THE WORKS OF

THEODORE ROOSEVELT

IN FOURTEEN VOLUMES

t

Illustrated

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESSES
AND STATE PAPERS

PART TWO

Jgxecutive ]£-dition

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PRESIDENT THROUGH SPECIAL ARRANGEMENT
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NEW YORK

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The Publishers desire to make clear to the readers that President Roosevelt

retains no pecuniary interest in the sale of the volumes containing these

speeches. He feels that the material contained in these addresses

has been dedicated to the public, and that it is, therefore,

not to be handled as copyrighted material from which

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PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESSES
AND STATE PAPERS

PART TWO

PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESSES AND
STATE PAPERS

AT DEDICATION OF NAVY MEMORIAL MONU-
MENT, SAN FRANCISCO, CAL., MAY 14, 1903

Mr. Mayor; My Fellow-Citizens:

The ground for this monument was first turned by
President McKinley, and I am glad to have the
chance of saying a few words in dedication of the
completed monument. There is no branch of our
government in which all our people are so deeply
interested as the Navy of the United States. It is
not merely San Francisco, not merely New York, or
Boston, or Charleston, or New Orleans, not merely
the seacoast cities of the Nation ; every individual in
the Nation who is proud of America and jealous of
her good name must feel a thrill of generous emotion
at the erection of a monument to the navy, a monu-
ment to the fleet which was victorious under Admiral
Dewey on the first of May five years ago, a fleet which
then added a new page to the long honor roll of
American achievement. It is eminently fitting that
there should be here in this great city on the Pacific
Ocean a monument to commemorate the deed which
showed once for all that America had taken her po-
sition on the Pacific. I want you all to draw a prac-
tical lesson from this commemoration. We to-day
dedicate this monument because those who went be-
fore us had the wisdom to make ready for the vic-
i— VOL. XIV (40I)

402 Presidential Addresses

tory. If we wish our children to have the chance
of dedicating monuments of this kind in the event
of war we must see that the navy is made ready in
advance. To dedicate the monument would be an
empty and foolish thing if we accompanied it by
an abandonment of our national policy of building
up the navy. And good though it is to erect this
monument, it is better still to go on with the build-
ing up of the navy which gave the monument to
us, and which, if we ever give it a fair chance, can
be relied upon to rise level to our needs.

Remember that after the war has begun it is too
late to improvise a navy. A naval war is two-
thirds settled in advance, at least two-thirds, because
it is mainly settled by the preparation which has
gone on for years preceding its outbreak. We won
at Manila because the shipbuilders of the country,
including those here at San Francisco, under the
wise provisions of Congress, had for fifteen years
before been preparing the navy. In 1882 our navy
was a shame and a disgrace to the country in point
of material. The personnel contained as fine ma-
terial as there was to be found in the world but the
ships and the guns were antiquated, and it would
have been a wicked absurdity to have sent them
against the ships of any good power. Then we be-
gan to build up the navy. Every ship that fought
under Dewey had been built between 1883 and 1896.

We come here as patriots remembering that our
party lines stop at the water's edge. That fleet
was successful in 1898 because under the previous
administrations of both political parties, under the
previous Congresses controlled by both political par-

And State Papers 4°3

ties, for the previous fifteen years there had been a
resolute effort to build adequate ships. The ships
that went in under Dewey had been constructed un-
der different successive Secretaries of the Navy and
had been provided for by different successive Con-
gresses of the United States. Not one of them had
been built less than two years, some of them four-
teen years. We could not have begun to fight that
battle if we had not been for so many years making
ready the navy.

The last Congress has taken greater strides than
any previous Congress in making ready the navy,
but it will be two or three years before the effects
are seen. In no branch of the government are fore-
sight and the carrying out of a steady and continu-
ous policy so necessary as in the navy; and you,
citizens of San Francisco, of California, and all our
citizens should make it a matter of prime duty to see
that there is no halt in that work, that the next Con-
gress, and the Congress after that, and the Congress
after that, go right on providing formidable war-
craft, providing officers, providing men, and pro-
viding the means of training them in peace to be
effective in war. The best ships and the best guns
do not count unless they are handled aright and
aimed aright, and the best men can not thus handle
the one nor aim. the other if they do not have ample
practice. Our people must be trained in handling
our ships in squadrons on the high seas. Our peo-
ple on the ships must be trained by actual practice
to do their duty in conning tower, in the engine

404 Presidential Addresses

rooms, in the gun turrets. The shots that count in
battle are the shots that hit.

We have reason to be satisfied with the rapid in-
crease in accuracy in marksmanship of the navy in
recent years, and I congratulate Admiral Glass and
those under him and all our naval officers who are
taking their part so well in perfecting that work, and
I congratulate the enlisted men of the navy upon the
extraordinary improvement in marksmanship shown
by the gun pointers.

Applaud the navy and what it has done. That
is first-class. But make your applause count by
seeing that the good work goes on. Besides ap-
plauding now see to it that the navy is so built up
that the men of the next generation will have some-
thing to applaud also.

AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKE-
LEY, CAL., MAY 14, 1903

President Wheeler; Fellow-Members of the Uni-
versity:

Last night, in speaking to one of my new friends
in California, he told me that he thought enough had
been said to me about the fruits and flowers; that
enough had been said to me about California being
an Eden, and that he wished I would pay some at-
tention to Adam as well. Much though I have been
interested in the wonderful physical beauty of this
wonderful State, I have been infinitely more inter-
ested in its citizenship, and perhaps most in its
citizenship in the making.

And State Papers 405

When I come to the University of California and
am greeted by its President I am greeted by an old
and valued friend, a friend whom I have not merely
known socially but upon whom, while I was Gov-
ernor of New York, I leaned often for advice and as-
sistance in the problems with which I had to deal.
When he accepted your offer I grudged him to
you. And it was not until I came here, not until I
have seen you, that I have been fully reconciled to the
loss. But now I am, for I can conceive of no hap-
pier life for any man to lead to whom life means
what it should mean, than the life of the President of
this great University.

This same friend last night suggested to me a
thought that I intend to work out in speaking to
you to-day. We were talking over the University
of California, and from that we spoke of the general
educational system of our country. Facts tend to
become commonplace, and we tend to lose sight of
their importance when once they are ingrained into
the life of the Nation. Although we talk a good
deal about what the widespread education of this
country means, I question if many of us deeply con-
sider its meaning. From the lowest grade of the
public school to the highest form of university train-
ing, education in this country is at the disposal of
every man, every woman, who chooses to work for
and obtain it. The State has done much, very much ;
witness this university. Private benefaction has
done very much ; witness also this university. And
each one of us who has obtained an education

406 Presidential Addresses

has obtained something for which he or she has not
personally paid. No matter what the school, what
the university, every American who has a school
training, a university training, has obtained some-
thing given to him outright by the State, or given
to him by those dead or those living who were able
to make provision for that training because of the
protection of the State, because of existence within
its borders. Each one of us then who has an edu-
cation, school or college, has obtained something
from the community at large for which he or she
has not paid, and no self-respecting man or woman is
content to rest permanently under such an obliga-
tion. Where the State has bestowed education the
man who accepts it must be content to accept it
merely as a charity unless he returns it to the State
in full, in the shape of good citizenship. I do not
ask of you, men and women here to-day, good citi-
zenship as a favor to the State. I demand it of you
as a right, and hold you recreant to your duty if
you fail to give it.

Here you are in this university, in this State with
its wonderful climate, which is permitting people of
a northern stock for the first time in the history of
that northern stock to gain education in physical
surroundings somewhat akin to those which sur-
rounded the early Greeks. Here you have all those
advantages and you are not to be excused if you do
not show in tangible fashion your appreciation of
them and your power to give practical effect to
that appreciation. From all our citizens we have

And State Papers 407

a right to expect good citizenship; but most of all
from those who have received most; most of all
from those who have had the training of body, of
mind, of soul, which comes from association in and
with a great university. From those to whom much
has been given we have Biblical authority to expect
and demand much in return ; and the most that can
be given to any man is education. I expect and de-
mand in the name of the Nation much more from
you who have had training of the mind than from
those of mere wealth. To the man of means much
has been given, too, and much will be expected from
him, and ought to be, but not as much as from you,
because your possession is more valuable than his.
If you envy him I think poorly of you. Envy is
merely the meanest form of admiration, and a man
who envies another admits thereby his own inferior-
ity. We have a right to expect from the college
bred man, the college bred woman, a proper sense of
proportion, a proper sense of perspective, which will
enable him or her to see things in their right rela-
tion one to another, and when thus seen while wealth
will have a proper place, a just place, as an instru-
ment for achieving happiness and power, for confer-
ring happiness and power, it will not stand as high
as much else in our national life. I ask you to take
that not as a conventional statement from the uni-
versity platform, but to test it by thinking of the
men whom you admire in our past history and see-
ing what are the qualities which have made you
admire them, what are the services they have ren-

408 Presidential Addresses

dered. For as President Wheeler said to-day, it is
true now as it ever has been true that the greatest
good fortune, the greatest honor, that can befall
any man is that he shall serve; that he shall serve the
Nation, serve his people, serve mankind ; and looking
back in history the names that come up before us,
the names to which we turn, the names of the men of
our own people which stand as shining honor marks
in our annals, the names of those men typifying quali-
ties which rightly we should hold in reverence, are
the names of the statesmen, of the soldiers, of the
poets — and after them, not abreast of them, the
names of the architects of our material prosperity
also.

Of recent years I have been thrown in contact
with a number of college graduates doing good
service to the country, and as I wish to make it per-
fectly evident what I mean by the kind of service
which I should hope to have from you and which it
seems to me worth while to render, I want to say
just a word about two college graduates who have
during the last five years rendered and are now ren-
dering such services : Governor Taft in the Phil-
ippines, and Brigadier-General Leonard Wood, late-
ly Governor of Cuba. When we acquired the Phil-
ippines and took possession for the time being of
Cuba to train its people in citizenship, we assumed
heavy responsibilities; so heavy that some very ex-
cellent persons thought we ought to shirk them. I
hold that a great and masterful people forfeits its
title to greatness if it shirks any work because that

And State Papers 409

work is difficult and responsible. The difficulty and
responsibility impose upon us the high duty of doing
the work well, but they in no way excuse us for re-
fusing to do it. We had to do the work and
the question came of the choice of instruments in
doing it. The most important and most difficult
task after the establishment of order by the army
in the Philippines was the establishment of civil
government therein; and second only in impor-
tance to that came the administration of Cuba,
during the three years and over that elapsed be-
fore we were able to turn its government over to
its own people and start it as a free Republic. When
tasks are all-important the most important factor
in doing them right is the choice of the agents ; and
among the many debts of gratitude which this Na-
tion owes to President McKinley, no debt is greater
than the debt we owe him for the choice of his in-
struments, such a choice as that of Taft, such a
choice as that of Wood. We sent Taft to the Phil-
ippines; we sent Wood to Cuba; both of them as
tested by the standard of our commercial life, poor
men; each man with little more than his salary to
keep himself and his family; each man to handle
millions upon millions of dollars, to have the power
by mere conniving at what was improper to acquire
untold wealth — and sent them knowing that we did
not ever have to consider whether such opportuni-
ties would be temptations toward them; sent them
knowing that they had the ideals of the true Ameri-
can and that, therefore, we did not have to con-

410 Presidential Addresses

sider the chance of such a temptation appealing
to them.

Taft went to the Philippines to stay there; not
only forfeiting thereby the certainty of brilliant rise
in his profession on the bench or at the bar here
if he had stayed, but at imminent risk to his own
health ; because he felt that his duty as an American
made him go; that, as President McKinley told me
of him, he had been drafted into the service of the
country and he could not honorably refuse. We
have seen in consequence the Philippine Islands ad-
ministered by the American official who is at the
head of the government and by his colleagues in the
interest primarily of their people, and seeking to
obtain for the United States, for the dominant race,
that spent its' blood and its treasure in making firm
and stable the government of those islands, the re-
ward that comes from the consciousness of duty well
done. Under Taft, by and through his efforts, not
only have peace and material well-being come to
those islands to a degree never before known in their
recorded history, and to a degree infinitely greater
than had ever been dreamed possible by those who
knew them best, but more than that, a greater meas-
ure of self-government has been given to them than
is now given to any other Asiatic people under alien
rule, than to any other Asiatic people under their
own rulers, save Japan alone. That is an achieve-
ment of the past five years which I hold to be abso-
lutely unparalleled in history ; and when the debit and
credit side of our national life is finally made up a

And State Papers 411

long stroke shall be put to the credit side for what
has been done in the Philippines under Taft and his
associates.

In the same way Leonard Wood worked in Cuba.
Put down there to do an absolutely new task, to
take a people of a different race, a different speech,
a different creed, a people just emerging from the
hideous welter of a war, cruel and sanguinary be-
yond what we in this fortunate country can readily
conceive, to take a people down in the depths of
poverty and misery, just recovering from suffer-
ing which makes one shudder to think of, a peo-
ple untrained utterly and absolutely in self-gov-
ernment, and fit them for it; and he did it. For
three years he worked. He established a school
system as good as the best that we have in any of
our States. He cleaned cities which had never been
cleaned in their existence before. He secured ab-
solute safety for life and property. He did the kind
of governmental work which should be the undy-
ing honor of our people forever. And he came
home to what ? He came home to be thanked by a
few, to be attacked by others — not to their credit —
and to have as his real reward the sense that though
his work had been done at pecuniary sacrifice to
him, that though the demands upon him had been
such as to eat into his private means, yet hevhad
worthily and well done his duty as an American citi-
zen and reflected fresh honor upon the uniform of
the United States Army.

I have chosen Taft and Wood simply as instances

412 Presidential Addresses

of what other men by the hundred have done, Amer-
icans who have graduated from no college, Ameri-
cans who have graduated from our different colleges,
and especially by practically all those Americans who
have graduated from the two great typical Ameri-
can institutions of learning — West Point and Annap-
olis. Taft and Wood and their fellows are spend-
ing or have spent the best years of their prime in do-
ing a work which means to them pecuniary loss, at
the best a bare livelihood while they are doing it,
and are doing it gladly because they realize the truth
that the highest privilege that can be given to any
American is the privilege of serving his country, his
fellow- Americans. As I am speaking to an audience
with proper ideals, when I say that Taft and Wood
have done all this service to their pecuniary loss
I am holding them up not for pity but for ad-
miration. Every man, every woman here should
feel it incumbent upon him or her to welcome
with joy the chance to render service to the coun-
try, service to our people at large, and to accept the
rendering of the service as in itself ample repay-
ment therefor. Do not misunderstand me. The
average man, the average woman must earn his or
her living in one way or another, and I most em-
phatically do not advise any one to decline to do the
humdrum, every-day duties because there may come
a chance for the display of heroism. I ask of you
the straightforward, earnest, performance of duty
in all the little things that come up day by clay
in business, in domestic life, in every way, and then

And State Papers 413

when the opportunity comes, if you have thus done
your duty in the lesser things, I know you will rise
level to the heroic needs.

AT BANQUET OF THE UNION LEAGUE CLUB
OF SAN FRANCISCO, CAL., .MAY 14, 1903

Mr. Toaftmaster, and you, my Fellow-Members of

the Union League Club:

No one can too strongly insist upon the elemen-
tary fact that you can not build the superstruc-
ture of public virtue save on private virtue. The
sum of the parts is the whole, and if we wish to
make that whole, the State, the representative and
exponent and symbol of decency, it must be so made
through the decency, public and private, of the aver-
age citizen.

It is absolutely essential if we are to have the
proper standard of public life that promise shall be
square with performance. A lie is no more to be
excused in politics than out of politics. A promise
is as binding on the stump as off the stump; and
there are two facets to that crystal. In the first
place, the man who makes a promise which he does
not intend to keep and does not try to keep should
rightly be adjudged to have forfeited in some degree
what should be every man's most precious posses-
sion— his honor. On the other hand, the public
that exacts a promise which ought not to be kept,
or which can not be kept, is by just so much for-
feiting its right to self-government. There is no

414 Presidential Addresses

surer way of destroying the capacity for self-gov-
ernment in a people than to accustom that people
to demanding the impossible or the improper from
its public men. No man fit to be a public man will
promise either the impossible or the improper; and
if the demand is made that he shall do so it means
putting a premium upon the unfit in public life.
There is the same sound reason for distrusting the
man who promises too much in public that there is
for distrusting the man who promises too much in
private business.

The one indispensable thing for us to keep is a
high standard of character for the average American
citizen.

AT CARSON CITY, NEVADA, MAY 19, 1903

Mr. Governor, Mr Mayor, and you, my Fellow-
Citizens:

It has been a great pleasure to be introduced in
the more than kind words the Governor has used,
because the Governor has been a genuine pioneer.
Here in this great Western country, the country
which is what it is purely because the pioneers who
came here had iron in their veins, because they were
able to conquer plain and mountain, and to make the
wilderness blossom, we are not to be excused if we
do not see to it that the generation that comes after
us is trained to have the sum of the fundamental
qualities which enabled their fathers to succeed.

I want to say one special word to-day here in Car-
son City on a subject in which all of our people

And State Papers 415

from the Atlantic to the Pacific take an interest, but
which affects in especial the people of the States of
the great plains and mountains and affects no State
more than it does Nevada — the question of irriga-
tion. Now, as I say, I do not regard that as in
any way merely a question of the Rocky Moun-
tain States, of the great plains States, because
anything which tends for the well-being of any
portion of the Union is therefore for the well-
being of all of it, and it was for that reason
that I felt warranted in appealing to the people
of the seaboard States on the Atlantic, to the peo-
ple of the States of the Great Lakes and the Mis-
sissippi Valley, to say that it was their duty to help
in bringing 'about a scheme of national irrigation,
because the interest of any part of this country is
the interest of all of it; and no man is a really
good American who fails to grasp that fact.

The National Government is still, as you all well
know, but as many Easterners do not know, the great-
est land owner in the Western States, and among all
those States Nevada holds the great proportion of
vacant public land, and the need of Nevada for Fed-
eral assistance was one of the strongest arguments
used in the discussion which preceded the reclama-
tion act of June, 1902, the irrigation act of a year
ago. The great extent of the vacant public lands
in the State, the fact that its water supply came
chiefly from streams rising in the adjoining State of
California, and the overwhelming difficulties which
for these and other reasons prevented the people of

4i 6 Presidential Addresses

Nevada from efficiently acting in their own inter-
est, made, in my judgment, and, as it proved, in the
judgment of the Congress, Federal interference ab-
solutely imperative. It is a matter for the strongest
congratulation, not only for the West, but for the
whole Nation, that the policy went into effect. It is
a matter of special congratulation to Nevada that the
Secretary of the Interior, guided in his choice wholly
by actual conditions on the ground, has been led to
undertake one of the five sets of works which have
been first undertaken, here in Nevada, particularly
near Reno on the Truckee River, as one of the na-
tional projects for the starting and working of the
methods of the 'law. Extensive surveys have already
been made, and the projects for water storage and
water distribution are at a point which warrants our
belief that immediate action is in sight. There are
vast tracts of excellent land still in the ownership of
the general government here in Nevada and else-
where to which the reclamation act will bring the
flood waters that now annually go to waste. For
Nevada most of these waters originate in the high
mountains lying in sight of Reno, largely just across
the State line in California. Some of these moun-
tains have been included in the forest reserves, and
your interests and the interests of the irrigators in
California imperatively demand the extension of the
forest reserve system so that the source of supply for
the great reservoirs and irrigation works may be
safe from fire, from over-grazing, and from destruc-
tive lumbering. I ask you to pay attention to what

And State Papers 417

I say when I use the word destructive lumbering;
no one can desire to prevent, or do anything but
help, practical and conservative lumbering. In other
words, my fellow-citizens, we have reached a con-
dition in which it must be the object of the Nation
and the State to favor the development of the home-
maker, of the man who takes up the land intend-
ing to keep it for himself and for his children,
so that it shall be even of better use to them
than to him.

The opportunities for the development of Nevada
are very great. Until recently Nevada was only
thought of as a mineral and stock-raising State.
Much can be done yet as regards both the mineral
exploitation and the raising of stock within the
State; but now under the stimulus of irrigation it
is probable that irrigated agriculture will come to
the front, and when it does the population will in-
crease with a rapidity and permanence never before
known. The State of Nevada has led the way not
only in the strength of its plea for national aid in
irrigation, but also in its willingness to assist in the
work. I wish to lay emphasis on the fact that in
Nevada the authorities have been anxious in every
way to help in working out the problem of irri-
gation; and to pay all acknowledgment to them
now. The recent Legislature passed laws which in
many respects should serve as models for the legis-
lation of other States. The union of land and water
under the national law has been recognized, and so
has the fundamental proposition which necessarily

4*8 Presidential Addresses

underlies the prosperity of all communities in which
irrigated agriculture is the chief industry, namely,
that the water belongs to the people and can not
be made a monopoly. The public appreciation of
this fundamental truth that the water belongs to
the people to be taken and put to beneficial use will
wipe out many controversies which are at present so
harmful to the development of the West. And the
example of Nevada will be of material aid in bring-
ing about this fortunate result.

As I said of the forests so it is even more true of
the water supply. It should be our constant policy
by national and by State legislation to see that the
water is used for the benefit of the occupants of the
soil, of those who till and use the soil, that it is not
exploited by any one man or set of men in his or
their interests as against the interests of those on
the land who are to use it. It is a fundamental truth
that the prosperity of any people is simply another
term for the prosperity of the home-makers among
that people. Our entire policy in irrigation, in for-
estry, in handling the public lands, should be in rec-
ognition of that truth, to favor in every way the
man who wishes to take up a given area of soil and
thereon to build a home in which he will rear his
children as useful citizens of the State.

And State Papers 419

FROM ADDRESS AT THE LAYING OF THE
CORNERSTONE OF THE LEWIS AND CLARK
MEMORIAL, PORTLAND, ORE., MAY 21, 1903

Mr. Mayor, and you, my Fellow-Citizens:

We come here to-day to lay a cornerstone of a
monument that is to call to mind the greatest sin-
gle pioneering feat on this continent, the voyage
across the continent by Lewis and Clark, which
rounded out the ripe statesmanship of Jefferson and
his fellows by giving to the United States all of the
domain between the Mississippi and the Pacific. Fol-
lowing their advent came the reign of the fur trade ;
and then some sixty years ago those entered in
whose children and children's children were to pos-
sess the land. Across the continent in the early 40*5
came the ox-drawn white-topped wagons bearing the
pioneers, the stalwart, sturdy, sunburned men, with
their wives and their little ones, who entered into
this country to possess it. You have built up here
this wonderful commonwealth, a commonwealth
great in its past, and infinitely greater in its future.
It was a pleasure to me to-day to have as part of
my escort the men of the Second Oregon, who car-
ried on the expansion of our people beyond the
Pacific as your fathers had carried it on to the Pa-
cific. Speaking to you here I do not have to ask
you to face the future high of heart and confident of
soul. You could not assume any other attitude and
be true to your blood, true to the position in which
you find yourselves on this continent. I speak to

4^0 Presidential Addresses

the men of the Pacific Slope, to the men whose pred-
ecessors gave us this region because they were not
afraid, because they did not seek the life of ease and
safety, because their life training was not to shrink
from obstacles but to meet and overcome them ; and
now I ask that this Nation go forward as it has gone
forward in the past; I ask that it shape its life in
accordance with the highest ideals; I ask that our
name be a synonym for truthful and fair dealing
with all the nations of the world; and I ask two
things in connection with our foreign policy — that
we never wrong the weak and that we never flinch
from the strong. Base is the man who inflicts a
wrong, and base is the man who suffers a wrong to
be done him.

We have met to commemorate a mighty pioneer
feat, a feat of the old days, when men needed to call
upon every ounce of courage and hardihood and
manliness they possessed in order to make good our
claim to this continent. Let us in our turn with
equal courage, equal hardihood and manliness, carry
on the task that our forefathers have intrusted to
our hands ; and let us resolve that we shall leave to
our children and our children's children an even
mightier heritage than we received in our turn.

REMARKS IN ACCEPTING SOUVENIR PRE-
SENTED BY THE WORKMEN OF THE NAVY
YARD, BREMERTON, WASH., MAY 23, 1903

I want to thank you and through you your fel-
low workmen for this token. I also wish to repeat

And State Papers 421

what I have said before, that the victories of Manila
and Santiago reflect credit not merely upon those
who fought, but upon every man who did his work
in preparing the ships for battle. There is not a
workman in any of our yards who did his duty in
connection with the guns, the armor plate, the tur-
rets, the hulls, or anything, who has not his full
right to a share in the credit of those victories. You
all did your part in winning them just as much as
the men who actually fought. Nothing could have
pleased me more than to have received this gift from
the men of the yard, and I appreciate it.

TO THE ARCTIC BROTHERHOOD, SEATTLE,
WASH., MAY 23, 1903

Mr. Chairman, and you, Men and Women of Alaska:
Let me thank you and the members of the Arctic
Brotherhood for their greeting. I am happy to say
that during the last year or two the National Legis-
lature has begun to realize its responsibilities in ref-
erence to Alaska ; and that even those of our people
who do not live on the Pacific Slope are beginning
to understand that in the not distant future Alaska
will be not merely a regularly organized Territory,
but a great and populous State.

Very few European races have exercised a more
profound influence upon Europe, and none has had
a more heroic history, than the race occupying the
Scandinavian peninsula of the Old World. And
Alaska 'lies in the same latitude as, and can and
will in the lifetime of those I am addressing sup-

422 Presidential Addresses

port as great a population as, the Scandinavian
peninsula. It is curious how our fate as a Nation has
often driven us forward toward greatness in spite
of the protests of many of those esteeming them-
selves in point of training and culture best fitted
to shape the Nation's destiny. In 1803, when we
acquired the territory stretching from the Mississippi
to the Pacific, there were plenty of wise men who
announced that we were acquiring a mere desert,
that it was a violation of the Constitution to ac-
quire it, and that the acquisition was fraught with the
seeds of the dissolution of the Republic. And think
how absolutely the event has falsified the predic-
tions of those men. So when in the late 6o's we
by treaty acquired Alaska, this great territory with
its infinite possibilities was taken by this Repub-
lic in spite of the bitter opposition of many men
who were patriots according to their lights and
who esteemed themselves far-sighted. And but five
years ago there were excellent men who bemoaned
the fact that we were obliged during the war with
Spain to take possession of the Philippines and to
show that we were hereafter to be one of the domi-
nant powers of the Pacific. In every instance how
the after events of history have falsified the predic-
tions of the men of little faith! There are critics
so feeble and so timid that they shrink back when
this Nation asserts that it comes in the category of
the nations who dare to be great, and they want to
know, forsooth, the cost of greatness and what it
means. We do not know the cost, but we know it

And State Papers 423

will be more than repaid ten times over by the
result ; and what it may ultimately mean we do not
know, but we know what the present holds, what the
present need demands, and we take the present and
hold ourselves ready to abide the result of what-
ever the future may bring.

When I speak to you of the Pacific Slope, to you
of the new Northwest, whose cities are seated here
by the Sound, I speak to people abounding in their
youth and their virile manhood, who do not fear to
grasp opportunity as the opportunity comes, and
who weigh slight risk but lightly in the balance
when on the other side of the scale comes the great-
ness of triumph, the greatness of acquisition. We
took Alaska thirty-five years ago, and at last we
have begun to wake up to the heritage that thereby
we have handed over to our children. I speak to
you, citizens of Alaska, people who have dwelt there-
in, to say how much all our people owe to you. Dur-
ing the last year many wise laws have been put upon
the statute book in reference to Alaska ; not as many
as should have been put, but a good many. I ear-
nestly hope that Congress will speedily provide for a
delegate from Alaska, so that the people of the Ter-
ritory may have some recognized exponent whose
duty it shall be to place its needs before the National
Legislature. Meanwhile, with the assistance of the
Senators and Representatives in Congress from this
section of the country, I shall do all that in me lies
to see that the proper kinds of legislation are en-
acted for the Territory.

424 Presidential Addresses

The immediate cause of the great development of
Alaska of course is to be found in its mines; but
most of the people of this country are wholly in
error when they think of the mines as being the
sole or even the chief permanent cause of Alaska's
future greatness. Alaska has great possibilities of
agricultural and pastoral development. Not only her
mines, her fisheries, her forests, but her agriculture
and her stock-raising will combine to make Alaska
one of the great wealth-producing portions of our
Republic. I am anxious that our laws should be
framed in the interest of those who intend to go
there and stay there and bring up their children
there and make it in very fact as well as in name an
integral part of this Republic. I ask your help and
pledge you my help in the effort to secure such leg-
islation. In the case of the mine you get the metal
out of the earth, you can not leave any metal in
there to produce other metal ; but in the case of the
salmon fishery, if you are wise you will insist upon
its being carried on under conditions which will
make the salmon fishery as valuable in that river
thirty years hence as now. Do not take all the sal-
mon out and go away and leave the empty river for
your children and children's children; take it out
under conditions — the conditions are ready to be
created for you by the National Fish Commission,
which has been so singularly successful in its work
— which will secure the preservation of that river as
a salmon river, which will secure the perpetuation
of salmon canneries along its banks, so that it will

And State Papers 425

be not an industry carried on only by Orientals in
the employ of three or four alien capitalists, but
carried on in such a way as to be a perpetual source
of income to the actual settlers resident in the lo-
cality. Just in the same way I want to have you see
that the lumber industry is exploited in a way which,
while giving a great return to those engaged in it
at the moment, shall also secure the preserva-
tion of the forests for the settlers and the settlers'
children that are to come in and inherit the land.
I wish to see such land laws enacted and to see them
so administered as to be in the interest of the actual
settler who goes to Alaska to live, who desires there
to produce crops, to raise stock, to make a home for
himself; subject to that condition I desire to see leg-
islation shaped in the spirit of the broadest liber-
ality that will secure the quickest possible develop-
ment of the resources of Alaska ; and with that aim
in view to have all the encouragement possible given
to those seeking to establish by steamship line and
by railway quick and efficient transportation facili-
ties in the Territory.

Few things have been more typical of our people
and have been more full of promise for the future
than the way in which the resources have been de-
veloped ; and when one sees what has been done here
during the last few years I think we have cause to
feel abundantly justified in our belief that the quali-
ties of the old-time pioneers who first penetrated
the woody wilderness between the Alleghanies and
the Mississippi, who then steered their way across
2- VOL. XIV

426 Presidential Addresses

vast seas of grass from the Mississippi to the
Rockies, who penetrated the passes of the great bar-
ren mountains until they came to this, the greatest
of all the oceans, still survive in their grandsons and
successors. Nor must we forget in speaking of
Alaska the immense importance that the Territory
has from the standpoint of the needs of the Nation
as a whole, as a dominant power in the Pacific. Ex-
actly as with the building of the Isthmian Canal we
shall make our Atlantic and our Pacific coasts in ef-
fect continuous, so the possession and peopling of
the Alaskan seacoast puts us in a position of domi-
nance as regards the Pacific which no other nations
share or can share.

FROM ADDRESS AT EVERETT, WASH.,
MAY 23, 1903

There are few problems which so especially con-
cern Washington, Oregon, and California as the
problem of forestry. Nothing has been of better
augury for the welfare and prosperity of these great
States as well as for the other forest States than the
way in which those actively engaged in the lumber-
ing business have come of recent years to work hand
in hand with those who have made forestry a study
in the effort to preserve the forests. The whole
question is a business, an economic question; an
economic question for the Nation, a business ques-
tion for the individual. East of your great mountain
chains the question of water supply becomes vital
and becomes inseparable from that of forestry.

And State Papers 427

Here that question does not enter in. The lumber-
ing interest is the fourth great business interest in
point of importance in the United States. There is
engaged in it a capital of over six hundred millions
of dollars, and every year the wage-workers in that
industry receive one hundred millions of dollars.
Such an industry so vitally connected with many
others in the country can not with wisdom be neg-
lected, the interests depending upon it are too vast.
I do not have to say here in Washington that fire is
a great enemy of the forests. Here in Washington
it is probable that fire has destroyed more than the
axe during the decade in which the axe has been at
work.

Our aim should be to get the fullest use from
the forest to-day, and yet to get that benefit in ways
which will keep the forests for our children in the
generations to come ; so that, for instance, the coun-
try adjoining Puget Sound shall have the lumber-
ing industry as a permanent industry. Recently
the trade journals of that industry have been dwell-
ing upon the fact that its very existence is actually
at stake, and nowhere in the whole country can the
question of forestry be handled better than in this
region, because nowhere else is it so easy to produce
a second crop. You are fortunate in having such
climatic conditions, such conditions of soil, that here
more than anywhere else the forest renews itself
quickly, so as in a comparatively short number of
years to be again a great mercantile and industrial
asset. The preservation of our forests depends

428 Presidential Addresses

chiefly upon the wisdom with which the practical
lumberman, the practical expert in dealing with the
lumber industry, works with the men who have
studied forestry under all conditions. I am glad in-
deed that such co-operation is more and more being
accepted as a matter of course by both sides.

FROM ADDRESS AT SEATTLE, WASH.,
MAY 23, 1903

There is no other body of water in the world
which confers upon the commonwealth possess-
ing it quite the natural advantages that Puget
Sound confers upon your State. There is no other
State in the Union, and I include all of them, which
has greater natural advantages and a more assured
future of greatness than this State of Washington.
Phenomenal though your growth has been, it has
barely begun; and your growth in the half century
now opening will dwarf absolutely even your growth
in the immediate past.

