessity in this matter upon them, but left it to every man’s power and every man’s will to fast at discretion; no one condemning others, that could not imitate his own austerities, but always ' remembering that the Scripture had, above all things, recom- π᾿" mended charity to men.’ The rule of Pachomius was said to be given him by an angel; and there one of the angel’s di- rections to him was'!, that he should permit every man to eat, and drink, and labour according to his strength, and neither forbid them to fast nor eat. Accordingly Palladius’? tells us, there were among his monks, in Tabennesus, some that ate at seven o’clock, others at nine, others at ten, others not till even; some after two days, others after three, four, or five days: but all was matter of choice, not compulsion. , 17. Their fastings were accompanied with extraordinary and Thirdly, | frequent returns of devotion. The monks of Palestine had six Sra
devo- or seyen canonical hours of prayer, so those in Mesopotamia, tions.
poralem, quam puritatem castitatis acquirit. Integritas quippe mentis ventris segue Mes NX on habet perpetuam castimonie puritatem, isquis non jugem temperantiz itatem tenere contentus est. Quamvis districta sint jejunia, suc- cedente superflua remissione vacu- antur, et in gastrimargiz vitium protinus collabuntur. Melior est ra- tionabilis cum moderatione quoti- diana refectio, quam per intervalla arduum longumque jejunium. No- vit immoderata inedia non modo mentis labefactare constantiam, sed etiam orationum efficaciam reddere lassitudine corporis enervatam.
9 Ibid. 1. 5. c. 41. (p. 104.) Ita, in- quit, debere monachum jejuniis ope- ram dare, ut centum annis in cor- pore commoraturum [al. duratu- rum,| &c.
10 De Morib. Eccles, c. 33. (t. 1. p- 712 b.) Atque inter hec nemo urgetur in aspera, que ferre non potest; nulli quod recusat imponi- tur; nec ideo condemnatur a cete~ ris, quod in eis se imitandis fatetur invalidum, &c,
11 Regul. ap. Pallad. Hist. Lau- βίδα. c. 38. (ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr.-Lat. t. 2. p. 955 d. 8.) Συγχωρήσεις é- κάστῳ κατὰ τὴν δύναμιν φαγεῖν καὶ πιεῖν" καὶ πρὸς τὰς δυνάμεις τῶν ἐσθι- ὄντων ἀνάλογα καὶ τὰ ἔργα αὐτῶν ἐγ- χείρησον, καὶ μήτε νηστεῦσαι κωλύ- ons, pyre φαγεῖν.
12 tid. τ, 39. (Ρ. 957 ἃ. τ.) Εἰσὶν οὖν οἱ εἰσερχόμενοι ἄτονοι ἔκτην ὥραν, ἐσθίοντες" οἱ ἀσθενέστεροι εἰσέρ-
ονται ὥραν ἑβδόμην, ἄλλοι ὀγδόην, ἄλλοι ἐννάτην, ἕτεροι δεκάτην, ἄλλοι ἑσπέραν βαθεῖαν" ἄλλοι διὰ δύο" ἕτε- pot διὰ τριῶν᾽ ἄλλοι διὰ πέντε.
980 VIL. iu.
Laws and rules
and other parts of the East. These were, morning prayer at the first hour of the day; then the third, sixth, and ninth hours, and after that the eleventh hour, which Cassian?° calls the lucernaris hora, or evening-prayer. Besides which they had their constant vigils, or nocturnal meetings, of which Cas- sian!4 gives a particular account in one whole book of his In- stitutions. . But, he says, the monks of Egypt were not tied to all these canonical hours, but only met twice a day for public devotion, that is, in their night assemblies, which was their morning prayer; and at nine o’clock, which was their evening prayer. But then the whole day was spent in devotion notwith- standing : for}, in their private cells, whilst they were at work, they were always repeating the Psalms, and other parts of the Holy Scripture, and intermixing prayers and supplications con- tinually with their labour. Which Cassian prefers before the observation of so many canonical hours, as being a more free and voluntary oblation. Some observed a course of constant devotion without intermission, as has been noted before 16 con- cerning the monks of Constantinople, and those of Lisieux founded by Columbanus, who were used to divide themselves into several classes or choirs, to succeed and relieve one an- other in their continued stations. And Cassian?’ tells us, ‘ that the first monks of Egypt were used to observe such a perpetual watch, to guard themselves against the assaults and incursions of midnight devils: for they durst not all betake themselves to sleep at once; but while some slept, others kept watch by
- 13 Instit. 1. 2. c. 3. (p. 32.) In his adjectione spontanea celebrantur.. ..
quoque moris etiam evangelicus ille paterfamilias opperarios conduxit in vineam suam. Ita enim et ille primo mane conduxisse describitur, quod tempus designat matutinam nostram solemnitatem: deinde tertia, inde sexta, post hec nona, ad extremum undecima, in qua lucernaris hora signatur.
14 Τ014. 1. 2. (p.13.) De canonico Nocturnarum Orationum et Psalmo- rum modo.
15 Thid. 1. 3. c. 2. (p. 30.) Apud il- los etenim heec officia, quee Domino solvere per distinctiones horarum et temporis intervalla cum admoni- tione compulsoris adigimur, per to- tum diel spatium jugiter cum operis
Quamobrem exceptis vespertinis [ ho- ris] ac nocturnis congregationibus, nulla apud eos per diem publica solemnitas absque die Sabbati vel Dominica celebratur, in quibus hora tertia sacree communionis obtentu conveniunt.
16 See ch. 2. ss. 10 and 13. pp. 343 and 346.
17 Collat. 7. c. 23. (p. 325.) Ita eorum [demonum] atrocitas gras- sabatur, et frequentes ac visibiles sentiebantur aggressus, ut non au- derent omnes pariter noctibus ob- dormire, sed, vicissim aliis degustan- tibus somnum, alii vigilias celebran-. tes psalmis et orationibus seu lecti-- onibus inherebant.
81.
of the monastic life. 381
turns, and exercised themselves in singing psalms, reading, and prayer.’ Whence we may infer, that though all monks then did not observe precisely the canonical hours, yet they were no less constant to their devotions than those that did; and their intermixing prayers with their labour, or worshipping by turns, was equivalent to so many canonical hours, or rather did exceed it. St.Jerom!% seems also to say, that the Egyptian monks had a sermon made by the abbot every day after even- ing prayer; for thus he describes their devotions: ‘ At nine o'clock they meet together, then the Psalms are sung, and the Scriptures are read; and prayers being ended, they all sit down, and the father begins to discourse to them, whom they hear with the profoundest silence and veneration. His words make a deep impression on them, their eyes overflow with tears, and the speaker’s commendation is the weeping of his hearers. Yet no one’s grief expresses itself in any indecent strain; but when he comes to discourse of the kingdom of Christ, and future happiness, and the glory of the world to come, then one may observe how each of them, with a mode- rate sigh and eyes lift up to heaven, says within himself, O! that I had wings like a dove, for then would I flee away and be at rest!’ This was their continual exercise of public devotion every day. Their private vacancies and intervals of labour were also spent in reading and prayer: for they daily learned some portion of Scripture, and more especially made it their meditation on the Lord’s day, as St. Jerom!9 observes of them in the forementioned place; insomuch that many of them be- came so expert and well versed in the Holy Scripture, that they could repeat it by heart; which is particularly noted of
18 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [al. 35.) (t-1. p.117.¢.) Manent eae rati, sejunctis cellulis, usque ad ho- ram nonam..... Post horam nonam in commune concurritur, Psalmi re- sonant, Scripture recitantur ex mo- re: et, completis orationibus, cunc- tisque residentibus, medius, quem patrem vocant, incipit disputare, quo loquente tantum silentium fit, ut nemo alium respicere, nemo au- deat exscreare. Dicentis laus in fletu est audientium. Tacite volvuntur per ora lacryme, et ne in singultus qui-
dem erumpit dolor. Quum vero de regno Christi et de futura beatitu- dine et de gloria cceperit annuntiare ventura, videas cunctos moderato suspirio, et oculis ad coelum levatis, intra se dicere: Quis dabit mihi pennas, sicut columbe, et volabo et
—
9 Ibid. (p.118 ἃ.) Dominicis die- bus orationi tantum et lectionibus vacant: quod quidem et omni tem- pore completis opusculis faciunt. Quotidie aliquid de Scripturis dis- citur.
382 Laws and rules VIL. iii. Hilarion, by Sozomen2®° and St.Jerom?!; and of Ammonius, Marcus Junior, Eros, Serapion, Solomon, and some others, by Palladius22.. And by this means they were qualified to enter- tain their souls with spiritual exercises, singing of David’s Psalms, and repeating other parts of Scripture, even at their bodily labours. Which practice is often mentioned with great commendation by Palladius 38, Cassian24, and St. Jerom5, who takes occasion, upon this account, to extol ‘the quiet retirement of Christ’s little village’ of Bethlehem above the noisy pomp and ambitious greatness of Rome, where so much time was spent in seeing and being seen, in receiving visits and paying them, in praises and detractions, things disagreeable to the life of a monk. Whereas at Bethlehem ‘there was nothing to be heard but psalms: one could not go into the field, but he should hear the ploughman singing his hallelujahs, the sweating mower so-
. 3. Cc. 14. (Vv. 2. p. 114. 30.) Hes dis ᾿Ἐπίβολος ἀκριβὴς τῶν ἱερῶν αφῶν.
21 γι. Hilar. c.7. [8]. το. (t. 2. p-17a.) Scripturas quoque sanctas memoriter tenens, post orationes et psalmos, quasi Deo preesente, reci- tabat.
22 Hist. Lausiac. c.12. de Vit. Am- moni. (ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr.-Lat. t. 2. Ῥ. 9148. 9.)... Παλαιὰν δὲ καὶ καινὴν γραφὴν ἀπεστήθισεν.----Ο. 21. de Vit. Abb. Marci. (p.932 6.) Μακάριος οὗ- Tos νεώτερος ὧν παλαιὰν καὶ καινὴν γραφὴν ἀπεστήθισεν.---Ο. 32. de Vit.
ronis. (p. 950 6. 10.) "Exeivos δὲ μηδ᾽ ὅλως γευσάμενος πεζὸς βαδίζων ἀπεστήθισεν Ψαλμοὺς δεκαπέντε, ἔπ- εἰτα τὸν Μέγαν, εἶτα τὴν πρὸς ᾿Ἐβραί- ous ᾿"πιστολὴν, εἶτα ᾿Ἤ σαΐαν, καὶ μέ- ρος Ἱερεμίου τῶν προφητειῶν, εἶτα Λουκᾶν τὸν Εὐαγγελιστὴν, ἔπειτα τὰς ΠΙαροιμίας.---Ο, 83. de Vit. Serap. (p. 1005 d. 1.) Εὐγράμματος δὲ ὧν ἀπε-
ήθισεν πάσας τὰς θείας ypapds.— C.96. de Vit. Abb. Salom. (p. 1019 c. 3-) “Os ἔλεγεν ἔχειν πεντηκοστὸν ἔτος ἐν τῷ σπηλαίῳ, ἐπαρκέσας ἑαυτῷ ἐκ τῶν ἔργων τῶν χειρῶν, καὶ ἐκμαθὼν πᾶσαν ἁγίαν γραφήν.
23 Hist. Tannese. c. 39. (ibid. p. 957 ἃ. 7.) Ὁ μὲν ἐργάζεται γῆν yewp-
γῶν" ἄλλος κῆπον, ἄλλος χαλκεῖον, ἄλλος ἀρτοκοπεῖον, ἄλλος τεκτονεῖον, ἄλλος γραφεῖον, ἄλλος βυρσεῖον, ἄλ- λος πλέκων σπυρίδας τὰς μεγάλας, ἄλλος τὰ λεγόμενα μαλάκια, τὰ σπυρι- δάλια τὰ μικρά" ἀποστηθίζουσι δὲ πάσας τὰς γραφάς.
24 Instit. 1. 11. 6. 15. (p. 179.) Me- mini cujusdam senis, cum in eremo Scytize * commorarer, qui, cum ad cellam cujusdam fratris gratia visi- tationis adveniens ostio approximas- set, audissetque eum quiddam ob- murmurantem intrinsecus, paullu- lum _ substitit, cognoscere volens, quidnam de Scripturis legeret, vel, sicut est moris, operans memoriter recenseret. Cumque piissimus ex- plorator aure diligenter applicita cu- riosius auscultaret, ita eum reperit hujus spiritus [κενοδοξίας | impugna- tione pellectum, ut in ecclesia fa- cere se crederet exhortatorium plebi sermonem, &c.
25 Ep. 17. [8]. 46.] ad Marcell. (t. I. p. 206 d.) In Christi villa tuta rusticitas est. Extra Psalmos silen- tium est. Quocunque te verteris, arator silvam retinens Alleluia! de- cantat, sudans messor Psalmis se advocat, &c.
* [Or Scythia, or Scethis, and sometimes Scythus, or Scytus. See be- fore, ch. 2. 8. 8. p. 337, and ibid. p.39. See also Ed. Cassian. ap. Bibl.
Max. t. 7. p.62 f. 2. Ep.]
— SE ——-— - sl ee Θὰ»
§ 17.
of the monastic life. 383
lacing himself with hymns, and the vine-dresser tuning Dayid’s Psalms.’ :
Thus the ancient monks joined their bodily and spiritual ex- ercises together, and made their common labour become acts of deyotion to God. Their times of eating and refreshment were managed after the same manner. In some places they had the Scriptures read at table; which, Cassian?° says, was first brought up in the monasteries of Cappadocia, to prevent idle discourse and contentions: but in Egypt they had no need of that remedy, for they were taught to eat their meat in silence. But when supper was ended, St. Jerom says?7, they sung an hymn, and so returned to their cells. St. Chrysostom?® also takes notice of this, and recommends it to secular men, as proper for their imitation ; reciting the hymn which they used, which is in these words: ‘ Blessed God, that hast fed me from my-youth, that givest food unto all flesh, fill our hearts with joy and gladness, that we, having always what is sufficient for us, may abound unto every good work through Jesus Christ our Lord, to whom with Thee and the Holy Ghost be glory, honour, and power for ever. Amen.’ ‘Glory be to Thee, O Lord! Glory be to Thee, O Holy! Glory be to Thee, O King!
ΓΟ who hast given us food for refreshment! Fill our hearts with
thy Holy Spirit, that we may be found acceptable in thy sight, and not be ashamed, when thou renderest to every man accord- ing to his works!’ Thus their ordinary refreshments,—that is,
26 Instit. 1. 4. ¢. 17. (p. 60.) ΠΙυὰ autem, ut reficientibus fratribus sa- cre lectiones in ccenobiis recitentur, non de typo Aigyptiorum proces- sisse, sed de Cappadocum noveri- mus. Quos nulli dubium est, non tam spiritalis exercitationis causa, quam compescende superfluz otio- seeque confabulationis gratia et max- ime contentionum, que plerumque solent in conviviis generari, hoc sta- tuere voluisse, videntes eas aliter -" se non posse cohiberi. Apud gyptios enim ἔτ maxime Taben- nensiotas, tantum silentium ab om- nibus exhibetur ut cum in unum tanta numerositas fratrum refectio- nis obtentu consederit, nullus nec mutire quidem audeat, preter eum qui suz decaniz (al. .decime] preest. 27 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [4].
35-] (t. 1. p. 117 6.) Nullus in cibo strepitus, nemo comedens loquitur. γφυνέν κα Dehinc consurgunt pariter, et hymno dicto ad pracepia redeunt.
28 Hom. 56. [ Bened. 55. al. 56.] in Matth. (t. 7. Ρ- 561 a.) ΟΝ Εὐ- λογητὸς ὁ Θεὸς ὁ τρέφων με ἐκ νε- ότητός μου, ὁ διδοὺς τροφὴν πάσῃ σαρκί. Πλήρωσον χαρᾶς | καὶ εὐφρο- σύνης τὰς καρδίας ἡμῶν, ἵνα πάντοτε πᾶσαν ΠΡΌΣ» ἔχοντες περισσεύ- @pev eis may ν “ἀγαθὸν ἐ ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ τῷ ἔν ἡμῶν, μεθ᾽ οὗ σοὶ δόξα, τιμὴ, κράτος, σὺν' Αγίῳ Πνεύματι εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας, ἀμήν. Δόξα σοι Κύριε, δόξα σοι “Aye, δόξα σοι Βασιλεῦ, ὅτι ἔδωκας ἡ ἡμῖν βρώματα εἰς εὐφροσύνην. Πλῆσον ἡμᾶς Πνεύματος ᾿Αγίου, ἵνα εὑρεθῶμεν ἐνώπιόν σου εὐαρεστοῦντες, καὶ μὴ αἰσχυνόμενοι, ὅτε ἀποδίδως ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ.
984 Laws and rules VII. iii. their suppers, for dinners, he says, they had none,—were sancti- fied with the word of God and prayer. And to express their humility, and avoid all contention about precedency and great- ness, they served one another mutually at table, all of them taking their weekly turns ; whence, in Cassian?9 and St. Jerom, they are called hebdomadarii, weeks-men, from their weekly service. On the Lord’s-day, they were more intent upon their devotions, and spent it wholly upon reading and prayer; for no other employment, St. Jerom®° says, was ever allowed among them on that day. Then every one received the com- munion, unless he was under some censure and suspension from it. And not only on Sundays, but on Saturdays also, it was customary for the Egyptian monks and others of the East to communicate: for the first and last days of the week were so appointed by Pachomius, the father of the Egyptian monks, to be communion-days among them, as appears from his Rule; in Sozomen®! and Palladius®?: and Cassian®® frequently speaks of it as their constant practice. Some were more strict, and let no day pass without receiving the eucharist. Palladius®4 says the Egyptian monks, under Apollo, observed this rule: for Apollo was used to instil this notion into his disciples, that
29 Instit. 1. 4. c. 19. (p.62.) Per eundem namque Mesopotamiam, Palestinam, et Cappadociam, ac to- tum Orientem, singulis hebdomadi- bus vicissim fratres ad hec officia sibi reddenda succedunt, ita ut se- cundum ceenobii multitudinem, mi- nistrorum ἐκ να numerus depute- tur.—Hieron. Prolog. ad Regul. Pa- chom. (t.2. p.54 b.) [Cf.s.2. et 8.6. (Ρ. 55 c.)... Per singulas hebdoma- das ratiocinia operum suorum ad patrem monasterii referunt. Ep.] —Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 15. [al. 35.| (t. 1. p.117e.) Posthee conci- lium solvitur; et unaqueque decu- ria cum suo parente pergit ad men- sam, quibus per singulas hebdoma- das vicissim ministrant.
30 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. ut supr. (t.1. p.118 ἃ.) Dominicis diebus ora- tioni tantum et lectionibus vacant.
31 L. 3. c. 14. (v. 2. p. 112. 20.) ... Τῇ δὲ πρώτῃ καὶ τελευταίᾳ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς ἑβδομάδας, ἐπὶ κοινωνίᾳ τῶν θεί- ὧν μυστηρίων, τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ προσ- ἐόντας, τὰς ζώνας λύειν, καὶ τὰς διφθέ-
ρας ἀποτίθεσθαι.
82 Hist. Lausiac. c. 38. (ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr.-Lat. t. 2. p. 956 a. 2.) Εἰσιόντες eis τὴν κοινωνίαν τῶν μυσ- τηρίων τοῦ Χριστοῦ κατὰ σάββατον καὶ κυριακὴν τὰς ζώνας λυέτωσαν, κιτ.λ.
33 Collat. 18. c. 15. (p.528...... Cum duobus ferme hebdomadibus. ita se omni contentioni carnis ac spiritus subjecisset, ut die sabbati vel dominico, non ad percipiendum communionem sacram, sed ad pro- sternendum se in limen [8]. limine] ecclesie atque ad veniam simplici- ter postulandam matutinus accurre- ret, &c.—Collat. 23. c. 21. (p. 606.) Nec tamen ex eo debemus nos a dominica communione suspendere quia non agnoscimus peccatores, sed ad eam magis ac magis est et propter anime medicinam et purificationem spiritus avide festinandum.
34 Hist. Lausiac. c.3. (ut supr. p. 985 a. 6.) Ὅτι δεῖ εἰ δυνατὸν τοὺς μο- ναχοὺς καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν τῶν μυ- στηρίων κοινωνεῖν.
δ 18. of the monastic life. 385
a monk, if he had opportunity, ought to communicate every
day; and accordingly he, with his fraternity, communicated
every day at nine, or three o’clock in the afternoon, which was
the time of their solemn assembly, before they went to their
ordinary refreshment. Palladius?> mentions one instance more
of their devotion, which was only occasional, viz. their psalmody
at the reception of any brethren; for that, it seems, was the
first entertainment they gave them, to conduct them with sing-
ing of psalms to their habitation. Which has no relation to the
processions of modern ages, but seems to be done in imitation of
our Saviour’s entrance and reception into Jerusalem.
18. These were the spiritual exercises of the ancient monks, Of laws
) whose life was a life of repentance, fasting, and devotion, ver ca
which, joined with continual bodily labour, kept them always offices, both virtuously and honestly employed. And their laws did not τὸς ρας ταν
' allow them either to wander about as mendicants, or to interest “vil.
themselves in civil or ecclesiastical offices, or any public affairs
relating to Church or State. There are three canons in the
Council of Chalcedon to this purpose. One * indifferently for-
bids both clergymen and monks to take to farm any estate or
‘office, or involve themselves in secular affairs, except they be
4 unavoidably required by the law to take upon them the
guardianship of minors. Another®? obliges monks particularly
to live in their retirement, and to give themselves only to fast-
ing and prayer, and not to leave their monasteries to engage
themselves either in ecclesiastical or secular affairs, except the
bishop of the city, upon some urgent occasion, permit them so |
todo. And a third canon®’ forbids both monks and clergy to
»» Ραμ νον
ΞΘ ων.
35 Thid. (p. 984 a. 3.) ᾿Ιδοὺ ἥκου- ow οἱ ἀδελφοὶ, περὶ ὧν ὁ πατὴρ πρὸ τριῶν ἡμερῶν προείρηκεν ἡμῖν, ὅτι μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἥξουσι πρὸς ἡμᾶς τρεῖς ἀδελφοὶ ἀπὸ Ἱεροσολύμων ἐρ-
dpevor’ καὶ οἱ μὲν προῆγον ἡμᾶς, of 3: ἠκολούθουν ὄπισθεν ἡμῶν ψάλλον- τες, ἄχρις οὗ πλησίον αὐτῶν ἐφθάσα-
μεν.
86 C.3. ((.4. Ρ- 7555.) Ὥρισε τοί- νυν ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος, μηδένα τοῦ λοι- ποῦ, μὴ ἐπίσκοπον, μὴ κληρικὸν, μονάζοντα, ἢ μισθοῦσθαι κτήματα, πράγματα, ἣ ἐπεισάγειν ἑαυτὸν κοσμι- καῖς διοικήσεσι' πλὴν εἰ μή που ἐκ
BINGHAM, VOL. IL.
νόμων καλοῖτο εἰς ἀφηλίκων ἀπαραί- τητον ἐπιτροπήν.
87 C. 4. (ibid. p. 757 b.) Τοὺς δὲ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πόλιν καὶ χώραν μονά- ζοντας ὑποτετάχθαι τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ, καὶ τὴν ἠσυχίαν ἀσπάζεσθαι, καὶ προσέχειν μόνῃ τῇ νηστείᾳ καὶ τῇ προσευχῇ, ἐν οἷς τόποις ἀπετάξαντο προσκαρτεροῦντας" μήτε δὲ ἐκκλησι- αστικοῖς, μήτε βιωτικοῖς παρενοχλεῖν πράγμασιν, ἢ ἐπικοινωνεῖν, καταλιμ- πάνοντας τὰ ἴδια μοναστήρια" εἰ μή ποτε ἄρα ἐπιτραπεῖεν διὰ χρείαν ἀναγ- καίαν ὑπὸ τοῦ τῆς πόλεως ἐπισκόπου.
38 0,7. (ibid. p. 759 a.) Τοὺς ἅπαξ
cc
886 Laws and rules VIL. iii.
take upon them any office, civil or military; anathematizing such as are guilty, and do not return to their first choice. So that monks were wholly excluded then from secular offices; and though some were called to ecclesiastical employments, yet then they were obliged to quit their monastery, and betake themselves wholly to a clerical life, only retaining so much of _ the former as would consist with the indispensable duties of the sacred function. Of these cases I have particularly spoken in the foregoing chapter®%, But of monks continuing in their cloisters, and taking upon them at the same time the offices of the Church, which did not concern their own monastery, we have scarce any instance in ancient history. Pope Pelagius, as he is cited by Gratian*°, would not permit a monk to be a de- Sensor, though that was but a low office in the Church, because it was contrary to the state of a monastic life, which was to be spent in retirement, prayer, and bodily labour; whereas the office of a defensor was wholly taken up in hearing of causes, and other acts of a public and litigious nature, which were things inconsistent with one another. ‘Till a monk, therefore, had first bid adieu to his monastery, he was not to be promoted
to any such office in the Church. No monks 19. Much less were they then permitted to encroach upon anciently the duties, or rights and privileges of the secular clergy. For ing on the we find no complaints of this nature in ancient history, as too omen of trequently in after-ages. For the generality of monks being the secular only laymen, and refusing any other subsistence or revenues “ersy- μα what arose out of their own labour, as I have fully proved before, they could have no temptation then to intermeddle either with the business and duties, or the maintenance and re- venues of the clergy. And for such of them as were ordained presbyters or deacons, they were either only to serve their own, monastery, or else such as were taken out of monasteries by the bishops, and thenceforth reckoned among the secular clergy
ἐν κλήρῳ κατειλεγμένους, ἢ ἢ καὶ povd-- 40 Caus. τό. quest. 1. 6. 20. (t. 1.