I am speaking in the gateway to Alaska. All our
people, even those from the locality whence I come,
are beginning to appreciate a little of Alaska's fu-
ture. The men of my own age whom I am address-
ing will not be old men before we see Alaska one of
the rich and strong States of the Union. I thank
fortune that the National Legislature has begun to
wake up to the fact that Alaska has interests of vital
importance not merely to her but to the entire
Union. Alaska contains a territory which will with-
in this century support as large a population as the

And State Papers 429

combined Scandinavian countries of Europe; those
countries from which has sprung as wonderful a
race as ever imprinted its characteristics upon the
history of civilization. Exactly as the Scandinavian
peoples have left their mark upon the entire history
of Europe, so we shall see Alaska with its mines, its
lumber, its fisheries, with its possibilities in agri-
culture and stock-raising, with its possibilities of
commercial command, with the tremendous develop-
ment that is going on within it even now, produce as
hardy and vigorous a people as any portion of
North America.

AT SPOKANE, WASH., MAY 26, 1903

Senator Turner, and you, my Fellow- Americans:

I am in a city at the eastern gateway of this State
with the great railroad systems of the State running
through it. On the western edge of this State in
Puget Sound I have seen the homing places of the
great steamship lines, which, in connection with
these great railroads, are doing so much to develop
the Oriental trade of this country and this State.
Washington will owe no small part of its future
greatness, and that greatness will be great indeed,
to the fact that it is thus doing its share in acquiring
for the United States the dominance of the Pacific.
Those railroads, the men and the corporations that
have built them, have rendered a very great service
to the community. The men who are building, the
corporations which are building the great steamship

4jo Presidential Addresses

lines have likewise rendered a very great service to
the community. Every man who has made wealth
or used it in developing great legitimate business
enterprises has been of benefit and not harm to the
country at large. This city has grown by leaps and
bounds only when the railroads came to it, when the
railroads came to the State; and if the State were
now cut off from its connection by rail and by steam-
ship with the rest of the world its position would
of course diminish incalculably. Great good has
come from the development of our railroad system ;
great good has been done by the individuals and cor-
porations that have made that development possible ;
and in return good is done to them, and not harm,
when they are required to obey the law. Ours is
a government of liberty by, through and under the
law. No man is above it and no man is below it.
The crime of cunning, the crime of greed, the crime
of violence, are all equally crimes, and against them
all alike the law must set its face. This is not and
never shall be a government either of a plutocracy
or of a mob. It is, it has been, and it will be, a gov-
ernment of the people ; including alike the people of
great wealth and of moderate wealth, the people who
employ others, the people who are employed, the
wage-worker, the lawyer, the mechanic, the banker,
the farmer; including them all, protecting each and
every one if he acts decently and squarely, and dis-
criminating against any one of them, no matter from
what class he comes, if he does not act squarely and
fairly, if he does not obey the law. While all pea-

And State Papers 43 l

pie are foolish if they violate or rail against the law
—wicked as well as foolish, but all foolish — yet the
most foolish man in this Republic is the man of
wealth who complains because the law is adminis-
tered with impartial justice against or for him. His
folly is greater than the folly of any other man who
so complains; for he lives and moves and has his
being because the law does in fact protect him and
his property.

We have the right to ask every decent American
citizen to rally to the support of the law if it is ever
broken against the interest of the rich man; and
we have the same right to ask that rich man cheer-
fully and gladly to acquiesce in the enforcement
against his seeming interest of the law, if it is the
law. Incidentally, whether he acquiesces or not, the
law will be enforced, and this whoever he may be,
great or small, and at whichever end of the social
scale he may be.

I ask that we see to it in our country that the line
•of division in the deeper matters of our citizenship
be drawn, never between section and section, never
between creed and creed, never, thrice never, be-
tween class and class ; but that the line be drawn on
the line of conduct, cutting through sections, cut-
ting through creeds, cutting through classes; the
line that divides the honest from the dishonest, the
line that divides good citizenship from bad citizen-
ship, the line that declares a man a good citizen only
if, and always if, he acts in accordance with the
immutable law of righteousness, which has been the

43 2 Presidential Addresses

same from the beginning of history to the present
moment, and which will be the same from now until
the end of recorded time.

FROM ADDRESS AT COLUMBIA GARDENS,
BUTTE, MONT., MAY 27, 1903

Mr. Chairman, and you, my Fellow-Citizens:

It would have been a great pleasure to come to
Butte in any event; it is a double pleasure to come
here at the invitation of the representatives of the
wage-workers of Butte. I do not say merely work-
ingmen, because I hold that every good American
who does his duty must be a workingman. There
are many different kinds of work to do; but so long
as the work is honorable, is necessary, and is well
done the man who does it well is entitled to the
respect of his fellows.

I have come here to this meeting especially as
the invited guest of the wage-workers, and I am
happy to be able to say that the kind of speech I
will make to you, I would make just in exactly
the same language to any group of employers or
any set of our citizens in any corner of this Repub-
lic. I do not think so far as I know that I have
ever promised beforehand anything I did not make
a strong effort to make good afterward. It is some-
times very attractive and very pleasant to make
any kind of a promise without thinking whether
or not you can fulfil it; but in the after event it is
always unpleasant when the time for fulfilling
comes; for in the long run the most disagreeable

And State Papers 433

truth is a safer companion than the most pleasant
falsehood.

To-night I have come hither looking on either
hand at the results of the enterprises which have
made Butte so great. The man who by the use of
his capital develops a great mine, the man who by
the use of his capital builds a great railroad, the
man who by the use of his capital either individually
or joined with others like him does any great legit-
imate business enterprise, confers a benefit, not a
harm, upon the community, and is entitled to be
so regarded. He is entitled to the protection of
the law, and in return he is to be required himself
to obey the law. The law is no respecter of per-
sons. The law is to be administered neither for
the rich man as such, nor for the poor man as such.
It is to be administered for every man, rich or poor,
if he is an honest and law-abiding citizen; and it
is to be invoked against any man, rich or poor, who
violates it, without regard to which end of the social
scale he may stand at, without regard to whether his
offence takes the form of greed and cunning, or
the form of physical violence; in either case if he
violates the law, the law is to be invoked against
him ; and in so invoking it I have the right to chal-
lenge the support of all good citizens and to demand
the acquiescence of every good man. I hope I will
have it; but once for all I wish it understood that
even if I do not have it I shall enforce the law.

The soldiers who fought in the great Civil War
fought for liberty under, by, and through the law;

434 Presidential Addresses

and they fought to put a stop once for all to any
effort to sunder this country on the lines of sec-
tional hatred; therefore their memory shall be for-
ever precious to our people. We need to keep ever
rn mind that he is the worst enemy of this country
who would strive to separate its people along the
lines of section against section, of creed against
creed, or of class against class. There are two-sides
to that. It is a base and an infamous thing for the
man of means to act in a spirit of arrogant and
brutal disregard of right toward his fellow who has
less means; and it is no less infamous, no less base,
to act in a spirit of rancor, envy, and hatred against
the man of greater means, merely because of his
greater means. If we are to preserve this Republic
as it was founded, as it was handed down to us
by the men of '61 to '65, and as it is and will be,
we must draw the line never between section and
section, never between creed and creed, thrice never
between class and class; but along the line of con-
duct, the line that separates the good citizen wherever
he may be found from the bad citizen wherever he
may be found. This is not and never shall be a gov-
ernment of a plutocracy ; it is not and never shall be a
government by a mob. It is as it has been and as it
will be, a government in which every honest man,
every decent man, be he employer or employed, wage-
worker, mechanic, banker, lawyer, farmer, be he
who he may, if he acts squarely and fairly, if he
does his duty by his neighbor and the State, re-
ceives the full protection of the law and is given

And State Papers 435

the amplest chance to exercise the ability that there
is within him, alone or in combination with his
fellows as he desires. My friends, it is sometimes
easier to preach a doctrine under which the mil-
lennium will be promised off-hand if you have a par-
ticular kind of law, or follow a particular kind of
conduct — it is easier, but it is not better. The mil-
lennium is not here; it is some thousand years off
yet. Meanwhile there must be a good deal of work
and struggle, a good deal of injustice; we shall
often see the tower of Siloam fall on the just as
well as the unjust. We are bound in honor to try
to remedy injustice, but if we are wise we will
seek to remedy it in practical ways. Above all, re-
member this: that the most unsafe adviser to fol-
low is the man who would advise us to do wrong
in order that we may benefit by it. That man is
never a safe man to follow; he is always the most
dangerous of guides. The man who seeks to per-
suade any of us that our advantage comes in wrong-
ing or oppressing others can be depended upon, if
the opportunity comes, to do wrong to us in his
own interest, just as he has endeavored to make us
in our supposed interest do wrong to others.

AT THE TABERNACLE, SALT LAKE CITY,
UTAH, MAY 29, 1903

Mr. Governor, Mr. Mayor, Senator Kearns, and

you, my Fellow- Americans:

I am particularly glad to have the chance to
speak to you here in this city, in Utah, this morning,

436 Presidential Addresses

because you have exemplified a doctrine which it
seems to me all-essential for our people ever to
keep fresh in their minds — the fact that though nat-
ural resources can do a good deal, though the law
can do a good deal, the fundamental requisite in
building up prosperity and civilization is the requi-
site of individual character in the individual man
or woman. Here in this State the pioneers and
those who came after them took not the land that
would ordinarily be chosen as land that would yield
return with little effort. You took territory which
at the outset was called after the desert, and you
literally — not figuratively — you literally made the
wilderness blossom as the rose. The fundamental
element in building up Utah has been the work of
the citizens of Utah. And you did it because your
people entered in to possess the land and to leave
it after them to their children and their children's
children. You here whom I am addressing and
your predecessors did not come in to exploit the
land and then go somewhere else. You came in,
as the Governor has said, as homemakers, to make
homes for yourselves and those who should come
after you; and that is the only way in which a
State can be built up, in which the Nation can be
built up. You have built up this great community
because you came here with the purpose of making
this your abiding home, and of leaving to your
children not an impoverished, but an enriched herit-
age; and I ask that all our people from one ocean
to the other, but especially the people of the arid

And State Papers 437

and the semi-arid regions, the people of the great
plains, the people of the mountains, approach the
problem of taking care of the physical resources of
the country in the spirit which has made Utah what
it is. You have developed your metal wealth won-
derfully; and your growth is not a boom growth —
it is a thoroughly healthy, normal growth. During
the past decade the population has doubled and the
wealth quadrupled ; and labor is employed at as high
a compensation as is paid elsewhere in the world.
Although you are not essentially a mining State,
in the last year you marketed thirty millions' worth
of ore; and again you showed your good sense in
the way you handled it; for you paid five millions
in dividends and you invested the balance in labor
and surplus. The effort to make a big showing in
dividends is not always healthy for the future.
Here you have shown your wonderful capacity to
develop the earth so as to make both irrigated agri-
culture and stock-raising in all its forms two great
industries. When you deal with a mine you take
the ore out of the earth and take it away, and in
the end exhaust the mine. The time may be very
long in coming before it is exhausted, or it may be
a short time; but in any event, mining means the
exhaustion of the mine. But that is exactly what
agriculture does not and must not mean.

So far from agriculture properly exhausting the
land, it is always the sign of a vicious system of
agriculture if the land is rendered poorer by it.
The direct contrary should be the fact. After the

43 8 Presidential Addresses

farmer has had the farm for his life he should be
able to hand it to his children as a better farm than
it was when he had it.

In these regions, in the Rocky Mountain regions,
it is especially incumbent upon us to treat the ques-
tion of the natural pasturage, the question of the
forests, and the question of the use of the waters, all
from the one standpoint — the standpoint of the far-
seeing statesman, of the far-seeing citizen, who
wishes to preserve and not to exhaust the resources
of the country, who wishes to see those resources
come into the hands not of a few men of great
wealth, least of all into the hands of a few men
who will speculate in them; but be distributed
among many men, each of whom intends to make
his home in the land.

This whole so-called arid and semi-arid region
is by nature the stock range of the Nation. One
of the questions which are rising to confront us is
how this range may be made to produce the great-
est number and best quality of horses, cattle, and
sheep, not only this year, not only next year, but
for this generation and the next generation. The
old system of grazing the ranges so closely as to
injure the whole crop of grass was a serious detri-
ment to the development of the West, a serious detri-
ment to the development of our people. The ranges
must be treated as a great invested capital ; and that
old system tended to dissipate and partially to de-
stroy that capital. That is something that we can
not as a Nation of home makers permit. The wise

And State Papers 439

man, the wise industry, the wise nation, maintains
such capital unimpaired and tries to increase it;
and more and more the range lands will be used
in conjunction with the small irrigable areas which
they include; so that the industry can take on a
more stable character than ever before. It is im-
possible permanently, although it may be advisable
for the time being, to move stock in a body from
summer to winter ranges across country which can
be made into homesteads, because when the country
can itself be taken by actual settlers, in the long
run it will only be possible to move the stock through
hundreds of miles of dusty lanes where they can
not graze, where they can not live. Our aim must
be steadily to help develop the settler, the man who
lives in the land and in growing up with it and
raising his children to own it after him. More
and more hereafter the stock owners will have the
necessity forced upon them of providing green
summer pasturage within the limits of their own
ranges; and so the question of irrigation is well-
nigh as important to the stockmen as to the agri-
culturist proper.

In the same way our mountain forests must be
preserved from the harm done by over-grazing.
Let all the grazing be done in them that can be done
without injury to them, but do not let the moun-
tain forests be despoiled by the man who will over-
graze them and destroy them for the sake of three
years' use, and then go somewhere else, and leave
by so much diminished the heritage of those who

44° Presidential Addresses

remain permanently in the land. I believe that
already the movement has begun which will make
in the long run the stock-raisers, — of whom I have
been one myself, whose business I know, and with
whom I feel the heartiest sympathy, — through the
enlightenment of their own self-interest, become the
heartiest defenders and the chief beneficiaries of
the wise and moderate use of forest ranges, both
within and without the forest reserves. It is and
it must be the definite policy of this government
to consider the good of all its citizens — stockmen,
lumbermen, irrigators, and all others — in dealing
with the forest reserves ; and for that reason I most
earnestly desire in every way to bring about the
heartiest co-operation between the men who are
doing the actual business of stock-raising, the actual
business of irrigated agriculture, the actual business
of lumbering, — the closest and most intimate rela-
tions, the heartiest co-operation between them and
the government at Washington through the Depart-
ment of Agriculture. Of course I do not have to
say to any audience of intelligent people that noth-
ing is such an enemy to the stock industry as per-
sistent over-grazing. We shall have not far hence
to raise the problem of the best method of making
use of the public range. Our people have not as
yet settled in their own minds what is that best
method. In some way there will have to be formed
such regulation as shall without undue restriction
prevent the needless over-grazing, while keeping
the public lands open to settlement through home-

And State Papers 441

stead entry. Such a policy would, of course, be
of the most far-reaching benefit to the whole range
industry. It is the same in dealing with our forest
reserves. Almost every industry depends in some
more or less vital way upon the preservation of the
forests; and while citizens die, the government and
the nation do not die, and we are bound in dealing
with the forests to exercise the foresight necessary to
use them now, but to use them in such a way as will
also keep them for those who are to come after us.
The first great object of the forest reserves is,
of course, the first great object of the whole land
policy of the United States, — the creation of homes,
the favoring of the home-maker. That is why we
wish to provide for the home-makers of the present
and the future the steady and continuous supply
of timber, grass, and above all, of water. That is
the object of the forest reserves, and that is why
I bespeak your cordial co-operation in their preser-
vation. Remember you must realize, what I thor-
oughly realize, that however wise a policy may be
it can be enforced only if the people of the States
believe in it. We can enforce the provisions of the
forest reserve law or of any other law only so far
as the best sentiment of the community or the State
will permit that enforcement. Therefore it lies
primarily not with the people at Washington, but
with you, yourselves, to see that such policies are
supported as will redound to the benefit of the home
makers and therefore the sure and steady building
up of the State as a whole.

442 Presidential Addresses

One word as to the greatest question with which
our people as a whole have to deal in the mat-
ter of internal development to-day — the question
of irrigation. Not of recent years has any more
important law been put upon the statute books of
the Federal Government than the law a year ago
providing for the first time that the National Gov-
ernment should interest itself in aiding and building
up a system of irrigated agriculture in the Rocky
Mountains and plains States. Here the govern-
ment had to a large degree to sit at the feet of
Gamaliel in the person of Utah; for what you had
done and learned was of literally incalculable bene-
fit to those engaged in framing and getting through
the national irrigation law. Irrigation was first
practiced on a large scale in this State. The neces-
sity of the pioneers here led to the development of
irrigation to a degree absolutely unknown before
on this continent. In no respect is the wisdom of
the early pioneers made more evident than in the
sedulous care they took to provide for small farms,
carefully tilled by those who lived on and benefited
from them ; and hence it comes about that the aver-
age amount of land required to support a family
in Utah is smaller than in any other part of the
United States. We all know that when you once
get irrigation applied rain is a very poor substitute
for it. The Federal Government must co-operate
with Utah and Utah people for a further extension
of the irrigated area. Many of the simpler prob-
lems of obtaining and applying water have already

And State Papers 443

been solved and so well solved that, as I have said,
some of the most important provisions of the Fed-
eral act, such as the control of the irrigating works
by the communities they serve, such as making the
water appurtenant to the land and not a source
of speculation apart from the land, were based upon
the experience of Utah. Of course the control of
the larger streams which flow through more than
one State must come under the Federal Government.
Many of the great tracts which will ultimately so
enlarge the cultivated area of Utah, which will ul-
timately so increase its population and wealth, are
surrounded with intricate complications because of
the high development which irrigation has already
reached in this State. Necessarily the Federal offi-
cers charged with the execution of the law must
proceed with great caution so as not to disturb pres-
ent vested rights; but subject to that, they will go
forward as fast as they can. They realize, and all
men who have actually done irrigating here will
realize, that no man is more timid than the prac-
tical irrigator regarding any change in the water
distribution. He wants to look well before he
leaps. He has learned from bitter experience what
damage can come from well meant changes hastily
made. The government can do a good deal; the
government will do a good deal ; but your experience
here in Utah has shown that the greatest results
which are accomplishing most spring directly from
the sturdy courage, the self-denial, the willingness
with iron resolution to endure the risk and the suf-

444 Presidential Addresses

fering, of the pioneers; for they were the men who
sought and found a livelihood in what was once a
desert, and they must be protected in the legitimate
fruits of their toil.

One of the tasks that the government must do
here in Utah is to build reservoirs for the storage
of the flood waters, to undertake works too great
to be undertaken by private capital. Great as the
task is, and great as its benefits will become, the
government must do still more. Besides the storage
of the water there must be protection of the water-
sheds ; and that is why I ask you. to help the Na-
tional Government protect the watersheds by pro-
tecting the forests upon them.

AT FREEPORT, ILL., JUNE 3, 1903

Congressman Hitt, and you, my Fellow-Country-
men:

Here where we meet to-day there occurred one
of those memorable scenes in accordance with which
the whole future history of nations is molded. Here
were spoken winged words that flew through im-
mediate time and that will fly through that por-
tion of eternity recorded in the history of our .race.
Here was sounded the keynote of the struggle which
after convulsing the Nation, made it in fact what
it had only been in name, — at once united and free.
It is eminently fitting that this monument, given by
the women of this city in commemoration of the
great debate that here took place, should be dedi-

And State Papers 445

cated by the men whose deeds made good the words
of Abraham Lincoln — the soldiers of the Civil War.
The word was mighty. Had it not been for the
word the deeds could not have taken place; but
without the deeds the word would have been the
idlest breath. It is forever to the honor of our
nation that we brought forth the statesman who,
with far-sighted vision, could pierce the clouds that
obscured the sight of the keenest of his fellows,
could see what the future inevitably held; and
moreover that we had back of the statesman and
behind him the men to whom it was given to fight
in the greatest war ever waged for the good of
mankind, for the betterment of the world.

I have literally but a moment here. I could not
resist the chance that was offered me to stop and
dedicate this monument, for great though we now
regard Abraham Lincoln, -my countrymen, the future
will put him on an even higher pinnacle than we
have put him. In all history I do not believe that
there is to be found an orator whose speeches will
last as enduringly as certain of the speeches of Lin-
coln; and in all history, with the sole exception of
the man who founded this Republic, I do not think
there will be found another statesman at once so
great and so single-hearted in his devotion to the
weal of his people. We can not too highly honor
him; and the highest way in which we can honor
him is to see that our homage is not only homage
of words; that to lip loyalty we join the loyalty
of the heart; that we pay honor to the memory of

446 Presidential Addresses

Abraham Lincoln by so conducting ourselves, by
so carrying ourselves as citizens of this Republic,
that we shall hand on undiminished to our children
and our children's children the heritage we received
from the men who upheld the statesmanship of
Lincoln in the council, who made good the soldier-
ship of Grant in the field.

AT THE LINCOLN MONUMENT, SPRINGFIELD,
ILL., JUNE 4, 1903

It is a good thing that the guard around the
tomb of Lincoln should be composed of colored sol-
diers. It was my own good fortune at Santiago
to serve beside colored troops. A man who is good
enough to shed his blood for the country is good
enough to be given a square deal afterward. More
than that no man is entitled to, and less than that
no man shall have.

AT THE CONSECRATION OF GRACE MEMO-
RIAL REFORMED CHURCH, WASHINGTON,
D. C, JUNE 7, 1903

I shall ask your attention to three lines of the
Dedication Canticle: "Serve the Lord with glad-
ness: enter into His gates with thanksgiving, and
into His courts with praise. Who shall ascend into
the hill of the Lord ? or who shall stand in His holy
place? He that hath clean hands, and a pure heart;
who hath not lifted up his soul with vanity, nor
sworn deceitfully."

Better lines could surely not be brought into any

And State Papers 447

dedication service of a church; and it is a happy
thing that we should have repeated them this morn-
ing. This church is consecrated to the service of
the Lord; and we can serve Him by the way we
serve our fellow-men. This church is consecrated
to service and duty. It was written of old that "by
their fruits ye shall know them" ; and we can show
the faith that is in us, we can show the sincerity of
our devotion, by the fruits we bring forth. The man
who is not a tender and considerate husband, a
loving and wise father, is not serving the Lord
when he goes to church; so with the woman; so
with all who come here. Our being in this church,
our communion here with one another, our sitting
under the pastor and hearing from him the word
of God, must, if we are sincere, show their effects
in our lives outside.

We of the Dutch and German Reformed Churches,
like our brethren of the Lutheran Church, have a
peculiar duty to perform in this great country of
ours, a country still in the making, for we have
the duty peculiarly incumbent upon us to take care
of our brethren who come each year from over seas
to our shores. The man going to a new country
is torn by the roots from all his old associations,
and there is great danger to him in the time before
he gets his roots down into the new country, before
he brings himself into touch with his fellows in the
new land. For that reason I always take a peculiar
interest in the attitude of our churches toward
the immigrants who come to these shores. I feel

448 Presidential Addresses

that we should be peculiarly watchful over them,
because of our own history, because we or our
fathers came here under like conditions. Now
that we have established ourselves let us see to
it that we stretch out the hand of help, the hand of
brotherhood, toward the new-comers, and help them
as speedily as possible to get into such relations that
it will be easy for them to walk well in the new life.
We are not to be excused if we selfishly sit down
and enjoy gifts that have been given to us and do
not try to share them with our poorer fellows com-
ing from every part of the world, who many of
them stand in such need of the helping hand; who
often not only meet too many people anxious to
associate with them for their detriment, but often
too few anxious to associate with them for their
good.

I trust that with the consecration of each new
church of the Reformed creed in this our country
there will be established a fresh centre of effort to
get at and to help for their good the people that
yearly come from over seas to us. No more im-
portant work can be done by our people; important
to the cause of Christianity, important to the cause
of true national life and greatness here in our own
land.

Another thing: let us so far as strength is given
us make it evident to those who look on and who
are not of us that our faith is not one of words
merely; that it finds expression in deeds. One sad,
one lamentable phase of human history is that the

And State Papers 449

very loftiest words, implying the loftiest ideas, have
often been used as cloaks for the commission of
dreadful deeds of iniquity. No more hideous
crimes have ever been committed by men than those
that have been committed in the name of liberty,
of order, of brotherhood, of religion. People have
butchered one another under circumstances of dread-
ful atrocity, claiming all the time to be serving the
object of the brotherhood of man or of the father-
hood of God. We must in our lives, in our efforts,
endeavor to further the cause of brotherhood in
the human family ; and we must do it in such a way
that the men anxious to find subject for complaint
or derision in the churches of the United States, in
our church, may not be able to find it by pointing
out any contrast between our professions and our
lives.

This church is consecrated to-day to duty and
to service, to the worship of the Creator, and to
an earnest effort on our part so to shape our lives
among ourselves and in relation to the outside world
that we may feel that we have done our part in
bringing a little nearer the day when there shall
be on this earth a genuine brotherhood of man.

AT THE SAENGERFEST, BALTIMORE, MD.,
JUNE 15, 1903

My Fellow-Citizens:

Let me in the first place congratulate the city
of Baltimore upon what she has done and upon the
way she has done it; and then let me welcome the
3_VoL 'XIV

45° Presidential Addresses

members of the Saengerfest Association and all the
guests of Baltimore this evening. Since the begin-
ning of our country's history many different race
strains have entered to make up the composite
American. Out of and from each we have gained
something for our national character; to each we
owe something special for what it has contributed
to us as a people.

It is almost exactly two hundred and twenty
years ago that the first marked immigration from
Germany to what were then the colonies in this
Western Hemisphere began. As is inevitable with
any pioneers those pioneers of the German race on
this side of the ocean had to encounter bitter priva-
tion, had to struggle against want in many forms;
had to meet and overcome hardship; for the people
that go forth to seek their well-being in strange
lands must inevitably be ready to pay as the price
of success the expenditure of all that there is in
them to overcome the obstacles in their way. It
was some fifty years later that the great tide of
German immigration in colonial times began to flow
hither; one of the leaders in it being Muhlenburg,
the founder of a family which has contributed to
military and civil life some of the worthiest figures
in American history. The first of the famous
speakers of the House of Representatives was
Muhlenburg, of German ancestry.

Baltimore is a centre in that region of our land
where from the earliest days there was that inter-
mingling of ethnic strains which finally went to

And State Papers 1.51

the making of the Americans who in '76 made this
country a nation. Within the boundaries of this
State was founded that colony which first of all
on this western continent saw a government mod-
eled upon these principles of religious freedom and
toleration which we now regard as the birthrights
of American citizens.

Throughout our career of development the Ger-
man immigration to this country went steadily on-
ward, and they who came here, and their sons and
grandsons, played an ever-increasing part in the
history of our people — a part that culminated in
the Civil War; for every lover of the Union must
ever bear in mind what was done in this common-
wealth as in the commonwealth of Missouri, by the
folk of German birth or origin who served so loy-
ally the flag that was theirs by inheritance or adop-
tion.

And here in this city I would be unwilling to let
an occasion like this pass without recalling the part
of incalculable importance played by the members
of the Turn Verein of Baltimore in saving Balti-
more to the Union. In congratulating every man
here to whom it was given to fight in the great
Civil War, in congratulating the men of Baltimore
whcrin these dark days followed the lead of Sigel,
Rapp, and Blumenberg in playing well and nobly
their part in upholding the hands of Abraham Lin-
coln, I congratulate them thrice over because it was
given to them to fight in a contest where the victors
and the vanquished alike have bequeathed to us as

452 Presidential Addresses

a heritage the memory of the valor and the loyalty
to the right as to each it was given to see the right,
shown alike by the men who wore the blue and the
men who wore the gray, in the great days of the
Civil War. Terrible though that contest was, in
which with blood and tears and sweat, with the suf-
fering of men and the sorrow of women, the gen-
eration of Lincoln and Grant purchased for us
peace and union, it paid for itself over and over
again by what it left to us — not merely a reunited
land, not merely a land in which freedom was a
fact instead of only a boast, but above all the right
as Americans to feel within us the lift toward lofty
things which must come to those who know that
their fathers and forefathers have in the supreme
crisis entirely shown themselves fit to rank among
the men of all time.

I want to say just one thing more. I feel that
the men of this Association and of kindred associa-
tions are not only adding to the common fund of
pleasure, but are doing genuine missionary work
of a needed kind when they hold such a festival
as this. I wish that everywhere in our country we
could see clubs and associations including all our
citizens, similar in character to that Society which
has furnished the reason for the assembling of this
great audience to-night. No greater contribution
to American social life could possibly be made than
by instilling into it the capacity for Gemuthlichkeit.
No greater good can come to our people than to
encourage in them a capacity for enjoyment which

And State Papers 453

shall discriminate sharply between what is vicious
and what is pleasant. Nothing can add more to
our capacity for healthy social enjoyment than, by
force of example no less than by precept, to en-
courage the formation of societies which by their
cultivation of music, vocal and instrumental, give
great lift to the artistic side, the aesthetic side of our
nature ; and especially is that true when we remem-
ber that no man is going to go very far wrong if
he belongs to a society where he can take his wife
with him to enjoy it.

AT THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA, CKAR-
LOTTESVILLE, VA., JUNE 16, 1903

Mr. Chairman; my Fellow-Americans:

It is to me to-day a double pleasure to be with
you; in the first place, because the University of
Virginia is one among that limited number of in-
stitutions of learning to which because of its his-
toric association every American proud of his
country and his country's history must turn; and
in the next place, because I have just finished a
trip to and fro across this continent, which at al-
most every step has reminded me of some great
deed done by a Virginian or a descendant of a Vir-
ginian, in that wonderful formative period which
has occupied more than half of this Republic's life ;
going across the Alleghanies in the path over the
mountains which men of Virginia first crossed to
found the commonwealth of Kentucky; beyond the

454 Presidential Addresses

Ohio, which was crossed by a military force carry-
ing the American flag for the first time when a
son of Virginia, George Rogers Clark, led his little
band of backwoods riflemen to conquer what is now
the heart of this Republic, and that in the middle
of the Revolutionary War. Then I crossed the
Mississippi and went through that great region of
prairie, plain, and mountain, now dotted with cities,
each filled with the fruits of our material civ-
ilization, cities placed upon spots which were un-
known to any map maker but a century ago; thence
to the Pacific Ocean, I went through the regions
which mark the two greatest territorial expansions of
this Nation ; the greatest of which,, by the fact of its
acquisition, is in itself a tribute most to that man
who founded this University — President Thomas
Jefferson — and which was explored by two Vir-
ginians born not far from this neighborhood —
Lewis and Clark. When I got south of the limits
of the old Louisiana Purchase I came into that region
acquired as the result of the Mexican War — the
region in territorial extent next to the Louisiana
Purchase; and in that war the two foremost figures
were men likewise born in Virginia — Zachary Tay-
lor and Winfield Scott.

Virginia has always rightly prided herself upon
the character of the men whom she has sent into
public life. No more wonderful example of govern-
mental ability, ability in statecraft and public admin-
istration, has ever been given than by the history of
Virginia's sons in public life. I feel that this Uni-

And State Papers 455

versity, which so peculiarly embodies the ideal of
Virginia, is in no small degree accountable for the
happy keeping up of the spirit which sends into
public life men of whom their constituents exact
that they shall possess both courage and courtesy;
and that is the reason why — as I am glad to say
here in the presence of the two United States
Senators from Virginia, both of them graduates of
this University — whether one agrees or differs with
them it is so genuine a pleasure to be brought into
contact with them in handling public affairs.

In the very able address to which we have had
the honor of listening it is pointed out that in mere
years the history of this University is not long.
Years count differently at different places and at
different times. Fifty years of Europe are very much
longer than a cycle of Cathay ; and the period grows
longer still when you take it across into the Western
Hemisphere. To us of this Nation there must always
be the charm of old historic associations inseparably
connected with this institution, the birth of which
will always recall the names of three of our greatest
Presidents, and from which one can wellnigh see the
former abodes of all three of those Presidents-
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe.

Let me acknowledge a piece of personal indebted-
ness to this institution. When last year we sought
at Washington to restore the White House, which
ought to be always kept as the historic building
of the Nation, to what it was planned to be by the
founders of the Republic, we came here to study

456 Presidential Addresses

the building which represented in its existence the
realization of the ideas of certain of those founders
of the Republic, and gained from our study of a
portion of this University an idea of the plan along
which the restoration of the White House was to
proceed.

The University is not old in years as years are
counted in an older world, but there are very few
institutions of learning in Europe which, however
old, have such an honor roll of service to the State,
in the council chambers of the State, and of ser-
vice on the tented field, which have such an honor
roll of statesmen and soldiers, as the roll that can
be furnished by reading the list of the graduates
of this University of Virginia. The University has
been prolific of men who have gone into public life ;
but it is not only in public life that the record made
by the University is imperishable. The strangest,
in some ways the most brilliant name to be found
in American letters, the name of the man who con-
tributed something purely individual in poetry and
in prose, not merely to the literature of this country,
not merely to the literature of our tongue, but to
the literature of mankind — the name of Edgar Al-
lan Poe, is to be found upon your rolls. It is a
pleasure to one who earnestly hopes to see the liter-
ary habit in American life kept up and who hopes
to see a keeping up of productive scholarship and
literature, to be able to number among his friends
one of those younger literary men of whom it can
be safely asserted that they have added something

And State Papers 457

permanent to letters, in the person of one of your
graduates — my friend, Mr. Thomas Nelson Page.

I owe you for other things. When I wished to
choose the Surgeon-General of the Navy I had to
go to Virginia and to the University of Virginia
to find the man whom I esteem, not only because of
his ability as a public servant, but because of those
qualities which will render him ever one for whom
I and mine feel the warmest and liveliest personal
affection. Finally, when I had to choose an Ambas-
sador to represent us at the court of Russia, I
had to take another graduate of your University
— Mr. McCormick. You will pardon me one per-
sonal allusion ; I shall never forget as long as I live
certain of your graduates who served in my regi-
ment during the Cuban War.