σαντας, ὡρίσαμεν, μήτε ἐπὶ oTpa- Ῥ. TOgg. 13.) Omnimoda enim est τείαν, μήτε ἐπὶ ἀξίαν κοσμικὴν ἔρ- illius habitus δὲ istius officii diversi- χεσθαι" ἢ τοῦτο τολμῶντας, καὶ μὴ tas. Illic enim quies, oratio, labor μεταμελουμένους, & ὥστε ἐπιστρέψαι € ἐπὶ manuum: at hic causarum cogni-
τοῦτο, ὃ διὰ Gedy πρότερον εἵλοντο, tio, conventiones, actus, publica li- ἀναθεματίζεσθαι. tigia, &c.
89 Ch. 2. 5. 8. p. 337.
§ 19.
of the monastic life. 387
of the Church. Valesius*', indeed, is willing to have it thought otherwise; for he says, in the latter end of the fourth century, it was very usual for monks to perform the offices of the clergy; and he alleges for proof the example of Eusebius Ver- cellensis and the church of St. Austin; which I have considered before 42, and shewed that they prove no more, but that some bishops and their clergy took up a way of living in common, in imitation of the monastic life, which is nothing to monks in cloisters intruding themselves into parochial cures. The only instance, that looks any thing this way, is what Sozomen 43 re- lates of the church built by Rufinus, the great statesman under Arcadius, at a place called Quercus, in the suburbs of Chalce- don, where, after he had built his church, he says, he placed some monks near it, whence the clergy of the church were supplied. But this may mean no more, but that when there wanted clergy in that church they were to be chosen out of that neighbouring monastery, which indeed was then no un- usual thing in the Church; but that monks living in a monas-
tery should perform divine offices in other churches beside that
of their own monastery, is not agreeable to ancient rules and practice. And therefore we meet with no instances of that kind, nor of tithes being received by monks, unless it was for the use of the poor; of which there is one instance in Cassian*#, and besides that I do not remember any other. Their way of living upon their own labour made them not solicitous to receive any thing from other men, and therefore some of them would not receive maintenance from their own parents, as Cassian*> relates of Antonius, lest they should
41 Not. in Sozom, 1. 8. c.17. (v. 2. P- 347- 0.3-)..-.- Nemo ut novum mirari debet, quod monachi in ec- clesia clericorum munus obiisse di- cuntur. Id enim eo tempore usita- tum fuit, ut ex Ambrosio discimus in laudatione Eusebii Vercellensis episcopi, et ex Possidio in Vita Be- ati Augustini ubi dicit, eum mona- chos intra ecclesiam instituisse.
42 See ch. 2. s.8. p. 341.
43 L.8. c.17.(v. 2. p. 347. 22.)... *Heev εἰς Apiv’ Χαλκηδόνος δὲ προ- ἄστειον, Ῥουφίνου τοῦ ὑπατικοῦ νῦν ἐπώνυμον, ἐν ᾧ βασίλειά ἐστι, καὶ με- yarn ἐκκλησία, ἣν αὐτὸς Ρουφῖνος ἐπὶ
τιμῇ Πέτρου καὶ Παύλου τῶν ἀποστό- wy ἐδείματο, καὶ ἀποστολεῖον ἐξ αὐ- τῶν ὠνόμασε' πλησίον δὲ μοναχοὺς συνῴκησεν fleg.? συνώκισεν of τῆς ἐκκλησίας τὸν κλῆρον ἐπλήρουν.
44 Collat. 21. c. 2. (p. 555.) De- lector quidem, o filii, pia vestrorum munerum largitate, et devotionem κα ἐν oblationis, cujus dispensatio mihi credita est, gratanter amplector; quia fideliter primitias vestras ac de- cimas indigentium usibus profutu- ras velut sacrificium Domino bone suavitatis offertis, &c.
45 Ibid. 24. c. 12. (p. 617.) Qui, inquit [Apostolus,] non operatur,
σο2
988. Laws and rules VII. in.
seem to live upon any thing that was not the work of their. own hands.
Not μον: 20. Beside all this, there was another reason then why . ieee monks could not ordinarily attend parochial cures, had they
cities, but
confined to the wilder- ness.
been otherwise qualified for them. For by the laws of their. first institution, in all parts of the Hast, their habitation was. not to be in cities or places of public concourse, but in deserts and private retirements, where they might be sequestered from the noise of the world, and live in quiet and solitude, as their name seemed to imply. Whence St. Jerom‘®, writing to Rusti- cus, the monk, inveighs against those who were desirous to live. in cities, which was contrary to that singularity they made pro- fession of. And giving instructions to Paulinus, he says47, ‘If you desire to be really what you are in name,—that is, a soli- tary, or one that lives alone,—what have you to do in cities, which are not habitations for solitaries, but for the multitude?’. And it is observed both by him and Sozomen‘® of Antonius, ‘that he was used to say, the wilderness was as natural to a monk, as water to a fish; and therefore a monk in a city was quite out of his element, like a fish upon dry land.’ By which it appears, that the monastic life, in the first design, was to ex- clude men from haying any thing to do in cities and places οἵ. public concourse. And there are laws in both the Codes to the same purpose. Theodosius49 enacted, ‘that all that made pro-. fession of the monastic life, should be obliged by the civil ma- gistrate to betake themselves to the wilderness and deserts, as their proper habitation.’ Baronius*° by mistake reckons this
nec manducet. His Beatus Anto- utique non sunt solorum habitacula,
nius adversus quendam usus_ver- bis etiam nos magisterii sui in- formavit exemplo, ut parentum per- niciosissima blandimenta, et omni- um, qui victui necessariam submi- nistrant agapen, etiam omnem a- moene habitationis gratiam devite- mus, &c. :
46 Ep. 4. [4]. 125.1 ad Rustic. (t. I. p.931 4.) Quid desideramus ur- bium frequentiam, qui de singulari- tate censemur?
47 Ep. 13. {5 58.] δὰ Paulin. (ibid. p. 320 d.) Sin autem cupis esse quod diceris monachus, id est solus, quid facis in urbibus, que
sed multorum?
43 L. 1. c. 13. (Vv. 2. 5, 25. 88.) Τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἰχθύας ἔλεγε τὴν ὑγρὰν οὐσίαν τρέφειν' μοναχοῖς δὲ κόσμον φέρειν τὴν ἔρημον" ἐπίσης τὲ τοὺς μὲν
“ξηρᾶς ἁπτομένους τὸ ζῆν ἀπολιμπά-
νειν, τοὺς δὲ τὴν μοναστικὴν σεμνό- τητα ἀπολλύειν τοῖς ἄστεσι προσι- . ὄντας.
49 Cod. 1. 16. tit. 3. de Monachis, . leg.1.(t.6.p.96.) Quicunque sub pro- Ὁ fessione monachi reperiuntur, de- serta loca et vastas solitudines sequi - atque habitare jubeantur.
0 An. 390. n. 48. (t. 4. Ρ. 642 ς.) Quicunque sub professione monachi .
8 20, 21. of the monastic life. 889
law a punishment, and next to a persecution of the monks: but Gothofred>! and Mr. Pagi®, with better judgment, correct his error, and observe with more truth, ‘that it was so far from being a punishment, that it was only obliging them to live ac- cording to the rules of their first institution.’ Leo and Anthe- mius, and after them Justinian 58, made laws to the same pur- pose, forbidding the eastern monks to appear in cities; but if they had any business of concern to be transacted there, they should do it by their apocrisiarii or responsales,—that is, their proctors or syndics,—which every monastery was allowed for that purpose.
21. Not but that in some extraordinary cases they took 11- What ex- berty to dispense with this rule, when a just occasion required pedi their appearance. As in times of common danger to the Faith, admittedof. or great persecutions, or when it seemed necessary for them to interpose with the magistrate, and intercede for criminals in special cases. Thus St. Jerom* observes of Antonius, ‘ that he came to Alexandria at the request of Athanasius, to give testi-
reperiuntur, &c. Hac statuta lege cogitur improbus heresiarcha [Jo- vinianus] ab urbe recedere.
. δ᾽ In Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 3.
Βα, 6. p.97.) Compare the note Ὁ
_ 52 Crit. in Baron. an. 390. n. 10. [al.r1.] (t.1. p. 580.) Caterum Lex . Codicis Theod. de Monachis lata non est occasione Jovinianistarum, qui e monasteriis ejecti in urbibus tamen cum habitu monastico vaga- bantur. Nam preterquam quod, ut inquit Gothofredus in hujus legis Commentario, hxc lex ad Orientem pertinet, (ubi Tatianus, cui ea in- scribitur, prefectus-pretorio erat,) non agitur in ea de monasterio e- jectis, verum de quibuscunque, qui sub professione monachi reperieban- tur, id est, de omnibus, qui vitam monasticam profitebantur, interim tamen civitates frequentabant; ut ostendit lex secunda ejusdem Codi- cis de Monachis, qua post bienni- um memorata lex abrogatur. Quare hac lege monachi quicunque, non oco ad deserta loca et solitu-
dines confer sese jubentur, ut cre- dit Baronius ; verum pro vite suze instituto eo redire. Denique perti-
net hee lex ad monachos, sive ere- mitas; cujusmodi in Avgypti potissi- mum Syrique solitudinibus, aliisve agebant, deserta loca et vastas soli- tudines sequentes. Qua de re plura Gothofredus in hujus legis Com- mentario.
53 Cod. 1.1. tit. 3. de Episcopis, leg. 29. (t. 4. Ρ. 94.) Οἱ ἐν τοῖς pova- στηρίοις διατρίβοντες μὴ ἐχέτωσαν ἐξουσίαν ἐξιέναι τῶν μοναστηρίων, ἣ καὶ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχέων, ἢ καὶ ἐν ἑτέραις πόλεσιν ἀναστρέφεσθαι, ὑπεξαιρου- μένων μόνων τῶν καλουμένων ἀποκρι- σιαρίων, οἷς ἄδειαν παρέχομεν ἐθέλου-- σι διὰ μόνας ἀναγκαίας ἀποκρίσεις e£vevat.— Novel. 123. c. 42. (t. 5. Ρ. 561.) Providere autem sanctissimos locorum episcopos, ut neque mona- chi, neque monache, circumeant ci- vitates: sed si quod necessarium responsum habuerint per proprios responsarios [Grac. ἀποκρισιαρίων hoc agant, in suis manentes mona- steriis.
54 Ep. 33. [al. 68.] ad Castrut. (t. 1. p. 408 c.) Beatus Antonius, Te a Sancto Athanasio, Alexan-
jz episcopo, propter confutatio- nem hereticorum in urbem Alexan- driam esset accitus, &c.