The University of Virginia has stood for much
in our national life. It is something to stand merely
for such beauty as your buildings and campus rep-
resent here. It is a good thing for any nation to
have as beautiful an institution of learning as is
this University. It is a good thing for the taste
of a nation to have such an example of good taste
ever before it. You stand for the production of
scholarship; for the production of men who are to
do well for the State if ever the need of calling upon
them for their services may arise; but above all,
as has been so well said in the address to which
we have listened to-day, the University of Virginia
stands for the production of men ; of men who are
to do each a man's duty in the world. A good

458 Presidential Addresses

American never owes anything that he does not
seek to repay. The man who is content to go
through life owing his alma mater for an educa-
tion for which he has made no adequate return is
not true to the ideals of American citizenship. He
is in honor bound to make such return. He can
make it in but one way ; he can return what he owes
to his alma mater only by making his alma mater
proud of what he does in service rendered to his
fellow-men. That is the type of return we have
the right to expect of the University men in this
country.

TO THE HOLY NAME SOCIETY AT OYSTER
BAY, N. Y., AUGUST 16, 1903

Very Reverend Dean, Reverend Clergy, and you

of the Holy Name Society:

I count myself fortunate in having the chance
to say a word to you to-day; and at the outset let
me, Father Power, on behalf of my neighbors, your
congregation, welcome all your guests here to Oyster
Bay. I have a partial right to join in that welcome
myself, for it was my good fortune in the days of
Father Power's predecessor, Father Belford, to be
the first man to put down a small contribution for
the erection of your church here. I am particularly
glad to see such a society as this flourishing as your
society has flourished, because the future welfare
of our Nation depends upon the way in which we can
combine in our men — in our young men — decency
and strength. Just this morning when attending ser-

And State Papers 459

vice on the great battleship Kearsarge I listened to
a sermon addressed to the officers and enlisted men
of the navy, in which the central thought was that
each American must be a good man or he could not
be a good citizen. And one of the things dwelt upon
in that sermon was the fact that a man must be
clean of mouth as well as clean of life — must show
by his words as well as by his actions his fealty to
the Almighty if he was to be what we have a right
to expect from men wearing the national uniform.
We have good Scriptural authority for the statement
that it is not what comes into a man's mouth but
what goes out of it that counts. I am not address-
ing weaklings, or I should not take the trouble to
come here. I am addressing strong, vigorous men,
who are engaged in the active hard work of life;
and life to be worth living must be a life of activity
and hard work. I am speaking to men engaged in
the hard, active work of life, and therefore to men
who will count for good or for evil. It is pe-
culiarly incumbent upon you who have strength to
set a right example to others. I ask you to remem-
ber that you can not retain your self-respect if you
are loose and foul of tongue, that a man who is to
lead a clean and honorable life must inevitably suffer
if his speech likewise is not clean and honorable.
Every man here knows the temptations that beset all
of us in this world. At times any man will slip.
I do not expect perfection, but I do expect genuine
and sincere effort toward being decent and cleanly
in thought, in word, and in deed. As I said at the

460 Presidential Addresses

outset, I hail the work of this society as typifying one
of those forces which tend to the betterment and
uplifting of our social system. Our whole effort
should be toward securing a combination of the
strong qualities with those qualities which we term
virtues. I expect you to be strong. I would not re-
spect you if you were not. I do not want to see
Christianity professed only by weaklings ; I want to
see it a moving spirit among men of strength. I
do not expect you to lose one particle of your
strength or courage by being decent. On the con-
trary, I should hope to see each man who is a mem-
ber of this society, from his membership in it be-
come all the fitter to do the rough work of the^orld;
all the fitter to work in time of peace; and if, which
may Heaven forfend, war should come, all the fitter
to fight in time of war. I desire to see in this country
the decent men strong and the strong men decent, and
until we get that combination in pretty good shape
we are not going to be by any means as successful
as we should be. There is always a tendency among
very young men and among boys who are not quite
young men as yet to think that to be wicked is rather
smart; to think it shows that they are men. Oh,
how often you see some young fellow who boasts
that he is going to "see life/' meaning by that that
he is going to see that part of life which it is a
thousandfold better should remain unseen! I ask
that every man here constitute himself his brother's
keeper by setting an example to that younger brother
which will prevent him from getting such a false

And State Papers 461

estimate of life. Example is the most potent of all
things. If any one of you in the presence of younger
boys, and especially the younger people of your own
family, misbehave yourself, if you use coarse and
blasphemous language before them, you can be sure
that these younger people will follow your ex-
ample and not your precept. It is no use to preach
to them if you do not act decently yourself. You
must feel thaj: the most effective way in which you
can preach is by your practice.

As I was driving up here a friend who was with
us said that in his experience the boy who went out
into life with a foul tongue was apt so to go because
his kinsfolk, at least his intimate associates, them-
selves had foul tongues. The father, the elder broth-
ers, the friends, can do much toward seeing that the
boys as they become men become clean and honor-
able men.

I have told you that I wanted you not only to be
decent, but to be strong. These boys will not ad-
mire virtue of a merely anaemic type. They believe
in courage, in manliness. They admire those who
have the quality of being brave, the quality of fac-
ing life as life should be faced, the quality that must
stand at the root of good citizenship in peace or in
war. If you are to be effective as good Christians
you must possess strength and courage, or your
example will count for little with the young, who
admire strength and courage. I want to see you, the
men of the Holy Name Society, you who embody
the qualities which the younger people admire, by

462 Presidential Addresses

your example give those young people the tendency,
the trend, in the right direction ; and remember that
this example counts in many other ways besides
cleanliness of speech. I want to see every man able
to hold his own with the strong, and also ashamed
to oppress the weak. I want to see each young fel-
low able to do a man's work in the world, and of
a type which will not permit imposition to be prac-
ticed upon him. I want to see him too strong of
spirit to submit to wrong, and, on the other hand,
ashamed to do wrong to others. I want to see each
man able to hold his own in the rough work of ac-
tual life outside, and also, when he is at home, a good
man, unselfish in dealing with wife, or mother, or
children. Remember that the preaching does not
count if it is not backed up by practice. There is no
good in your preaching to your boys to be brave, if
you run away. There is no good in your preaching
to them to tell the truth if you do not. There is no
good in your preaching to them to be unselfish if
they see you selfish with your wife, disregard ful of
others. We have a right to expect that you will
come together in meetings like this; that you will
march in processions ; that you will join in building
up such a great and useful association as this; and,
even more, we have a right to expect that in your
own homes and among your own associates you will
prove by your deeds that yours is not a lip loyalty
merely; that you show in actual practice the faith
that is in you.

And State Papers 463

ON BOARD THE KEARSARGE, DURING THE
REVIEW OF THE FLEET, AUGUST 17, 1903

Officers and Enlisted Men:

I wish to say a word of thanks to you on behalf
of the people of the United States. There are many
public servants whom I hold in high esteem, but
there are no others whom as a class I hold in quite
the esteem I do the officers and enlisted men of the
navy and the army of the United States.

In doing your work here it should all be done with
an eye toward the day when upon every man, from
the admiral to the lowest in rank, may rest the re-
sponsibility as to whether or not a new page of
honor in American history shall be turned. As I
passed the Olympia I remembered' her victory of
May I, 1898, which made her name forever one of
renown in our history. But all aboard her had been
equipped for the work by days and months, usually
by years, of what must have often been irksome
duty. In speaking to all of you I want a chance to
say a word of special recognition to the gun pointers.
The shots that hit are the shots that tell. They are
what make the navy prove itself equal to any need.
I am happy to say that the American seamen have
never been found deficient in the fighting edge — the
first requisite of the fighting man. I do not praise
you for being brave ; that is expected. The coward

464 Presidential Addresses

is to be condemned rather than the brave man to be
praised. I expect every one to show a perfect will-
ingness to die rather than to see the slightest stain
put upon the American flag. But in addition you
must know how to use to the utmost advantage the
gear and the weapons. You must know how to fight
as well as know how to die; only thus can you be-
come the most efficient fighting force in the world.
I again thank you for what you are. A peculiar re-
sponsibility attaches to each and every one of you.
It has been a pleasure to see the ship and the guns,
but, above all, the men behind the guns.

And State Papers 465

ON BOARD THE OLYMPIA DURING THE RE-
VIEW OF THE FLEET, AUGUST 17, 1903

AS President of the United States, I wish, on be-
half of the entire country, to greet you as rep-
resentatives of the officers and enlisted men of the
United States Navy. Every man aboard the Olym-
pia must feel that on him rests a double duty, to see
to it that the ship's name shall be for evermore a
symbol of victory and of glory to all the people of
our, country. Nothing pleases me more than to see
to-day for myself how high is the standard of the
enlisted men of the United States Navy. I do not
believe that our navy has ever been at a higher point
of efficiency. Month by month the already high
standard is being raised even higher. All alike share
in the duty, and share in the honor which comes if
the duty is well done. Whether the service is ren-
dered in the conning tower, or in the gun-turrets, or
in the engine-room, it matters not, so long as the ser-
vice itself is of the highest possible kind. This ship
commemorates forever the name of Admiral Dewey,
as the Hartford commemorates that of Admiral Far-
ragut. And I ask you all, as Americans proud of
your country, from the admiral down to the last en-
listed landsman, or the youngest apprentice, to ap-
preciate alike the high honor and heavy responsibility
of your positions.

466 Presidential Addresses

AT THE STATE FAIR, SYRACUSE, N. Y., SEP-
TEMBER 7, 1903

Governor Higgins; my Fellow-Citizens:

In speaking on Labor Day at the annual fair of
the New York State Agricultural Association, it
is natural to keep especially in mind the two bodies
who compose the majority of our people and upon
whose welfare depends the welfare of the entire
State. If circumstances are such that thrift, energy,
industry, and forethought enable the farmer, the
tiller of the soil, on the one hand, and the wage-
worker, on the other, to keep themselves, their wives,
and their children in reasonable comfort, then the
State is well off, and we can be assured that the
other classes in the community will likewise prosper.
On the other hand, if there is in the long run a lack
of prosperity among the two classes named, then all
other prosperity is sure to be more seeming than real.
It has been our profound good fortune as a Nation
that hitherto, disregarding exceptional periods of de-
pression and the normal and inevitable fluctuations,
there has been on the whole from the beginning of
our government to the present day a progressive bet-
terment alike in the condition of the tiller of the soil
and in the condition of the man who, by his manual
skill and labor, supports himself and his family, and

And State Papers 467

endeavors to bring up his children so that they may
be at least as well off as, and if possible better off
than, he himself has been. There are, of course,
exceptions, but as a whole the standard of living
among the farmers of our country has risen from
generation to generation, and the wealth repre-
sented on the farms has steadily increased, while
the wages of labor have likewise risen, both as re-
gards the actual money paid and as regards the pur-
chasing power which that money represents.

Side by side with this increase in the prosperity of
the wage-worker and the tiller of the soil has gone
on a great increase in prosperity among the busi-
ness men and among certain classes of professional
men ; and the prosperity of these men has been partly
the cause and partly the consequence of the pros-
perity of farmer and wage-worker. It can not be
too often repeated that in this country, in the long
run, we all of us tend to go up or go down to-
gether. If the average of well-being is high, it means
that the average wage-worker, the average farmer,
and the average business man are all alike well off.
If the average shrinks, there is not one of these
classes which will not feel the shrinkage. Of course
there are always some men who are not affected
by good times, just as there are some men who are
not affected by bad times. But speaking broadly, it
is true that if prosperity comes all of us tend to
share more or less therein, and that if adversity
comes each of us, to a greater or less extent, feels
the tension. Unfortunately, in this world the inno-

468 Presidential Addresses

cent frequently find themselves obliged to pay some
of the penalty for the misdeeds of the guilty; and
so if hard times come, whether they be due to our
own fault or to our misfortune, whether they be due
to some burst of speculative frenzy that has caused
a portion of the business world to lose its head —
a loss which no legislation can possibly supply — or
whether they be due to any lack of wisdom in a
portion of the world of labor — in each case the trou-
ble once started is felt more or less in every walk
of life.

It is all-essential to the continuance of our healthy
national life that we should recognize this com-
munity of interest among our people. The welfare
of each of us is dependent fundamentally upon the
welfare of all df us, and therefore in public life that
man is the best representative of each of us who
seeks to do good to each by doing good to all ; in
other words, whose endeavor it is, not to represent
any special class and promote merely that class's
selfish interests, but to represent all true and honest
men of all sections and all classes and to work for
their interests by working for our common country.

We can keep our government on a sane and
healthy basis, we can make and keep our social sys-
tem what it should be, only on condition of judging
each man, not as a member of a class, but on his
worth as a man. It is an infamous thing in our
American life, and fundamentally treacherous to our
institutions, to apply to any man any test save that
of his personal worth, or to draw between two sets

And State Papers 469

of men any distinction save the distinction of con-
duct, the distinction that marks off those who do well
and wisely from those who do ill and foolishly.
There are good citizens and bad citizens in every
class as in every locality, and the attitude of decent
people toward great public and social questions
should be determined, not by the accidental ques-
tions of employment or locality, but by those deep-set
principles which represent the innermost souls of
men.

The failure in public and in private life thus to
treat each man on his own merits, the recognition of
this government as being either for the poor as such
or for the rich as such, would prove fatal to our Re-
public, as such failure and such recognition have al-
ways proved fatal in the past to other republics. A
healthy republican government must rest upon indi-
viduals, not upon classes or sections. As soon as it
becomes government by a class or by a section it
departs from the old American ideal.

It is, of course, the merest truism to say that free
institutions are of avail only to people who pos-
sess the high and peculiar characteristics needed to
take advantage of such institutions. The century
that has just closed has witnessed many and lam-
entable instances in which people have seized a
government free in form, or have had it bestowed
upon them, and yet have permitted it under the
forms of liberty to become some species of despotism
or anarchy, because they did not have in them the
power to make this seeming liberty one of deed in-

47° Presidential Addresses

stead of one merely of word. Under such circum-
stances the seeming liberty may be supplanted by
a tyranny or despotism in the first place, or it may
reach the road of despotism by the "path of license
and anarchy. It matters but little which road is
taken. In either case the same goal is reached. Peo-
ple show themselves just as unfit for liberty whether
they submit to anarchy or to tyranny; and class
government, whether it be the government of a
plutocracy or the government of a mob, is equally
incompatible with the principles established in the
days of Washington and perpetuated in the days of
Lincoln.

Many qualities are needed by a people which
would preserve the power of self-government in fact
as well as in name. Among these qualities are fore-
thought, shrewdness, self-restraint, the courage
which refuses to abandon one's own rights, and the
disinterested and kindly good sense which enables
one to do justice to the rights of others. Lack of
strength and lack of courage unfit men for self-
government on the one hand ; and on the other, bru-
tal arrogance, envy, in short, any manifestation of
the spirit of selfish disregard, whether of one's own
duties or of the rights of others, are equally fatal.

In the history of mankind many republics have
risen, have flourished for a less or greater time, and
then have fallen because their citizens lost the power
of governing themselves and thereby of governing
their state ; and in no way has this loss of power been
so often and so clearly shown as in the tendency

And State Papers 471

to turn the government into a government primarily
for the benefit of one class instead of a government
for the benefit of the people as a whole.

Again and again in the republics of ancient Greece,
in those of mediaeval Italy and mediaeval Flanders,
this tendency was shown, and wherever the ten-
dency became a habit it invariably and inevitably
proved fatal to the state. In the final result it mat-
tered not one whit whether the movement was in
favor of one class or of another. The outcome was
equally fatal, whether the country fell into the
hands of a wealthy oligarchy which exploited the
poor or whether it fell under the domination of a
turbulent mob which plundered the rich. In both
cases there resulted violent alternations between tyr-
anny and disorder, and a final complete loss of lib-
erty to all citizens — destruction in the end overtaking
the class which had for the moment been victorious
as well as that which had momentarily been defeated.
The death knell of the Republic had rung as soon
as the active power became lodged in the hands of
those who sought, not to do justice to all citizens,
rich and poor alike, but to stand for one special class
and for its interests as opposed to the interests of
others.

The reason why our future is assured lies in the
fact that our people are genuinely skilled in and fitted
for self-government and therefore will spurn the
leadership of those who seek to excite this ferocious
and foolish class antagonism. The average Ameri-
can knows not only that he himself intends to do

472 Presidential Addresses

about what is right, but that his average fellow-
countryman has the same intention and the same
power to make his intention effective. He knows,
whether he be business man, professional man,
farmer, mechanic, employer, or wage-worker, that
the welfare of each of these men is bound up with
the welfare of all the others; that each is neighbor-
to the other, is actuated by the same hopes and fears,
has fundamentally the same ideals, and that all alike
have much the same virtues and the same faults.
Our average fellow-citizen is a sane and healthy
man, who believes in decency and has a wholesome
mind. He therefore feels an equal scorn alike for
the man of wealth guilty of the mean and base spirit
of arrogance toward those who are less well off, and
for the man of small means who in his turn either
feels, or seeks to excite in others the feeling of
mean and base envy for those who are better off.
The two feelings, envy and arrogance, are but oppo-
site sides of the same shield, but different develop-
ments of the same spirit. Fundamentally, the un-
scrupulous rich man who seeks to exploit and op-
press those who are less well off is in spirit not op-
posed to, but identical with, the unscrupulous poor
man who desires to plunder and oppress those who
are better off. The courtier and the demagogue are
but developments of the same type under different
conditions, each manifesting the same servile spirit,
the same desire to rise by pandering to base pas-
sions ; though one panders to power in the shape of
a single man and the other to power in the shape of

And State Papers 473

a multitude. So likewise the man who wishes to rise
by wronging others must by right be contrasted, not
with the man who likewise wishes to do wrong,
though to a different set of people, but with the man
who wishes to do justice to all people and to wrong
none.

The line of cleavage between good and bad citizen-
ship lies, not between the man of wealth who acts
squarely by his fellows and the man who seeks each
day's wage by that day's work, wronging no one
and doing his duty by his neighbor; nor yet does
this line of cleavage divide the unscrupulous wealthy
man who exploits others in his own interest, from
the demagogue, or from the sullen and envious being
who wishes to attack all men of property, whether
they do well or ill. On the contrary, the line of
cleavage between good citizenship and bad citizen-
ship separates the rich man who does well from the
rich man who does ill, the poor man of good "con-
duct from the poor man of bad conduct. This line
of cleavage lies at right angles to any such arbitrary
line of division as that separating one class from an-
other, one locality from another, or men with a
certain degree of property from those of a less 'de-
gree of property.

The good citizen is the man who, whatever his
wealth or his poverty, strives manfully to do his
duty to himself, to his family, to his neighbor, to
the State; who is incapable of the baseness which
manifests itself either in arrogance or in envy, but
who while demanding justice for himself is no less

4-vof.

474 Presidential Addresses

scrupulous to do justice to others. It is because the
average American citizen, rich or poor, is of just
this type that we have cause for our profound faith
in the future of the Republic.

Ours is a government of liberty, by, through,
and under the law. Lawlessness and connivance at
law-breaking — whether the law-breaking take the
form of a crime of greed and cunning or of a crime
of violence — are destructive not only of order, but
of the true liberties which can only come through
order. If alive to their true interests rich and poor
alike will set their faces like flint against the spirit
which seeks personal advantage by overriding the
laws, without regard to whether this spirit shows
itself in the form of bodily violence by one set of
men or in the form of vulpine cunning by another
set of men.

Let the watchwords of all our people be the old
familiar watchwords of honesty, decency, fair-deal-
ing and common sense. The qualities denoted by
these words are essential to all of us, as we deal with
the complex industrial problems of to-day, the prob-
lems affecting not merely the accumulation but even
more the wise distribution of wealth. We ask no
man's permission when we require him to obey the
law; neither the permission of the poor man nor
yet of the rich man. Least of all can the man of
great wealth afford to break the law, even for his
own financial advantage ; for the law is his prop and
support, and it is both foolish and profoundly unpa-
triotic for him to fail in giving hearty support to

And State Papers 475

those who show that there is in very fact one law,
and one law only, alike for the rich and the poor,
for the great and the small.

Men sincerely interested in the due protection of
property, and men sincerely interested in seeing that
the just rights of labor are guaranteed, should alike
remember not only that in the long run neither the
capitalist nor the wage-worker can be helped in
healthy fashion save by helping the other; but also
that to require either side to obey the law and do its
full duty toward the community is emphatically to
that side's real interest.

There is no worse enemy of the wage-worker
than the man who condones mob violence in any
shape or who preaches class hatred; and surely the
slightest acquaintance with our industrial history
should teach even the most short-sighted that the
times of most suffering for our people as a whole,
the times when business is stagnant, and capital
suffers from shrinkage and gets no return from its
investments, are exactly the times of hardship, and
want, and grim disaster among the poor. If all the
existing instrumentalities of wealth could be abol-
ished, the first and severest suffering would come
among those of us who are least well off at pres-
ent. The wage-worker is well off only when the
rest of the country is well off; and he can best con-
tribute to this general well-being by showing sanity
and a firm purpose to do justice to others.

In his turn the capitalist who is really a con-
servative, the man who has forethought as well

Presidential Addresses

as patriotism, should heartily welcome every effort,
legislative or otherwise, which has for its object
to secure fair dealing by capital, corporate or in-
dividual, toward the public and toward the em-
ployee. Such laws as the franchise-tax law in this
State, which the Court of Appeals recently unani-
mously decided constitutional — such a law as that
passed in Congress last year for the purpose of
establishing a Department of Commerce 'and La-
bor, under which there should be a bureau to over-
see and secure publicity from the great corporations
which do an interstate business — such a law as that
passed at the same time for the regulation of the
great highways of commerce so as to keep these
roads clear on fair terms to all producers in get-
ting their goods to market — these laws are in the
interest not merely of the people as a whole, but
of the propertied classes. For in no way is the
stability of property better assured than by making
it patent to our people that property bears its proper
share of the burdens of the State; that property is
handled not only in the interest of the owner, but
in the interest of the whole community.

In other words, legislation to be permanently
good for any class must also be good for the Na-
tion as a whole, and legislation which does injus-
tice to any class is certain to work harm to the
Nation. Take our currency system for example.
This Nation is on a gold basis. The treasury of
the public is in excellent condition. Never before
has the per capita of circulation been as large as

And State Papers 477

it is this day; and this circulation, moreover, is of
money every dollar of which is at par with gold.
Now, our having this sound currency system is of
benefit to banks, of course, but it is of infinitely
more benefit to the people as a whole, because of the
healthy effect on business conditions.

In the same way, whatever is advisable in the way
of remedial or corrective currency legislation — and
nothing revolutionary is advisable under present
conditions — must be .undertaken only from the
standpoint of the business community as a whole,
that is, of the American body politic as a whole.
Whatever is done, we can not afford to take any
step backward or to cast any doubt upon the cer-
tain redemption in standard coin of every circu-
lating note.

Among ourselves we differ in many qualities of
body, head and heart; we are unequally developed,
mentally as well as physically. But each of us has
the right to ask that he shall be protected from
wrongdoing as he does his work and carries his
burden through life. No man needs sympathy be-
cause he has to work, because he has a burden to
carry. Far and away the best prize that life offers
is the chance to work hard at work worth doing;
and this is a prize open to every man, for there
can be no work better worth doing than that done
to keep in health and comfort and with reasonable
advantages those immediately dependent upon the
husband, the father, or the son.

Presidential Addresses

There is no room in our healthy American life
for the mere idler, for the man or the woman whose
object it is throughout life to shirk the duties which
life ought to bring. Life can mean nothing worth
meaning, unless its prime aim is the doing of duty,
the achievement of results worth achieving. A re-
cent writer has finely said : "After all, the saddest
thing that can happen to a man is to carry no
burdens. To be bent under too great a load is
bad; to be crushed by it is lamentable; but even
in that there are possibilities that are glorious. But
to carry no load at all — there is nothing in that.
No one seems to arrive at any goal really worth
reaching in this world who does not come to it
heavy laden."

Su'rely from our own experience each one of us
knows that this is true. From the greatest to the
smallest, happiness and usefulness are largely found
in the same soul, and the joy of life is won in its
deepest and truest sense only by those who have
not shirked life's burdens. The men whom we
most delight to honor in all this land are those
who, in the iron years from '61 to '65, bore on their
shoulders the burden of saving the Union. They
did not choose the easy task. They did not shirk
the difficult duty. Deliberately and of their own
free will they strove for an ideal, upward and on-
ward across the stony slopes of greatness. They
did the hardest work that was then to be done;
they bore the heaviest burden that any generation
of Americans ever had to bear; and because they

And State Papers 479

did this they have won such proud joy as it has
fallen to the lot of no other men to win, and have
written their names for evermore on the golden hon-
or roll of the Nation. As it is with the soldier, so
it is with the civilian. To win success in the busi-
ness world, to become a first-class mechanic, a suc-
cessful farmer, an able lawyer or doctor, means that
the man has devoted his best energy and power
through long years to the achievement of his ends.
So it is in the life of the family, upon which in
the last analysis the whole welfare of the Nation
rests. The man or woman who as bread-winner
and home-maker, or as wife and mother, has done
all that he or she can do, patiently and uncom-
plainingly, is to be honored; and is to be envied
by all those who have never had the good fortune
to feel the need and duty of doing such work. The
woman who has borne, and who has reared as they
should be reared, a family of children, has in the
most emphatic manner deserved well of the Repub-
lic. Her burden has been heavy, and she has been
able to bear it worthily only by the possession of
resolution, of good sense, of conscience, and of un-
selfishness. But if she has borne it well, then to
her shall come the supreme blessing, for in the
words of the oldest and greatest of books, "Her
children shall rise up and call her blessed;" and
among the benefactors of the land her place must
be with those who have done the best and the hard-
est work, whether as law-givers or as soldiers,
whether in public or private life.

480 Presidential Addresses

This is not a soft and easy creed to preach. It
is a creed willingly learned only by men and women
who, together with the softer virtues, possess also
the stronger; who can do, and dare, and die at
need, but who while life lasts will never flinch from
their allotted task. You farmers, and wage-workers,
and business men of this great State, of this mighty
and wonderful Nation, are gathered together to-day,
proud of your State and still prouder of your Na-
tion, because your forefathers and predecessors have
lived up to just this creed. You have received from
their hands a great inheritance, and you will leave
an even greater inheritance to your children, and
your childrens' children, provided only that you
practice alike in your private and your public
lives the strong virtues that have given us as a
people greatness in the past. It is not enough
to be well-meaning and kindly, but weak; neither
is it enough to be strong, unless morality and
decency go hand in hand with strength. We
must possess the qualities which make us do our
duty in our homes and among our neighbors, and in
addition we must possess the qualities which are
indispensable to the make-up of every great and
masterful nation — the qualities of courage and
hardihood, of individual initiative and yet of power
to combine for a common end, and above all, the
resolute determination to permit no man and no set
of men to sunder us one from the other by lines of
caste or creed or section. We must act upon the
motto of all for each and each for all. There must

And State Papers

be ever present in our minds the fundamental truth
that in a republic such as ours the only safety is
to stand neither for nor against any man because he
is rich or because he is poor, because he is engaged
in one occupation or another, because he works with
his brains or because he works with his hands. We
must treat each man on his worth and merits as a
man. We must see that each is given a square
deal, because he is entitled to no more and should
receive no less. Finally we must keep ever in mind
that a republic such as ours can exist only by virtue
of the orderly liberty which comes through the
equal domination of the law over all men alike,
and through its administration in such resolute and
fearless fashion as shall teach all that no man is
above it and no man below it.

AT RICHMOND HILL, N. Y., SEPTEMBER 8, 1903

Dr. Kimball, and you, Men, Women, and Children

of Richmond Hill:

I wish I could talk better to all of you ; but I will
ask you to have a little patience for one moment
while I thank you for having come out to greet me,
I am glad to see all of you, and allow me to say that
I am most glad to see those who carry small folks in
their arms.

You know I am very fond of Mr. Riis; and the
reason why is because when I preach about decent
citizenship I can turn to him and think he has prac-
ticed just what I have been preaching. The worth

482 Presidential Addresses

of any sermon lies in the way in which that sermon
can be and is applied in practice. Of course I am
glad to have the chance of being with a man who
shows by his life that he knows how practically to
apply the spirit of decency unaccompanied by mourn-
fulness or false pretences of any kind, or by weak-
ness. I want to see men decent ; I want to see them
act squarely; I want to see them work. That does
not mean that I want to see them have sour faces. I
want to see all enjoy themselves, men, women, and
children. I believe in play; I believe in happiness,
and in the joy of living; and I do not believe in the
life that is nothing but play. I believe that you have
a thousand-fold more enjoyment if work comes first ;
but get time to play also. I believe in cheerfulness
as well as in decency and honesty. Finally, I be-
lieve in always combining strength with the sweet-
ness. I want to say how deeply touched I am at
your coming out to greet me, and I want you to
understand that you give me strength of heart when
you come in this way. I greet you all ; I am glad to
see the grown up people of Richmond Hill, and I am
even more glad to see the children.

AT ANTIETAM, MD., SEPTEMBER 17, 1903

Governor Murphy-, Veterans of New Jersey, Men

of the Grand Army:

I thank you of New Jersey for the monument
to the troops of New Jersey who fought at Antie-
tam, and on behalf of the Nation I accept the gift.

And State Papers 483

We meet to-day upon one of the great battle-fields
of the Civil War. No other battle of the Civil
War lasting but one day shows as great a per-
centage of loss as that which occurred here upon
the day on which Antietam was fought. Moreover,
in its ultimate effects this battle was of momentous
and even decisive importance, for when it had ended
and Lee had retreated south of the Potomac, Lin-
coln forthwith published that immortal paper, the
preliminary declaration of emancipation; the paper
which decided that the Civil War, besides being
a war for the preservation of the Union, should be
a war for the emancipation of the slave, so that
from that time onward the cause of Union and of
Freedom, of national greatness and individual lib-
erty, were one and the same.

Men of New Jersey, I congratulate your State be-
cause she has the right to claim her full share in
the honor and glory of that memorable day; and
I congratulate you, Governor Murphy, because on
that day you had the high good fortune to serve
as a lad with credit and honor in one of the five
regiments which your State sent to the battle. Four
of those regiments, by the way, served in the divi-
sion commanded by that gallant soldier, Henry W.
Slocum, whom we of New York can claim as our
own. The other regiment, that in which Governor
Murphy served, although practically an entirely
new regiment, did work as good as that of any vet-
eran organization upon the field, and suffered a pro-
portional loss. This regiment was at one time or-

484 Presidential Addresses

dered to the support of a division commanded by
another New York soldier, the gallant General
Greene, whose son himself served as a major-gen-
eral in the war with Spain and is now, as Police
Commissioner of New York, rendering as signal
service in civil life as he had already rendered in
military life.

If the issue of Antietam had been other than
it was, it is probable that at least two great Eu-
ropean powers would have recognized the indepen-
dence of the Confederacy; so that you who fought
here forty-one years ago have the profound satis-
faction of feeling that you played well your part
in one of those crises big with the fate of all man-
kind. You men of the Grand Army by your vic-
tory not only rendered all Americans your debtors
for evermore, but you rendered all humanity your
debtors. If the Union had been dissolved, if the
great edifice built with blood and sweat and tears
by mighty Washington and his compeers had gone
down in wreck and ruin, the result would have been
an incalculable calamity, not only for our people —
and most of all for those who, in such event would
have seemingly triumphed — but for all mankind.
The great American Republic would have become a
memory of derision; and the failure of the experi-
ment of self-government by a great people on a
great scale would have delighted the heart of every
foe of republican institutions. Our country, now so
great and so wonderful, would have been split into
little jangling rival nationalities, each with a his-

And State Papers 485

tory both bloody and contemptible. It was because
you, the men who wear the button of the Grand
Army, triumphed in those dark years, that every
American now holds his head high, proud in the
knowledge that he belongs to a Nation whose glo-
rious past and great present will be succeeded by
an even mightier future; whereas had you failed
we would all of us, North and South, East and
West, be now treated by other nations at the best
with contemptuous tolerance; at the worst with
overbearing insolence.

Moreover, every friend of liberty, every believer
in self-government, every idealist who wished to
see his ideals take practical shape, wherever he
might be in the world, knew that the success of
all in which he most believed was bound up with
the success of the Union armies in this great strug-
gle. I confidently predict that when the final judg-
ment of history is recorded it will be said that in
no other war of which we have written record was
it more vitally essential for the welfare of mankind
that victory should rest where it finally rested.
There have been other wars for individual free-
dom. There have been other wars for national
greatness. But there has never been another war
in which the issues at stake were so large, looked
at from either standpoint. We take just pride in
the great deeds of the men of 1776, but we must
keep in mind that the Revolutionary War would
have been shorn of well-nigh all its results had
the side of union and liberty been defeated in the

486 Presidential Addresses

Civil War. In such case we should merely have
added another to the lamentably long list of cases
in which peoples have shown that after winning
their liberty they are wholly unable to make good
use of it.

It now rests with us in civil life to make good by
our deeds the deeds which you who wore the blue
did in the great years from '61 to '65. The pa-
triotism, the courage, the unflinching resolution
and steadfast endurance of the soldiers whose tri-
umph was crowned at Appomattox must be sup-
plemented on our part by civic courage, civic hon-
esty, cool sanity, and steadfast adherence to the
immutable laws of righteousness. You left us a
reunited country; reunited in fact as well as in
name. You left us the right of brotherhood with
your gallant foes who wore the gray; the right to
feel pride in their courage and their high fealty
to an ideal, even though they warred against the
stars in their courses. You left us also the most
splendid example of what brotherhood really
means; for in your careers you showed in prac-
tical fashion that the only safety in our Ameri-
can life lies in spurning the accidental distinctions
which sunder one man from another, and in paying
homage to each man only because of what he essen-
tially is ; in stripping off the husks of occupation, of
position, of accident, until the soul stands forth
revealed, and we know the man only because of his
worth as a man.

There was no patent device for securing victory

And State Papers 487

by force of arms forty years ago; and there is no
patent device for securing victory for the forces of
righteousness in civil life now. In each case the
all-important factor was and is the character of the
* individual man. Good laws in the State, like a
good organization in an army, are the expressions
of national character. Leaders will be developed
in military and in civil life alike; and weapons and
tactics change from generation to generation, as
methods of achieving good government change in
civic affairs; but the fundamental qualities which
make for good citizenship do not change any more
than the fundamental qualities which make good
soldiers. In the long run in the Civil War the
thing that counted for more than aught else was
the fact that the average American had the fighting
edge; had within liim the spirit which spurred him
on through toil and danger, fatigue and hardship,
to the goal of the splendid ultimate triumph. So
in achieving good government the fundamental fac-
tor must be the character of the average citizen;
that average citizen's power of hatred for what is
mean and base and unlovely; his fearless scorn of
cowardice and his determination to war unyield-
ingly against the dark and sordid forces of evil.

The Continental troops who followed Washing-
ton were clad in blue and buff, and were armed
with clumsy, flintlock muskets. You, who followed
Grant, wore the famous old blue uniform, and your
weapons had changed as had your uniform; and
now the men of the American Army who uphold

488 Presidential Addresses

the honor of the flag in the far tropic lands are yet
differently armed and differently clad and differ-
ently trained; but the spirit that has driven you all
to victory has remained forever unchanged. So it
is in civil life. As you did not win in a month
or a year, but only after long years of hard and
dangerous work, so the fight for governmental
honesty and efficiency can be won only by the dis-
play of similar patience and similar resolution and
power of endurance. We need the same type of
character now that was needed by the men who with
Washington first inaugurated the system of free
popular government, the system of combined liberty
and order here on this Continent; that was needed
by the men who under Lincoln perpetuated the gov-
ernment which had thus been inaugurated in the
days of Washington. The qualities essential to good
citizenship and to good public service now are in
all their essentials exactly the same as in the days
when the first Congresses met to provide for the es-
tablishment of the Union; as in the days seventy
years later, when the Congresses met which had to
provide for its salvation.

There are many qualities which we need alike
in private citizen and in public man, but three above
all — three for the lack of which no brilliancy and
no genius can atone — and those three are courage,
honesty, and common sense.

And State Papers 489

AT THE UNVEILING OF THE SHERMAN

STATUE, WASHINGTON, D. C,

OCTOBER 15, 1903

General Dodge, Veterans of the Four Great Armies,

and you, my Fellow-Citizens:

To-day we meet together to do honor to the
memory of one of the great men whom, in the
hour of her agony, our Nation brought forth for
her preservation. The Civil War was not only in
the importance of the issues at stake and of the out-
come the greatest of modern times, but it was also,
taking into account its duration, the severity of the
fighting, and the size of the armies engaged, the
greatest since the close of the Napoleonic struggles.
Among the generals who rose to high position as
leaders of the various armies in the field are many
who will be remembered in our history as long as
this history itself is remembered. Sheridan, the in-
carnation of fiery energy and prowess; Thomas,
farsighted, cool-headed, whose steadfast courage
burned ever highest in the supreme moment of the
crisis; McClellan, with his extraordinary gift for
organization; Meade, victor. in one of the decisive
battles of all time; Hancock, type of the true fight-
ing man among the regulars; Logan, type of the
true fighting man among the volunteers — the names
of these and of many others will endure so long as
our people hold sacred the memory of the fight for
union and for liberty. High among these chiefs
rise the figures of Grant and of Grant's great lieu-

49° Presidential Addresses

tenant, Sherman, whose statue here in the national
capital is to-day to be unveiled. It is not necessary
here to go over the long roll of Sherman's mighty
feats. They are written large throughout the his-
tory of the Civil War. Our memories would be
poor indeed if we did not recall them now, as we
look along Pennsylvania Avenue and think of the
great triumphal march which surged down its length
when at the close of the war the victorious armies
of the East and of the West met here in the capital
of the Nation they had saved.

There is a peculiar fitness in commemorating the
great deeds of the soldiers who preserved this Na-
tion, by suitable monuments at the National Capital.
I trust we shall soon have a proper statue of Abra-
ham Lincoln, to whom more than to any other one
man this Nation owes its salvation. Meanwhile, on
behalf of the people of the Nation, I wish to con-
gratulate all of you who have been instrumental in
securing the erection of this statue to Genera^
Sherman.

The living can best show their respect for the
memory of the great dead by the way in which they
take to heart and act upon the lessons taught by the
lives which made these dead men great. Our hom-
age to-day to the memory of Sherman comes from
the depths of our being. We would be unworthy
citizens did we not feel profound gratitude toward
him, and those like him and under him, who, when
the country called in her dire need, sprang forward
with such gallant eagerness to answer that call.

And State Papers 491

Their blood and their toil, their endurance and pa-
triotism, have made us and all who come after us
forever their debtors. They left us not merely a
reunited country, but a country incalculably greater
because of its rich heritage in the deeds which thus
left it reunited. As a Nation we are the greater, not
only for the valor and devotion to duty displayed
by the men in blue, who won in the great struggle
for the Union, but also for the valor and the loy-
alty toward what they regarded as right of the men
in gray; for this war, thrice fortunate above all
other recent wars in its outcome, left to all of us
the right of brotherhood alike with valiant victor
and valiant vanquished.

Moreover, our homage must not only find expres-
sion on our lips; it must also show itself forth in
our deeds. It is a great and glorious thing for a
nation to be stirred to present triumph by the splen-
did memories of triumphs in the past. But it is a
shameful thing for a nation, if these memories stir
it only to empty boastings, to a pride that does not
shrink from present abasement, to that self-satis-
faction which accepts the high resolve and unbend-
ing effort of the father as an excuse for effortless
ease or wrongly directed effort in the son. We
of the present, if we are true to the past, must
show by our lives that we have learned aright the
lessons taught by the men who did the mighty
deeds of the past. We must have in us the spirit
which made the men of the Civil War what they
were; the spirit which produced leaders such as

492 Presidential Addresses

Sherman; the spirit which gave to the average sol-
dier the" grim tenacity and resourcefulness that
made the armies of Grant and Sherman as formi-
dable fighting machines as this world has ever seen.
We need their ruggedness of body, their keen and
vigorous minds, and above all their dominant qual-
ity of forceful character. Their lives teach us in
our own lives to strive after, not the thing which is
merely pleasant, but the thing which it is our duty
to do. The life of duty, not the life of mere ease
or mere pleasure — that is" the kind of life which
makes the great man as it makes the great nation.

We can not afford to lose the virtues which made
the men of '61 to '65 great in war. No man is
warranted in feeling pride in the deeds of the Army
and Navy of the past if he does not back up the
Army and the Navy of the present. If we are far-
sighted in our patriotism, there will be no let up in
the work of building, and of keeping at the highest
point of efficiency, a navy suited to the part the
United States must hereafter play in the world,
and of making and keeping our small Regular
Army, which in the event of a great war can
never be anything but the nucleus around which
our volunteer armies must form themselves, the
best army of its size to be found among the nations.

So much for our duties in keeping unstained the
honor roll our fathers made in war. It is of even
more instant need that we should show their spirit
of patriotism in the affairs of peace. The duties
of peace are with us always; those of war are but

And State Papers 493

occasional; and with a nation as with a man, the
worthiness of life depends upon the way in which
the everyday duties are done. The home duties are
the vital duties. The nation is nothing but the
aggregate of the families within its border; and if
the average man is not hard-working, just, and
fearless in his dealings with those about him, then
our average of public life will in the end be low;
for the stream can rise no higher than its source.
But in addition we need to remember that a pecu-
liar responsibility rests upon the man in public life.
We meet in the capital of the Nation, in the city
which owes its existence to the fact that it is the
seat of the National Government. It is well for us
in this place, and at this time, to remember that
exactly as there are certain homely qualities the lack
of which will prevent the most brilliant man alive
from being a useful soldier to his country, so there
are certain homely qualities for the lack of which
in the public servant no shrewdness or ability can
atone. The greatest leaders, whether in war or in
peace, must of course show a peculiar quality of
genius; but the most redoubtable armies that have
ever existed have been redoubtable because the aver-
age soldier, the average officer, possessed to a high
degree such comparatively simple qualities as loy-
alty, courage, and hardihood. And so the most
successful governments are those in which the aver-
age public servant possesses that variant of loyalty
which we call patriotism, together with common
sense and honesty. We can as little afford to tol-

494 Presidential Addresses

erate a dishonest man in the public service as a
coward in the army. The murderer fakes a single
life; the corruptionist in public life, whether he be
bribe giver or bribe taker, strikes at the heart of the
commonwealth. In every public service, as in every
army, there will be wrongdoers, there will occur
misdeeds. This can not be avoided; but vigilant
watch must be kept, and as soon as discovered the
wrongdoing must be stopped and the wrongdoers
punished. Remember that in popular government
we must rely on the people themselves, alike for
the punishment and the reformation. Those upon
whom our institutions cast the initial duty of bring-
ing malefactors to the bar of justice must be diligent
in its discharge; yet in the last resort the success
of their efforts to purge the public service of cor-
ruption must depend upon the attitude of the courts
and of the juries drawn from the people. Leader-
ship is of avail only so far as there is wise and
resolute public sentiment behind it.

In the long run, then, it depends upon us ourselves,
upon us the people as a whole, whether this Govern-
ment is or is not to stand in the future as it has
stood in the past ; and my faith that it will show no
falling off is based upon my faith in the character
of our average citizenship. The one supreme duty
is to try to keep this average high. To this end it
is well to keep alive the memory of those men who
are fit to serve as examples of what is loftiest and
best in American citizenship. Such a man was
General Sherman. To very few in any generation

And State Papers 495

is it given to render such services as he rendered;
but each of us in his degree can try to show some-
thing of those qualities of character upon which, in
their sum, the high worth of Sherman rested — his
courage, his kindliness, his clean and simple living,
his sturdy good sense, his manliness and tenderness
in the intimate relations of life, and finally, his in-
flexible rectitude of soul and his loyalty to all that
in this free Republic is hallowed and symbolized by
the national flag.

AT THE PAN-AMERICAN MISSIONARY SER-
VICE, CATHEDRAL OF ST. PETER AND ST.
PAUL, MOUNT ST. ALBAN, WASHINGTON,
D. C, OCTOBER 25, 1903

Bishop Satterlee; and to you representatives of the
Church both at home and abroad; and to all of
you, my friends and fellow-citizens:
I extend greeting, and in your name I especially
welcome those who are in a sense the guests of the
nation to-day. In what I am about to say to you,
I wish to dwell upon certain thoughts suggested by
three different quotations : In the first place, "Thou
shalt serve the Lord with all thy heart, with all thy
soul, and with all thy mind;" the next, "Be ye
therefore wise as serpents and harmless as doves;"
and finally, in the Collect which you, Bishop Doane,
just read, that "we being ready both in body and
soul may cheerfully accomplish those things which
thou commandest."

496 Presidential Addresses

To an audience such as this I do not have to say
anything as to serving the cause of decency with
heart and with soul. I want to dwell, however,
upon the fact that we have the right to claim from
you not merely that you shall have heart in your
work, not merely that you shall put your souls into
it, but that you shall give the best that your minds
have to it also. In the eternal, the unending war-
fare for righteousness and against evil, the friends
of what is good need to remember that in addition
to being decent they must be efficient; that good in-
tentions, high purposes, can not be in themselves
effective, that they are in no sense a substitute for
power to -make those purposes, those intentions felt
in action. Of course we must first have the pur-
pose and the intention. If our powers are not
guided aright it is better that we should not have
them at all; but we must have the power itself be-
fore we can guide it aright.

In the second text we are told not merely to be
harmless as doves, but also to be wise as serpents.
One of our American humorists who veils under
jocular phrases much deep wisdom — one of those
men has remarked that it is much easier to be a
harmless dove than a wise serpent. Now, we are
not to be excused if we do not show both qualities.
It is not very much praise to give a man to say
that he is harmless. We have a right to ask that
in addition to the fact that he does no harm to
any one he shall possess the wisdom and the strength
to do good to his neighbor; that together with in-

And State Papers 497

nocence, together with purity of motive, shall be
joined the wisdom and strength to make that purity
effective, that motive translated into substantial re-
sult.

Finally, in the quotation from the Collect, we
ask that we may be made ready both in body and
in soul, that we may cheerfully accomplish those
things that we are commanded to do. Ready both
in body and in soul; that means that we must
fit ourselves physically and mentally, fit ourselves
to work with the weapons necessary for dealing
with this life no less than with the higher, spiritual
weapons; fit ourselves thus to do the work com-
manded; and moreover, to do it cheerfully. Small
is our use for the man who individually helps any
of us and shows that he does it grudgingly. We
had rather not be helped than be helped in such
fashion. A favor extended in a manner which
shows that the man is sorry that he has to grant
it is robbed, sometimes of all, and sometimes of
more than all, its benefit. So, in serving the Lord,
if we serve him, if we serve the cause of decency,
the cause of righteousness, in a way that impresses
others with the fact that we are sad in doing it,
our service is robbed of an immense proportion of
its efficacy. We have a right to ask a cheerful
heart, a right to ask a buoyant and cheerful spirit
among those to whom is granted the inestimable
privilege of doing the Lord's work in this world.
The chance to do work, the duty to do work is not
a penalty; it is a privilege. Let me quote a sen-
5— VOL. XIV

498 Presidential Addresses

tence that I have quoted once before : "In this life
the man who wins to any goal worth winning almost
always comes to that goal with a burden bound on
his shoulders." The man who does best in this world,
the woman who does best, almost inevitably does
it because he or she carries some burden. Life is
so constituted that the man or the woman who has
not some responsibility is thereby deprived of the
deepest happiness that can come to mankind, be-
cause each and every one of us, if he or she is fit to
live in the world must be conscious that responsi-
bility always rests on him or on her — the responsi-
bility of duty toward those dependent upon us; the
responsibility of duty toward our families, toward
our friends, toward our fellow-citizens ; the respon-
sibility of duty to wife and child, to the state, to the
church. Not only can no man shirk some or all of
those responsibilities, but no man worth his salt will
wish to shirk them. On the contrary, he will wel-
come thrice over the fortune that puts them upon
him.

In closing, I want to call your attention to some-
thing that is especially my business for the time
being, and that is measurably your business all the
time, or else you are unfit to be citizens of this
Republic. In the seventh hymn which we sung, in
the last line, you all joined in singing "God save the
State!" Do you intend merely to sing that, or to
try to do it? If you intend merely to sing it, your
part in doing it will be but small. The State will
be saved, if the Lord puts it into the heart of the

And State Papers 499

average man so to shape his life that the State shall
be worth saving, and only on those terms. We
need civic righteousness. The best constitution that
the wit of man has ever devised, the best institu-
tions that the ablest statesmen in the world have
ever reduced to practice by law or by custom, all
these shall be of no avail if they are not vivified
by the spirit which makes a State great by making
its citizens honest, just, and brave. I do not ask
you as practical believers in applied Christianity to
take part one way or the other in matters that are
merely partisan. There are plenty of questions
about which honest men can and do differ very
greatly and very intensely, but as to which the
triumph of either side may be compatible with the
welfare of the State — a lesser degree of welfare or
a greater degree of welfare — but compatible with
the welfare of the State. But there are certain
great principles, such as those which Cromwell
would have called "fundamentals," concerning which
no man has a right to have more than one opinion.
Such a question is honesty. If you have not hon-
esty in the average private citizen, in the average
public servant, then all else goes for nothing. The
abler a man is, the more dexterous, the shrewder,
the bolder, why the more dangerous he is if he has
not the root of right living and right thinking in
him — and that in private life, and even more in
public life. Exactly as in time of war, although
you need in each fighting man far more than cour-
age, yet all else counts for nothing if there is not

500 Presidential Addresses

that courage upon which to base it, so in our civil
life, although we need that the average man in
private life, that the average public servant, shall
have far more than honesty, yet all other qualities
go for nothing or for worse than nothing unless
honesty underlies them — honesty in public life and
honesty in private life; not only the honesty that
keeps its skirts technically clear, but the honesty that
is such according to the spirit as well as the letter
of the law; the honesty that is aggressive, the hon-
esty that not merely deplores corruption — it is easy
enough to deplore corruption — but that wars against
it and tramples it under foot. I ask for that type
of honesty, I ask for militant honesty, for the hon-
esty of the kind that makes those who have it dis-
contented with themselves as long as they have
failed to do everything that in them lies to stamp
out dishonesty wherever it can be found, in high
place or in low. And let us not flatter ourselves,
we who live in countries where the people rule that
it is ultimately possible for the people to cast upon
any but themselves the* responsibilities for the shape
the government and the social and political life of
the community assumes. I ask then that our peo-
ple feel quickened within them burning indignation
against wrong in every shape, and condemnation of
that wrong, whether found in private or in public
life. We have a right to demand courage of every
man who wears the uniform; it is not so much a
credit to him to have it as it is shame unutterable
to him if he lacks it. So when we demand honesty,

And State Papers 501

we demand it not as entitling the possessor to
praise; but as warranting the heartiest condemna-
tion possible if he lacks it. Surely in every move-
ment for the betterment of our life, our life social
in the truest and deepest sense, our life political, we
have a special right to ask not merely support but
leadership from those of the Church. We ask that
you here to whom much has been given will re-
member that from you rightly much will be ex-
pected in return. For all of us here the lines have
been cast in pleasant places. Each of us has been
given one talent, or five, or ten talents, and each of
us is in honor bound to use that talent or those
talents aright, and to show at the end that he is
entitled to the praise of having done well as a faith-
ful servant.

I greet you this afternoon, and am glad to see
you here, and I trust and believe that after this
service every one of us will go home feeling that
he or she has been warranted in coming here by
the way in which he or she, after going home, takes
up with fresh heart, with fresh courage, and with
fresh and higher purpose the burden of life as that
burden has been given to him or to her to carry.

AT THE CENTENNIAL EXERCISES IN THE

N. Y. AVENUE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH,

WASHINGTON, D. C, NOV. 16, 1903

Mr. Justice:

Let me first express the appreciation that all of
us feel to Professor McMaster for his exceedingly

502 Presidential Addresses

interesting address ; and the address showed why he
can justly claim to be the historian of the people of
the United States, for what he has told us was what
the people did, not merely what the outward forms
and observances were, but what the life of the peo-
ple was a century ago. And, Mr. Justice, I think
that the recital has left in the minds of all of us
the feeling that while we revere our ancestors, we
are not wholly discontented that we live in the pres-
ent day.

To each generation comes its allotted task; and
no generation is to be excused for failure to per-
form that task. No generation can claim as an ex-
cuse for such failure the fact that it is not guilty
of the sins of the preceding generation. It was a
surprise to me, I suppose it was a surprise to many
of us, to realize that a hundred years ago, in the
days of the fathers, the lot of the poor debtor was
so hard. It seems incredible to us now that there
should have been such callousness to the undeserved
human suffering then. I hope sincerely that a cen-
tury hence it will seem equally incredible to the
American of that generation that there should be
corruption and venality in public life. We can. di-
vide, and must divide, on party lines as regards
certain questions ; as regards the deepest, as regards
the vital questions, we can not afford to divide, and
I have the right to challenge the best effort of every
American worthy of the name to putting down by
every means in his power corruption in private life,
and above all corruption in public life. And, re-

And State Papers 503

member, you, the people of this government by the
people, that while the public servant, the legislator,
the executive officer, the judge, are not to be ex-
cused if they fall short of their duty, yet that their
doing their duty can not avail unless you do yours.
In the last resort we have to depend upon the jury
drawn from the people to convict the scoundrel who
has tainted our public life; and unless that jury
does its duty, unless it is backed by the public
sentiment of the people, all the work of legis-
lator, of executive officer, of judicial officer, are
for naught.

Mr. Justice, a man would be a poor citizen of this
country if he could sit in Abraham Lincoln's pew
and not feel the solemn sense of the associations
borne in upon him; and I wish to thank the people
of this church for that reverence for the historic
past, for the sense of historic continuity, which has
made them keep this pew unchanged. I hope it
will remain unchanged in this church as long as
our country endures. We have not too many
monuments of the past; let us keep every little
bit of association with that which is highest and
best of the past as a reminder to us, equally of
what we owe to those who have gone before and of
how we should show our appreciation. This even-
ing I sit in this pew of Abraham Lincoln's, to-
gether with Abraham Lincoln's private secretary,
who, for my good fortune, now serves as Secretary
of State in my Cabinet.

If ever there lived a President who during his

504 Presidential Addresses

term of service needed all of the consolation and
of the strength that he could draw from the unseen
powers above him, it was Abraham Lincoln, who
worked and suffered for the people, and when he
had lived for them to good end gave his life at the
end. If ever there was a man who practically ap-
plied what was taught in our churches, it was Abra-
ham Lincoln. The other day I was rereading — on
the suggestion of Mr. Hay — a little speech not often
quoted of his, yet which seems to me one of the
most remarkable that he ever made; delivered right
after his re-election, I think, to a body of serenaders
who had come, if my memory is correct, from Mary-
land, and called for an address from him from the
White House. It is extraordinary to read that
speech, and to realize that the man who made it
had just come successfully through a great political
contest in which he felt that so much was at stake*
for the Nation that he had no time to think whether
or not anything was at stake for himself. The
speech is devoid of the least shade of bitterness.
There is not a word of unseemly triumph over those
who have been defeated. There is not a word of
glorification of himself, or in any improper sense
of his party. There is an earnest appeal, now that
the election is over, now that the civic strife has
been completed, for all decent men who love the
country to join together in service to the country;
and in the speech he uses a thoroughly Lincoln-like
phrase when he says "I have not willingly planted
a thorn in the breast of any man," thus trying to

And State Papers 505

make clear that he has nothing to say against any
opponent, no bitterness toward any opponent; that
all he wishes is that those who opposed him should
join with those who favored him in working toward
a common end. In reading his works and ad-
dresses, one is struck by the fact that as he went
higher and higher all personal bitterness seemed to
die out of him. In the Lincoln-Douglas debates one
can still catch now and then a note of personal an-
tagonism; the man was in the arena, and as the
blows were given and taken you can see that now
and then he had a feeling against his antagonist.
When he became President and faced the crisis that
he had to face, from that time on I do not think that
you can find an expression, a speech, a word of Lin-
coln's, written or spoken, in which bitterness is
shown to any man. His devotion to the cause was
so great that he neither could nor would have feel-
ing against any individual.

In closing, Mr. Justice, in thanking you of this
church, the church so closely kindred to my own
Dutch Reformed Church, in thanking you for
asking me here, let me say how peculiarly glad
I am that in the chair sits one man, a Justice of
the Supreme Court, and that I could be escorted
here by another man, who has just severed his con-
nection with one of the highest places in the United
States Army, both of whom — you, Justice Harlan,
you, General Breckinridge — had enjoyed the won-
derful privilege of proving by their deeds the faith
that was in them in the days that tried men's souls ;

506 Presidential Addresses

both of whom did their part in holding up the hands
of mighty Lincoln, and both of whom were born in
the State of Lincoln's birth.

REMARKS TO THE DELEGATES OF THE GER-
MAN SOCIETIES RECEIVED AT THE WHITE
HOUSE, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 1903

Mr. Voelckner, and Gentlemen:

IT gives me peculiar pleasure to greet you to-day ;
and it is a matter of real regret to me that I can
not attend formally your celebration.

You are quite right, Mr. Chairman, when you
speak of the stand that the German element in our
citizenship has always taken in all crises of our
national life. In the first place, from the beginning
of our colonial history to this day, the German
strain has been constantly increasing in importance
among the many strains that go to make up our
composite national character. I do not have to
repeat to you the story of the early German im-
migration to this country — the German immigra-
tion that began in a mass toward the end of the
seventeenth century, but before that time had been
represented among the very first settlers. Allow
me to give you one bit of ancestral experience of
mine. The first head of the New York City Gov-
ernment who was of German birth was Leisler,
about the year 1680. He was the representative
of the popular faction in the New York colony of
that day, and among the Leislerian aldermen was
a forbear of mine named Roosevelt. You are en-

And State Papers 507

tirely familiar, of course, with the German immi-
gration that went to the formation of Pennsylvania
from the beginning. That element was equally
strong in the Mohawk Valley in New York; it
was equally strong in Middle and Western Mary-
land. For instance, in the Revolutionary War, one
of the distinguished figures contributed by New
York to the cause of independence was that of the
German Herkimer, whose fight in the Mohawk Val-
ley represented one of the turning points in the
struggle for independence; and one of the New
York counties is now named after him. The other
day I went out to the battlefield of Antietam, here
in Maryland. There the Memorial Church is the
German Lutheran Church, which was founded in
1768, the settlement in the neighborhood of An-
tietam being originally exclusively a German set-
tlement. There is a list of its pastors, and curi-
ously enough a series of memorial windows of men
with German names — men who belonged to the
Maryland regiment recruited largely from that re-
gion for the Civil War, which Maryland regiment
was mainly composed of men of German extraction.
In the Civil War it would be difficult to paint in too
strong colors what I may well-nigh call the all-
importance of the attitude of the American citizens
of German birth and extraction toward the cause
of Union and Liberty, especially in what were then
known as the border States. It would have been
out of the question to have kept Missouri loyal
had it not been for the German element therein.

Sc8 Presidential Addresses

It was the German portion of the city of St. Louis
which formed the core of the Union cause in Mis-
souri. And but little less important was the part
played by the Germans in Maryland, and also in
Louisville and other portions of Kentucky.

Each body of immigrants, each element that has
thus been added to our national strain, has contri-
buted something of value to the national character;
and to no element do we owe more than we owe
to that element represented by those whom I have
the honor this day of addressing.

WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON,

October 18, 1902
MY DEAR MRS. VAN VORST :

I m,ust write you a line to say how much I have
appreciated your article, "The Woman who Toils."
But to me there is a most melancholy side to it,
when you touch upon what is fundamentally infi-
nitely more important than any other question in this
country — that is, the question of race suicide, com-
plete or partial.

An easy, good-natured kindliness, and a desire to
be "independent," that is, to live one's life purely
according to one's own desires, are in no sense sub-
stitutes for the fundamental virtues, for the prac-
tice of the strong racial qualities without which
there can be no strong races — the qualities of cour-
age and resolution in both men and women, of
scorn of what is mean, base, and selfish, of eager

And State Papers 509

desire to work or fight or suffer as the case may
be, provided the end to be gained is great enough,
and the contemptuous putting aside of mere ease,
mere vapid pleasure, mere avoidance of toil and
worry. I do not know whether I most pity or
despise the foolish and selfish man or woman who
does not understand that the only things really worth
having in life are those the acquirement of which
normally means cost and effort. If a man or
woman, through no fault of his or hers, goes
throughout life denied those highest of all joys
which spring only from home life, from the having
and bringing up of many healthy children, I feel
for them deep and respectful sympathy; the sym-
pathy one extends to the gallant fellow killed at the
beginning of a campaign, or the man who toils hard
and is brought to ruin by the fault of others. But
the man or woman who deliberately avoids mar-
riage and has a heart so cold as to know no passion
and a brain so shallow and selfish as to dislike
having children, is in effect a criminal against the
race and should be an object of contemptuous ab-
horrence by all healthy people.

Of course no one quality makes a good citizen,
and no one quality will save a nation. But there
are certain great qualities for the lack of which no
amount of intellectual brilliancy or of material pros-
perity or of easiness of life can atone, and which
show decadence and corruption in the nation, just
as much if they are produced by selfishness and
coldness and ease-loving laziness among compara-

510 Presidential Addresses

tively poor people as if they are produced by vicious
or frivolous luxury in the rich. If the men of the
nation are not anxious to work in many different
ways, with all their might and strength, and ready
and able to fight at need, and anxious to be fathers
of families, and if the women do not recognize that
the greatest thing for any woman is to be a good
wife and mother, why, that nation has cause to be
alarmed about its future.

There is no physical trouble among us Ameri-
cans. The trouble with the situation you set forth
is one of character, and therefore we can conquer
it if we only will.

Very sincerely yours,

THEODORE ROOSEVELT
MRS. BESSIE VAN VORST,
Philadelphia, Pa.

Personal. WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON,

November 26, 1002
MY DEAR SIR:

I am in receipt of your letter of November 10

and of one from Mr. under date of November

n, in reference to the appointment of Dr. Crum
as collector of the Port of Charleston.

In your letter you make certain specific charges
against Dr. Crum, tending to show his unfitness in
several respects for the office sought. These charges
are entitled to the utmost consideration from me
and I shall go over them carefully before taking
any action. After making these charges you add,

And State Papers 511

as a further reason for opposition to him, that he
is a colored man, and after reciting the misdeeds
that followed carpet-bag rule and negro domina-
tion in South Carolina, you say that "we have sworn
never again to submit to the rule of the African,
and such an appointment as that of Dr. Crum to
any such office forces us to protest unanimously
against this insult to the white blood" ; and you add
that you understood me to say that I would never
force a negro on such a community as yours. Mr.

puts the objection of color first, saying: "First,

he is a colored man, and that of itself ought to
bar him from the office." In view of these last
statements, I think I ought to make clear to you
why I am concerned and pained by your making
them and what my attitude is as regards all such
appointments. How any one could have gained the
idea that I had said I would not appoint reputable
and upright colored men to office, when objection was
made to them solely on account of their color, I con-
fess I am wholly unable to understand. At the time
of my visit to Charleston last spring, I had made,
and since that time I have made, a number of such
appointments from several States in which there is
a considerable colored population. For example, I
made one such appointment in Mississippi, and an-
other in Alabama, shortly before my visit to Charles-
ton. I had at that time appointed two colored men
as judicial magistrates in the District of Columbia.
I have recently announced another such appoint-
ment for New Orleans, and have just made one

512 Presidential Addresses

from Pennsylvania. The great majority of my
appointments in every State have been of white
men. North and South alike it has been my sedu-
lous endeavor to appoint only men of high charac-
ter and good capacity, whether white or black. But
it has been my consistent policy in every State where
their numbers warranted it to recognize colored men
of good repute and standing in making appoint-
ments to office. These appointments of colored men
have in no State made more than a small proportion
of the total number of appointments. I am unable
to see how I can legitimately be asked to make an
exception for South Carolina. In South Carolina,
to the four most important positions in the State
I have appointed three men and continued in office
a fourth, all of them white men — three of them
originally Gold Democrats — two of them, as I am
informed, the sons of Confederate soldiers. I have
been informed by the citizens of Charleston whom I
have met that these four men represent a high grade
of public service.

I do not intend to appoint any unfit man to office.
So far as I legitimately can I shall always endeavor
to pay regard to the wishes and feelings of the
people of each locality ; but I can not consent to take
the position that the door of hope — the door of op-
portunity— is to be shut upon any man, no matter
how worthy, purely upon the grounds of race or
color. Such an attitude would, according to my
convictions, be fundamentally wrong. If, as you
hold, the great bulk of the colored people are not

And State Papers 513

yet fit in point of character and influence to hold
such positions, it seems to me that it is worth while
putting a premium upon the effort among them to
achieve the character and standing which will fit
them.

The question of "negro domination" does not
enter into the matter at all. It might as well be
asserted that when I was Governor of New York
I sought to bring about negro domination in that
State because I appointed two colored men of good
character and standing to responsible positions —
one of them to a position paying a salary twice as
large as that paid in the office now under considera-
tion— one of them as a director of the Buffalo ex-
position. The question raised by you and Mr.

in the statements to which I refer, is simply whether
it is to be declared that under no circumstances
shall any man of color, no matter how upright and
honest, no matter how good a citizen, no matter
how fair in his dealings with his fellows, be per-
mitted to hold any office under our government.
I certainly can not assume such an attitude, and
you must permit me to say that in my view it is
an attitude no man should assume, whether he looks
at it from the standpoint of the true interest of
the white men of the South or of the colored men
of the South — not to speak of any other section of
the Union. It seems to me that it is a good thing
from every standpoint to let the colored man know
that if he shows in marked degree the qualities of
good citizenship — the qualities which in a white

514 Presidential Addresses

man we feel are entitled to reward — then he will
not be cut off from all hope of similar reward.

Without any regard to what my decision may
be on the merits of this particular applicant for this
particular place, I feel that I ought to let you know
clearly my attitude on the far broader question

raised by you and Mr. ; an attitude from

which I have not varied during my term of office.
Faithfully yours,

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
HON. -

Charleston, S. C.

WHITE HOUSE, WASHINGTON,
February 24, ipoj

MY DEAR S^lR. HOWELL :

I have a high opinion of the gentleman you men-
tion and if the opportunity occurs I shall be glad
to do anything I can for him.

Now as to what you say concerning Federal ap-
pointments in the South. Frankly, it seems to me
that my appointments speak for themselves and
that my policy is self-explanatory. So far from
feeling that they need the slightest apology or jus-
tification, my position is that on the strength of
what I have done I have the right to claim the
support of all good citizens who wish not only a
high standard of Federal service but fair and equi-
table dealing to the South as well as to the North,
and a policy of consistent justice and good-will

And State Papers 515

toward all men. In making appointments I have
sought to consider the feelings of the people of each
locality so far as I could consistently do so with-
out sacrificing principle. The prime tests I have
applied have been those of character, fitness and
ability, and when I have been dissatisfied with what
has been offered within my own party lines I have
without hesitation gone to the opposite party — and
you are of course aware that I have repeatedly done
this in your own State of Georgia. I certainly can
not treat mere color as a permanent bar to hold-
ing office, any more than I could so treat creed or
birthplace — always provided that in other respects
the applicant or incumbent is a worthy and well-
behaved American citizen. Just as little will I treat
it as conferring a right to hold office. I have scant
sympathy with the mere doctrinaire, with the man
of mere theory who refuses to face, facts; but do
you not think that in the long run it is safer for
everybody if we act on the motto "All men up,"
rather than that of "Some men down"?