390 Laws and. rules VIL. iii.
mony and countenance to the Catholic faith, and to confute the Arian heresy.’ Theodoret>> makes the like observation upon the behaviour of Aphraates and Julian, two Syrian monks, who left their cells in the desert to live in Antioch, when their presence was thought necessary to support the Catholic doc- trine and its professors in the time of the Arian persecution under Valens. And of Aphraates he tells this remarkable story: ‘That Valens once observing him to pass the streets in haste, though he was an old man, asked him, Whither he was going with so much speed? To whom he replied, I am going, sire, to pray for your empire. But, said Valens, it would more have become you to do that at home in your retirement, according to the laws of your solitary life. Yes, sire, said Aphraates, you say very true: I ought so to do, and I always did so, as long as my Saviour’s sheep were in peace; but now that they are disquieted, and brought into great danger, very necessity com- pels me to take another course for their safety, that they may not be torn in pieces by wild beasts. Were I a virgin, confined to a single room, it would not become me to sit still, when I saw my father’s house on fire, but to run abroad, fetch water, and extinguish the flame. Now this is our case. You, sire, have set fire to the house of our common Father, and we have
55 L. 4. δ, 26. (v. 3 p. 184. 40.) Τοῦτον [᾿Αφραάτην] Saber ἐκ τῆς βασιλείου στοᾶς διακύπτων 6 βασι- λεὺς εἶδε σισύραν τε ἀναβεβλημένον, καὶ ἐν γήρᾳ βαθεῖ συντόνως βαδίζοντα" καί τινος εἰρηκότος, ὡς ᾿Αφραάτης οὗ- τος, οὗ τὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐξήρτηται πλῆ- bos, ἔφη πρὸς αὐτόν᾽ Hot σὺ βαδίζεις, εἶπέ. Ὃ δὲ σοφῶς ἅμα καὶ προσφόρως, Ὑπὲρ τῆς σῆς, ἔφη, προσευξόμενος βασιλείας. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οἴκοι σε μένειν χρὴ;
ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔφη, καὶ ἔνδον κατὰ τὸν μοναδικὸν προσεύχεσθαι νόμον. Ὃ δὲ θεῖος ἐκεῖνος ἀνὴρ, Εὖ μάλα, ἔφη, λέ- γεις, ὦ βασιλεῦ: τοῦτό με δρᾷν ἔδει" καὶ τοῦτό δρῶν μέχρι καὶ νῦν διετέ- λεσα, ἕ €ws εἰρήνης ἀπέλαυε τοῦ Σωτῆ- pos τὰ πρόβατα" ἐπειδῆ δὲ πολὺν ὑ ὑπο- μεμένηκε θόρυβον, καὶ πολὺς ἐπικρέ- μαται κίνδυνος, μὴ θηριάλωτα γένηται, πάντα κινεῖν πόρον ἀνά KN kai διασώ- ζειν τὰ θρέμματα. Εἰπὲ γάρ μοι, ἔφη: ὦ βασιλεῦ, εἰ κόρη τὶς ἐτύγχανον ὧν, ἔνδον ἐν τῷ θαλάμῳ καθημένη καὶ τῆς
οἰκίας ἐπιμελουμένη, εἶτ᾽ ᾿ἐθεασάμημ᾽ ἐμπεσοῦσαν φλόγα, καὶ τὴν πατρῴαν οἰκίαν ἐμπιπραμένην, τί με ταύτην δρᾶ- σαι προσῆκεν, εἶπέ μοι: ἔνδον καθη- σθαι καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐμπιπραμένην͵ πε- ριορᾷν, καὶ τῆς φλογὸς προσμένειν τὴν euBorny 3 ἢ τῷ θαλάμῳ χαίρειν εἰποῦσαν διαθέειν a ἄνω καὶ κάτω, καὶ ὑδροφορεῖν καὶ σβεννύναι τὴν φλόγα: ; δῆλον, 6 ὅτι τοῦτο ἐρεῖς" τοῦτο γὰρ κό- pns ἀγχίνου τε καὶ φρενήρους" τοῦτο δρῶ νῦν, ὦ βασιλεῦ" σοῦ γὰρ εἰς τὴν πατρῴαν ἡμῶν οἰκίαν ἐμβαλόντος τὴν φλόγα, περιθέομεν κατασβέσαι ταύτην ie eae c.27. (p.186. 18. .) . Καταλιπὼν γὰρ τὴν ἔρημον ἅπαν ἐ- κεῖνο περιήει τὸ ἄστυ, διδάσκων ἅπαν- τας, ὡς ; τῆς ἀποστολικῆς διδασκαλίας κήρυξ ἔστιν ᾿Αθανάσιος, καὶ ὡς ‘avti- maou τῆς ἀληθείας οἱ τῆς ᾿Αρείου συμμορίας. Οὕτως ἤδεσαν οἱ θεῖοι a ἄν- ρες ἐκεῖνοι τὰ πρόσφορα ἑκάστῳ προσαρμόττειν καιρῷ, καὶ πηνίκα δὲ προτιμᾷν τὰς πόλεις τῆς ἐρημίας.
ee — —mx«—
§ 21.
of the monastic life. 391
left our cells with no small concern, and are come abroad to put it out.’ Thus bravely did Aphraates answer Valens, and apologize for his appearing in the city in the time of common danger, when Valens himself was the occasion of it.
Nor was it only in defence of religion they thus made a pub- lie appearance, but sometimes they thought it necessary to in- tercede with the emperors and judges for condemned criminals. As Sozomen*® observes of Antonius, ‘that he was frequently compelled, by the complaints and lamentations of the distressed, to come and interpose his good offices with the princes and ma- gistrates for them, and as soon as he had done, he returned to the wilderness again.’ The reader may find a more remarkable instance of this kind in one of St. Chrysostom’s Homilies*7 to the people of Antioch, where he relates how the city was deli- vered from imminent ruin, (being under the displeasure of Theodosius for haying demolished the imperial statues, and committing other crimes of an high nature,) by the intercession of the neighbouring monks, who left their tabernacles and caves in the mountains, and came into the city, when other philosophers for fear were fled out of it, and, interceding with the judges, prevailed with them to spare the criminals; telling
Pikes. c. 13. (v. 2. p. 28. _ Παροδυρόμενοι aut πολλοὶ ἐβι- άζοντο abeke ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει. ..... εἰ δὲ βιασθεὶς ποτὲ εἰς πόλιν ἦλθεν ἐπικουρῆσαι δεομένοις, διαθεὶς ὅτου
— αὐτίκα ἐπὶ τὴν
1 Hho Ries. ἢ ad Pop. Antioch. p. 215. (t. 2. p.172 a.)” Erect yap τοσού- τοις ἐν ταῖς αὐτῶν vBas συγκε- κλεισμένοι, οὐδενὸς παρακαλέσαντος, οὐδενὸς os cab ig ἐπειδὴ το- σοῦτον νέφος εἶδον τὴν πόλιν περι-
, καταλιπόντες αὐτῶν τὰς
νὲς λοι παραγενόμενοι. καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν αὐτοῖς π λθόν-
τες μετὰ παρρησίας διαλέχθησαν ὑπὲρ τῶν ς καὶ παρεσκευ-
άσαντο πάντες ἐκχεῖν, καὶ τὰς κεφα-
᾿ λὰς ἀποθέσθαι, ὥστε τοὺς ἁλόντας
τῶν προσδοκωμένων ἐξαρπάσαι δει- νῶν" καὶ οὐκ ἔ πρότερον, ἕως ἂν
φείσωνται τοῦ δή-
σαν ἀποστήσεσθαι ᾿
μου τῆς πόλεως οἱ δικάζοντες, ἢ ἢ a μετὰ τῶν ὑπευθύνων αὐτοὺς πρὸς Ba
σιλέα πέμψωσι. Θεοφιλὴς γάρ ἐστι, φησὶν, ὁ κρατῶν τῆς καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς οἰκου- μένης, πιστὸς, ἐν εὐσεβείᾳ ζῶν" ἡμεῖς οὖν αὐτὸν καταλλάξομεν πάντως" οὐκ ἐπιτρέψομεν ὑμῖν, οὐδὲ συγχωρήσο- μεν αἱμάξαι ξίφος, οὐδὲ ἀποτεμεῖν κε- φαλήν" εἰ δὲ μὴ ἀνάσχοισθε, καὶ ἡμεῖς μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποθανούμεθα πάν- τως" δεινὰ μὲν τὰ τετολμημένα καὶ ἡ- μεῖς ὁμολογοῦμεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὑπερβαίνει τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως φιλανθρωπίαν ἡ τῶν νημένων παρανομία. Aéyerai
τις ἐξ αὐτῶν καὶ ἕτερον ῥῆμα γέμον φιλοσοφίας εἰπεῖν, ὅτι οἱ μὲν ἀνδρί-
αντες οἱ κατενεχθέντες ἀ ἀνέστησαν πά- λιν, καὶ τὸ οἰκεῖον ἀπέλαβον σχῆμα, καὶ τὸ γεγενημένον διόρθωσιν ἔσχε ταχίστην" ὑμεῖς δὲ ἂν τοῦ Θεοῦ τὴν εἰκόνα ἀποκτείνητε, πῶς δυνήσεσθε πάλιν ἀνακαλέσασθαι τὸ πεπλημμε- λημένον ; ; πῶς ἀναστῆσαὶι τοὺς ἀπολ- λυμένους, καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς τοῖς σώμα- σιν ἀποδοῦναι ; :
392 VIL. iii.
Laws and rules
them, ‘that the images of the Emperor might easily be re- stored to their pristine beauty, and be set up again; but if they slew the images of God, it would be impossible to raise them up again; since it was beyond the art of man to join body and soul together: and if they would not hearken to their in- tercession, they should execute them too; for if it must be so, they were resolved to die with them.’ After this manner they were used to intercede with the judges for criminals in some such special cases as this before us. And they commonly did it with such preyalency, that they seldom failed in their peti- tion, the magistracy expressing a particular reverence to them upon such occasions. But afterward, this thing grew into abuse, and they would not be content to petition, but would sometimes come in great bodies or troops,—per drungos,—and by force deliver criminals, after sentence of condemnation was passed upon them. To repress which tumultuous way of pro- ceeding, Arcadius, the emperor, was forced to publish a law°8; strictly forbidding both the monks and clergy to attempt any such thing, and commanding all bishops to prosecute the au- thors of such disorders, if any monks happened to be so en- gaged in their districts, under pain of his royal displeasure.
Whether 22. There remains but one inquiry more to be made con- wie be cerning this order of men; which is, whether such as made take them- profession of the monastic life were afterward at liberty to ess tod alter their state as they thought convenient, and turn seculars again. again? To which it may be answered, that they were under
no public vow to the contrary: many men embraced the life who never intended to continue all their days in it. Julian himself was once in the monastic habit, to please his cousin ᾿ Constantius, who began to suspect his inclination toward the philosophy of the Gentiles. Socrates? says of him, ‘that he assumed the tonsure, and feigned the life of a monk in public, whilst he privately resorted to the lectures of Libanius, the sophist.’ And Orosius® observes the same of Constans, the son
58 Cod. Theod. 1. 9. tit. 40. de Penis, leg. 16. (t. 3. p. 310.) Ad- dictos supplicio...... nulli clerico- rum vel monachorum, eorum etiam quos cenobitas vocant, per vim at- que usurpationem vindicare liceat ac tenere, &c.
AL ge. (eR. 108,0.) ok
Ἔν χρῶ τε κειράμενος τὸν τῶν μονα- χῶν ὑπεκρίνετο βίον.
60 Hist. 1. 7. ὁ. 40. (ap. Galland. t. 9. p. 154 b.) Constantinus Con- stantem filium suum, proh dolor! ex monacho Cesarem factum ... in Hispanias misit.
22.
of the monastic life. 393
of Constantine, who usurped the empire of Britain, in the time of Honorius, ‘ that he was first a monk, before his father made him Cxsar; and sent him into Spain to promote his interest there.’ These men had no need of the Pope’s dispensation to set them at liberty from their vow: for it does not appear they were ever under any such obligation. Monasteries were an- ciently schools of learning, and places of pious and religious education of youth; which, though Bellarmin® thinks fit to deny it, is evidently proved from St. Chrysostom’s third book against the Defamers of the Monastic Life®, which is chiefly spent in advising parents to send their children to be educated in monasteries, as the safest places of good education ; not with a design to oblige them always to continue in the monastic life, but only to train them up and settle them securely in the ways of virtue. And to the same purpose it is observed by Palla- dius®, that the monks of Mount Nitria had a wenodochium, or hospital, where for a week they entertained any one that came to them, without working; if he continued longer, they set him either to work at some bodily labour or to study; and, so employed, he might continue a year, or two, or three, among them, till he saw his own time to depart from them. This Palladius © calls ἄσκησις γραφικὴ, the exercise of letters, in op- position to that of bodily labour. So that men might enter a
61 De Monachis, l. 2. c. 6. (t. 2.
63 Hist. Lausiac. c.6. (ut supr, t.2. Ρ. 86ι a.) Secundo dicit [Melanc-
Ρ. go8 d. 11.) Πρόσκειται τῇ ἐκκλη-
7 monasteria olim fuisse scho- las sacrarum literarum et aliarum disciplinarum. At Basilius in Con- stitutionibus Monasticis, Cassianus de Institutis Ceenobiorum, Hiero- nymus in Epistola ad Rusticum et in alia ad Paulinum de Institutione Monachi, Augustinus, 1.1. de Mo- ribus Ecclesiz, c. 31, aliique Veteres, dum describunt instituta monaste- riorum, meminerunt orationis, jeju- niorum, psalmodiz, continentiz, o- bedientiz, paupertatis: de scholis literarum et dialectic aliarumque disciplinarum ne verbum quidem.
62 Advers. Vituperat. Vit. Monast. 1. 3. t. 4. 6. 11. ἄς, (t. 1. p. 96 c.) Πρὸς μὲν οὖν τὸν ἄπιστον ταῦτα dp- ket’ πρὸς δὲ τὸν πιστὸν καὶ ταῦτα, κι τ. A.
σίᾳ ξενοδοχεῖον, εἰς ὃ τὸν ἀπελθόντα ξένον be ἰοῦνται πάντα τὸν χρόνον, Kav ἐπὶ διετίαν ἢ τριετίαν μείναι θε- λήσῃ, Béxpes οὗ αὐθαίρετος ἀναχωρῆ- σαι θελήσῃ" “συγχωρήσαντες ἐπὶ ἑβδομάδα μίαν ἐν ἀργίᾳ διάξας τὰς λοιπὰς ἡ is κα περισπῶσιν av τς λοι- mov ἐν ἔργοις, ἢ ἐν aire, he ἐν ἀρτο- κοπείῳ, Τῷ μαγειρείῳ" δὲ ἀξιόλο- γός τις εἴη, διδόασιν αὐτῷ ἐ νᾶ φ' ἀν- αγινώσκειν.
64 Ibid. ς. 14. (p. 916 b.) ᾿Απολ- λώνιός τις ὀνόματι ἀπὸ mpayparev- τῶν, ἀποταξάμενος καὶ οἰκήσας τὸ ὄρος τῆς Νιτρίας, μήτε τέχνην τὸ λοιπὸν μαθεῖν δυνάμενος, μήτε ἐπὶ ἄσκησιν γραφικὴν, τῷ παραβεβηκέ- ναι τὴν ἡλικίαν, ζήσας ἐν τῷ ὄρει εἴ- κοσι ἔτη, ταύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἄσκησιν, K.T.A.