I ask you to judge not by what I say but by what
during the last seventeen months I have actually
done. In your own State of Georgia you are com-
petent to judge from your own experience. In the
great bulk of the cases I have reappointed President
McKinley's appointees. The changes I have made,
such as that in the postmastership at Athens and in
the surveyorship at Atlanta, were, as I think you
will agree, changes for the better and not for the
worse. It happens that in each of these offices I

516 Presidential Addresses

have appointed a white man to succeed a colored
man. In South Carolina I have similarly appointed
a white postmaster to succeed a colored postmaster.
Again, in South Carolina I have nominated a col-
ored man to fill a vacancy in the position of col-
lector of the port of Charleston, just as in Georgia
I have reappointed the colored man who is now
serving as collector of the port of Savannah. Both
are fit men. Why the appointment of one should
cause any more excitement than the appointment of
the other, I am wholly at a loss to imagine. As I
am writing to a man of keen and trained intelli-
gence I need hardly say that to connect either of
these appointments, or any or all of my other ap-
pointments, or my actions in upholding the law at
Indianola, with such questions as "social equality"
and "negro domination" is as absurd as to connect
them with the nebular hypothesis or the theory of
atoms.

I have consulted freely with your own Senators
and Congressmen as to the character and capacity
of any appointee in Georgia concerning whom there
was question. My party advisers in the State have
been Major Hanson of Macon, Mr. Walter John-
son of Atlanta — both of them ex-Confederate sol-
diers— and Mr. Harry Stillwell Edwards, also of
Macon. I believe you will agree with me that in
no State would it be possible to find gentlemen abler
and more upright or better qualified to fill the posi-
tions they have filled with reference to me. In
every instance where these gentlemen have united

And State Papers 517

in making a recommendation I have been able to
follow their advice. Am I not right in saying that
the Federal office-holders whom I have appointed
throughout your State are, as a body, men and
women of a high order of efficiency and integrity?
If you know of any Federal office-holder in Georgia
of whom this is not true pray let me know at once.
I will welcome testimony from you or from any
other reputable citizen which will tend to show that
a given public officer is unworthy; and, most em-
phatically, short will be the shrift of any one whose
lack of worth is proven. Incidentally I may men-
tion that a large percentage of the incumbents of
Federal offices in Georgia under me are, as I un-
derstand it, of your own political faith. But they
are supported by me in every way as long as they
continue to render good and faithful service to
the public.

This is true of your own State; and by applying
to Mr. Thomas Nelson Page of Virginia, to Gen-
eral Basil Duke of Kentucky, to Mr. George Craw-
ford of Tennessee, to Mr. John Mcllhenny of
Louisiana, to Judge Jones of Alabama, and Mr.
Edgar L. Wilson of Mississippi, all of them Demo-
crats and all of them men of the highest standing
in their respective communities, you will find that
what I have done in Georgia stands not as the ex-
ception but as the rule for what I have done through-
out the South. I have good reason to believe that
my appointees in the different States mentioned —
and as the sum of the parts is the whole, necessarily

51 8 Presidential Addresses

in the South at large — represent not merely an im-
provement upon those whose places they took, but
upon the whole a higher standard of Federal service
than has hitherto been attained in the communities
in question. I may add that the proportion of col-
ored men among these new appointees is only about
one in a hundred.

In view of all these facts I have been surprised,
and somewhat pained, at what seems to me the in-
comprehensible outcry in the South about my ac-
tions— an outcry apparently started in New York
for reasons wholly unconnected with the question
nominally at issue. I am concerned at the attitude
thus taken by so many of the Southern people; but
I am not in the least angry; and still less will this
attitude have the effect of making me swerve one
hair's breadth,' to one side or the other, from the
course I have marked out — the course I have con-
sistently followed in the past and shall consistently
follow in the future.

With regard,

Sincerely yours,

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
HON. CLARK HOWELL,

Editor, "The Constitution,"
Atlanta, Ga.

ON May 18, 1903, William A. Miller was re-
moved by the Public Printer from his position of
Assistant Foreman at the Government Printing Of-
fice. Mr. Miller filed a complaint with the Civil

And State Papers 519

Service Commission alleging that his removal had
been made in violation of the civil service law and
rules. After an investigation of the complaint,
and upon July 6th, the Civil Service Commis-
sion advised the Public Printer of its decision as
follows :

"Section 2 of Civil Service Rule XII, governing
removals, provides that no person shall be removed
from a competitive position except for such cause
as will promote the efficiency of the public service.
The Commission does not consider expulsion from
a labor union, being the action of a body is no
way connected with the public service nor having
authority over public employees, to be such a
cause as will promote the efficiency of the public
service.

"As the only reason given by you for your re-
moval of Mr. Miller is that he was expelled from
Local Union No. 4, International Brotherhood of
Bookbinders, you are advised that the Commission
can not recognize his removal and must request that
he be reassigned to duty in his position/'

Mr. Miller's complaint had also been filed with
the President, under whose direction it was being
investigated by the Secretary of Commerce and La-
bor simultaneously with the investigation by the
Civil Service Commission. As a result of such in-
vestigations, the following letters, under Sates of
July 1 3th and I4th, 1903, were written by the
President :

5^o Presidential Addresses

OYSTER BAY, N. Y.
July 13, 1903

MY DEAR SECRETARY CORTELYOU :

In accordance with the letter of the Civil Service
Commission of July 6th, the Public Printer will re-
instate Mr. W. A. Miller in his position. Mean-
while I will withhold my final decision of the whole
case until I have received the report of the investi-
gation on Miller's second communication, which you
notify me has been begun to-day, July I3th.

On the face of the papers presented, Miller would
appear to have been removed in violation of law.
There is no objection to the employees of the Gov-
ernment Printing Office constituting themselves into
a union if they so desire ; but no rules or resolutions
of that union can be permitted to over-ride the laws
of the United States, which it is my sworn duty to
enforce.

Please communicate a copy of this letter to the
Public Printer for his information and that of his
subordinates.

Very truly yours,

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

HON. GEORGE B. CORTELYOU,

Secretary of Commerce and Labor.

OYSTER BAY, N. "V.
July 14, 1903

MY DEAR MR. CORTELYOU:

In connection with my letter of yesterday I call
attention to this judgment and award by the An-

And State Papers 521

thracite Coal Strike Commission in its report to me
of March i8th last:

It is adjudged and awarded that no person shall
be refused employment or in any way discriminated
against on account of membership or non-member-
ship in any labor organization, and that there shall
be no discrimination against or interference with
any employee who is not a member of any labor
organization by members of such organization.

I heartily approve of this award and judgment
by the commission appointed by me, which itself
included a member of a labor union. This com-
mission was dealing with labor organizations work-
ing for private employers. It is of course mere
elementary decency to require that all the Govern-
ment departments shall be handled in accordance
with the principle thus clearly and fearlessly enun-
ciated.

Please furnish a copy of this letter both to Mr.
Palmer and to the Civil Service Commission for
their guidance.

Sincerely yours,

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
HON. GEO. B. CORTELYOU,

Secretary of Commerce and Labor.

September 29, 1903

PURSUANT to the request of Samuel Gompers,
President of the American Federation of Labor, the
President granted an interview this evening to the
O_VOL. XIV

522 Presidential Addresses

following members of the executive council of that
body: Mr. Samuel Gompers, Mr. James Duncan,
Mr. John Mitchell, Mr. James O'Connell and Mr.
Frank Morrison, at which various subjects of legis-
lation in the interest of labor, as well as executive
action, were discussed. Concerning the case of Wil-
liam A. Miller the President made the following
statement :

I thank you and your committee for your cour-
tesy, and I appreciate the opportunity to meet with
you. It will always be a pleasure to see you or any
representatives of your organizations or of your
Federation as a whole.

As regards the Miller case, I have little to add to
what I have already said. In dealing with it I ask
you to remember that I am dealing purely with the
relation of the Government to its employees. I
must govern my action by the laws of the land,
which I am sworn to administer, and which dif-
ferentiate any case in which the Government of the
United States is a party from all other cases what-
soever. These laws are enacted for the benefit of
the whole people, and can not and must not be
construed as permitting discrimination against some
of the people. I am President of all the people of the
United States, without regard to creed, color, birth-
place, occupation, or social condition. My aim is to
do equal and exact justice as among them all. In
the employment and dismissal of men in the Gov-
ernment service I can no more recognize the fact that
a man does or does not belong to a union as being

And State Papers 523

for or against him than I can recognize the fact
that he is a Protestant or a Catholic, a Jew or a
Gentile, as being for or against him.

In the communications sent me by various labor
organizations protesting against the retention of
Miller in the Government Printing Office, the
grounds alleged are twofold: i, that he is a non-
union man ; 2, that he is not personally fit. The ques-
tion of his personal fitness is one to be settled in the
routine of administrative detail, and can not be al-
lowed to conflict with or to complicate the larger
question of governmental discrimination for or
against him or any other man because he is or is not
a member of a union. This is the only question now
before me for decision; and as to this my decision
is final.

OYSTER BAY, N. Y.

August 6, 1903
MY DEAR GOVERNOR DURBIN:

Permit me to thank you as an American citizen for
the admirable way in which you have vindicated the
majesty of the law by your recent action in reference
to lynching. I fed, my dear sir, that you have made
all men your debtors who believe, as all far-seeing
men must, that the well-being, indeed the very
existence, of the Republic depends upon that spirit
of orderly liberty under the law which is as incom-
patible with mob violence as with any form of des-
potism. Of course mob violence is simply one
form of anarchy; and anarchy is now, as it al-

524 Presidential Addresses

ways has been., the handmaiden and forerunner
of tyranny.

I feel that you have not only reflected honor upon
the State which for its good fortune has you as its
Chief Executive, but upon the whole nation. It is
incumbent upon every man throughout this country
not only to hold up your hands in the course you
have been following, but to show his realization
that the matter is one which is of vital concern
to us all.

All thoughtful men must feel the gravest alarm
over the growth of lynching in this country, and es-
pecially over the peculiarly hideous forms so often
taken by mob violence when colored men are the vic-
tims—on which occasions the mob seems to lay most
weight, not on the crime, but on the color of the
crinimal. In a certain proportion of these cases the
man lynched has been guilty of a crime horrible be-
yond description ; a crime so horrible that as far as
he himself is concerned he has forfeited the right to
any kind of sympathy whatsoever. The feeling of
all good citizens that such a hideous crime shall not
be hideously punished by mob violence is due not
in the least to sympathy for the criminal, but to a
very lively sense of the train of dreadful conse-
quences which follows the course taken by the mob in
exacting inhuman vengeance for an inhuman wrong.
In such cases, moreover, it is well to remember that
the criminal not merely sins against humanity in in-
expiable and unpardonable fashion, but sins par-
ticularly against his own race, and does them a

And State Papers 525

wrong far greater than any white man can possibly
do them. Therefore, in such cases the colored peo-
ple throughout the land should in every possible way
show their belief that they, more than all others in
the community, are horrified at the commission of
such a crime and are peculiarly concerned in taking
every possible measure to prevent its recurrence and
to bring the criminal to immediate justice. The
slightest lack of vigor either in denunciation of the
crime or in bringing the criminal to justice is itself
unpardonable.

Moreover, every effort should be made under the
law to expedite the proceedings of justice in the case
of such an awful crime. But it can not be necessary
in order to accomplish this to deprive any citizen of
those fundamental rights to be heard in his own de-
fence which -are so dear to us all and which lie at the
root of our liberty. It certainly ought to be possible
by the proper administration of the laws to secure
swift vengeance upon the criminal ; and the best and
immediate efforts of all legislators, judges, and citi-
zens should be addressed to securing such reforms in
our legal procedure as to leave no vestige of excuse
for those misguided men who undertake to reap ven-
geance through violent methods.

Men who have been guilty of a crime like rape or
murder should be visited with swift and certain pun-
ishment, and the just effort made by the courts to
protect them in their rights should under no circum-
stances be perverted into permitting any mere tech-
nicality to avert or delay their punishment. The

5*6 Presidential Addresses

substantial rights of the prisoner to a fair trial must
of course be guaranteed, as you have so justly in-
sisted that they should be; but, subject to this guar-
antee, the law must work swiftly and surely, and all
the agents of the law should realize the wrong they
do when they permit justice to be delayed or
thwarted for technical or insufficient reasons. We
must show that the law is adequate to deal with
crime by freeing it from every vestige of technicality
and delay.

But the fullest recognition of the horror of the
crime and the most complete lack of sympathy with
the criminal can not in the least diminish our horror
at the way in which it has become customary to
avenge these crimes and at the consequences that are
already proceeding therefrom. It is of course inevi-
table that where vengeance is taken by a mob it
should frequently light on innocent people; and the
wrong done in such a case to the individual is one
for which there is no remedy. But even where the
real criminal is reached, the wrong done by the mob
to the community itself is wellnigh as great. Espe-
cially is this true where the lynching is accompanied
with torture. There are certain hideous sights which
when once seen can never be wholly erased from the
mental retina. The mere fact of having seen them
implies degradation. This is a thousandfold stronger
when instead of merely seeing the deed the man has
participated in it. Whoever in any part of our coun-
try has ever taken part in lawlessly putting to death
a criminal by the dreadful torture of fire must for-

And State Papers 527

ever after have the awful spectacle of his own handi-
work seared into his brain and soul. He can never
again be the same man.

This matter of -lynching would be a terrible thing
even if it stopped with the'lynching of men guilty of
the inhuman and hideous crime of rape; but as a
matter of fact, lawlessness of this type never does
stop and never can stop in such fashion. Every vio-
lent man in the community is encouraged by every
case of lynching in which the lynchers go unpun-
ished to himself take the law into his own hands
whenever it suits his own convenience. In the same
way the use of torture by the mob in certain cases is
sure to spread until it is applied more or less indis-
criminately in other cases. The spirit of lawlessness
grows with what it feeds on, and when mobs with im-
punity lynch criminals for one cause, they are certain
to begin to lynch real or alleged criminals for other
causes. In the recent cases of lynching, over three-
fourths were not for rape at all, but for murder, at-
tempted murder, and even less heinous offences.
Moreover, the history of these recent cases shows the
awful fact that when the minds of men are habitu-
ated to the use of torture by lawless bodies to avenge
crimes of a peculiarly revolting description, other
lawless bodies will use torture in order to punish
crimes of an ordinary type. Surely no patriot can
fail to see the fearful brutalization and debasement
which the indulgence of such a spirit and such prac-
tices inevitably portends. Surely all public men, all
writers for the daily press, all clergymen, all teachers,

528 Presidential Addresses

all who in any way have a right to address the pub-
lic, should with every energy unite to denounce such
crimes and to support those engaged in putting them
down. As a people we claim the right to speak with
peculiar emphasis for freedom and for fair treatment
of all men without regard to differences of race,
fortune, creed, or color. We forfeit the right so to
speak when we commit or condone such crimes as
these of which I speak.

The nation, like the individual, can not commit a
crime with impunity. If we are guilty of lawlessness
and brutal violence, whether our guilt consists in ac-
tive participation therein or in mere connivance and
encouragement, we shall assuredly suffer later on be-
cause of what we have done. The cornerstone of
this Republic, as of all free government, is respect for
and obedience to the law. Where we permit the law
to be defied or evaded, whether by rich man or poor
man, by black man or white, we are by just so much
weakening the bonds of our civilization and increas-
ing the chances of its overthrow, and of the substitu-
tion therefor of a system in which there shall be vio-
lent alternations of anarchy and tyranny.
Sincerely yours,

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

HON. WlNFIELD T. DURBIN,

Governor of Indiana,
Indianapolis, Ind.

And State Papers 529

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES, COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO
HOUSES OF CONGRESS, AT THE BEGIN-
NING OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE
FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS

MESSAGE
To the Senate and House of Representatives:

The Congress assembles this year under the shad-
ow of a great calamity. On the sixth of Septem-
ber, President McKinley was shot by an anarchist
while attending the Pan-American Exposition at
Buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of
that month.

Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the
third who has been murdered, and the bare recital
of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alarm
among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the
circumstances of this, the third assassination of an
American President, have a peculiarity sinister sig-
nificance. Both President Lincoln and President
Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortu-
nately not uncommon in history; President Lincoln
falling a victim to the terrible passions aroused by
four years of civil war, and President Garfield to
the revengeful vanity of a disappointed office-seeker.
President McKinley was killed by an utterly de-
praved criminal belonging to that body of criminals
who object to all governments, good and bad alike,
who are against any form of popular liberty if it
is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws,

53° Presidential Addresses

and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of
a free people's sober will as to the tyrannical and
irresponsible despot.

It is not too much to say that at the time of Presi-
dent McKinley's death he was the most widely loved
man in all the United States; while we have never
had any public man of his position who has been
so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident
to public life. His political opponents were the first
to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to
the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and
gentleness of character which so endeared him to
his close associates. To a standard of lofty in-
tegrity in public life he united the tender affections
and home virtues which are all-important in the
make-up of national character. A gallant soldier
in the great war for the Union, he also shone
as an example to all our people because of his
conduct in the most sacred and intimate of
home relations. There could be no personal
hatred of him^ for he never acted with aught
but consideration for the welfare of others. No one
could fail to respect him who knew him in public or
private life. The defenders of those murderous
criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by
asserting that it is exercised for political ends, in-
veigh against wealth and irresponsible power. But
for this assassination even this base apology can
not be urged.

President McKinley was a man of moderate
means, a man whose stock sprang from the sturdy

And State Papers 531

tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged among
the wage-workers, who had entered the Army as a
private soldier. Wealth was not struck at when
the President was assassinated, but the honest toil
which is content with moderate gains after a life-
time of unremitting labor, largely in the service of
the public. Still less was power struck at in the
sense that power is irresponsible or centred in the
hands of any one individual. The blow was not
aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed at one
of the strongest champions the wage-worker has
ever had ; at one of the most faithful representatives
of the system of public rights and representative
government who has ever risen to public office.
President McKinley filled that political office for
which the entire people vote, and no President — not
even Lincoln himself — was ever more earnestly anx-
ious to represent the well thought out wishes of the
people; his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep
in closest touch with the people — to find out what
they thought and to endeavor to give expression to
their thought, after having endeavored to guide
that thought aright. He had just been re-elected
to the Presidency because the majority of our citi-
zens, the majority of our farmers and wage- workers,
believed that he had faithfully upheld their inter-
ests for four years. They felt themselves in close
and intimate touch with him. They felt that he
represented so well and so honorably all their ideals
and aspirations that they wished him to continue
for another four years to represent them.

532 Presidential Addresses

And this was the man at whom the assassin
struck! That there might be nothing lacking to
complete the Judas-like infamy of his act, he took
advantage of an occasion when the President was
meeting the people generally; and advancing as if
to take the hand outstretched to him in kindly and
brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and gen-
erous confidence of the victim into an opportunity
to strike the fatal blow. There is no baser deed in
all the annals of crime.

The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in
the minds of all who saw the dark days while the
President yet hovered between life and death. At
last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the
breath went from the lips that even in mortal agony
uttered no words save of forgiveness to his mur-
derer, of love for his friends, and of unfaltering
trust in the will of the Most High. Such a death,
crowning the glory of such a life, leaves us with in-
finite sorrow, but with such pride in what he had
accomplished and in his own personal character, that
we feel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck
at the nation. We mourn a good and great Presi-
dent who is dead ; but while we mourn we are lifted
up by the splendid achievements of his life and the
grand heroism with which he met his death.

When we turn from the man to the nation, the
harm done is so great as to excite our gravest ap-
prehensions and to demand our wisest and most
resolute action. This criminal was a professed
anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed an-

And State Papers 533

archists, and probably also by the reckless utterances
of those who, on the stump and in the public press,
appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and
greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed
by the men who preach such doctrines, and they can
not escape their share of responsibility for the whirl-
wind that is reaped. This applies alike to the delib-
erate demagogue, to the exploiter of sensationalism,
and to the crude and foolish visionary who, for what-
ever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless
discontent.

The blow was aimed not at this President, but at
all Presidents; at every symbol of government.
President McKinley was as emphatically the embod-
iment of the popular will of the nation expressed
through the forms of law as a New England town
meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the
law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of
the town. On no conceivable theory could the mur-
der of the President be accepted as due to protest
against "inequalities in the social order/' save as
the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town
meeting could be accepted as a protest against that
social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail.
Anarchy is no more an expression of "social discon-
tent" than picking pockets or wife-beating.

The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the
United States, is merely one type of criminal, more
dangerous than any other because he represents the
same depravity in a greater degree. The man who
advocates anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape

534 Presidential Addresses

or fashion, or the man who apologizes for anarchists
and their deeds, makes himself morally accessory to
murder before the fact. The anarchist is a criminal
whose perverted instincts lead him to prefer confu-
sion and chaos to the most beneficent form of social
order. His protest of concern for workingmen is
outrageous in its impudent falsity ; for if the political
institutions of this country do not afford opportunity
to every honest and intelligent son of toil, then the
door of hope is forever closed against him. The
anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of
system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty.
If ever anarchy is triumphant, its triumph will last
for but one red moment, to be succeeded for ages
by the gloomy night of despotism.

For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches
or practices his doctrines, we need not have one par-
ticle more concern than for any ordinary murderer.
He is not the victim of social or political injustice.
There are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The
cause of his criminality is to be found in his own
evil passions and in the evil conduct of those who
urge him on, not in any failure by others or by the
State to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor
and nothing else. He is in no sense, in no shape
or way, a "product of social conditions," save as a
highwayman is "produced" by the fact that an un-
armed man happens to have a purse. It is a travesty
upon the great and holy names of liberty and free-
dom to permit them to be invoked in such a cause.
No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doc-

And State Papers 535

trines should be allowed at large any more than if
preaching the murder of some specified private in-
dividual. Anarchistic speeches, writings, and meet-
ings are essentially seditious and treasonable.

I earnestly recommend to the Congress that in the
exercise of its wise discretion it should take into
consideration the coming to this country of anar-
chists or persons professing principles hostile to all
government and justifying the murder of those
placed in authority. Such individuals as those who
not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the
murder of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a
crime, and the law should ensure their rigorous pun-
ishment. They and those like them should be kept
out of this country; and if found here they should
be promptly deported to the country whence they
came; and far-reaching provisions should be made
for the punishment of those who stay. No matter
calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the
Congress.

The Federal courts should be given jurisdiction
over any man who kills or attempts to kill the
President or any man who by the Constitution or
by law is in line of succession for the Presidency,
while the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt
should be proportioned to the enormity of the of-
fence against our institutions.

Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race ;
and all mankind should band against the anarchist.
His crime should be made an offence against the
law of nations, like piracy and that form of man-

536 Presidential Addresses

stealing known as the slave trade; for it is of far
blacker infamy than either. It should be so declared
by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties
would give to the Federal Government the power of
dealing with the crime.

A grim commentary upon the folly of the anar-
chist position was afforded by the attitude of the law
toward this very criminal who had just taken the life
of the President. The people would have torn him
limb from limb if it had not been that the law he
defied was at once invoked in his behalf. So far
from his deed being committed on behalf of the peo-
ple against the government, the government was
obliged at once to exert its full police power to save
him from instant death at the hands of the people.
Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislo-
cation in our governmental system, and the danger
of a recurrence of such deeds, no matter how great
it might grow, would work only in the direction of
strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of
order. No man will ever be restrained from becom-
ing President by any fear as to his personal safety.
If the risk to the President's life became great, it
would mean that the office would more and more
come to be rilled by men of a spirit which would
make them resolute and merciless in dealing with
every friend of disorder. This great country will
not fall into anarchy, and if anarchists should ever
become a serious menace to its institutions, they
would not merely be stamped out, but would involve
in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer

And State Papers 537

with their doctrines. The American people are slow
to wrath, but when their wrath is once kindled it
burns like a consuming flame.

During the last .five years business confidence has
been restored and the nation is to be congratulated
because of its present abounding prosperity. Such
prosperity can never be created by law alone, al-
though it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous
laws. If the hand of the Lord is heavy upon any
country, if flood or drought comes, human wisdom
is powerless to avert the calamity. Moreover, no law
can guard us against the consequences of our own
folly. The men who are idle or credulous, the men
who seek gains not by genuine work with head or
hand but by gambling in any form, are always a
source of menace not only to themselves but to
others. If the business world loses its head, it loses
what legislation can not supply. Fundamentally the
welfare of each citizen, and therefore the welfare
of the aggregate of citizens which makes the nation,
must rest upon individual thrift and energy, resolu-
tion and intelligence. Nothing can take the place
of this individual capacity ; but wise legislation and
honest and intelligent administration can give it the
fullest scope, the largest opportunity to work to good
effect.

The tremendous and highly complex industrial de-
velopment which went on with ever accelerated ra-
pidity during the latter half of the nineteenth cen-
tury brings us face to face, at the beginning of the

53 8 Presidential Addresses

twentieth, with very serious social problems. The
old laws, and the old customs which had almost the
binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to
regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth.
Since the industrial changes which have so enor-
mously increased the productive power of mankind,
they are no longer sufficient.

The growth of cities has gone on beyond compari-
son faster than the growth of the country, and the
upbuilding of the great industrial centres has meant
a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of
wealth, but in the number of very large individual,
and especially of very large corporate, fortunes. The
creation of these great corporate fortunes has not
been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental
action, but to natural causes in the business world,
operating in other countries as they operate in our
own.

The process has aroused much antagonism, a great
part of which is wholly without warrant. It is not
true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have
grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has
the average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the
small trader, been so well off as in this country and
at the present time. There have been abuses con-
nected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it re-
mains true that a fortune accumulated in legitimate
business can be accumulated by the person specially
benefited only on condition of conferring immense
incidental benefits upon others. Successful enter-
prise, of the type which benefits all mankind, can

And State Papers 539

only exist if the conditions are such as to offer great
prizes as the rewards of success.

The captains of industry who have driven the
railway systems across this continent, who have
built up our commerce, who have developed our man-
ufactures, have on the whole done great good to
our people. Without them the material develop-
ment of which we are so justly proud could never
have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize
the immense importance to this material develop-
ment of leaving as unhampered as is compatible with
the public good the strong and forceful men upon
whom the success of business operations inevitably
rests. The slightest study of business conditions
will satisfy any one capable of forming a judgment
that the personal equation is the most important fac-
tor in a business operation ; that the business ability
of the man at the head of any business concern, big
or little, is usually the factor which fixes the gulf
between striking success and hopeless failure.

An additional reason for caution in dealing with
corporations is to be found in the international com-
mercial conditions of to-day. The same business
conditions which have produced the great aggrega-
tions of corporate and individual wealth have made
them very potent factors in international commer-
cial competition. Business concerns which have the
largest means at their disposal and are managed by
the ablest men are naturally those which take the lead
in the strife for commercial supremacy among the
nations of the world. America has only just be-

54° Presidential Addresses

gun to assume that commanding position in the in-
ternational business world which we believe will
more and more be hers. It is of the utmost impor-
tance that this position be not jeoparded, especially
at a time when the overflowing abundance of our
own natural resources and the skill, business energy,
and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign
markets essential. Under such conditions it would
be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful
strength of our nation.

Moreover, it can not too often be pointed out that
to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of
one set of men almost inevitably endangers the in-
terests of all. The fundamental rule in our national
life — the rule which underlies all others — is that,
on the whole, and in the long run, we shall go up
or down together. There are exceptions; and in
times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and
in times of adversity some will suffer far more, than
others; but speaking generally, a period of good
times means that all share more or less in them, and
in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a
greater or less degree. It surely ought not to be
necessary to enter into any proof of this statement ;
the memory of the lean years which began in 1893
is still vivid, and we can contrast them with the
conditions in this very year which is now closing.
Disaster to great business enterprises can never have
its effects limited to the men at the top. It spreads
throughout, and while it is bad for everybody, it is
worst for those furthest down. The capitalist may

And State Papers 541

be shorn of his luxuries ; but the wage-worker may
be deprived of even bare necessities.

The mechanism of modern business is so delicate
that extreme care must be taken not to interfere
with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance. Many
of those who have made it their vocation to de-
nounce the great industrial combinations which are
popularly, although with technical inaccuracy,
known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and
fear. These are precisely the two emotions, par-
ticularly when combined w-ith ignorance, which unfit
men for the exercise of cool and steady judgment.
In facing new industrial conditions, the whole his-
tory of the world shows that legislation will gen-
erally be both unwise and ineffective unless under-
taken after calm inquiry and with sober self-re-
straint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts
would have been exceedingly mischievous had it
not also been entirely ineffective. In accordance
with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or
reckless agitator has been the really effective friend
of the evils which he has been nominally opposing.
In dealing with business interests, for the govern-
ment to undertake by crude and ill-considered legis-
lation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be
to incur the risk of such far-reaching national dis-
aster that it would be preferable to undertake noth-
ing at all. The men who demand the impossible or
the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with
which they are nominally at war, for they hamper
those who would endeavor to find out in rational

Presidential Addresses

fashion what the wrongs really are and to what ex-
tent and in what manner it is practicable to apply
remedies.

All this is true; and yet it is also true that there
are real and grave evils, one of the chief being over-
capitalization because of its many baleful conse-
quences; and a resolute and practical effort must be
made to correct, these evils.

There is widespread conviction in the minds of
the American people that the great corporations
known as trusts are in certain of their features and
tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. This
springs from no spirit of. envy or uncharitableness,
nor lack of pride in the great industrial achievements
that have placed this country at the head of the na-
tions struggling for commercial supremacy. It does
not rest upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of,
the necessity of meeting changing and changed con-
ditions of trade with new methods, nor upon igno-
rance of the fact that combination of capital in the
effort to accomplish great things is necessary when
the world's progress demands that great things be
done. It is based upon sincere conviction that com-
bination and concentration should be, not prohibited,
but supervised and within reasonable limits con-
trolled; and in my judgment this conviction is right.

It is no limitation upon property rights or free-
dom of contract to require that when men receive
from government the privilege of doing business
under corporate form, which frees them from indi-
vidual responsibility, and enables them to call into

And State Papers 543

their enterprises the capital of the public, they shall
do so upon absolutely truthful representations as to
the value of the property in which the capital is to
be invested. Corporations engaged in interstate
commerce should be regulated if they are found to
exercise a license working to the public injury. It
should be as much the aim of those who seek for
social betterment to rid the business world of crimes
of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes
of violence. Great corporations exist only because
they are created and safe-guarded by our institu-
tions; and it is therefore our right and our duty to
see that they work in harmony with these insti-
tutions.

The first essential in determining how to deal
with the great industrial combinations is knowledge
of the facts — publicity. In the interest of the public,
the government should have the right to inspect
and examine the workings of the great corporations
engaged in interstate business. Publicity is the
only sure remedy which we can now invoke. What
further remedies are needed in the way of govern-
mental regulation, or taxation, can only be deter-
mined after publicity has been obtained, by process
of law, and in the course of administration. The
first requisite is knowledge, full and complete —
knowledge which may be made public to the world.

Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint
stock or other associations, depending upon any
statutory law for their existence or privileges, should
be subject to proper governmental supervision, and

544 Presidential Addresses

full and accurate information as to their operations
should be made public regularly at reasonable in-
tervals.

The large corporations, commonly called trusts,
though organized in One State, always do business
in many States, often doing very little business in
the State where they are incorporated. There is
utter lack of uniformity in the State laws about
them ; and as no State has any exclusive interest in
or power over their acts, it has in practice proved
impossible to get adequate regulation through State
action. Therefore, in the interest of the whole peo-
ple, the Nation should, without interfering with the
power of the States in the matter itself, also assume
power of supervision and regulation over all corpo-
rations doing an interstate business. This is es-
pecially true where the corporation derives a portion
of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic
element or tendency in its business. There would
be no hardship in such supervision; banks are sub-
ject to it, and in their case it is now accepted as a
^simple matter of course. Indeed, it is probable that
supervision of corporations by the National Govern-
ment need not go so far as is now the case with the
supervision exercised over them by so conservative
a State as Massachusetts, in order to produce ex-
cellent results.

When the Constitution was adopted, at the end
of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom could
foretell the sweeping changes, alike in industrial
and political conditions, which were to take place

And State Papers 545

by the beginning of the twentieth century. At that
time it was accepted as a matter of course that the
several States were the proper authorities to regu-
late, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively
insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies
of the day. The conditions are now wholly different
and wholly different action is called for. I believe
that a law can be framed which will enable the Na-
tional Government to exercise control along the lines
above indicated, profiting by the experience gained
through the passage and administration of the In-
terstate Commerce Act. If, however, the judg-
ment of the Congress is that it lacks the" constitu-
tional power to pass such an act, then a constitu-
tional amendment should be submitted to confer the
power.

There should be created a Cabinet officer, to be
known as Secretary of Commerce and Industries,
as provided in the bill introduced at the last session
of the Congress. . It should be his province to deal
with commerce in its broadest sense; including
among many other things whatever concerns labor
and all matters affecting the great business corpora-
tions and our merchant marine.

The course proposed is one phase of what should
be a comprehensive and far-reaching scheme of con-
structive statesmanship for the purpose of broaden-
ing our markets, securing our business interests on
a safe basis, and making firm our new position in
the international industrial world, while scrupulously
safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and cap-
7— VOL. XIV

546 Presidential Addresses

italist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure
equity as between man and man in this Republic.

With the sole exception of the farming interest,
no one matter is of such vital moment to our whole
people as the welfare of the wage- workers. If the
farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is abso-
lutely certain that all others will be well off too.
It is therefore a matter for hearty congratulation
that on the whole wages are higher to-day in the
United States than ever before in our history, and
far higher than in any other country. The standard
of living is also higher than ever before. Every
effort of legislator and administrator should be bent
to secure the permanency of this condition of things
and its improvement wherever possible. Not only
must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it
should also be protected so far as it is possible from
the presence in this country of any laborers brought
over by contract, or of those who, coming freely,
yet represent a standard of living so depressed that
they can undersell our men in the labor market and
drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary,
with this end in view, to re-enact immediately the
law excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen
it wherever necessary in order to make its enforce-
ment entirely effective.

The National Government should demand the
highest quality of service from its employees; and
in return it should be a good employer. If possible
legislation should be passed, in connection with the
Interstate Commerce Law, which will render effect-

And State Papers 547

ive the efforts of different States to do away with
the competition of convict contract labor in the open
labor market. So far as practicable under the con-
ditions of government work, provision should be
made to render the enforcement of the eight-hour
law easy and certain. In all industries carried on
directly or indirectly for the United States Govern-
ment women and children should be protected from
excessive hours of labor, from night work, and from
work under unsanitary conditions. The govern-
ment should provide in its contracts that all work
should be done under "fair" conditions, and in ad-
dition to setting a high standard should uphold it
by proper inspection, extending if necessary to the
subcontractors. The government should forbid all
night work for women and children, as well as ex-
cessive overtime. For the District of Columbia a
good factory law should be passed ; and, as a power-
ful indirect aid to such laws, provision should be
made to turn the inhabited alleys, the existence of
which is a reproach to our Capital City, into minor
streets, where the inhabitants can live under condi-
tions favorable to health and morals.

American wage- workers work with their heads
as well as their hands. Moreover, they take a keen
pride in what they are doing; so that, independent
of the reward, they wish to turn out a perfect job.
This is the great secret of our success in competi-
tion with the labor of foreign countries.

The most vital problem with which this country,
and for that matter the whole civilized world, has to

548 Presidential Addresses

deal, is the problem which has for one side the bet-
terment of social conditions, moral and physical,
in large cities, and for another side the effort to
deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions
which we group together when we speak of "labor."
The chief factor in the success of each man — wage-
worker, farmer, and capitalist alike — must ever be
the sum total of his own individual qualities and
abilities. Second only to this comes the power of
acting in combination or association with others.
Very great good has been and will be accomplished
by associations or unions of wage-workers, when
managed with forethought, and when they combine
insistence upon their own rights with law-abiding
respect for the rights of others. The display of
these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the nation
no less than to the associations themselves. Finally,
there must also in many cases be action by the gov-
ernment in order to safeguard the rights and inter-
ests of all. Under our Constitution there is much
more scope for such action by the State and the
municipality than by the nation. But on points such
as those touched on above the National Government
can act.

When all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood
remains as the indispensable prerequisite to success
in the kind of national life for which we strive.
Each man must work for himself, and unless he
so works no outside help can avail him; but each
man must remember also that he is indeed his
brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses

And State Papers 549

to walk can be carried with advantage to himself
or any one else, yet that each at times stumbles or
halts, that each at times needs to have the helping
hand outstretched to him. To be permanently ef-
fective, aid must always take the form of helping
a man to help himself ; and we can all best help our-
selves by joining together in the work that is of
common interest to all.

Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory.
We need every honest and efficient immigrant fitted
to become an American citizen, every immigrant
who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong
body, a stout heart, a good head, and a resolute
purpose to do his duty well in every way and to
bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fear-
ing members of the community. But there should
be a comprehensive law enacted with the object of
working a threefold improvement over our present
system. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely
not only all persons who are known to be believers
in anarchistic principles or members of anarchistic
societies, but also all persons who are of a low
moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This
means that we should require a more thorough sys-
tem of inspection abroad and a more rigid system
of examination at our immigration ports, the former
being especially necessary.

The second object of a proper immigration law
ought to be to secure by a careful and not merely
perfunctory educational test some intelligent ca-
pacity to appreciate American institutions and act

55° Presidential Addresses

sanely as American citizens. This would not keep
out all anarchists, for many of them belong to the
intelligent criminal class. But it would do what is
also in point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of
ignorance, so potent in producing the envy, suspi-
cion, malignant passion, and hatred of order, out of
which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Fi-
nally, all persons should be excluded who are below
a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our
industrial field as competitors with American labor.
There should be proper proof of personal capacity
to earn an American living and enough money to
ensure a decent start under American conditions.
This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the
resulting competition which gives rise to so much of
bitterness in American industrial life; and it would
dry up the springs of the pestilential social conditions
in our great cities, where anarchistic organizations
have their greatest possibility of growth.

Both the educational and economic tests in a wise
immigration law should be designed to protect and
elevate the general body politic and social. A very
close supervision should be exercised over the steam-
ship companies which mainly bring over the immi-
grants, and they should be held to a strict accounta-
bility for any infraction of the law.

There is general acquiescence in our present tariff
system as a national policy. The first requisite to
our prosperity is the continuity and stability of this
economic policy. Nothing could be more unwise

And State Papers 551

than to disturb the business interests of the country
by any general tariff change at this time. Doubt,
apprehension, uncertainty are exactly what we most
wish to avoid in the interest of our commercial and
material well-being. Our experience in the past
has shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are
apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic
in the business world. Yet it is not only possible,
but eminently desirable, to combine with the stability
of our economic system a supplementary system of
reciprocal benefit and obligation with other nations.
Such reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm
establishment and preservation of our present eco-
nomic policy. It was specially provided for in the
present tariff law.

Reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of
protection. Our first duty is to see that the protec-
tion granted by the tariff in every case where it is
needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought
for so far as it can safely be done without injury to
our home industries. Just how far this is must be
determined according to the individual case, remem-
bering always that every application of our tariff
policy to meet our shifting national needs must be
conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the duties
must never be reduced below the point that will
cover the difference between the labor cost here and
abroad. The well-being of the wage-worker is a
prime consideration of our entire policy of economic
legislation.

Subject to this proviso of the proper protection

552 Presidential Addresses

necessary to our industrial well-being at home, the
principle of reciprocity must command our hearty
support. The phenomenal growth of our export
trade emphasizes the urgency of the need for wider
markets and for a liberal policy in dealing with for-
eign nations. Whatever is merely petty and vexa-
tious in the way of trade restrictions should be
avoided. The customers to whom we dispose of our
surplus products in the long run, directly or indi-
rectly, purchase those surplus products by giving
us something in return. Their ability to purchase
our products should as far as possible be secured by
so arranging our tariff as to enable us to take from
them those products which we can use without harm
to our own industries and labor, or the use of which
will be of marked benefit to us.

It is most important that we should maintain the
high level of our present prosperity. We have now
reached the point in the development of our interests
where we are not only able to supply our own mar-
kets but to produce a constantly growing surplus for
which we must find markets abroad. To secure these
markets we can utilize existing duties in any case
where they are no longer needed for the purpose of
protection, or in any case where the article is not
produced here and the duty is no longer necessary
for revenue, as giving us something to offer in ex-
change for what we ask. The cordial relations with
other nations which are so desirable will naturally
be promoted by the course thus required by our own
interests.

And State Papers 553

The natural line of development for a policy of
reciprocity will be in connection with those of our
productions which no longer require all of the sup-
port once needed to establish them upon a sound
basis, and with those others where either because
of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the
reach of successful competition.

I ask the attention of the Senate to the reciprocity
treaties laid before it by my predecessor.

The condition of the American merchant marine
is such as to call for immediate remedial action by
the Congress. It is discreditable to us as a nation
that our merchant marine should be utterly insig-
nificant in comparison to that of other nations which
we overtop in other forms of business. We should
not longer submit to conditions under which only a
trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in
our own ships. To remedy this state of things
would not merely serve to build up our shipping in-
terests, but it would also result in benefit to all who
are interested in the permanent establishment of a
wider market for American products, and would
provide an auxiliary force for the navy. Ships
work for their own countries just as railroads work
for their terminal points. Shipping lines, if estab-
lished to the principal countries with which we have
dealings, would be of political as well as commercial
benefit. From every standpoint it is unwise for the
United States to continue to rely upon the ships of
competing nations for the distribution of our goods.

554 Presidential Addresses

It should be made advantageous to carry American
goods in American-built ships.

At present American shipping is under certain
great disadvantages when put in competition with
the shipping of foreign countries. Many of the fast
foreign steamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or
above, are subsidized ; and all our ships, sailing ves-
sels and steamers alike, cargo carriers of slow speed
and mail carriers of high speed, have to meet the
fact that the original cost of building American
ships is greater than is the case abroad; that the
wages paid the officers and seamen are very much
higher than those paid the officers and seamen of
foreign competing countries ; and that the standard
of living on our ships is far superior to the standard
of living on the ships of our commercial rivals.

Our government should take such action as will
remedy these inequalities. The American merchant
marine should be restored to the ocean.

The Act of March 14, 1900, intended unequivo-
cally to establish gold as the standard money and to
maintain at a parity therewith all forms of money
medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely
and judicious. The price of our government bonds
in the world's market, when compared with the price
of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a
flattering tribute to our public credit. This condi-
tion it is evidently desirable to maintain.

In many respects the National Banking Law fur-
nishes sufficient liberty for the proper exercise of

And State Papers 555

the banking function; but there seems to be need
of better safeguards against the deranging influence
of commercial crises and financial panics. More-
over, the currency of the country should be made
responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and
commerce.

The collections from duties on imports and in-
ternal taxes continue to exceed the ordinary ex-
penditures of the government, thanks mainly to the
reduced army expenditures. The utmost care should
be taken not to reduce the revenues so that there
will be any possibility of a deficit ; but, after provid-
ing against any such contingency, means should be
adopted which will bring the revenues more nearly
within the limit of our actual needs. In his report
to the Congress the Secretary of the Treasury con-
siders all these questions at length, and I ask your
attention to the report and recommendations.

I call special attention to the need of strict econ-
omy in expenditures. The fact that our national
needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing what-
ever is actually necessary to our well-being, should
make us doubly careful to husband our national re-
sources, as each of us husbands his private resources,
by scrupulous avoidance of anything like wasteful
or reckless expenditure. Only by avoidance of
spending money on what is needless or unjustifiable
can we legitimately keep our income to the point
required to meet our needs that are genuine.

In 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation
of interstate railways, commonly known as the In-

556 Presidential Addresses

terstate Commerce Act. The cardinal provisions of
that act were that railway rates should be just and
reasonable and that all shippers, localities, and com-
modities should be accorded equal treatment. A
commission was created and endowed with what
were supposed to be the necessary powers to execute
the provisions of this act.

That law was largely an experiment. Experi-
ence has shown the wisdom of its purposes, but has
also shown, possibly that some of its requirements
are wrong, certainly that the means devised for the
enforcement of its provisions are defective. Those
who complain of the management of the railways
allege that established rates are not maintained;
that rebates and similar devices are habitually re-
sorted to ; that these preferences are usually in favor
of the large shipper; that they drive out of business
the smaller competitor; that while many rates are
too low, many others are excessive; and that gross
preferences are made, affecting both localities and
commodities. Upon the other hand, the railways
assert that the law by its very terms tends to produce
many of these illegal practices by depriving carriers
of that right of concerted action which they claim
is necessary to establish and maintain non-discrim-
inating rates.

The act should be amended. The railway is a
public servant. Its rates should be just to and open
to all shippers alike. The government should see to
it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should
provide a speedy, inexpensive, and effective remedy

And State Papers 557

to that end. At the same time it must not be for-
gotten that our railways are the arteries through
which the commercial lifeblood of this nation flows.
Nothing could be more foolish than the enactment
of legislation which would unnecessarily interfere
with the development and operation of these com-
mercial agencies. The subject is one of great im-
portance and calls for the earnest attention of the
Congress.

The Department of Agriculture during the past
fifteen years has steadily broadened its work on eco-
nomic lines, and has accomplished results of real
value in upbuilding domestic and foreign trade. It
has gone into new fields until it is now in touch with
all sections of our country and with two of the isl-
and groups that have lately come under our jurisdic-
tion, whose people must look to agriculture as a live-
lihood. It is searching the world for grains, grasses,
fruits, and vegetables specially fitted for introduction
into localities in the several States and Territories
where they may add materially to our resources. By
scientific attention to soil survey and possible new
crops, to breeding of new varieties of plants, to ex-
perimental shipments, to animal industry and applied
chemistry, very practical aid has been given our
farming and stock-growing interests. The products
of the farm have taken an unprecedented place in
our export trade during the year that has just closed.

Public opinion throughout the United States has

558 Presidential Addresses

moved steadily toward a just appreciation of the
value of forests, whether planted or of natural
growth. The great part played by them in the crea-
tion and maintenance of the national wealth is now
more fully realized than ever before.

Wise forest protection does not mean the with-
drawal of forest resources, whether of wood, water,
or grass, from contributing their full share to the
welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, gives the
assurance of larger and more certain supplies. The
fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of
forests by use. Forest protection is not an end of it-
self; it is a means to increase and sustain the re-
sources of our country and the industries which de-
pend upon them. The preservation of our forests is
an imperative business necessity. We have come to
see clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except
to make way for agriculture, threatens our well-
being.

The practical usefulness of the national forest re-
serves to the mining, grazing, irrigation, and other
interests of the regions in which the reserves lie has
led to a widespread demand by the people of the
West for their protection and extension. The for-
est reserves will inevitably be of still greater use in
the future than in the past. Additions should be
made to them whenever practicable, and their use-
fulness should be increased by a thoroughly business-
like management.

At present the protection of the forest reserves
rests with the General Land Office, the mapping and

And State Papers 559

description of their timber with the United States
Geological Survey, and the preparation of plans for
their conservative use with the Bureau of Forestry,
which is also charged with the general advancement
of practical forestry in the United States. These va-
rious functions should be united in the Bureau of
Forestry, to which they properly belong. The pres-
ent diffusion of responsibility is bad from every
standpoint. It prevents that effective co-operation
between the government and the men who utilize the
resources of the reserves, without which the interests
of both must suffer. The scientific bureaus gener-
ally should be put under the Department of Agri-
culture. The President should have by law the
power of transferring lands for use as forest re-
serves to the Department of Agriculture. He already
has such power in the case of lands needed by the
Departments of War and the Navy.

The wise administration of the forest reserves
will be not less helpful to the interests which depend
on water than to those which depend on wood and
grass. The water supply itself depends upon the
forest. In the arid region it is water, not land,
which measures production. The western half of
the United States would sustain a population greater
than that of our whole country to-day if the waters
that now run to waste were saved and used for irri-
gation. The forest and water problems are perhaps
the most vital internal questions of the United
States.

Certain of the forest reserves should also be made

560 Presidential Addresses

preserves for the wild forest creatures. All of the re-
serves should be better protected from fires. Many
of them need special protection because of the great
injury done by live stock, above all by sheep. The
increase in deer, elk, and other animals in the Yel-
lowstone Park shows what may be expected when
other mountain forests are properly protected by law
and properly guarded. Some of these areas have
been so denuded of surface vegetation by overgraz-
ing that the ground breeding birds, including grouse
and quail, and many mammals, including deer, have
been exterminated or driven away. At the same
time the water-storing capacity of the surface has
been decreased or destroyed, thus promoting floods
in times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams
between rains.

In cases where natural conditions have been re-
stored for a few years, vegetation has again car-
peted the ground, birds and deer are coming back,
and hundreds of persons, especially from the imme-
diate neighborhood, come each summer to enjoy
the privilege of camping. Some at least of the forest
reserves should afford perpetual protection to the
native fauna and flora, safe havens of refuge to
our rapidly diminishing wild animals of the larger
kinds, and free camping grounds for the ever-in-
creasing numbers of men and women who have
learned to find rest, health, and recreation in the
splendid forests and flower-clad meadows of our
mountains. The forest reserves should be set apart
forever for the use and benefit of our people as a

And State Papers 561

whole and not sacrificed to the shortsighted greed
of a few.

The forests are natural reservoirs. By restrain-
ing the streams in flood and replenishing them in
drought they make possible the use of waters other-
wise wasted. They prevent the soil from washing,
and so protect the storage reservoirs from filling
up with silt. Forest conservation is therefore an
essential condition of water conservation.

The forests alone can not, however, fully regulate
and conserve the waters of the arid region. Great
storage works are necessary to equalize the flow of
streams and to save the flood waters. Their con-
struction has been conclusively shown to be an un-
dertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it
be best accomplished by the individual States acting
alone. Far-reaching interstate problems are in-
volved; and the resources of single States would
often be inadequate. It is properly a national func-
tion, at least in some of its features. It is as right
for the National Government to make the streams
and rivers of the arid region useful by engineering
works for water storage as to make useful the rivers
and harbors of the humid region by engineering
works of another kind. The storing of the floods
in reservoirs at the headwaters of our rivers is but
an enlargement of our present policy of river control,
under which levees are built on the lower reaches
of the same streams.

The Government should construct and maintain

562 Presidential Addresses

these reservoirs as it does other public works.
Where their purpose is to regulate the flow of
streams, the water should be turned freely into the
channels in the dry season to take the same course
under the same laws as the natural flow.

The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands
presents a different problem. Here it is not enough
to regulate the flow of streams. The object of the
government is to dispose of the land to settlers who
will build homes upon it. To accomplish this object
water must be brought within their reach.

The pioneer settlers on the arid public domain
chose their homes along streams from which they
could themselves divert the water to reclaim their
holdings. Such opportunities are practically gone.
There remain, however, vast areas of public land
which can be made available for homestead settle-
ment, but only by reservoirs and main-line canals
impracticable for private enterprise. These irriga-
tion works should be built by the National Govern-
ment. The lands reclaimed by them should be re-
served by the Government for actual settlers, and the
cost of construction should so far as possible be re-
paid by the land reclaimed. The distribution of
the water, the division of the streams among irri-
gators, should be left to the settlers themselves in
conformity with State laws and without interference
with those laws or with vested rights. The policy
of the National Government should be to aid irri-
gation in the several States and Territories in such
manner as will enable the people in the local commu-

And State Papers 563

nities to help themselves, and as will stimulate needed
reforms in the State laws and regulations governing
irrigation.

The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands
will enrich every portion of our country, just as
the settlement of the Ohio and Mississippi Valleys
brought prosperity to the Atlantic States. The in-
creased demand for manufactured articles will stim-
ulate industrial production, while wider home mar-
kets and the trade of Asia will consume the larger
food supplies and effectually prevent Western com-
petition with Eastern agriculture. Indeed, the
products of irrigation will be consumed chiefly in
upbuilding local centres of mining and other indus-
tries, which would otherwise not come into existence
at all. Our people as a whole will profit, for suc-
cessful home-making is but another name for the
upbuilding of the Nation.

The necessary foundation has already been laid
for the inauguration of the policy just described.
It would be unwise to begin by doing too much, for
a great deal will doubtless be learned, both as to
what can and what can not be safely attempted, by
the early efforts, which must of necessity be partly
experimental in character. At the very beginning
the Government should make clear, beyond shadow
of doubt, its intention to pursue this policy on lines
of the broadest public interest. No reservoir or
canal should ever be built to satisfy selfish personal
or local interests; but only in accordance with the
advice of trained experts, after long investigation

564 Presidential Addresses

has shown the locality where all the conditions com-
bine to make the work most needed and fraught
with the greatest usefulness to the community as a
whole. There should be no extravagance, and the
believers in the need of irrigation will most benefit
their cause by seeing to it that it is free from the
least taint of excessive or reckless expenditure of
the public moneys.

Whatever the Nation does for the extension of
irrigation should harmonize with, and tend to im-
prove, the condition of those now living on irrigated
land. We are not at the starting point of this de-
velopment. Over two hundred millions of private
capital has already been expended in the construc-
tion of irrigation works, and many million acres of
arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise
and ability has been shown in the work itself; but
as much can not be said in reference to the laws
relating thereto. The security and value of the
homes created depend largely on the stability of
titles to water; but the majority of these rest on
the uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered
in ordinary suits at law. With a few creditable ex-
ceptions, the arid States have failed to provide for
the certain and just division of streams in times of
scarcity. Lax and uncertain laws have made it pos-
sible to establish rights to water in excess of actual
uses or necessities, and many streams have already
passed into private ownership, or a control equiva-
lent to ownership.

Whoever controls a stream practically controls the

And State Papers 565

land it renders productive, and the doctrine of pri-
vate ownership of water apart from land can not
prevail without causing enduring wrong. The rec-
ognition of such ownership, which has been permit-
ted to grow up in the arid regions, should give way
to a more enlightened and larger recognition of the
rights of the public in the control and disposal of
the public water supplies. Laws founded upon con-
ditions obtaining in humid regions, where water is
too abundant to justify hoarding it, have no proper
application in a dry country.

In the arid States the only right to water which
should be recognized is that of use. In irrigation
this right should attach to the land reclaimed and
be inseparable therefrom. Granting perpetual water
rights to others than users, without compensation to
the public, is open to all the objections which apply
to giving away perpetual franchises to the public
utilities of cities. A few of the Western States have
already recognized this, and have incorporated in
their constitutions the doctrine of perpetual State
ownership of water.

The benefits which have followed the unaided de-
velopment of the past justify the nation's aid and
co-operation in the more difficult and important work
yet to be accomplished. Laws so vitally affecting
homes as those which control the water supply will
only be effective when they have the sanction of the
irrigators ; reforms can only be final and satisfactory
when they come through the enlightenment of the
people most concerned. The larger development

566 Presidential Addresses

which national aid ensures should, however, awaken
in every arid State the determination to make its
irrigation system equal in justice and effectiveness
that of any country in the civilized world. Nothing
could be more unwise than for isolated communities
to continue to learn everything experimentally, in-
stead of profiting by what is already known else-
where. We are dealing with a new and momentous
question, in the pregnant years while institutions
are forming, and what we do will affect not only the
present but future generations.

Our aim should be not simply to reclaim the larg-
est area of land and provide homes for the largest
number of people, but to create for this new industry
the best possible social and industrial conditions;
and this requires that we not only understand the
existing situation, but avail ourselves of the best
experience of the time in the solution of its problems.
A careful study should be made, both by the Nation
and the States, of the irrigation laws and conditions
here and abroad. Ultimately it will probably be
necessary for the Nation to co-operate with the sev-
eral arid States in proportion as these States by their
legislation and administration show themselves fit
to receive it.

In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the Terri-
tory on the traditional American lines. We do not
wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap labor ;
we wish a healthy American community of men who
themselves till the farms they own. All our legis-

And State Papers 567

lation for the islands should be shaped with this end
in view ; the well-being of the average home-maker
must afford the true test of the healthy development
of the islands. The land policy should as nearly as
possible be modeled on our homestead system.

It is a pleasure to say that it is hardly more neces-
sary to report as to Porto Rico than as to any State
or Territory within our continental limits. The isl-
and is thriving as never before, and it is being ad-
ministered efficiently and honestly. Its people are
now enjoying liberty and order under the protection
of the United States, and upon this fact we congratu-
late them and ourselves. Their material welfare
must be as carefully and jealously considered as the
welfare of any other portion of our country. We
have given them the great gift of free access for
their products to the markets of the United States.
I ask the attention of the Congress to the need of
legislation concerning the public lands of Porto
Rico.

In Cuba such progress has been made toward put-
ting the independent government of the island upon
a firm footing that before the present session of the
Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact.
Cuba will then start as her own mistress ; and to the
beautiful Queen of the Antilles, as she unfolds this
new page of her destiny, we extend our heartiest
greetings and good wishes. Elsewhere I have dis-
cussed the question of reciprocity. In the case of
Cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of mo-
rality and of national interest why the policy should

568 Presidential Addresses

be held to have a peculiar application, and I most ear-
nestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to
the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduc-
tion in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into the
United States. Cuba has in her Constitution affirmed
what we desired, that she should stand, in interna-
tional matters, in closer and more friendly relations
with us than with any other power; and we are
bound by every consideration of honor and expe-
diency to pass commercial measures in the interest
of her material well-being.

In the Philippines our problem is larger. They
are very rich tropical islands, inhabited by many
varying tribes, representing widely different stages
of progress toward civilization. Our earnest effort
is to help these people upward along the stony and
difficult path that leads to self-government. We
hope to make our administration of the islands hon-
orable to our Nation by making it of the highest
benefit to the Filipinos themselves; and as an ear-
nest of what we intend to do, we point to what we
have done. Already a greater measure of material
prosperity and of governmental honesty and effi-
ciency has been attained in the Philippines than ever
before in their history.

It is no light task for a nation to achieve the tem-
peramental qualities without which the institutions
of free government are but an empty mockery. Our
people are now successfully governing themselves,
because for more than a thousand years they have
been slowly fitting themselves, sometimes conscious-

And State Papers 569

ly, sometimes unconsciously, toward this end. What
has taken us thirty generations to achieve, we can
not expect to see another race accomplish out of
hand, especially when large portions of that race
start very far behind the point which our ancestors
had reached even thirty generations ago. In deal-
ing with the Philippine people we must show both
patience and strength, forbearance and steadfast
resolution. Our aim is high. We do not desire to
do for the islanders merely what has elsewhere been
done for tropic peoples by even the best foreign
governments. We hope to do for them what has
never before been done for any people of the tropics
— to make them fit for self-government after the
fashion of the really free nations.

History may safely be challenged to show a single
instance in which a masterful race such as ours, hav-
ing been forced by the exigencies of war to take pos-
session of an alien land, has behaved to its inhabi-
tants with the disinterested zeal for their progress
that our people have shown in the Philippines. To
leave the islands at this time would mean that they
would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy.
Such desertion of duty on our part would be a crime
against humanity. The character of Governor Taft
and of his associates and subordinates is a proof, if
such be needed, of the sincerity ,of our effort to give
the islanders a constantly increasing measure of self-
government, exactly as fast as they show themselves
fit to exercise it. Since the civil government was es-
tablished not an appointment has been made in the
8— VOL. XIV

57° Presidential Addresses

islands with any reference to considerations of po-
litical influence, or to aught else save the fitness of
the man and the needs of the service.

In our anxiety for the welfare and progress o-f the
Philippines, it may be that here and there we have
gone too rapidly in giving them local self-govern-
ment. It is on this side that our error, if any, has
been committed. No competent observer, sincerely
desirous of finding out the facts and influenced only
by a desire for the welfare of the natives, can assert
that we have not gone far enough. We have gone
to the very verge of safety in hastening the process.
To have taken a single step further or faster in ad-
vance would have been folly and weakness, and
might well have been crime. We are extremely anx-
ious that the natives shall show the power of gov-
erning themselves. We are anxious, first for their
sakes, and next, because it relieves us of a great
burden. There need not be the slightest fear of our
not continuing to give them all the liberty for which
they are fit.

The only fear is lest in our overanxiety we give
them a degree of independence for which they are
unfit, thereby inviting reaction and disaster. As fast
as there is any reasonable hope that in a given dis-
trict the people can govern themselves, self-govern-
ment has been given in that district. There is not a
locality fitted for self-government which has not re-
ceived it. But it may well be that in certain cases
it will have to be withdrawn because the inhabitants
show themselves unfit to exercise it; such instances

And State Papers 571

have already occurred. In other words, there is not
the slightest chance of our failing to show a suffi-
ciently humanitarian spirit. The danger comes in
the opposite direction.

There are still troubles ahead in the islands. The
insurrection has become an affair of local banditti
and marauders, who deserve no higher regard than
the brigands of portions of the Old World. En-
couragement, direct or indirect, to these insurrectos
stands on the same footing as encouragement to hos-
tile Indians in the days when we still had Indian
wars. Exactly as our aim is to give to the Indian
who remains peaceful the fullest and amplest consid-
eration, but to have it understood that we will show
no weakness if he goes on the warpath, so we must
make it evident, unless we are false to our own tra-
ditions and to the demands of civilization and hu-
manity, that while we will do everything in our
power for the Filipino who is peaceful, we will take
the sternest measures with the Filipino who follows
the path of the insurrecto and the ladrone.

The heartiest praise is due to large numbers of the
natives of the islands for their steadfast loyalty.
The Macabebes have been conspicuous for their cour-
age and devotion to the flag. I recommend that the
Secretary of War be empowered to take some syste-
matic action in the way of aiding those of these men
who are crippled in the service and the families of
those who are killed.

The time has come when there should be addi-
tional legislation for the Philippines. Nothing bet-

572 Presidential Addresses

ter can be done for the islands than to introduce in-
dustrial enterprises. Nothing would benefit them so
much as throwing them open to industrial develop-
ment. The connection between idleness and mischief
is proverbial, and the opportunity to do remunerative
work is one of the surest preventives of war. Of
course no business man will go into the Philippines
unless it is to his interest to do so, and it is im-
mensely to the interest of the islands that he should
go in. It is therefore necessary that the Congress
should pass laws by which the resources of the isl-
ands can be developed; so that franchises (for lim-
ited terms of years) can be granted to companies
doing business in them, and every encouragement be
given to the incoming of business men of every kind.
Not to permit this is to do a wrong to the Philip-
pines. The franchises must be granted and the busi-
ness permitted only under regulations which will
guarantee the islands against any kind of improper
exploitation. But the vast natural wealth of the isl-
ands must be developed, and the capital willing to
develop it must be given the opportunity. The field
must be thrown open to individual enterprise, which
has been the real factor in the development of every
region over which our flag has flown. It is urgently
necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with general
transportation, mining, banking, currency, home-
steads, and the use and ownership of the lands and
timber. These laws will give free play to industrial
enterprise; and the commercial development which
will surely follow will afford to the people of the isl-

And State Papers 573

ands the best proofs of the sincerity of our desire to
aid them.

I call your attention most earnestly to the crying
need of a cable to Hawaii and the Philippines, to be
continued from the Philippines to points in Asia.
We should not defer a day longer than necessary the
construction of such a cable. It is demanded not
merely for commercial but for political and military
considerations.

Either the Congress should immediately provide
for the construction of a government cable, or else
an arrangement should be made by which like ad-
vantages to those accruing from a government cable
may be secured to the Government by contract with
a private cable company.

No single great material work which remains to
be undertaken on this continent is of such conse-
quence to the American people as the building of a
canal across the Isthmus connecting North and
South America. Its importance to the Nation is by
no means limited merely to its material effects upon
our business prosperity; and yet with view to these
effects alone it would be to the last degree important
for us immediately to begin it. While its beneficial
effects would perhaps be most marked upon the Pa-
cific Coast and the Gulf and South Atlantic States,
it would also greatly benefit other sections. It is
emphatically a work which it is for the interest of
the entire country to begin and complete as soon as

574 Presidential Addresses

possible; it is one of those great works which only a
great nation can undertake with prospects of suc-
cess, and which when done are not only permanent
assets in the nation's material interests, but standing
monuments to its constructive ability.

I am glad to be able to announce to you that our
negotiations on this subject with Great Britain, con-
ducted on both sides in a spirit of friendliness and
mutual good-will and respect, have resulted in my
being able to lay before the Senate a treaty which
if ratified will enable us to begin preparations for an
Isthmian Canal at any time, and which guarantees to
this Nation every right that it has ever asked in con-
nection with the canal. In this treaty, the old Clay-
ton-Bulwer treaty, so long recognized as inadequate
to supply the base for the construction and main-
tenance of a necessarily American ship canal, is
abrogated. It specifically provides that the United
States alone shall do the work of building and as-
sume the responsibility of safeguarding the canal and
shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms
of equality without the guarantee or interference
of any outside nation from any quarter. The signed
treaty will at once be laid before the Senate, and if
approved the Congress can then proceed to give ef-
fect to the advantages it secures us by providing for
the building of the canal.

The true end of every great and free people should
be self-respecting peace; and this Nation most ear-
nestly desires sincere and cordial friendship with all

And State Papers 575

others. Over the entire world, of recent years, wars
between the great civilized powers have become less
and less frequent. Wars with barbarous or semi-
barbarous peoples come in an entirely different cate-
gory, being merely a most regrettable but necessary
international police duty which must be performed
for the sake of the welfare of mankind. Peace can
only be kept with certainty where both sides wish to
keep it ; but more and more the civilized peoples are
realizing the wicked folly of war and are attaining
that condition of just and intelligent regard for the
rights of others which will in the end, as we hope
and believe, make world-wide peace possible. The
peace conference at The Hague gave definite ex-
pression to this hope and belief and marked a stride
toward their attainment.

This same peace conference acquiesced in our
statement of the Monroe Doctrine as compatible with
the purposes and aims of the conference.

The Monroe Doctrine should be the cardinal fea-
ture of the foreign policy of all the nations of the
two Americas, as it is of the United States. Just
seventy-eight years have passed since President
Monroe in his Annual Message announced that "The
American continents are henceforth not to be con-
sidered as subjects for future colonization by any
European power." In other words, the Monroe
Doctrine is a declaration that there must be no
territorial aggrandizement by any non-American
power at the expense of any American power on
American soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile

576 Presidential Addresses

to any nation in the Old World. Still less is it in-
tended to give cover to any aggression by one New
World power at the expense of any other. It is sim-
ply a step, and a long step, toward assuring the uni-
versal peace of the world by securing the possibility
of permanent peace on this hemisphere.

During the past century other influences have es-
tablished the permanence and independence of the
smaller states of Europe. Through the Monroe Doc-
trine we hope to be able to safeguard like indepen-
dence and secure like permanence for the lesser
among the New World nations.

This doctrine has nothing to do with the com-
mercial relations of any American power, save that
it in truth allows each of them to form such as it
desires. In other words, it is really a guaranty of
the commercial independence of the Americas. We
do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive com-
mercial dealings with any other American state.
We do not guarantee any state against punishment
if it misconducts itself, provided that punishment
does not take the form of the acquisition of territory
by any non- American power.

Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guaranty of
our own good faith. We have not the slightest de-
sire to secure any territory at the expense of any
of our neighbors. We wish to work with them hand
in hand, so that all of us may be uplifted together,
and we rejoice over the good fortune of any of them,
we gladly hail their material prosperity and politi-
cal stability, and are concerned and alarmed if any

And State Papers 577

of them fall into industrial or political chaos. We
do not wish to see any Old World military power
grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to be-
come a military power ourselves. The peoples of the
Americas can prosper best if left to work out their
own salvation in their own way.