804 VIL. iii.
Laws and rules
monastery for the sake of study, and leave it again when they pleased, if they laid upon themselves no further obligation.
And they who tied up themselves stricter, and entered the monastic life with a design to continue in it, were never under any vow, unless a private resolution might be esteemed such, which might be altered at pleasure, especially if any unforeseen case or accident seemed to require a change in their way of living. As Cassian® tells us of one in Egypt, who, despairing to obtain the gift of continency, was preparing to enter into a married state, and return to a secular life again. The Rule of Pachomius, by which the Egyptian monks were governed, has nothing of any vow at their entrance, nor any punishment for such as deserted their station afterward. And there was one piece of discipline among the Egyptians, which I have men- tioned before ®, that seems plainly to intimate that they were under no solemn vow; for one of their punishments was expul- sion out of the monastery, which is inconsistent with a vow of continuing in a monastery for ever. So that at first the mo- nastic life seems to have been a matter of choice, not only at men’s first entrance, but in their progress and continuance also: and men might quit it without any other punishment, unless it were a note of inconstancy fixed upon them.
Marriage 23. However, this is certain, that monks, who betook them- of monks selves to a married state, were not anciently obliged by any anciently i : : J ᾿
ποῦ annul- law to dissolve their marriage and put away their wives, under led.
pretence of any preceding obligation, according to the new rules of the Council of Trent®, which pronounces such mar- riages null and void. In St. Austin’s time, some virgins and widows were under the obligation of a vow; yet, if they mar-
65 Cassian. Collat. 2. c. 13. (p. 247.)... Ut quia... monachus esse non posset, nec refreenare stimulos carnis, et impugnationis remedia consequi jam valeret [al. preevale- ret, | uxorem duceret, ac relicto mo- nasterio reverteretur ad szeculum.
66 [S. 12. p. 372. n. 80. ex Instit. 1.4. c.16..... Vel expulsione pur- gantur. Ep.] 7
67 Sess. 24. 6. 9. (t. 14. p. 875 c.)
Si quis dixerit, clericos in sacris or-.
dinibus constitutos, vel regulares castitatem solemniter professos, pos- se matrimonium contrahere, con- tractumque validum esse, non ob- stante lege ecclesiastica, vel voto; et oppositum nihil aliud esse, quam damnare matrimonium, qui non sen- tiunt se castitatis, etiamsi eam vove- rint, habere donum, anathema sit ; cum Deus id recte petentibus non deneget, nec patiatur nos supra id, quod possumus tentari.
§ 23, 24. of the monastic life. 395
ried after that, he says®, ‘ they were not to be separated from their husbands as adulteresses: for their marriage was true marriage, and not adultery, as some falsely argued.’ He says, ‘they offended highly in breaking their vow, but yet their marriage was valid; and in that case, to separate them from their husbands was only to make their husbands adulterers in marrying others whilst their wives were living.’ By parity of reason, then, the marriages of monks must be esteemed valid also, even supposing them under an equal obligation. And upon this account we find no instances of dissolving marriage in such cases left upon record in ancient history.
24. Yet in process of time, because monks were presumed to What pun- be under some private obligation by assuming this way of liy- ‘saa ing, some punishments were thought of, as proper to be in- inflicted on flicted on such as relinquished their station, and returned to a concrters. secular life again. By the first Council of Orleans®, a monk that had entered himself in a monastery, if he afterwards mar- ried a wife was for ever after incapable of holy orders, but no other censure is passed upon him. St. Austin was for inflicting the same punishment on such as left their monastery without their own bishop’s leave, as appears from his letter to Aure- lius7°, bishop of Carthage, upon that subject. The Civil Law likewise excludes deserters from the privilege of ordination: for by a law of Honorius7! they were to be delivered up to the curia, or civil court of the city, there to serve all their lives; by which means they were rendered incapable of any office in the Church, because curial and clerical offices were inconsistent with one another, as has been shewed at large in another place7?. Justinian?* added another punishment: ‘ that if they
68 De Bon. Viduitat. c. το. (t. 6. p- 375 f.) Proinde qui dicunt talium nuptias non esse nuptias, sed po- tius adulteria, non mihi videntur satis acute ac diligenter considerare quid dicant: fallit eos quippe simi- litudo veritatis, &c.
69 C, 23. [al. 21.] (t. 4. p. 1408 b.) Monachus in monasterio conversus, si pellici postea [al. Monachus, si in monasterio conversus, vel pal- lium comprobatus fuerit accepisse, et postea] vel uxori fuerit sociatus, tante prevaricationis reus, nun- quam ecclesiastici gradus officium
sortiatur.
70 Ep. 76. [al. 60.] ad Aurel. (t. 2. p- 147 f. et 148.) Et ipsis enim faci- is lapsus, et ordini clericorum fit indignissima injuria, si desertores monasteriorum ad militiam clerica- tus eligantur, &c.
71 . Theod. 1. 16. tit. 2. de Episcopis, &c. leg. 39. (t.6. p. 78.) ..+.Si qui professum sacre religio- nis sponte dereliquerit, continuo si- bi eum curia vindicet, &c.
72 B. 4. ch. 4. 8. 4. V. 2. p. 58.
73 Novel. 5. c. 6. (t.5. Ρ. 46.) Si vero relinquens monasterium
Laws and rules VIL. iii.
396
were possessed of any substance, it should all be forfeited to the monastery which they deserted; while they themselves should be obliged to serve personally among the officials of the judge of the province where they lived.’ For by this time mo- nasteries began to have estates and possessions in some places, though the most exact rules of the Egyptian monks were against it. The censures of the Church were likewise inflicted on deserting monks in the fifth century. Spalatensis74 thinks the first Council, that ever decreed excommunication against them, was the fourth Council of Toledo’5, under Honorius, anno 633. But he did not advert to a former canon of the Council of Chalcedon7®, made near two hundred years before, which decreed, ‘that neither virgins consecrated to God, nor monks, should marry; and such as did so should be excom- municated; only the bishop of the place might moderate the censure :’ that is, (if I rightly understand that canon, which is by some mistaken,) he might shorten the term of their penance at his discretion; which was the only way of granting in- dulgences in the primitive Church. And from hence again it appears, that when it was thought a crime for a monk to marry, yet they did not think it a nullity when done, or pre- sume to void it upon that score, but only obliged him to do penance for such a term as the bishop should think fit to im- pose upon him. And I suppose the Canons of St. Basil77 and
quandam veniat militiam, aut ad a- liam vite figuram: substantia ejus etiam sic ..... in monasterio rema- nente, ipse inter officiales clarissimi provincie judicis statuetur, &c.— Cod. 1. 1. tit. 3. leg. 55. 8. 2. (t. 4. p. 142.) Nam si qui eorum, de quibus presentem legem posuimus, sancti- monialem vitam elegerint, ad secu- larem autem conversationem postea remeaverint; jubemus, omnes eo- rum res ad jura ejusdem ecclesize vel monasterii, a quo recesserint, pertinere.
74 De Republ. part.1. 1. 2. 6. 12. n. 48. (p. 367 e. 6.) Postea vero mo- nachos desertores a se penitus mo- nachismum abdicantes cceperunt a- liqui apostatas vocare, et in eos ex- communicationes fulminare. Quod ego primum observo in Concilio 4.
oletano. '
75 C.54. [al.55.] (t.5. p. 1718 e.) ..-Qui detonsi a parentibus fuerint, aut sponte sua, amissis parentibus, se ipsos religioni devoverunt, et postea habitum szcularem sumpse- runt, et iidem a sacerdote compre- hensi ad cultum religionis, acta prius penitentia, revocentur. Quod si re- verti non possunt vere, ut apostatz anathematis sententize subjiciantur.
76 C. τό. (t.4. p. 763 b.) Παρθένον ἑαυτὴν ἀναθεῖσαν τῷ | Δεσπότῃ Θεῷ, ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ μονάζοντα, μὴ ἐξεῖναι γάμῳ προσομιλεῖν' εἰ δέ γε εὑρεθεῖεν τοῦτο ποιοῦντες, ἔστωσαν ἀκοινώνη- τοι" ὡρίσαμεν δὲ ἔχειν τὴν αὐθεντίαν τῆς ἐπ᾿ αὐτοῖς φιλανθρωπίας τὸν κατὰ τόπον ἐπίσκοπον.
77 C. 60. [Oper. Basil. Ep. 217. Canonic. Tert.] (CC. t. 2. P-1349 b.) ἯἩ παρθενίαν ὁμολογήσασα, καὶ ἐκπε- σοῦσα τῆς ἐπαγγελίας, τὸν χρόνον τοῦ
of the monastic life. 397
the Council of Trullo, which speak of a penance of seven years or more, are to be understood with this limitation.
I have-now put together all that I could think material to be said upon this subject of the monastic life; and some per- haps will think I have said too much, and others too little upon it: but I content myself to have said so much as seemed necessary to my own design, which was to give an account of ancient customs, and explain several laws and rules of the Church. They, whose curiosity leads them further, may easily have recourse to Cassian’s Institutions and Collations, and Pal- ladius’s Historia Lausiaca, and Theodoret’s Philotheus or Reli- gious History,—books written particularly upon this subject by professed admirers of the monastic life. My method now leads me to say something briefly of the virgins and widows, that were also reckoned among the ascetics of the Church.
CHAP. IV.
The case and state of virgins and widows in the ancient Church.
1. As I have shewed before that there were ascetics in the Of the dis- ἡ Church long before there were any monks; so it must here be scampi noted, that there were virgins who made public and open pro- clesiastical fession of virginity before the monastic life or name was known 374,monas- in the world. This appears from the writings of Cyprian and gins. Tertullian, who speak of virgins dedicating themselves to.
Christ, before there were any monasteries to receive them. These, for distinction’s sake, are sometimes called ecclesiastical virgins by the writers of the following ages, Sozomen’8, and others, to distinguish them from such as embraced the mo- nastie life, after monasteries began to multiply in the world. The ecclesiastical virgins were commonly enrolled in the canon
or matricula of the Church,—that is, in the catalogue of ec-
ἐπὶ τῆς μοιχείας ἁμαρτήματος ἐν τῇ οἰκονομίᾳ τῆς καθ᾽ ἑαυτὴν ζωῆς πλη- ρώσει᾽ τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν βίον μο- ναζόντα a for a καὶ ἐκπι- πτόντων. d bbe’s reading slightl
varies. |—Conf. C. Trull. c. 44. (t. ὃ
. 1163 ἃ.) Μοναχὸς ἐπὶ πορνεί
ἁλοὺς, ἢ πρὸς γάμου κοινωνίαν κα συμβίωσιν γυναῖκα ἀγαγόμενος, τοῖς τῶν πορνευόντων ἐπιτιμίοις κατὰ τοὺς
κανόνας ὑποβληθήσεται.
78 1,. 8. ς. 22. (ν. 2. Pp. 355. 44.) Ὑπὸ μετριότητος γὰρ τρόπων καὶ φι- λοσοφίας ἀεὶ λαιδάνειν ἐπετήδευεν [Νικαρέτη], ὡς μήτε εἰς ἀξίωμα δια- κόνου σπουδάσαι προελθεῖν, μήτε προ- τρεπομένου πολλάκις ᾿Ιωάννου ἕλέ-
ποτὲ παρθένων ἐκκλησιαστικῶν
ἡγεῖσθαι.
908 The state and case VII. iv.
clesiastics,—as we learn from Socrates79, who speaks of them under that title. And hence they were sometimes called ca- nonice, canonical virgins, from their being registered in the canon or books of the Church. They differed from the mo- nastic virgins chiefly in this, that they lived privately in their fathers’ houses, and had their maintenance from their fathers, or in cases of necessity from the Church; but the others lived in communities, and upon their own labour, as we learn from the third Council of Carthage®° and the writings of St. Aus- tin®!, Spalatensis 53 long ago observed this difference, and it is since acknowledged by Albaspinzeus 88, Valesius*4, Cotele- rius 85, and other learned men of the Romish Church. So that it is now out of dispute, that as the ascetics for the first three hundred years were not monks, so neither were the sacred virgins of the Church monastical heii or nuns confined to a
Whether they were under any profession of perpetual virginity.
cloister, as in after-ages.
2. If it be inquired, how these were distinguished from other virgins that were merely secular /—I conceive it was by some sort of profession of their intention to continue in that state all their lives; but whether that was a solemn vow, or a simple
79 Lr. C. 17. (ibid. Ρ. 47. 22.) Καὶ τὰς παρθένους τὰς dvayeypappévas ἐν τῷ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν κανόνι, ἐπὶ ἑστία- σιν προτρεπομένη,.. δι ἑαυτῆς λειτουρ- γοῦσα, τὰ ὄψα ταῖς τραπέζαις προσ- ἔφερε.
80 C. 33. (t. 2. Ρ.1171 6.) Ut vir- gines sacre, si [8]. cum] parentibus, a quibus custodiebantur, private fu- erint, episcopi providentia vel pres- byteri, si [al. ubi] episcopus absens est, in monasterio virginum gravio- ribus foeminis commendentur, &c.
81 De Morib. Eccles. c. 31. (t. 1. a 711 c.) Lanificio corpus exercent,
— e sustentant, vestesque ipsas fra- tribus tradunt, ab iis invicem quod victui opus est resumentes.
82 De Republ. 1. 2. c. 11. n. 25. (t. 1. p. 336 a.) Ego invenio olim virgines Deo sacratas, et vere ac proprie virginitatem professas, et- lam in propriis domibus habitasse ; et nihilominus habitum monacha- lem gestasse, et perfecte regulas mo- nasticas servasse.
83 In C. Eliber. c. 13. (t. 1. p. 992
d.) Virgines, que Deo sese voverant, a ceteris non removebantur, aut claustris includebantur, ut ex hoc canone et in Divo Cypriano et Ter- tulliano de Virginibus Velandis li- cet colligere.
84 In Soz. 1.8. c. 23. (v. 2. p.355- n. 4.) Virgines ecclesiastice dicuntur ad distinctionem éarum, que dege- bant in monasteriis, que monac dicuntur in Epistola Siricii Pa He virgines locum separatum hes bebant in ecclesia, tabulis conclu- sum, ut docet Ambrosius in Ser- mone ad Virginem Lapsam. Obla- tiones item offerebant et communi- cabant seorsum a reliqua multitudi- ne, ut colligitur ex c. 25. Concilii Triburiensis. Ecclesiasticz porro di- cebantur, eo quod ascripte essent albo seu matricule ecclesiz ; κατάλο- you παρθένων, et τάγμα, vocat Basi- lius in Epistola Canonica ad Amphi- lochium.
85 In Constit. Apost. 1.8.¢.13. See ch.1. 8.3. p. 325. n. 88.
999
profession, is not agreed among learned writers. The learned editor of St. Cyprian*® reckons they were under no obligation of any formal vow in the age of Cyprian, but yet were some way bound by the resolution and purpose of their own mind, and the public profession of virginity. And in this he seems to speak not only the common sense of Protestant writers, but the sense of that ancient author 57, who says, ‘they dedicated them- selves to Christ, yet so as that if either they would not, or could not persevere, it was better for them to marry than to burn,’ or to be cast into fire for their offences, as his words may literally be translated. From whence it may be collected, that then the profession of virginity was not so strict as to make marrying after be thought a crime worthy of ecclesiastical censure.
3. But in the following ages the censures of the Church When first were inflicted on them. The Council of Ancyra*® determined [4° Hable universally against all such as having professed virginity after- —_ of the ward went against their profession, that they should be sub- hy jected to the same term of penance as digamists were used to sega be; that is, a year or two, as we learn from one of the Canons fession. of St. Basil*®. The Council of Chaleedon% orders them to be excommunicated, if they married, but leaves the term of their penance to the bishop’s discretion. The Council of Valence’, in France, is still more severe, forbidding them to be admitted immediately to penance ; and when they were admitted, unless they made full and reasonable satisfaction to God, their re- storation to communion was still to be deferred. Now from
§ 2, 3. of virgins and widows.
86 Not. in r. Ep. 4. (p. 174. n. 4.) Animi yk es et publica virginitatis professione, non voto astricte.
87 Ep. 62. [al. 4.1 ad Pompon. (p. 174.) Quod si ex fide se Christo di- caverunt, pudice et caste sine ulla fabula perseverent ; ita fortes et sta- biles premium virginitatis expec- tent. Si autem perseverare nolunt, vel non possunt; melius est nubant, quam in ignem delictis suis cadant.
88. C. το. (t. 1. p. 1464 b.) Ὅσοι παρθενίαν ἐπαγγελλόμενοι, ἀθετοῦσι τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν, τὸν τῶν διγάμων 6- ρὸν ἐκπληρούτωσαν.
89 C. af reg Basil. Ep. 188. Canonic. Prim.] (CC. t. 2. p.
1721 b.) Περὶ τριγάμων καὶ πολυγά- pov τὸν αὐτὸν ὥρισαν [ἃ]. ὡρίσαμεν κανόνα, ὃν καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν διγάμων, ἀνα- λόγως" ἐνιαυτὸν μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ διγάμων, ἄλλοι δὲ δύο ἔτη" robs. δὲ τριγάμους ἐν τρισὶ καὶ τετράσι πολλάκις ἔτεσιν ἀφορίζουσιν.
C.16. See before, ch. 3. 8. 24. Ρ. 306. n. 76.
Cy'ai (€. 2. P.9°5 c.) De puel- lis vero, que se Deo voverunt, si ad terrenas nuptias sponte transierint, id custodiendum esse decrevimus, ut peenitentia his non [al. nec] sta- tim detur: et cum data fuerit, nisi plene satisfecerint Deo, in quantum ratio poposcerit, earundem commu- nio differatur.
400 The state and case VIL. iv.
these canons, to mention no more, it evidently appears, that in the following ages next after the time of Cyprian,—that is, in the fourth and fifth centuries,—the censures of .the Church were severer against the marriage of professed virgins than they were before; and they seem to have risen in proportion to the esteem and value which men began to set upon tie and the monastic life.
The mar- 4. Yet two things are very observable amidst all the seve- riage of 8 y
professed ity and rigour of those ages. First, that there never was any veer de. cDurch-decree for rescinding, or pronouncing null, such mar- clared null. riages. The Emperor Jovian, indeed, as Sozomen 93 relates,
made it a capital crime by law for any one to commit a rape upon a devoted virgin, or so much as to solicit her to forsake her present state of life, and forego her resolution and pur- pose; which law is still extant m both the Codes%. But then, as Valesius himself rightly observes, ‘ this law was only made against ravishers, and such as solicited those virgins to marry against their own will; but if a virgin did voluntarily quit her purpose and station, and then marry after that, there was no- thing in this law to prohibit her, much less to punish her for so doing.’ And for the laws of the Church, though they ap- pointed a spiritual punishment, yet they did not cancel or dis-_ annul the act, but confirmed and ratified such marriages, though done against the rules then prevailing in the Church. Of which the testimony of St. Austin, alleged before in the last chapter, sect. 23, is abundant proof; not to mention the silence of all ancient laws in the case, which speak of no other punishment beside excommunication, and penance as the conse- quence of that, in order to be received into the communion of
92 L.6.c.3. (v.2. Ρ.222. 3-) Προσ- εφώνησε δὲ καὶ Σεκούνδῳ, τῷ τότε τὴν ὕπαρχον ἐξουσίαν διέποντι, γενικὴν νομοθεσίαν, εἰς κεφαλὴν τιμωρεῖσθαι παρακελευομένην τὸν ἱερὰν παρθένον μνᾶσθαι πρὸς γάμον πειρώμενον, ἢ καὶ ἀκολάστως μόνον προσβλέποντα, μήτι γε διαρπάζειν ἐπιχειροῦντα.
98. Justin. 1.1. tit.3. 166’. 5. (t.4. p. 74 ad calc. et 75.) Si quis, non di- cam rapere, sed attentare tantum jungendi causa matrimonii sacratis-
simas virgines ausus fuerit, capitali
pena feriatur.—'Theod. 1. 9. tit.
25. de Rapt. Sanctimonial. aa 2.
(t. 3. Ρ. 197.) Si quis, non dicam ra- pere, sed vel attentare matrimonii jungendi causa, sacratas virgines, vel invitas, ausus fuerit, capitali sen- tentia ferietur.
94 Not. in Sozom. 1.6. 6. 3. (v. 2. p- 222. n.1.) Lex igitur Joviani ad- versus raptores virginum lata est: sed si sanctimonialis relicto propo-. sito postea nubere voluisset, non. prohibebatur hac lege.
% De Bon. Viduitat. cc. 8, 9, 10.
(t. 6. pp. 374, 375.)
δ4,}..
of virgins and widows.
401
the Church again. Epiphanius®® is very express and parti- cular in the case, ‘that if any professing virginity fell from their state-by fornication, they had better marry publicly ac- cording to the laws, and then submit themselves to a course of penance, in order to obtain the communion of the Church again, rather than live perpetually exposed to the secret darts
of the Devil.’
Which, I think, he would not have said, had it
then been the custom of the Church to disannul the marriages: of professed virgins, under pretence of any preceding vow or
obligation.
_. δ. The other thing proper to be considered in this case is, Liberty that by the imperial laws great liberty and indulgence was granted to all virgins that were consecrated before the age of to many, if forty. For though some canons allowed them to be conse- erated at twenty-five, and others% at sixteen or seventeen, before the which were reckoned to be years of discretion, yet time quickly shewed that neither of those terms were so conve- niently fixed as they might be; and therefore other canons required virgins to be forty years old before they were veiled, as may be seen particularly in the French and Spanish Councils of Agde and Saragossa. And the imperial laws not only re- quired that age in consecrated virgins, but further decreed, ‘that if any virgin was veiled before that age, either by the Niolence or hatred, of her parents, which was a case that often
ma 1 penis :
ha Se: Apostol. n. 7. (t. 1. p. 512 ἃ, Ὁ.) Κρεῖττον τοίνυν ἔχειν a- yal dh μίαν, καὶ μὴ περισσοτέρας"
Κρεῖττον πεσόντα ἀπὸ δρόμου φανε-
᾿ρῶς ἑαυτῷ λαβεῖν γυναῖκα κατὰ νόμον, καὶ ἀπὸ παρθενίας πολλῷ χρόνῳ με- tavongavra εἰσαχθῆναι πάλιν εἰς τὴν _ ἐκκλησίαν, ὡς κακῶς ἐργασάμενον, ὡς ᾿παραπεσόντα, καὶ κλασθέντα, καὶ χρεί- av ἔχοντα ἐπιδέματος, καὶ μὴ καθ᾽ ἑκά- στην ἡμέραν βέλεσι κρυφίοις κατατι-
κεσθαι, καὶ πονηρίας ὑπὸ διαβόλου
τ . αὐτῷ ἐπιφερομένης.
Vid. G. Carth. 3. οἵῳ: (ee Ὁ. . 1167.) Placuit, ut ante viginti quin- _ que annos etatis nec diaconi ordi- “nentur, nec virgines consecrentur. - % Basil. c.18. [Ep. 199. Canonic.
. Seeund.] (CC. t. 2. p. 1733 b.) Tas δὲ ὁμολογίας τότε ἐγκρίνομεν, ἀφ᾽ οὗπερ
- ἂν ἡ ἡλικία τὴν τοῦ λόγου συμπλήρω- BINGHAM, VOL. II.
ow ἔχῃ" οὐδὲ γὰρ τὰς παιδικὰς φωνὰς πάντως κυρίας ἐπὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἡγεῖ- σθαι προσῆκεν [8]. προσήκει" ἀλλὰ τὴν ὑπὲρ τὰ δεκαὲξ ἢ δεκακαιεπτὰ γενομένην ἔτη, κυρίαν οὖσαν τῶν λο- γισμῶν [al. τοῦ λογισμοῦ, ἀνακριθεῖ- σαν ἐπὶ πλεῖον, εἶτα παραμείνασαν καὶ λιπαροῦσαν διὰ ἱκεσιῶν πρὸς τὸ παρα- δεχθῆναι, τότε ἐγκαταλέγεσθαι χρὴ ταῖς παρθένοις, καὶ τὴν ὁμολογίαν τῆς τοιαύτης κυροῦν, καὶ τὴν ἀθέτησιν αὐ- ns ἀπαραιτήτως κολάζειν.
99 Vid. C. Agathens. c. 19. (t. 4. p- 1386 c.) Sanctimoniales, quan- tumlibet vita earum et mores pro- bati sint, ante annum etatis suze
granted by
they were consecrated
age of forty.
aaa S non velentur.—C. .
saraug. c. 8. (t. 2. p. τοῖο d.)... Non velandas esse virgines, que se Deo voverunt, nisi quadraginta an-
norum probata etate, &c. :
pd
VII. iv. happened, she should have liberty to marry ;’ as appears from the Novel of Leo and Majorian}, at the end of the Theodosian Code, which says, ‘ that no virgin in such circumstances should be judged sacrilegious, who, by her honest marriage, declared that either she never intended to take upon her any such vow, or at least was not able to fulfil it; forasmuch as the doctrine and institutes of the Christian religion have declared, that it is better for a virgin to marry than to burn, and forfeit her virtue by leading an unchaste life after she has made profes- sion of virginity.’ Now if these two things be rightly consi- dered,—first, that the consecration of a virgin was not to be reputed valid till she was forty years of age; and, secondly, that if she married after her consecration at that age, yet her marriage was then reputed valid and never disannulled,—there will appear a very wide difference between the practice of the ancient Church and that of the Church of Rome in this matter. For which reason I have spoken distinctly of this profession of
virgins, both to explain the nature of their vow, and shew the measures of its obligation.