The work of upbuilding the navy must be steadily
continued. No one point of our policy, foreign or
domestic, is more important than this to the honor
and material welfare, and above all to the peace,
of our Nation in the future. Whether we desire it
or not, we must henceforth recognize that we have
international duties no less than international rights.
Even if our flag were hauled down in the Philip-
pines and Porto Rico, even if we decided not to
build the Isthmian Canal, we should need a thor-
oughly trained navy of adequate size, or else be
prepared definitely and for all time to abandon the
idea that our Nation is among those whose sons go
down to the sea in ships. Unless our commerce is
always to be carried in foreign bottoms, we must
have war craft to protect it.

Inasmuch, however, as the American people have
no thought of abandoning the path upon which they
have entered, and especially in view of the fact that
the building of the Isthmian Canal is fast becoming
one of the matters which the whole people are united
in demanding, it is imperative that our navy should
be put and kept in the highest state of efficiency, and
should be made to answer to our growing needs. So

578 Presidential Addresses

far from being in any way a provocation to war, an
adequate and highly trained navy is the best guaran-
ty against war, the cheapest and most effective peace
insurance. The cost of building and maintaining
such a navy represents 'the very lightest premium
for insuring peace which this nation can possibly pay.

Probably no other great nation in the world is so
anxious for peace as we are. There is not a single
civilized power which has anything whatever to fear
from aggressiveness on our part. All w4e want is
peace; and toward this end we wish to be able to
secure the same respect for our rights from others
which we are eager and anxious to extend to their
rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us com-
mercially, and to guarantee the safety of the Ameri-
can people.

Our people intend to abide by the Monroe Doc-
trine and to insist upon it as the one sure means of
securing the peace of the Western Hemisphere. The
navy offers us the only means of making our in-
sistence upon the Monroe Doctrine anything but a
subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to
disregard it. We desire the peace which comes as
of right to the just man armed ; not the peace granted
on terms of ignominy to the craven and the weak-
ling.

It is not possible to improvise a navy after war
breaks out. The ships must be built and the men
trained long in advance. Some auxiliary vessels can
be turned into makeshifts which will do in default of
any better for the minor work, and a proportion of

And State Papers 579

raw men can be mixed with the highly trained, their
shortcomings being made good by the skill of their
fellows; but the efficient fighting force of the navy
when pitted against an equal opponent will be found
almost exclusively in the warships that have been
regularly built and in the officers and men who
through years of faithful performance of sea duty
have been trained to handle their formidable but com-
plex) and delicate weapons with the highest efficiency.
In the late war with Spain the ships that dealt the
decisive blows at Manila and Santiago had been
launched from two to fourteen years, and they were
able to do as they did because the men in the conning
towers, the gun-turrets, and the engine-rooms had
through long years of practice at sea learned how to
do their duty.

Our present navy was begun in 1882. At that
period our navy consisted of a collection of anti-
quated wooden ships, already almost as out of place
against modern war vessels as the galleys of Alci-
biades and Hamilcar — certainly as the ships of
Tromp and Blake. Nor at that time did we have
men fit to handle a modern man-of-war. Under the
wise legislation of the Congress and the successful
administration of a succession of patriotic Secre-
taries of the Navy, belonging to both political parties,
the work of upbuilding the navy went on, and ships
equal to any in the world of their kind were con-
tinually added ; and what was even more important,
these ships were exercised at sea singly and in squad-
rons until the men aboard them were able to get the

580 Presidential Addresses

best possible service out of them. The result was
seen in the short war with Spain, which was decided
with such rapidity because of the infinitely greater
preparedness of our navy than of the Spanish navy.
While awarding the fullest honor to the men who
actually commanded and manned the ships which
destroyed the Spanish sea forces in the Philippines
and in Cuba, we must not forget that an equal
meed of praise belongs to those without whom
neither blow could have been struck. The Congress-
men who voted years in advance the money to lay
down the ships, to build the guns, to buy the armor-
plate; the Department officials and the business men
and wage-workers who furnished what the Congress
had authorized; the Secretaries of the Navy who
asked for and expended the appropriations ; and final-
ly the officers who, in fair weather and foul, on actual
sea service, trained and disciplined the crews of the
ships when there was no war in sight — all are en-
titled to a full share in the glory of Manila and San-
tiago, and the respect accorded by every true Amer-
ican to those who wrought such signal triumph for
our country. It was forethought and preparation
which secured us the overwhelming triumph of
1898. If we fail to show forethought and prepara-
tion now, there may come a time when disaster will
befall us instead of triumph; and should this time
come, the fault will rest primarily, not upon those
whom the accident of events puts in supreme com-
mand at the moment, but upon those who have
failed to prepare in advance.

And State Papers 581

There should be no cessation in the work of com-
pleting our navy. So far ingenuity has been wholly
unable to devise a substitute for the great war craft
whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the
high seas. It is unsafe and unwise not to provide
this year for several additional battleships and
heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter
craft in proportion ; for the exact numbers and char-
acter I refer you to the report of the Secretary of
the Navy. But there is something we need even
more than additional ships, and this is additional
officers and men. To provide battleships and cruis-
ers and then lay them up, with the expectation of
leaving them unmanned until they are needed in
actual war, would be worse than folly; it would be
a crime against the nation.

To send any warship against a competent enemy
unless those aboard it have been trained by years
of actual sea service, including incessant gunnery
practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but
the bitterest shame and humiliation. Four thousand
additional seamen and one thousand additional ma-
rines should be provided; and an increase in the
officers should be provided by making a large ad-
dition to the classes at Annapolis. There is one
small matter which should be mentioned in connec-
tion with Annapolis. The pretentious and unmean-
ing title of "naval cadet" should be abolished; the
title of "midshipman," full of historic association,
should be restored.

Even in time of peace a warship should be used

582 Presidential Addresses

until it wears out, for only so can it be kept fit to
respond to any emergency. The officers and men
alike should be kept as much as possible on blue
water, for it is there only they can learn their duties
as they should be learned. The big vessels should
be manoeuvred in squadrons containing not merely
battleships, but the necessary proportion of cruisers
and scouts. The torpedo boats should be handled
by the younger officers in such manner as will best
fit the latter to take responsibility and meet the
emergencies of actual warfare.

Every detail ashore which can be performed by
a civilian should be so performed, the officer being
kept for his special duty in the sea service. Above
all, gunnery practice should be unceasing. It is im-
portant to have our navy of adequate size, but it
is even more important that ship for ship it should
equal in efficiency any navy in the world. This is
possible only with highly drilled crews and officers,
and this in turn imperatively demands continuous
and progressive instruction in target practice, ship
handling, squadron tactics, and general discipline.
Our ships must be assembled in squadrons actively
cruising away from harbors and never long at an-
chor. The resulting wear upon engines and hulls
must be endured; a battleship worn out in long
training of officers and men is well paid for by the
results, while, on the other hand, no matter in how
excellent condition, it is useless if the crew be not
expert.

We now have seventeen battleships appropriated

And State Papers 583

for, of which nine are completed and have been com-
missioned for actual service. The remaining eight
will be ready in from two to four years, but it will
take at least that time to recruit and train the men
to fight them. It is of vast concern that we have
trained crews ready for the vessels by the time they
are commissioned. Good ships and good guns are
simply good weapons, and the best weapons are
useless save in the hands of men who know how to
fight with them. The men must be trained and
drilled under a thorough and well-planned system of
progressive instruction, while the recruiting must
be carried on with still greater vigor. Every effort
must be made to exalt the main function of the offi-
cer— the command of men. The leading graduates
of the Naval Academy should be assigned to the
combatant branches, the line and marines.

Many of the essentials of success are already rec-
ognized by the General Board, which, as the central
office of a growing staff, is moving steadily toward
a proper war efficiency and a proper efficiency of the
whole Navy, under the Secretary. This General
Board, by fostering the creation of a general staff,
is providing for the official and then the general
recognition of our altered conditions as a nation
and of the true meaning of a great war fleet, which
meaning is, first, the best men, and, second, the best
ships.

The Naval Militia forces are State organizations,
and are trained for coast service, and in event of
war they will constitute the inner line of defence.

584 Presidential Addresses

They should receive hearty encouragement from the
General Government.

But in addition we should at once provide for a
National Naval Reserve, organized and trained
under the direction of the Navy Department, and
subject to the call of the Chief Executive whenever
war becomes imminent. It should be a real auxili-
ary to the naval seagoing peace establishment, and
offer material to be drawn on at once for manning
our ships in time of war. It should be composed
of graduates of the Naval Academy, graduates of
the Naval Militia, officers and crews of coast-line
steamers, longshore schooners, fishing vessels, and
steam yachts, together with the coast population
about such centres as life-saving stations and light-
houses.

The American people must either build and main-
tain an adequate navy or else make up their minds
definitely to accept a secondary position in inter-
national affairs, not merely in political, but in com-
mercial, matters. It has been well said that there is
no surer way of courting national disaster than to
be "opulent, aggressive, and unarmed."

It is not necessary to increase our army beyond
its present size at this time. But it is necessary to
keep it at the highest point of efficiency. The in-
dividual units who as officers and enlisted men com-
pose this army, are, we have good reason to believe,
at least as efficient as those of any other army in the
entire world. It is our duty to see that their train-

And State Papers 585

ing is of a kind to insure the highest possible ex-
pression of power to these units when acting in
combination.

The conditions of modern war are such as to make
an infinitely heavier demand than ever before upon
the individual character and capacity of the officer
and the enlisted man, and to make it far more diffi-
cult for men to act together with effect. At present
the fighting must be done in extended order, which
means that each man must act for himself and at the
same time act in combination with others with whom
he is no longer in the old-fashioned elbow-to-elbow
touch. Under such conditions a few men of the high-
est excellence are worth more than many men with-
out the special skill which is only found as the result
of special training applied to men of exceptional phy-
sique and morale. But nowadays the most valuable
fighting man and the most difficult to perfect is the
rifleman who is also a skilful and daring rider.

The proportion of our cavalry regiments has
wisely been increased. The American cavalry-
man, trained to manoeuvre and fight with equal
facility on foot and on horseback, is the best type of
soldier for general purposes now to be found in the
world. The ideal cavalryman of the present day
is a man who can fight on foot as effectively as the
best infantryman, and who is in addition unsur-
passed in the care and management of his horse
and in his ability to fight on horseback.

A general staff should be created. As for the
present staff and supply departments, they should be

586 Presidential Addresses

filled by details from the line, the men so detailed
returning after a while to their line duties. It is
very undesirable to have the senior grades of the
army composed of men who have come to fill
the positions by the mere fact of seniority. A sys-
tem should be adopted by which there shall be an
elimination grade by grade of those who seem unfit
to render the best service in the next grade. Justice
to the veterans of the Civil War who are still in the
army would seem to require that in the matter of
retirements they be given by law the same privileges
accorded to their comrades in the navy.

The process of elimination of the least fit should
be conducted in a manner that would render it
practically impossible to apply political or social
pressure on behalf of any candidate, so that each
man may be judged purely on his own merits.
Pressure for the promotion of civil officials for
political reasons is bad enough, but it is tenfold
worse where applied on behalf of officers of the
army or navy. Every promotion and every detail
under the War Department must be made solely
with regard to the good of the service and to the
capacity and merit of the man himself. No pres-
sure, political, social, or personal, of any kind, will
be permitted to exercise the least effect in any ques-
tion of promotion or detail; and if there is reason
to believe that such pressure is exercised at the insti-
gation of the officer concerned, it will be held to
militate against him. In our army we can not
afford to have rewards or duties distributed save on

And State Papers 587

the simple ground that those who by their own
merits are entitled to the rewards get them, and that
those who are peculiarly fit to do the duties are
chosen to perform them.

Every effort should be made to bring the army to
a constantly increasing state of efficiency. When on
actual service no work save that directly in the line
of such service should be required. The paper work
in the army, as in the navy, should be greatly re-
duced. What is needed is proved power of com-
mand and capacity to work well in the field. Con-
stant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the
transportation and commissary departments.

Our army is so small and so much scattered that
it is very difficult to give the higher officers (as well
as the lower officers and the enlisted men) a chance
to practice manoeuvres in mass and on a compara-
tively large scale. In time of need no amount of
individual excellence would avail against the paraly-
sis which would follow inability to work as a cohe-
rent whole, under skilful and daring leadership.
The Congress should provide means whereby it will
be possible to have field exercises by at least a divi-
sion of regulars, and if possible also a division of
national guardsmen, once a year. These exercises
might take the form of field manoeuvres; or, if on
the Gulf Coast or the Pacific or Atlantic Seaboard,
or in the region of the Great Lakes, the army corps
when assembled could be marched from some inland
point to some point on the water, there embarked,
disembarked after a couple of days' journey at some

588 Presidential Addresses

other point, and again marched inland. Only by
actual handling and providing for men in masses
while they are marching, camping, embarking, and
disembarking, will it be possible to train the higher
officers to perform their duties well and smoothly.

A great debt is owing from the public to the men
of the army and navy. They should be so treated
as to enable them to reach the highest point of effi-
ciency, so that they may be able to respond instantly
to any demand made upon them to sustain the in-
terests of the nation and the honor of the flag. The
individual American enlisted man is probably on
the whole a more formidable fighting man than the
regular of any other army. Every consideration
should be shown him, and in return the highest
standard of usefulness should be exacted from him.
It is well worth while for the Congress to consider
whether the pay of enlisted men upon second and
subsequent enlistments should not be increased to
correspond with the increased value of the veteran
soldier.

Much good has already come from the act reor-
ganizing the army, passed early in the present year.
The three prime reforms, all of them of literally in-
estimable value, are, first, the substitution of four-
year details from the line for permanent appoint-
ments in the so-called staff divisions; second, the
establishment of a corps of artillery with a chief
at the head; third, the establishment of a maximum
and minimum limit for the army. It would be dif-
ficult to overestimate the improvement in the effi-

And State Papers 589

ciency of our army which these three reforms are
making, and have in part already effected.

The reorganization provided for by the act has
been substantially accomplished. The improved con-
ditions in the Philippines have enabled the War De-
partment materially to reduce the military charge
upon our revenue and to arrange the number of sol-
diers so as to bring this number much nearer to
the minimum than to the maximum limit estab-
lished by law. There is, however, need of supple-
mentary legislation. Thorough military education
must be provided, and in addition to the regulars
the advantages of this education should be given
to the officers of the National Guard and others in
civil life who desire intelligently to fit themselves
for possible military duty. The officers should be
given the chance to perfect themselves by study in
the higher branches of this art. At West Point the
education should be of the kind most apt to turn
out men who are good in actual field service; too
much stress should not be laid on mathematics, nor
should proficiency therein be held to establish the
right of entry to a corps d'elite. The typical Amer-
ican officer of the best kind need not be a good math-
ematician; but he must be able to master himself,
to control others, and to show boldness and fertility
of resource in every emergency.

Action should be taken in reference to the militia
and to the raising of volunteer forces. Our militia
law is obsolete and worthless. The organization and
armament of the National Guard of the several

59° Presidential Addresses

States, which are treated as militia in the appropria-
tions by the Congress, should be made identical with
those provided for the regular forces. The obliga-
tions and duties of the Guard in time of war should
be carefully defined, and a system established by law
under which the method of procedure of raising
volunteer forces should be prescribed in advance.
It is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste
of impending war to do this satisfactorily if the ar-
rangements have not been made long beforehand.
Provision should be made for utilizing in the first
volunteer organizations called out the training of
those citizens who have already had experience under
arms, and especially for the selection in advance of
the officers of any force which may be raised; for
careful selection of the kind necessary is impossible
after the outbreak of war.

That the army is not at all a mere instrument of
destruction has been shown during the last three
years. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Porto Rico
it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most
potent implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful
civilization.

No other citizens deserve so well of the Republic
as the veterans, the survivors of those who saved
the Union. They did the one deed which if left
undone would have meant that all else in our history
went for nothing. But for their steadfast prowess
in the greatest crisis of our history, all our annals
would be meaningless, and our great experiment in

And State Papers 591

popular freedom and self-government a gloomy fail-
ure. Moreover, they not only left us a united na-
tion, but they left us also as a heritage the memory
of the mighty deeds by which the Nation was kept
united. We are now indeed one nation, one in fact
as well as in name ; we are united in our devotion to
the flag which is the symbol of national greatness
and unity; and the very completeness of our union
enables us all, in every part of the country, to glory
in the valor shown alike by the sons of the North
and the sons of the South in the times that tried
men's souls.

The men who in the last three years have done
so well in the East and the West Indies -and on the
mainland of Asia have shown that this remembrance
is not lost. In any serious crisis the United States
must rely for the great mass of its fighting men upon
the volunteer soldiery who do not make a permanent
profession of the military career ; and whenever such
a crisis arises the deathless memories of the Civil
War will give to Americans the lift of lofty pur-
pose which comes to those whose fathers have stood
valiantly in the forefront of the battle.

The merit system of making appointments is in
its essence as democratic and American as the com-
mon school system itself. It simply means that in
clerical and other positions where the duties are en-
tirely non-political, all applicants should have a fair
field and no favor, each standing on his merits as
he is able to show them by practical test. Written

592 Presidential Addresses

competitive examinations offer the only available
means in many cases for applying this system. In
other cases, as where laborers are employed, a sys-
tem of registration undoubtedly can be widely ex-
tended. There are, of course, places where the writ-
ten competitive examination can not be applied, and
others where it offers by no means an ideal solution,
but where under existing political conditions it is,
though an imperfect means, yet the best present
means of getting satisfactory results.

Wherever the conditions have permitted the ap-
plication of the merit system in its fullest and widest
sense, the gain to the government has been immense.
The navy yards and postal service illustrate, prob-
ably better than any other branches of the govern-
ment, the great gain in economy, efficiency, and hon-
esty due to the enforcement of this principle.

I recommend the passage of a law which will ex-
tend the classified service to the District of Co-
lumbia, or will at least enable the President thus to
extend it. In my judgment all laws providing for
the temporary employment of clerks should here-
after contain a provision that they be selected under
the Civil Service Law.

It is important to have this system obtain at home,
but it is even more important to have it applied
rigidly in our insular possessions. Not an office
should be filled in the Philippines or Porto Rico with
any regard to the man's partisan affiliations or ser-
vices, with any regard to the political, social, or
personal influence which he may have at his com-

And State Papers 593

mand; in short, heed should be paid to absolutely
nothing save the man's own character and capacity
and the needs of the service.

The administration of these islands should be as
wholly free from the suspicion of partisan politics
as the administration of the army and navy. All
that we ask from the public servant in the Philip-
pines or Porto Rico is that he reflect honor on his
country by the way in which he makes that country's
rule a benefit to the peoples who have come under
it. This is all that we should ask, and we can not
afford to be content with less.

The merit system is simply one method of secur-
ing honest and efficient administration of the gov-
ernment; and in the long run the sole justification
of any type of government lies in its proving itself
both honest and efficient.

The consular service is now organized under the
provisions of a law passed in 1856, which is entirely
inadequate to existing conditions. The interest
shown by so many commercial bodies throughout
the country in the reorganization of the service is
heartily commended to your attention. Several bills
providing for a new consular service have in recent
years been submitted to the Congress. They are
based upon the just principle that appointments to
the service should be made only after a practical
test of the applicant's fitness, that promotions should
be governed by trustworthiness, adaptability, and
zeal in the performance of duty, and that the tenure
9-VoL. XIV

594 Presidential Addresses

of office should be unaffected by partisan consid-
erations.

The guardianship and fostering of our rapidly
expanding foreign commerce, the protection of
American citizens resorting to foreign countries in
lawful pursuit of their affairs, and the maintenance
of the dignity of the Nation abroad, combine to make
it essential that our consuls should be men of char-
acter, knowledge, and enterprise. It is true that the
service is now, in the main, efficient, but a standard
of excellence can not be permanently maintained un-
til the principles set forth in the bills heretofore
submitted to the Congress on this subject are en-
acted into law.

In my judgment the time has arrived when we
should definitely make up our minds to recognize the
Indian as an individual and not as a member of a
tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pul-
verizing engine to break up the tribal mass. It acts
directly upon the family and the individual. Under
its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have al-
ready become citizens of the United States. We
should now break up the tribal funds, doing for
them what allotment does for the tribal lands ; that
is, they should be divided into individual holdings.
There will be a transition period during which the
funds will in many cases have to be held in trust.
This is the case also with the lands. A stop should
be put upon the indiscriminate permission to Indians
to lease their allotments. The effort should be stead-

And State Papers 595

ily to make the Indian work like any other man on
his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians
should be made the same as those of the whites.

In the schools the education should be elementary
and largely industrial. The need of higher educa-
tion among the Indians is very, very limited. On
the reservations care should be taken to try to suit
the teaching to the needs of the particular Indian.
There is no use in attempting to induce agriculture in
a country suited only for cattle raising, where the
Indian should be made a stock grower. The ration
system, which is merely the corral and the reserva-
tion system, is highly detrimental to the Indians. It
promotes beggary, perpetuates pauperism, and stifles
industry. It is an effectual barrier to progress. It
must continue to a greater or less degree as long
as tribes are herded on reservations and have every-
thing in common. The Indian should be treated as
an individual — like the white man. During the
change of treatment inevitable hardships will occur ;
every effort should be made to minimize these hard-
ships; but we should not because of them hesitate
to make the change. There should be a continuous
reduction in the number of agencies.

In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are
more important than to preserve them from the ter-
rible physical and moral degradation resulting from
the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save
our own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by
international agreement this same end can be at-

596 Presidential Addresses

tained as regards races where we do not possess
exclusive control, every effort should be made to
bring it about.

I bespeak the most cordial support from the Con-
gress and the people for the St. Louis Exposition to
Commemorate the One Hundredth Anniversary of
the Louisiana Purchase. This purchase was the
greatest instance of expansion in our history. It
definitely decided that we were to become a great
continental republic, by far the foremost power in the
Western Hemisphere. It is one of three or four great
landmarks in our history — the great turning-points
in our development. It is eminently fitting that all
our people should join with heartiest good will in
commemorating it, and the citizens of St. Louis, of
Missouri, of all the adjacent region, are entitled to
every aid in making the celebration a noteworthy
event in our annals. We earnestly hope that for-
eign nations will appreciate the deep interest our
country takes in this Exposition, and our view of its
importance from every standpoint, and that they
will participate in securing its success. The Na-
tional Government should be represented by a full
and complete set of exhibits.

The people of Charleston, with great energy and
civic spirit, are carrying on an Exposition which
will continue throughout most of the present session
of the Congress. I heartily commend this Exposi-
tion to the good will of the people. It deserves all

And State Papers 597

the encouragement that can be given it. The man-
agers of the Charleston Exposition have requested
the Cabinet officers to place thereat the government
exhibits which have been at Buffalo, promising to
pay the necessary expenses. I have taken the re-
sponsibility of directing that this be done, for I feel
that it is due to Charleston to help her in her praise-
worthy effort. In my opinion the management
should not be required to pay all these expenses. I
earnestly recommend that the Congress appropriate
at once the small sum necessary for this purpose.

The Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo has just
closed. Both from the industrial and the artistic
standpoint this Exposition has been in a high de-
gree creditable and useful, not merely to Buffalo but
to the United States. The terrible tragedy of the
President's assassination interfered materially with
its being a financial success. The Exposition was pe-
culiarly in harmony with the trend of our public
policy, because it represented an effort to bring into
closer touch all the peoples of the Western Hemi-
sphere, and give them an increasing sense of unity.
Such an effort was a genuine service to the entire
American public.

The advancement of the highest interests of na-
tional science and learning and the custody of ob-
jects of art and of the valuable results of scientific
expeditions conducted by the United States have
been committed to the Smithsonian Institution. In

598 Presidential Addresses

furtherance of its declared purpose — for the "in-
crease and diffusion of knowledge among men" —
the Congress has from time to time given it other
important functions. Such trusts have been exe-
cuted by the Institution with notable fidelity. There
should be no halt in the work of the Institution, in
accordance with the plans which its Secretary has
presented, for the preservation of the vanishing races
of great North American animals in the National
Zoological Park. The urgent needs of the National
Museum are recommended to the favorable con-
sideration of the Congress.

Perhaps the most characteristic educational move-
ment of the past fifty years is that which has created
the modern public library and developed it into broad
and active service. There are now over five thou-
sand public libraries in the United States, the prod-
uct of this period. In addition to accumulating ma-
terial, they are also striving by organization, by
improvement in method, and by co-operation, to give
greater efficiency to the material they hold, to make
it more widely useful, and by avoidance of unneces-
sary duplication in process to reduce the cost of its
administration.

In these efforts they naturally look for assistance
to the Federal library, which, though still the Li-
brary of Congress, and so entitled, is the one national
library of the United States. Already the largest
single collection of books on the Western Hemi-
sphere, and certain to increase more rapidly than

And State Papers 599

any other through purchase, exchange, and the oper-
ation of the copyright law, this library has a unique
opportunity to render to the libraries of this coun-
try— to American scholarship — service of the high-
est importance. It is housed in a building which is
the largest. and most magnificent yet erected for li-
brary uses. Resources are now being provided which
will develop the collection properly, equip it with the
apparatus and service necessary to its effective use,
render its bibliographic work widely available, and
enable it to become, not merely a centre of research,
but the chief factor in great co-operative efforts for
the diffusion of knowledge and the advancement of
learning.

For the sake of good administration, sound econ-
omy, and the advancement of science, the Census
Office as now constituted should be made a perma-
nent government bureau. This would insure better,
cheaper, and more satisfactory work, in the interest
not only of our business but of statistic, economic,
and social science.

The remarkable growth of the postal service is
shown in the fact that its revenues have doubled and
its expenditures have nearly doubled within twelve
years. Its progressive development compels con-
stantly increasing outlay, but in this period of busi-
ness energy and prosperity its receipts grow so much
faster than its expenses that the annual deficit has
been steadily reduced from $11,411,779 in 1897 to

600 Presidential Addresses

$3,923,727 in 1901. Among recent postal advances
the success of rural free delivery wherever estab-
lished has been so marked, and actual experience has
made its benefits so plain, that the demand for its
extension is general and urgent.

It is just that the great agricultural population
should share in the improvement of the service. The
number of rural routes now in operation is 6,009,
practically all established within three years, and
there are 6,000 applications awaiting action. It is
expected that the number in operation at the close
of the current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The mail
will then be daily carried to the doors of 5,700,000
of 'our people who have heretofore been dependent
upon distant offices, and one-third of all that portion
of the country which is adapted to it will be covered
by this kind of service.

The full measure of postal progress which might
be realized has long been hampered and obstructed
by the heavy burden imposed on the Government
through the intrenched and well-understood abuses
which have grown up in connection with second-class
mail matter. The extent of this burden appears when
it is stated that while the second-class matter makes
nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it
paid for the last fiscal year only $4,294,445 of the
aggregate postal revenue of $111,631,193. If the
pound rate of postage, which produces the large loss
thus entailed, and which was fixed by the Congress
with the purpose of encouraging the dissemination
of public information, were limited to the legitimate

And State Papers 601

newspapers and periodicals actually contemplated by
the law, no just exception could be taken. That ex-
pense would be the recognized and accepted cost of
a liberal public policy deliberately adopted for a jus-
tifiable end. But much of the matter which enjoys
the privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of
the law, and has secured admission only through an
evasion of its requirements or through lax construc-
tion. The proportion of such wrongly included mat-
ter is estimated by postal experts to be one-half of
the whole volume of second-class mail. If it be only
one-third or one-quarter, the magnitude of the bur-
den is apparent. The Post-Office Department has
now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as is
possible by a stricter application of the law ; and it
should be sustained in its effort.

Owing to the rapid growth of our power and our
interests on the Pacific, whatever happens in China
must be of the keenest national concern to us.

The general terms of the settlement of the ques-
tions growing out of the anti-foreign uprisings in
China of 1900, having been formulated in a joint
note addressed to China by the representatives of
the injured powers in December last, were promptly
accepted by the Chinese Government. After pro-
tracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the
several powers were able to sign a final protocol
with the Chinese plenipotentiaries on the 7th of last
September, setting forth the measures taken by
China in compliance with the demands of the joint

602 Presidential Addresses

note, and expressing their satisfaction therewith.
It will be laid before the Congress, with a report of
the plenipotentiary on behalf of the United States,
Mr. William Woodville Rockhill, to whom high
praise is due for the tact, good judgment, and en-
ergy he has displayed in performing an excep-
tionally difficult and delicate task.

The agreement reached disposes in a manner sat-
isfactory to the powers of the various grounds of
complaint, and will contribute materially to better
future relations between China and the powers.
Reparation has been made by China for the murder
of foreigners during the uprising and punishment
has been inflicted on the officials, however high in
rank, recognized as responsible for or having par-
ticipated in the outbreak. Official examinations
have been forbidden for a period of five years in
all cities in which foreigners have been murdered or
cruelly treated, and edicts have been issued making
all officials directly responsible for the future safety
of foreigners and for the suppression of violence
against them.

Provisions have been made for ensuring the future
safety of the foreign representatives in Pekin by
setting aside for their exclusive use a quarter of the
city which the powers can make defensible and in
which they can if necessary maintain permanent
military guards; by dismantling the military works
between the capital and the sea ; and by allowing the
temporary maintenance of foreign military posts
along this line. An edict has been issued by the

And State Papers 603

Emperor of China prohibiting for two years the im-
portation of arms and ammunition into China.
China has agreed to pay adequate indemnities to the
states, societies, and individuals for the losses sus-
tained by them and for the expenses of the military
expeditions sent by the various powers to protect
life and restore order.

Under the provisions of the joint note of Decem-
ber, 1900, China has agreed to revise the treaties
of commerce and navigation and to take such other
steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as
the foreign powers may decide to be needed.

The Chinese Government has agreed to partici-
pate financially in the work of bettering the water
approaches to Shanghai and to Tien-tsin, the centres
of foreign trade in central and northern China, and
an international conservancy board, in which the
Chinese Government is largely represented, has been
provided for the improvement of the Shanghai
River and the control of its navigation. In the
same line of commercial advantages a revision of the
present tariff on imports has been assented to for the
purpose of substituting specific iorad valorem duties,
and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of
the United States to assist in this work. A list of
articles to remain free of duty, including flour,
cereals, and rice, gold and silver coin and bullion,
has also been agreed upon in the settlement.

During these troubles our Government has un-
swervingly advocated moderation, and has ma-
terially aided in bringing about an adjustment

604 Presidential Addresses

which tends to enhance the welfare of China and
to lead to a more beneficial intercourse between the
Empire and the modern world ; while in the critical
period of revolt and massacre we did our full share
in safeguarding life and property, restoring order,
and vindicating the national interest and honor. It
behooves us to continue in these paths, doing what
lies in our power to foster feelings of good will,
and leaving no effort untried to work out the great
policy of full and fair intercourse between China
and the nations, on a footing of equal rights and ad-
vantages to all. We advocate the "open door" with
all that it implies; not merely the procurement of
enlarged commercial opportunities on the coasts,
but access to the interior by the waterways with
which China has been so extraordinarily favored.
Only by bringing the people of China into peaceful
and friendly community of trade with all the peoples
of the earth can the work now auspiciously begun
be carried to fruition. In the attainment of this
purpose we necessarily claim parity of treatment,
under the conventions, throughout the Empire for
our trade and our citizens with those of all other
powers.

We view with lively interest and keen hopes of
beneficial results the proceedings of the Pan-Ameri-
can Congress, convoked at the invitation of Mexico,
and now sitting at the Mexican capital. The dele-
gates of the United States are under the most liberal
instructions to co-operate with their colleagues in

And State Papers 605

all matters promising advantage to the great family
of American commonwealths, as well in their re-
lations among themselves as in their domestic ad-
vancement and in their intercourse with the world
at large.

My predecessor communicated to the Congress
the fact that the Weil and La Abra awards against
Mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts
of our country to have been obtained through fraud
and perjury on the part of the claimants, and that
in accordance with the acts of the Congress the
money remaining in the hands of the Secretary of
State on these awards has been returned to Mexico.
A considerable portion of the money received from
Mexico on these awards had been paid by this Gov-
ernment to the claimants before the decision of the
courts was rendered. My judgment is that the
Congress should return to Mexico an amount equal
to the sums thus already paid to the claimants.

The death of Queen Victoria caused the people
of the United States deep and heartfelt sorrow, to
which the Government gave full expression. When
President McKinley died, our nation in turn re-
ceived from every quarter of the British Empire
expressions of grief and sympathy no less sincere.
The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of
Germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the
American people; and this sympathy was cordially
reciprocated by Germany when the President was
assassinated. Indeed, from every quarter of the

606 Presidential Addresses

civilized world we received, at the time of the Presi-
dent's death, assurances of such grief and regard as
to touch the hearts of our people. In the midst of
our affliction we reverently thank the Almighty
that we are at peace with the nations of mankind;
and we firmly intend that our policy shall be such
as to continue unbroken these international relations
of mutual respect and good will.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

WHITE HOUSE,
December 3, ipoi.

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO
HOUSES OF CONGRESS AT THE BEGIN-
NING OF THE SECOND SESSION OF THE
FIFTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

We stillv continue in a period of unbounded pros-
perity. This prosperity is not the creature of law,
but undoubtedly the laws under which we work
have been instrumental in creating the conditions
which made it possible, and by unwise legislation it
would be easy enough to destroy it. There will un-
doubtedly be periods of depression. The wave will
recede; but the tide will advance. This nation is
Seated on a continent flanked by two great oceans.
It is composed of men the descendants of pioneers,
or, in a sense, pioneers themselves; of men win-
nowed out from among the nations of the Old World
by the energy, boldness, and love of adventure found

And State Papers 607

in their own eager hearts. Such a nation, so placed,
will surely wrest success from fortune.