402 The state and case
Of their 6. As to their consecration itself, it had some things very "ey »" peculiar in it. For it was usually performed publicly in the manner of
church, and that with some solemnity, by the bishop himself, or at least some presbyter particularly deputed by the bishop for that purpose. For by the ancient canons this act among others was reserved to the office of the supreme minister of the Church, and therefore a presbyter, without his commission or leave, was not to intermeddle in it. The sixth canon in the African Code? seems universally to prohibit presbyters these three things,—the making of chrism, the public reconciliation of penitents, and the consecration of virgins. But this last point is to be interpreted by what is said in the third Council of Carthage®, ‘that a presbyter is not to consecrate a virgin
consecra- tion.
1 Novel. 8. ad calc. Cod. Theod. (t. 6. append. p. 36. col. dextr.) Ne- que enim sacrilega judicanda est, quze se hoc ante noluisse, aut certe non posse complere appetiti conjugii honestate prodiderit; cum Christi- anz religionis instituta atque doc- trina melius esse censuerit virginem pubere, quam, impatientiz ardore
naturali, profess pudicitiz non ser- vare virtutem.
2 Ὁ. 6. (t.2. p. 1051 6.) Xpioparos ποίησις, καὶ κορῶν καθιέρωσις, ἀπὸ πρεσβυτέρων μὴ γένηται. μήτε δὲ καταλλάξαι τινὰ εἰς δημοσίαν λειτουρ- γίαν πρεσβυτέρῳ ἐξεῖναι, τοῦτο πᾶσιν ἀρέσκει.
5. Ο..46. (ibid. p. 1172 b.) Ut
§ 6.
of virgins and widows. 403
without the bishop’s leave ;’ which implies, that he might do it by his direction ; and-so Ferrandus, in his Abbreviations‘, un- derstands it. So that this was one of those things which bi- shops thought fit to reserve to themselves in those times, and did not allow their presbyters, without special direction, to perform it. Whence I conclude it was a thing esteemed of some weight, and the bishop’s character was concerned in it, to use an exact caution in the consecrating of virgins, as St. Am- brose® words it, ‘that nothing might be done rashly to the dis- honour of the Church.’
Now when a virgin had signified her purpose to the bishop, and her desire of the usual consecration, she was wont to come and make a public profession of her resolution in the church ; and then the bishop, or presbyter appointed at the altar, put upon her the accustomed habit of sacred virgins, by which they were known and distinguished from all others. The matter is thus represented by St. Ambrose, who, speaking of his sister Marcellina, who was consecrated at Rome by Liberius, says®, that on Christmas-day, in St. Peter’s church, she signified the profession of virginity by the change of her habit, Liberius making an exhortation or discourse of her, suitable to the oc- casion, containing the duty of virgins; which the reader may find there recorded. This change of habit is frequently men- tioned in the ancient Councils’, and the Civil Law® also takes
7 Ὁ. Carth. 4. c.12. (t.2. p. 1200 e.) Sanctimonialis virgo, cum ad
presbyter, inconsulto yo Ny vir-
non consecret, c ma vero
nunquam conficiat.
4 Breviat. Canon. c. gt. (ap. Justell. t. τ. p. 451.) Ut presbyter, inconsulto episcopo, virgines non ‘consecret, chrisma vero nunquam
5 De Virginibus, 1.3. p. 124. [al. de Virginitate Liber, c.7.] (t. 2. p. 223 a.) Neque ego abnuo, sacerdotalis esse cautionis debere, ut non temere puella veletur.
6 Ibid. p. 112. [al. ut supr. ec. 1.] (ibid. p. 173 b.)...... Cum in Salvatoris natali, ad Apostolum Pe- trum, virginitatis professionem ves- tis quoque mutatione signares, &c. .. Conf. Eund. ad Virg. Laps. c. 5. tot. (t.2. p. 309 c.) Non es memorata
consecrationem suo episcopo offer- tur, in talibus vestibus applicetur, qualibus semper usura est, profes- sioni et sanctimoniz aptis.—Ibid. c. 104. (p.1207e.) Si que vidue, quan- tumlibet adhuc in minoribus annis posite et matura ztate a viro relicte, se devoverunt Domino, et veste lai- cali abjecta sub testimonio episcopi et ecclesiz religioso habitu apparu- erint, &c.—C. Arausic. 1. c. 27. (t.3.
.1451b.) Viduitatis servande pro- essionem, coram episcopo in secre- tario habitam, imposita ab episcopo veste viduali indicandam.
8 Lex Arcadii in Cod. Justin. 1.1. tit. 4, de Episcopal. Audient. leg. 5. (t. 1. p. 148.) Mime, et que ludi-
rio corporis sui questum faciunt,
pd2
404 The state and case VII. iv.
notice of it, forbidding all mimics and lewd women the public use of such habit as was worn by virgins consecrated to God : which implies, plainly, that such virgins were known by some particular habit peculiar to themselves. One part of this was a veil, called the sacrum velamen; whence the phrase, velare virginem, to veil a virgin, is the same as consecrating her to God, in some ancient? writers. Though I must note, that Ter- tullian’s book De Velandis Virginibus is not so to be under- stood: for he writes, not to devoted virgins, but to all virgins in general, persuading them to use the grave habit of matrons; that is, to go veiled, according to the Apostle’s direction. Whence we must say, that the veil of consecrated virgins had some note of distinction from the common veil of others, and thereupon the name of sacred affixed to it, because it was a token or indication of their resolution. Optatus particularly ob- serves this of another part of their habit, which he calls their purple and golden mitre. He says, ‘they did not use it for any sacrament or mystery, but only as a badge of distinction, and to signify to whose service they belonged, that no one might pretend to ravish, or so much as court them.’ And therefore he blames?® the Donatists for their blind and mad zeal in making the virgins of Christ do penance, and cast away their veils, and change their mitres, which were only innocent tokens of their profession. Eusebius takes notice of the same habit under the name of coronet: for speaking! of one Ennathas, a virgin of Scythopolis in Palestine, who suffered martyrdom in the Dioclesian persecution, he says of her, ‘that she was adorned with the coronet of virginity:’ alluding to what Opta- tus calls their golden riband, or little mitre; unless he speaks metaphorically, and means the crown of virginity added to the crown of martyrdom in another world, of both which great
publice habitu earum virginum, que Deo dicate sunt, non utantur.— Vid. Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit. 17. leg. 12. (t.5. p. 375-) His illud addicimus, ut mime, &c.
9 Vid. Innocent. Ep. 2. ad Victric. c. 13. (CC. t.2. p.1252 e.) He vero que nondum sacro velamine tectee, &c.—Gelas. Ep. 9. ad Episc. Lucan. See n. 36, following.
10 Cont. Parmenian. 1.6. p.9g6. (p. 115.) Jam illud quam stultum, quam
vanum [est]... ut virgines Dei age- rent pcenitentiam discentes [8]. age- re penitentiam discerent;] ut jam- dudum professz, signa voluntatis ca- pitibus, postea vobis jubentibus, im- mutarent; ut mitrellas aureas [al. mitellas alias] projicerent, alias acci- perent, &c.
11 De Martyr. Palestin. c.g. (v. rT. Ρ. 424. 18.)....Tis γυνὴ, παρθενίας στέμματι καὶ αὐτὴ κεκοσμημένη.
§ 6.
of virgins and widows. 405
things are often said in the ancient writers. Albaspinzeus ” thinks Optatus speaks of another custom, which he says is still in use in the consecration of virgins, which is untying the hair, as was customary in secular marriages, in token of the woman’s subjection to her husband. But Optatus’s words seem only to be a bare allusion to that secular custom: for the marriage _ of virgins to Christ was only figurative, or, as he words it, spi- ritual and heavenly ; and consequently the custom referred to must be understood to be of the same nature,—that is, not real and proper, but figurative only; which seems to be most agreeable to the mind of the author.
Baronius'* and Habertus!> express themselves patrons of another custom, which began to creep in among some, but was never allowed or approved by the Catholic Church. Eustathius, the heretic, was for having all virgins shorn or shaven at their consecration. But the Council of Gangra immediately rose up against him, and anathematized the prac- tice, passing a decree! in these words: ‘If any woman, under pretence of an ascetic life, cut off her hair, which God hath given her for a memorial of subjection, let her be anathema, as one that disannuls the decree of subjection.’ Habertus and Baronius pretend, that this decree was made only against married women and seculars, and not such as betook themselves to a monastic life: but the words of
ut Vestales imitentur Romanorum virgines, — incisos sibi capillos ad arborem loton suspendebant: sed aliis ex causis, que Hieronymus re-
12 In Optat. 1. 6. p. 159. (p. 116. n. n.) et hodie in virginibus consecrandis hic ritus observatur.
13 1|, 6. p.g7. (Ρ. 116.) Spiritale
nubendi hoc genus est: in nuptias sponsi jam venerant voluntate et professione sua, et ut szcularibus nuptiis se renunciasse monstrarent, spiritali sponso solverant crinem, jam ccelestes celebraverant nuptias. Quid est quod eas iterum crines solvere coegistis?
M4 An. 57. 0. 93. (t. τ. Ρ. 473 9.) In aliquibus item ecclesiis, praser- tim opie et oo Dep tam virgo
vidua, se vovissent Ὁ esate vc chat’ inguit Hi- eronymus, crinem monasteriorum matribus offerunt desecandum, non intecto postea, contra A postoli volun- tatem, incessure capite, sed ligato pariter et velato ....nec id quidem,
citat: immo et propter mysterium,
&e.
15 Archierat. ad Edict. pro Archi- mandr. observ. 7. (p. 598.) Tonden- tur et foeminz, etsi olim tonderi ne- fas. Concilium Gangrense, can. 17: Εἴ τις ἱκῶν, x.T.r. (See next note.) Sed hic canon de feeminis in seculo et conjugio vitam agentibus intelligitur, non vero de iis, qui τὴν μοναδικὴν ἀπόκαρσιν, tonsuram mo- nasticam, elegerunt.
16 C, 17. (t. 2. p.424 [corrige, 420] a.) Ei τις γυναικῶν διὰ τὴν νομιζομέ- νην ἄσκησιν ἀποκείροιτο τὰς κόμας, ἃς ἔδωκεν ὁ Θεὸς εἰς ὑπόμνησιν τῆς ὑποταγῆς, ὡς ἀναλύουσα τὸ πρόσταγμα τῆς ὑποταγῆς, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω.
406 The state and case VIL. iv.
the canon are positively against such as did it upon pretence that they were entered upon an ascetic, or, as some call it, a religious life; and Valesius!7 ingenuously confesses this to be the true sense of the canon, proving hence that anciently the sacred virgins were not shaven: as neither were they in France to the time of Carolus Calvus, as he shews from other canons, citing Hugo Menardus'* for the same opinion. But the Council of Gangra was not of sufficient force to repress this custom in all places; for in St. Jerom’s time it prevailed.in some mo- nasteries of Syria and Egypt, though upon another principle,— of cleanliness, not religion,—as appears from his Epistle against Sabinian!9 the deacon. Yet it did not prevail every where in Egypt in the days of Athanasius: for Sozomen™, giving an account of the barbarous usage which the holy virgins met
17 In Sozom. 1.5. 6. 10. (v. 2. p. 194. n. 2.) Porro sciendum est, sa- cras virgines olim intonsas fuisse, ut constat ex Concilio Gangrensi. Id- que etiam in Gallia usitatum fuit temporibus Caroli Calvi; ut docet Canon Concilii in Verno Palatio.
18 In Sacramentar. Greg. M. (ap. Greg. M. t. 3. part. 1. p.442 d. 11.) Tandem virginum crines sparsi et soluti erant instar sponsarum, ut manifestum est ex eodem Optato, 1.6. Spiritali sponso solverant cri- nem, jam celestes celebraverant nup- tias. Et infra: Invenistts igitur hu- jusmodi virgines, que jam spiritali- ter nupserant ; quasi secundas co- egistis ad nuptias; ut crines iterum solverent, imperastis. Nam schisma- tici catholicas virgines ad suas par- tes raptas vel allectas, pcenitentia prius imposita, iterum consecrabant. Ex hoc Optati loco manifestum est, olim virgines non fuisse tonsas, quod etiam confirmatur ex S. Ambrosio, c. 8. libr. ad Virginem Lapsam. Ampu- tentur crines, qui per vanam gloriam occasionem luxurie prestiterunt. Ibi enim injungit Virgini Lapsz, pceni- tentiam acture de peccato, crinium tonsionem, juxta priscum morem ;
uem etiam observare est, ex 1. 6. ptati, quod signum est, eam ante lapsum intonsam fuisse; et ex S. Hieronymo Epist. ad Sabinianum, ubi refert de quadam virgine Rome
professa, que, cum Bethlehem ve- nisset, ut morem gentis servaret, tonsa est, crinemque amatori Sabi- niano dedit. Et ex Concilio Gan- grensi, can.17, Εἴ τις γυναικῶν διὰ τὴν νομιζομένην ἄσκησιν ἀποκείροιτο τὰς κόμας, K.T.A. ἀνάθεμα ἔστω, id est, Si qua mulier propter eam, que existimatur exercitatio, id est, ob vitam monachicam, tondeat comam, &c., excommunicetur. At contrarius usus fuit in partibus At- gypti et Syriz; siquidem illic olim sanctimoniales, seu virgines, seu vi- duz, tondebantur, ut docet 5. Hi- eronymus Epist. citata: Moris est Aigypti et Syrie monastervis, ut tam viryo, quam vidua, que se Deo voverint, et seculo renuntiantes om- nes delicias seculi conculecarint, cri- nem monasteriorum matri offerant desecandum. Refertque causam, ne a pediculis opprimantur, quia bal- nea non adeunt, nec oleo unguntur. Quod hodie apud nos observatur, etiam apud Grecos, ut scribit The- odorus Balsamon in canonem cita- tum.
19 Ep. 48. [al 147.| cont. Sabin. (t.1. p.1083 ἃ.) Moris est in AL- gypti et Syriz monasteriis, &c. See the latter part of the preceding note.
20 L. 5. c. 10. (v. 2. p. 194. 17.) ᾿Εμπαροινήσαντες δὲ πρότερον 7 ἐδό- Ket... τὸ τελευταῖον ἀνέκειρον αὐτάς.
of virgins and widows. 407
with from the heathen at Heliopolis, says, ‘ they added this in- dignity above all, that they shaved them also.’ Which plainly implies that it was not then any approved custom of the Church. Nor did it ever prevail by any law: for Theodosius the Great?! added a civil sanction to confirm the ecclesiastical decree made against it, commanding all women, that under pretence of their profession cut off their hair, to be cast out of the church, and not to be allowed to partake of the holy mysteries, or make their supplications at the altar; and fur- ther laid the penalty both of deposition and excommunication upon any bishop that should admit such women to communion. From all which it manifestly appears, that the pretended ton- sure of virgins and widows was anciently no allowed custom of the Church, but rather an abuse, which both the civil and ec- clesiastical laws endeavoured to correct and exterminate, how- ever it came to prevail in the contrary practice of later ages.
The Ordo Romanus has also a long form of prayer, and the ceremony of a ring and a bracelet at their consecration; but the ancient Liturgies having nothing of this, their silence seems to be an argument against the antiquity of them. And lest any one should think the virgins were ordained to some special office in the Church, as the deaconesses were, it is par- ticularly remarked by the author of the Constitutions??, that their consecration was not an ordination, and therefore imposi- tion of hands, for ought that I can find, was not any ancient ceremony belonging to it. I must note further, that as the society of virgins was of great esteem in the Church, so they had some particular honours paid to them.
7. Virgins and widows were commonly excused capitation- of some money, together with the clergy, by the imperial laws of Va- Privileges
i of bestowed lentinian?* and others. Their persons were sacred ; and severe them.
21 Cod. Theod. 1. 16. tit.2. de E- permiserit, dejectus loco etiam ipse pisc. leg. 27. (t.6. p. 60.) Foemine, cum hujusmodi contuberniis arcea- que crinem suum, contra divinas tur. humanasque leges, instinctu per- 22 L. 8. c. 24. (Cotel. v. 1. p.409.) suase professionis abscinderint, ab Παρθένος οὐ χειροτονεῖται, κ. τ. X. . ecclesiz foribus arceantur. Non il- 25 Cod. Theod. 1. 13. tit. το. de lis fas sit sacra adire mysteria, ne- Censu, leg. 4. (t. 5. p. 118.) In virgi- que ullis supplicationibus merean- nitate perpetua yiventes et eam vi- tur veneranda omnibus altaria fre- duam, de qua ipsa maturitas polli- quentare. Adeo quidem, ut episco- cetur etatis nulli jam eam esse “pus, tonso capite feeminam siintroire nupturam, a plebeie capitationis in-
s
408 VIL. iv
The state and case
laws were made against any that should presume to offer the least violence to them: banishment, and proscription, and death?+, were the ordinary punishments of such offenders. Constantine paid them a particular respect, by charging his own coffers and exchequer with their maintenance; and his mother, Helena2>, was used to entertain them herself, and wait upon them at her own table. The Church gave them also a share in her own revenues, and. assigned them, by way of re- spect, a particular place or apartment in the house of God, whither, as St. Ambrose says2®, the most noble and religious matrons were used to resort, with some earnestness, to receive their salutations and embraces. But of this I shall have oc- casion to discourse further in the next Book, when I come to treat of churches, and the distinct places of every order in
Of the name νονὶς
and nonne,
and its sig- nification.
them.
8. I have but one thing more to observe, which relates to an ancient name of these virgins, voris and nonne, whence, I
presume, comes our English name, nun.
Moniales and asce-
trie and sanctimoniales are common names for them in
ancient writers.
St. Jerom once uses the name nonne, and
Palladius, of Meursius’s edition 27, vovis, but in Fronto-Duczeus’s
edition 35 it is γραῦς, an old woman.
juria vindicandas esse, decernimus. —Leg. 6. (p. 12.) Nulla vidua..... exactionem plebis agnoscat. Simili autem devotione habeantur immu- nes, et sl quz se sacre legis obse- quio perpetuo dedicarunt.
24 Ibid. 1. 9. tit. 25. de Raptu Sanctimonialium, leg. 2. (t. 3. p. 197.) Si quis, non dicam rapere, sed vel attemptare matrimonii jungendi causa, sacratas virgines, vel invitas, ausus fuerit, capitali sententia ferie- tur.—Leg. 3. (p. 199.) Si quis dica- tam Deo virginem, prodigus sui,
-raptor ambierit, publicatis bonis de-
portatione plectatur. 25 Socrat. 1. 1. 6. 17.
8. 1. p. 398. 0.7 26 Ad Virg. foe. G.. 6..{t. 2. Ῥ.
See before,
.311 b.) Nonne vel illum locum tabu- _lis separatum, in quo in ecclesia sta-
bas, recordari debuisti, ad quem re- ligiose matronz et nobiles certatim
-currebant, tua oscula petentes, que
Hospinian?9 says it is an
sanctiores et digniores te erant. (al. quasi sanctioris et dignioris.
27 Hist. Lausiac. ¢. 46. [al. 86.] Περὶ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ πα θένου (Lugd. Bat. 1616. p. 108.) Δεδώκει᾽ δὲ αὐτῷ ἀπόκρισιν ἡ νόνις, κι τ. A. [Οὐοηΐξ. Meurs. Lexic. Greecobarb. p. 368. in voce. Ep. |
28 Ap. Bibl. Patr. Gr.-Lat. s. Auc- tar. Duczan. Paris. 1624. c. 65. (t.2. p. 1008 d. 7.) Δεδώκει δὲ αὐτῷ p ἀπόκρι- σιν ἡ γραῦς, K.T.X.
29 De Monachat. 1.1. 6.1. p.3. (p. 3. ad im.) Exstat apud Hlierony- mum nonne vocabulum, quo id ge- nus hominum insignitur, in Epistola ad Eustochium virginem: Quia ma- ritorum, inquit, experte dominatum, &c. Apparet autem hoc verbum ab
_A&gyptiis in vulgi sermonem ve-
nisse. Solent enim aliquoties res
ejus gentis sortiri vocabula, in qua
precipue fuerint, aut inde nate sint. AAgyptus autem preeter ceteras pro-~
§ 8, 9. 409
Egyptian name, and signifies a virgin: but St. Jerom° seems to extend the signification alittle further, to denote indifferently widows professing chastity after a first marriage, as well as virgins; for he particularly applies it to women living in widowhood after their first husband’s decease. The names . agapete and sorores 1 pass over, as being rather names of reproach, and deriving their original from a scandalous abuse and unwarrantable practice of some vain and indiscreet men in the Church, of which I have given a full account in another place}.
9. Concerning the widows of the Church we have not many Some par- things further to be observed distinctly, they being generally pears under the same laws and rules as the ecclesiastical virgins relating to were, as to what concerned their habit, consecration, profes- prepay sion, maintenance, and the like. The sum of which is thus Church. expressed in one of the canons of the first Council of Orange ®?,
‘that a widow having made profession of continuing in her widowhood before the bishop in the church, and having her widow's garment put on by the presbyter, ought never after to violate her promise.’ That which was particular in their case was, ist, That they must be such widows as had a long time ago lost their husbands, and lived many years a chaste unblameable life, ruling their own houses well, as the author of the Constitutions®* expresses himself, almost in the words of the Apostle; but such widows as had but lately buried their husbands were not to be trusted, for fear their passions should one time or other prove too strong for their promise. 2dly, It
of virgins and widows.
vincias monachorum gregibus abun- davit ab initio et Hieronymi adhuc etate. Quorum lingua, puto, mo- nachos et sanctos nonnos fuisse vo- catos: monachas et virgines non-
nas. 80 Ep. 22. ad Eustoch. c. 6. [al. c. 16.] (t. τ. p.98 d.)... Maritorum cpertes dominatu [al. experte do- μι ἡ ἡκουξ viduitatis preeferunt liber- tatem te vocantur et nonne, et post cenam dubiam Apostolos somniant. 81 B. 6, ch. 2. s. 13. v. 2. p. 224. 82 C.27. Viduitatis servandis pro- fessionem coram episcopo in secre- BINGHAM, VOL. I.
tario habitam, imposita a presbytero veste viduali, non esse violandam.
τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ σωφρόνως καὶ ἀκατα- γνώστως ἔζησε, καὶ τῶν οἰκείων ἄρι- στα ἐπεμελήθη, ὡς ᾿Ιουδὶθ καὶ Ἄννα, ai σεμνόταται, κατατασσέσθω εἷς τὸ χηρικόν. Ei δὲ νεωστὶ ἀπέβαλε τὸν μόζυγον, μὴ πιστευέσθω" ἀλλὰ χρό νεότης κρινέσθω" τὰ γὰρ πάθη ἔσ ὅτε καὶ [8]. δὲ] συγγηρᾷ ἀνθρώποις, εἰ μὴ ὑπὸ κρείττονος χαλινοῦ εἰργό- μεθα.
Ee
410 The state and case VIL. iv.
may hence be reasonably concluded, that the younger widows were generally refused by the Church, and not allowed to make any solemn profession before they were forty or fifty years old, though this term be nowhere precisely fixed. For since, as I have shewed before, virgins in some ages were not allowed to make their profession before forty, it is probable the same term was generally observed in the case of widows, or perhaps sixty required according to the rule of the Apostle. The widows that were chosen to be deaconesses in the Church, were to be fifty or sixty years of age, as I have shewed be- fore3+ in speaking of their order; who, though they were not the widows we are now speaking of, yet being generally chosen out of them, and thence termed widows also, it may be pre- sumed there was no great difference in point of age betwixt them. 3dly. Widows were to be such only as had been the wives of one man; that is, only once married, as the Ancients generally understand it; though Theodoret gives a different sense of the words, only excluding such as had scandalously married a second time after having divorced themselves from a former husband; which seems to be the true sense and mean- ing of the Apostle, as learned men®> now understand it. 4thly, There was some difference between widows and virgins in the ceremony of their consecration, at least in the Church of Rome in the time of Gelasius. For in one of his Canonical Epistles 86, where he speaks of veiling of virgins on certain holidays, and not at other times, except in case of sickness, he peremptorily forbids the veiling of widows at any time, as contrary to cus- tom and law, for no canon had prescribed it. Which seems to argue, that this particular ceremony was not used in their con- secration. Though it came into use by the time that the Ordo Romanus was written: for there?” the form of consecrating
84 Β͵ 2. eh. 22. 8. 4. v. ¥. p. 287.
35 See b. 2. ch. 22. 8.5. ν᾿, p. 288. nn 23—29.
“6 Ep. 9. ad Episc. Lucan. e. 14. fal. c.12.| (CC. t.4. p. 1191 ¢.) De- votis quoque virginibus, nisi aut in Epiphaniarum die, aut in Albis Pas- chalibus, aut in Apostolorum Nata- litiis, sacrum minime velamen impo- natur, &e.—C. 15. [al. c. 13.] (ibid. d.) Viduas autem velare pontificum
nullus attentet, quod nec authoritas divina delegat, nec canonum forma prestituit.
37 De Consecrat. Vidue, p. 167. (ap. Bibl. Max. t. 13. p. 739 d. 3.) Vidua,. ... si seipsam vult Deo dare, debet et a presbytero velari, vel et- iam consecratum ab episcopo vela- men de altari accipere, et ipsa sibi, non episcopus, illud debet impo- nere.
§ 9.
of virgins and widows. 411
widows prescribes that they shall be veiled by the presbyter, or else take a veil, consecrated by the bishop, from the altar and yeil themselves. But it is no wonder to find such a change as this in the Roman Church. A diligent inquirer may find many other that are more considerable, which I shall no fur- ther pursue, but here put an end to the discourse concerning the ascetics of the ancient Church.
END OF VOL. II.
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