As a people we have played a large part in the
world, and we are bent upon making our future
even larger than the past. In particular, the events
of the last four years have definitely decided that,
for woe or for weal, eur place must be great among
the nations. We may either fail greatly or succeed
greatly; but we can not avoid the endeavor from
wh>ch either great failure or great success must
come. Even if we would, we can not play a small
part. If we should try, all that would follow would
be that we should play a large part ignobly and
shamefully.

But our people, the sons of the men of the Civil
War, the sons of the men who had iron in their
blood, rejoice in the present and face the future
high of heart and resolute of will. Ours is not the
creed of the weakling and the coward; ours is the
gospel of hope and of triumphant endeavor. We
do not shrink from the struggle before us. There
are many problems for us to face at the outset of
the twentieth century — grave problems abroad and
still graver at home; but we know that we can solve
them and solve them well, provided only that we
bring to the solution the qualities of head and heart
which were shown by the men who, in the days
of Washington, founded this government, and, in
the days of Lincoln, preserved it.

No country has ever occupied a higher plane of
material well-being than ours at the present mo-

608 Presidential Addresses

nient. This well-being is due to no sudden or acci-
dental causes, but to the play of the economic forces
in this country for over a century ; to our laws, our
sustained and continuous policies; above all, to the
high individual average of our citizenship. Great
fortunes have been won by those who have taken
the lead in this phenomenal industrial development,
and most of these fortunes have been won, not by
doing evil, but as an incident to action which has
benefited the community as a whole. Never before
has material well-being been so widely diffused
among our people. Great fortunes have been ac-
cumulated, and yet in the aggregate these fortunes
are small indeed when compared to the wealth of
the people as a whole. The plain people are better
off than they have ever been before. The insurance
companies, which are practically mutual benefit so-
cieties— especially helpful to men of moderate means
— represent accumulations of capital which are
among the largest in this country. There are more
deposits in the savings banks, more owners of farms,
more well-paid wage-workers in this country now
than ever before in our history. Of course, when
the conditions have favored the growth of so much
that was good, they have also favored somewhat the
growth of what was evil. It is eminently necessary
that we should endeavor to cut out this evil, but let
us keep a due sense of proportion ; let us not in fix-
ing our gaze upon the lesser evil forget the greater
good. The evils are real and some of them are
menacing, but they are the outgrowth, not of misery

And State Papers 609

or decadence, but of prosperity — of the progress of
our gigantic industrial development. This indus-
trial development must not be checked, but side by
side with it should go such progressive regulation
as will diminish the evils. We should fail in our
duty if we did not try to remedy the evils, but we
shall succeed only if we proceed patiently, with
practical common-sense as well as resolution, sepa-
rating the good from the bad and holding on to the
former while endeavoring to get rid of the latter.

In my Message to the present Congress at its first
session I discussed at length the question of the
regulation of those big corporations commonly doing
an interstate business, often with some tendency to
monopoly, which are popularly known as trusts.
The experience of the past year has emphasized, in
my opinion, the desirability of the steps I then pro-
posed. A fundamental requisite of social efficiency
is a high standard of individual energy and excel-
lence ; but this is in no wise inconsistent with power
to act in combination for aims which can not so well
be achieved by the individual acting alone. A fun-
damental base of civilization is the inviolability of
property ; but this is in no wise inconsistent with the
right of society to regulate the exercise of the arti-
ficial powers which it confers upon the owners of
property, under the name of corporate franchises,
in such a way as to prevent the misuse of these
powers. Corporations, and especially combinations
of corporations, should be managed under public

6 10 Presidential Addresses

regulation. Experience has shown that under our
system of government the necessary supervision can
not be obtained by State action. It must therefore
be achieved by national action. Our aim is not to
do away with corporations; on the contrary, these
big aggregations are an inevitable development of
modern industrialism, and the effort to destroy them
would be futile unless accomplished in ways that
would work the utmost mischief to the entire body
politic. We can do nothing of good in the way of
regulating and supervising these corporations until
we fix clearly in our minds that we are not attacking
the corporations, but endeavoring to do away with
any evil in them. We are not hostile to them;
we are merely determined that they shall be so
handled as to subserve the public good. We draw
the line against misconduct, not against wealth. The
capitalist who, alone or in conjunction with his fel-
lows, performs some great industrial feat by which
he wins money is a welldoer, not a wrongdoer, pro-
vided only he works in proper and legitimate lines.
We wish to favor such a man when he does well.
We wish to supervise and control his actions only
to prevent him from doing ill. Publicity can do no
harm to the honest corporation ; and we need not be
overtender about sparing the dishonest corporation.
In curbing and regulating the combinations of
capital which are or may become injurious to the
public we must be careful not to stop the great
enterprises which have legitimately reduced the cost
of production, not to abandon the place which our

And State Papers 611

country has won in the leadership of the interna-
tional industrial world, not to strike down wealth
with the result of closing factories and mines, of
turning the wage-worker idle in the streets and leav-
ing the farmer without a market for what he grows.
Insistence upon the impossible means delay in achiev-
ing the possible, exactly as, on the other hand, the
stubborn defence alike of what is good and what
is bad in the existing system, the resolute effort to
obstruct any attempt at betterment, betrays blindness
to the historic truth that wise evolution is the sure
safeguard against revolution.

No more important subject can come before the
Congress than this of the regulation of interstate
business. This country can not afford to sit supine
on the plea that under our peculiar system of gov-
ernment we are helpless in the presence of the new
conditions, and unable to grapple with them or to
cut out whatever of evil has arisen in connection
with them. The power of the Congress to regulate
interstate commerce is an absolute and unqualified
grant, and without limitations other than those pre-
scribed by the Constitution. The Congress has con-
stituted authority to make all laws necessary and
proper for executing this power, and I am satisfied
that this power has not been exhausted by any legis-
lation now on the statute books. It is evident, there-
fore, that evils restrictive of commercial freedom
and entailing restraint upon national commerce fall
within the regulative power of the Congress, and
that a wise and reasonable law would be a necessary

612 Presidential Addresses

and proper exercise of Congressional authority to the
end that such evils should be eradicated.

I believe that monopolies, unjust discriminations,
which prevent or cripple competition, fraudulent
overcapitalization, and other evils in trust organiza-
tions and practices which injuriously affect interstate
trade can be prevented under the power of the Con-
gress to "regulate commerce with foreign nations
and among the several States" through regulations
and requirements operating directly upon such com-
merce, the instrumentalities thereof, and those en-
gaged therein.

I earnestly recommend this subject to the con-
sideration of the Congress with a view to the pas-
sage of a law reasonable in its provisions and ef-
fective in its operations, upon which the questions
can be finally adjudicated that now raise doubts as to
the necessity of constitutional amendment. If it
prove impossible to accomplish the purposes above
set forth by such a law, then, assuredly, we should
not shrink from amending the Constitution so as
to secure beyond peradventure the power sought.

The Congress has not heretofore made any appro-
priation for the better enforcement of the anti-trust
law as it now stands. Very much has been done
by the Department of Justice in securing the en-
forcement of this law, but much more could be done
if the Congress would make a special appropriation
for this purpose, to be expended under the direction
of the Attorney-General.

One proposition advocated has been the reduction

And State Papers 613

of the tariff as a means of reaching the evils of the
trusts which fall within the category I have de-
scribed. Not merely would this be wholly ineffec-
tive, but the diversion of our efforts in such a di-
rection would mean the abandonment of all intelli-
gent attempt to do away with these evils. Many of
the largest corporations, many of those which should
certainly be included in any proper scheme of regu-
lation, would not be affected in the slightest degree
by a change in the tariff, save as such change inter-
fered with the general prosperity of the country.
The only relation of the tariff to big corporations as
a whole is that the tariff makes manufactures profit-
able, and the tariff remedy proposed would be in
effect simply to make manufactures unprofitable. To
remove the tariff as a punitive measure directed
against trusts would inevitably result in ruin to the
weaker competitors who are struggling against
them. Our aim should be not by unwise tariff
changes to give foreign products the advantage over
domestic products, but by proper regulation to give
domestic competition a fair chance; and this end
can not be reached by any tariff changes which
would affect unfavorably all domestic competitors,
good and bad alike. The question of regulation of
the trusts stands apart from the question of tariff
revision.

Stability of economic policy must always be the
prime economic need of this country. This stability
should not be fossilization. The country has acqui-
esced in the wisdom of the protective-tariff principle.

614 Presidential Addresses

It is exceedingly undesirable that this system should
be destroyed or that there should be violent and radi-
cal changes therein. Our past experience shows
that great prosperity in this country has always
come under a protective tariff and that the country
can not prosper under fitful tariff changes at short
intervals. Moreover, if the tariff laws as a whole
work well, and if business has prospered under them
and is prospering, it is better to endure for a time
slight inconveniences and inequalities in some sched-
ules than to upset business by too quick and too radi-
cal changes. It is most earnestly to be wished that
we could treat the tariff from the standpoint solely
of our business needs. It is, perhaps, too much to
hope that partisanship may be entirely excluded from
consideration of the subject, but at least it can be
made secondary to the business interests of the
country — that is, to the interests of our people as a
whole. Unquestionably these business interests will
best be served if together with fixity of principle as
regards the tariff we combine a system which will
permit us from time to time to make the necessary
reapplication of the principle to the shifting national
needs. We must take scrupulous care that the re-
application shall be made in such a way that it will
not amount to a dislocation of our system, the
mere threat of which (not to speak of the perform-
ance) would produce paralysis in the business ener-
gies of the community. The first consideration in
making these changes would, of course, be to pre-
serve the principle which underlies our whole tariff

And State Papers 615

system — that is, the principle of putting American
business interests at least on a full equality with in-
terests abroad, and of always allowing a sufficient
rate of duty to more than cover the difference be-
tween the labor cost here and abroad. The well-
being of the wage-worker, like the well-being of the
tiller of the soil, should be treated as an essential in
shaping our whole economic policy. There must
never be any change which will jeopardize the stand-
ard of comfort, the standard of wages of the Ameri-
can wage-worker.

One way in which the readjustment sought can
be reached is by reciprocity treaties. It is greatly to
be desired that such treaties may be adopted. They
can be used to widen our markets and to give a
greater field for the activities of our producers on
the one hand, and on the other hand to secure in
practical shape the lowering of duties when they
are no longer needed for protection among our own
people, or when the minimum of damage done may
be disregarded for the sake of the maximum of
good accomplished. If it prove impossible to ratify
the pending treaties, and if there seem to be no
warrant for the endeavor to execute others, or to
amend the pending treaties so that they can be rati-
fied, then the same end — to secure reciprocity —
should be met by direct legislation.

Wherever the tariff conditions are such that a
needed change can not with advantage be made by
the application of the reciprocity idea, then it can
be made outright by a lowering of duties on a given

616 Presidential Addresses

product. If possible, such change should be made
only after the fullest consideration 'by practical ex-
perts, who should approach the subject from a busi-
ness standpoint, having in view both the particular
interests affected and the commercial well-being of
the people as a whole. The machinery for providing
such careful investigation can readily be supplied.
The executive department has already at its dis-
posal methods of collecting facts and figures ; and if
the Congress desires additional consideration to that
which will be given the subject by its own com-
mittees, then a commission of business experts can
be appointed whose duty it should be to recommend
action by the Congress after a deliberate and scien-
tific examination of the various schedules as they
are affected by the changed and changing conditions.
The unhurried and unbiased report of this com-
mission would show what changes should be made
in the various schedules, and how far these changes
could go without also changing the great prosperity
which this country is now enjoying, or upsetting its
fixed economic policy.

The cases in which the tariff can produce a mo-
nopoly are so few as to constitute an inconsiderable
factor in the question; but of course if in any case
it be found that a given rate of duty does promote
a monopoly which works ill, no protectionist would
object to such reduction of the duty as would equal-
ize competition.

In my judgment, the tariff on anthracite coal
should be removed, and anthracite put actually,

And State Papers 617

where it now is nominally, on the free list. This
would have no effect at all save in crises; but in
crises it might be of service to the people.

Interest rates are a potent factor in business activ-
ity, and in order that these rates may be equalized
to meet the varying needs of the seasons and of
widely separated communities, and to prevent the
recurrence of financial stringencies which injuriously
affect legitimate business, it is necessary that there
should be an element of elasticity in our monetary
system. Banks are the natural servants of com-
merce, "and upon them should be placed, as far as
practicable, the burden of furnishing and maintain-
ing a circulation adequate to supply the needs of
our diversified industries and of our domestic and
foreign commerce; and the issue of this should be
so regulated that a sufficient supply should be al-
ways available for the business interests of the
country.

It would be both unwise and unnecessary at this
time to attempt to reconstruct our financial system,
which has been the growth of a century; but some
additional legislation is, I think, desirable. The
mere outline of any plan sufficiently comprehensive
to meet these requirements would transgress the
appropriate limits of this communication. It is sug-
gested, however, that all future legislation on the
subject should be with the view of encouraging the
use of such instrumentalities as will automatically
supply every legitimate demand of productive in-
IO_VOL. XIV

618 Presidential Addresses

dustries and of commerce, not only in the amount,
but in the character of circulation; and of making
all kinds of money interchangeable, and, at the will
of the holder, convertible into the established gold
standard.

I again call your attention to the need of passing
a proper immigration law, covering the points out-
lined in my Message to you at the first session of
the present Congress; substantially such a bill has
already passed the House.

How to secure fair treatment alike for labor and
for capital, how to hold in check the unscrupulous
man, whether employer or employee, without weak-
ening individual initiative, without hampering and
cramping the industrial development of the country,
is a problem fraught with great difficulties and one
which it is of the highest importance to solve on
lines of sanity and far-sighted common-sense as well
as of devotion to the right. This is an era of federa-
tion and combination. Exactly as business men find
they must often work through corporations, and as
it is a constant tendency of these corporations to
grow larger, so it is often necessary for laboring
men to work in federations, and these have become
important factors of modern industrial life. Both
kinds of federation, capitalistic and labor, can do
much good, and as a necessary corollary they can
both do evil. Opposition to each kind of organiza-
tion should take the form of opposition to whatever
is bad in the conduct of any given corporation or un-

And State Papers 619

ion — not of attacks upon corporations as such nor up-
on unions as such ; for some of the most far-reaching
beneficent work for our people has been accomplished
through both corporations and unions. Each must
refrain from arbitrary or tyrannous interference
with the rights of others. Organized capital and
organized labor alike should remember that in the
long run the interest of each must be brought into
harmony with the interest of the general public ; and
the conduct of each must conform to the fundamen-
tal rules of obedience to the law, of individual free-
dom, and of justice and fair dealing toward all. Each
should remember that in addition to power it must
strive after the realization of healthy, lofty, and gen-
erous ideals. Every employer, ever wage-worker,
must be guaranteed his liberty and his right to do as
he likes with his property or his labor so long as he
does not infringe upon the rights of others. It is
of the highest importance that employer and em-
ployee alike should endeavor to appreciate each the
viewpoint of the other and the sure disaster that will
come upon both in the long run if either grows to
take as habitual an attitude of sour hostility and dis-
trust toward the other. Few people deserve better
of the country than those representatives both of
capital and labor — and there are many such — who
work continually to bring about a good understand-
ing of this kind, based upon wisdom and upon broad
and kindly sympathy between employers and em-
ployed. Above all, we need to remember that any
kind of class animosity in the political world is, if

620 Presidential Addresses

possible, even more wicked, even more destructive
to national welfare, than sectional, race, or religious
animosity. We can get good government only upon
condition that we keep true to the principles upon
which this Nation was founded, and judge each man
not as a part of a class, but upon his individual mer-
its. All that we have a right to ask of any man,
rich or poor, whatever his creed, his occupation, his
birthplace, or his residence, is that he shall act well
and honorably by his neighbor and by his country.
We are neither for the rich man as such nor for the
poor man as such ; we are for the upright man, rich
or poor. So far as the constitutional powers of the
National Government touch these matters of general
and vital moment to the Nation, they should be exer-
cised in conformity with the principles above set
forth.

It is earnestly hoped that a secretary of commerce
may be created, with a seat in the Cabinet. The
rapid multiplication of questions affecting labor and
capital, the growth and complexity of the organiza-
tions through which both labor and capital now find
expression, the steady tendency toward the employ-
ment of capital in huge corporations, and the
wonderful strides of this country toward leadership
in the international business world justify an urgent
demand for the creation of such a position. Sub-
stantially all the leading commercial bodies in this
country have united in requesting its creation. It
is desirable that some such measure as that which

And State Papers 621

has already passed the Senate be enacted into law.
The creation of such a department would in itself
be an advance toward dealing with and exercising
supervision over the whole subject of the great
corporations doing an interstate business; and with
this end in view, the Congress should endow the
department with large powers, which could be in-
creased as experience might show the need.

I hope soon to submit to the Senate a reciprocity
treaty with Cuba. On May 20 last the United
States kept its promise to the island by formally
vacating Cuban soil and turning Cuba over to those
whom her own people had chosen as the first officials
of the new republic.

Cuba lies at our doors, and whatever affects her
for good or for ill affects us also. So much have
our people felt this that in the Platt Amendment we
definitely took the ground that Cuba must hereafter
have closer political relations with us than with any
other power. Thus in a sense Cuba has become a
part of our international political system. This
makes it necessary that in return she should be given
some of the benefits of becoming part of our eco-
nomic system. It is, from our own standpoint, a
short-sighted and mischievous policy to fail to
recognize this need. Moreover, it is unworthy of
a mighty and generous nation, itself the greatest
and most successful republic in history, to refuse to
stretch out a helping hand to a young and weak
sister republic just entering upon its career of inde-

622 Presidential Addresses

pendence. We should always fearlessly insist upon
our rights in the face of the strong, and we should
with ungrudging hand do our generous duty by the
weak. I urge the adoption of reciprocity with Cuba
not only because it is eminently for our own inter-
ests to control the Cuban market and by every means
to foster our supremacy in the tropical lands and
waters south of us, but also because we, of the giant
republic of the north, should make all our sister na-
tions of the American Continent feel that whenever
they will permit it we desire to show ourselves dis-
interestedly and effectively their friend.

A convention with Great Britain has been con-
cluded, which will be at once laid before the Senate
for ratification, providing for reciprocal trade ar-
rangements between the United States and New-
foundland on substantially the lines of the conven-
tion formerly negotiated by the Secretary of State,
Mr. Elaine. I believe reciprocal trade relations will
be greatly to the advantage of both countries.

As civilization grows warfare becomes less and
less the normal condition of foreign relations. The
last century has seen a marked diminution of wars
between civilized powers; wars with uncivilized
powers are largely mere matters of international
police duty, essential for the welfare of the world.
Wherever possible, arbitration or some similar
method should be employed in lieu of war to "settle
difficulties between civilized nations, although as yet

And State Papers 623

the world has not progressed sufficiently to render
it possible, or necessarily desirable, to invoke arbi-
tration in every case. The formation of the inter-
national tribunal which sits at The Hague is an
event of good omen from which great consequences
for the welfare of all mankind may flow. It is
far better, where possible, to invoke such a perma-
nent tribunal than to create special arbitrators for
a given purpose.

It is a matter of sincere congratulation to our
country that the United States and Mexico should
have been the first to use the good offices of The
Hague Court. This was done last summer with
most satisfactory results in the case of a claim at
issue between us and our sister republic. It is
earnestly to be hoped that this first case will serve
as a precedent for others, in which not only the
United States but foreign nations may take ad-
vantage of the machinery already in existence at
The Hague.

I commend to the favorable consideration of the
Congress the Hawaiian fire claims, which were the
subject of careful investigation during the last
session.

The Congress has wisely provided that we shall
build at once an Isthmian Canal, if possible at Pana-
ma. The Attorney-General reports that we can un-
doubtedly acquire good title from the French Pana-
ma Canal Company. Negotiations are now pending
with Colombia to secure her assent to our building

624 Presidential Addresses

the canal. This canal will be one of the greatest
engineering feats of the twentieth century ; a greater
engineering feat than has yet been accomplished
during the history of mankind. The work should
be carried out as a continuing policy without re-
gard to change of Administration; and it should
be begun under circumstances which will make it
a matter of pride for all Administrations to continue
the policy.

The canal will be of great benefit to America,
and of importance to all the world. It will be of
advantage to us industrially and also as improving
our military position. It will be of advantage to
the countries of tropical America. It is earnestly
to be hoped that all of these countries will do as
some of them have already done with signal suc-
cess, and will invite to their shores commerce and
improve their material conditions by recognizing
that stability and order are the prerequisites of suc-
cessful development. No independent nation in
America need have the slightest fear of aggression
from the United States. It behooves each one to
maintain order within its own borders and to dis-
charge its just obligations to foreigners. When
this is done they can rest assured that, be they strong
or weak, they have nothing to dread from outside
interference. More and more the increasing inter-
dependence and complexity of international, politi-
cal, and economic relations render it incumbent on
all civilized and orderly powers to insist on the
proper policing of the world.

And State Papers 625

During the fall of 1901 a communication was
addressed to the Secretary of State, asking whether
permission would be granted by the President to
a corporation to lay a cable from a point on the
California coast to the Philippine Islands by way of
Hawaii. A statement of conditions or terms upon
which such corporation would undertake to lay and
operate a cable was volunteered.

Inasmuch as the Congress was shortly to convene,
and Pacific-cable legislation had been the subject of
consideration by the Congress for several years, it
seemdd to me wise to defer action upon the ap-
plication until the Congress had first an opportunity
to act. The Congress adjourned without taking
any action, leaving the matter in exactly the same
condition in which it stood when the Congress con-
vened.

Meanwhile it appears that the Commercial Pacific
Cable Company had promptly proceeded with prep-
arations for laying its cable. It also made applica-
tion to the President for access to and use of
soundings taken by the U. S. S. Nero, for the
purpose of discovering a practicable route for a
trans-Pacific cable, the company urging that with
access to these soundings it could complete its cable
much sooner than if it were required to take sound-
ings upon its own account. Pending consideration
of this subject, it appeared important and desirable
to attach certain conditions to the permission to ex-
amine and use the soundings, if it should be granted.

In consequence of this solicitation of the cable

626 Presidential Addresses

company, certain conditions were formulated, upon
which the President was willing to allow access to
these soundings and to consent to the landing and
laying of the cable, subject to any alterations or ad-
ditions thereto imposed by the Congress. This was
deemed proper, especially as it was clear that a cable
connection of some kind with China, a foreign coun-
try, was a part of the company's plan. This course
was, moreover, in accordance with a line of prec-
edents, including President Grant's action in the
case of the first French cable, explained to the Con-
gress in his Annual Message of December, 1875,
and the instance occurring in 1879 of the second
French cable from Brest to St. Pierre, with a branch
to Cape Cod.

These conditions prescribed, among other things,
a maximum rate for commercial messages and that
the company should construct a line from the Philip-
pine Islands to China, there being at present, as is
well known, a British line from Manila to Hong-
kong.

The representatives of the cable company kept
these conditions long under consideration, continu-
ing, in the meantime, to prepare for laying the cable.
They have, however, at length acceded to them, and
an all-American line between our Pacific coast and
the Chinese Empire, by way of Honolulu and the
Philippine Islands, is thus provided for, and is ex-
pected within a few months to be ready for business.

Among the conditions is one reserving the power
of the Congress to modify or repeal any or all of

And State Papers 627

them. A copy of the conditions is herewith trans-
mitted.

Of Porto Rico it is only necessary to say that
the prosperity of the island and the wisdom with
which it has been governed have been such as to
make it serve as an example of all that is best in
insular administration.

On July 4 last, on the one hundred and twenty-
sixth anniversary of the declaration of our inde-
pendence, peace and amnesty were promulgated in
the Philippine Islands. Some trouble has since from
time to time threatened with the Mohammedan Mo-
ros, but with the late insurrectionary Filipinos the
war has entirely ceased. Civil government has now
been introduced. Not only does each Filipino en-
joy such rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness as he has never before known during
the recorded history of the islands, but the people
taken as a whole now enjoy a measure of self-
government greater than that granted to any other
Orientals by any foregn power and greater than
that enjoyed by any other Orientals under their own
governments, save the Japanese alone. We have
not gone too far in granting these rights of liberty
and self-government; but we have certainly gone
to the limit that in the interests of the Philippine
people themselves it was wise or just to go. To
hurry matters, to go faster than we are now going,
would entail calamity on the people of the islands.

628 Presidential Addresses

No policy ever entered into by the American people
has vindicated itself in more signal manner than the
policy of holding the Philippines. The triumph of
our arms, above all the triumph of our laws and
principles, has come sooner than we had any right
to expect. Too much praise can not be given to
the army for what it has done in the Philippines'
both in warfare and from an administrative stand-
point in preparing the way for civil government;
and similar credit belongs to the civil authorities
for the way in which they have planted the seeds
of self-government in the ground thus made ready
for them. The courage, the unflinching endurance,
the high soldierly efficiency, and the general kind-
heartedness and humanity of our troops have been
strikingly manifested. There now remain only some
fifteen thousand troops in the islands. All told,
over one hundred thousand have been sent there.
Of course, there have been individual instances of
wrongdoing among them. They warred under fear-
ful difficulties of climate and surroundings; and
under the strain of the terrible provocations which
they continually received from their foes, occasional
instances of cruel retaliation occurred. Every ef-
fort has been made to prevent such cruelties, and
finally these efforts have been completely success-
ful. Every effort has also been made to detect and
punish the wrongdoers. After making all allow-
ance for these misdeeds, it remains true that few
indeed have been the instances in which war has
been waged by a civilized power against semi-civ-

And State Papers 629

ilized or barbarous forces where there has been so
little wrongdoing by the victors as in the Philip-
pine Islands. On the other hand, the amount of
difficult, important, and beneficent work which has
been done is wellnigh incalculable.

Taking the work of the army and the civil au-
thorities together, it may be questioned whether
anywhere else in modern times the world has seen
a better example of real constructive statesmanship
than our people have given in the Philippine Islands.
High praise should also be given those Filipinos,
in the aggregate very numerous, who have accepted
the new conditions and joined with our representa-
tives to work with hearty good-will for the welfare
of the islands.

The army has been reduced to the minimum al-
lowed by law. It is very small for the size of the
nation, and most certainly should be kept at the
highest point of efficiency. The senior officers are
given scant chance under ordinary conditions to ex-
ercise commands commensurate with their rank, un-
der circumstances which would fit them to do their
duty in the time of actual war. A system of ma-
noeuvring our army in bodies of some little size has
been begun and should be steadily continued. With-
out such manoeuvres it is folly to expect that in the
event of hostilities with any serious foe even a
small army corps could be handled to advantage.
Both our officers and enlisted men are such that we
can take hearty pride in them. No better material
can be found. But they must be thoroughly trained,

630 Presidential Addresses

both as individuals and in the mass. The marks-
manship of the men must receive special attention. In
the circumstances of modern warfare the man must
act far more on his own individual responsibility
than ever before, and the high individual efficiency
of the unit is of the utmost importance. Formerly
this unit was the regiment; it is now not the regi-
ment, not even the troop or company; it is the in-
dividual soldier. Every effort must be made to
develop every workmanlike and soldierly quality in
both the officer and the enlisted man.

I urgently call your attention to the need of pass-
ing a bill providing for a general staff and for the
reorganization of the supply departments on the
lines of the bill proposed by the Secretary of War
last year. When the young officers enter the army
from West Point they probably stand above their
compeers in any other military service. Every ef-
fort should be made, by training, by reward of
merit, by scrutiny into their careers and capacity,
to keep them of the same high relative excellence
throughout their careers.

The measure providing for the reorganization of
the militia system and for securing the highest effi-
ciency in the National Guard, which has already
passed the House, should receive prompt attention
and action. It is of great importance that the re-
lation of the National Guard to the militia and vol-
unteer forces of the United States should be de-
fined, and that in place of our present obsolete laws
a practical and efficient system should be adopted.

And State Papers 631

Provision should be made to enable the Secretary
of War to keep cavalry and artillery horses, worn-
out in long performance of duty. Such horses fetch
but a trifle when sold; and rather than turn them
out to the misery awaiting them when thus dis-
posed of, it would be better to employ them at light
work around the posts, and when necessary to put
them painlessly to death.

For the first time in our history naval manoeuvres
on a large scale are being held under the immediate
command of the admiral of the navy. Constantly
increasing attention is being paid to the gunnery
of the navy, but it is yet far from what it should
be. I earnestly urge that the increase asked for by
the Secretary of the Navy in the appropriation for
improving the marksmanship be granted. In bat-
tle the only shots that count are the shots that hit.
It is necessary to provide ample funds for practice
with the great guns in time of peace. These funds
must provide not only for the purchase of projectiles,
but for allowances for prizes to encourage the gun
crews, and especially the gun pointers, and for
perfecting an intelligent system under which alone
it is possible to get good practice.

There should be no halt in the work of build-
ing up the navy, providing every year additional
fighting craft. We are a very rich country, vast
in extent of territory and great in population; a
country, moreover, which has an army diminutive
indeed when compared with that of any other first-

632 Presidential Addresses

class power. We have deliberately made our own
certain foreign policies which demand the posses-
sion of a first-class navy. The Isthmian Canal will
greatly increase the efficiency of our navy if the
navy is of sufficient size; but if we have an inade-
quate navy, then the building of the canal would
be merely giving a hostage to any power of superior
strength. The Monroe Doctrine should be treated
as the cardinal feature of American foreign policy;
but it would be worse than idle to assert it unless
we intended to back it up, and it can be backed
up only by a thoroughly good navy. A good navy
is not a provocative of war. It is the surest guar-
anty of peace.

Each individual unit of our navy should be the
most efficient of its kind as regards both material
and personnel that is to be found in the world. I
call your special attention to the need of providing
for the manning of the ships. Serious trouble
threatens us if we can not do better than we are
now doing as regards securing the services of a
sufficient number of the highest type of sailormen,
of sea mechanics. The veteran seamen of our war-
ships are of as high a type as can be found in any
navy which rides the waters of the world ; they are
unsurpassed in daring, in resolution, in readiness, in
thorough knowledge of their profession. They de-
serve every consideration that can be shown them.
But there are not enough of them. It is no more
possible to improvise a crew than it is possible to im-
provise a warship. To build the finest ship, with

And State Papers 633

the deadliest battery, and to send it afloat with a
raw crew, no matter how brave they were individu-
ally, would be to insure disaster if a foe of average
capacity were encountered. Neither ships nor men
can be improvised when war has begun.

We need a thousand additional officers in order
to properly man the ships now provided for and
under construction. The classes at the naval school
at Annapolis should be greatly enlarged. At the
same time that we thus add the officers where we
need them, we should facilitate the retirement of
those at the head of the list whose usefulness has
become impaired. Promotion must be fostered if
the service is to be kept efficient.

The lamentable scarcity of officers, and the large
number of recruits and of unskilled men necessarily
put aboard the new vessels as they have been com-
missioned, has thrown upon our officers, and espe-
cially on the lieutenants and junior grades, unusual
labor and fatigue and has gravely strained their
powers of endurance. Nor is there sign of any im-
mediate let-up in this strain. It must continue for
some time longer, until more officers are graduated
from Annapolis, and until the recruits become trained
and skilful in their duties. In these difficulties inci-
dent upon the development of our war fleet the con-
duct of all our officers has been creditable to the
service, and the lieutenants and junior grades in
particular have displayed an ability and a stead-
fast cheerfulness which entitles them to the un-
grudging thanks of all who realize the disheartening

634 Presidential Addresses

trials and fatigues to which they are of necessity
subjected.

There is not a cloud on the horizon at present.
There seems not the slightest chance of trouble with
a foreign power. We most earnestly hope that this
state of things may continue ; and the way to insure
its continuance is to provide for a thoroughly effi-
cient navy. The refusal to maintain such a navy
would invite trouble, and if trouble came would en-
sure disaster. Fatuous self-complacency or vanity,
or short-sightedness in refusing to prepare for dan-
ger, is both foolish and wicked in such a nation as
ours ; and past experience has shown that such fatu-
ity in refusing to recognize or prepare for any crisis
in advance is usually succeeded by a mad panic of
hysterical fear once the crisis has actually arrived.

The striking increase in the revenues of the Post-
Office Department shows clearly the prosperity of
our people and the increasing activity of the business
of the country.

The receipts of the Post-Office Department for
the fiscal year ending June 30 last amounted to $121,-
848,047.26, an increase of $10,216,853.87 over the
preceding year, the largest increase known in the his-
tory of the postal service. The magnitude of this
increase will best appear from the fact that the en-
tire postal receipts for the year 1860 amounted to
but $8,518,067.

Rural free-delivery service is no longer in the ex-
perimental stage ; it has become a fixed policy. The

And State Papers 635

results following its introduction have fully justified
the Congress in the large appropriations made for its
establishment and extension. The average yearly
increase in post-office receipts in the rural districts
of the country is about two per cent. We are now
able, by actual results, to show that where rural free-
delivery service has been established to such an ex-
tent as to enable us to make comparisons the yearly
increase has been upward of ten per cent.

On November i, 1902, 11,650 rural free-delivery
routes had been established and were in operation,
covering about one-third of the territory of the
United States available for rural free-delivery ser-
vice. There are now awaiting the action of the De-
partment petitions and applications for the estab-
lishment of 10,748 additional routes. This shows
conclusively the want which the establishment of
the service has met and the need of further extend-
ing it as rapidly as possible. It is justified both by
the financial results and by the practical benefits to
our rural population ; it brings the men who live on
the soil into close relations with the active business
world; it keeps the farmer in daily touch with the
markets; it is a potential educational force; it en-
hances the value of farm property, makes farm life
far pleasanter and less isolated, and will do much
to check the undesirable current from country to
city.

It is to be hoped that the Congress will make lib-
eral appropriations for the continuance of the service
already established and for its further extension.

636 Presidential Addresses

Few subjects of more importance have been taken
up by the Congress in recent years than the inaugu-
ration of the system of nationally- aided irrigation
for the arid regions of the far West. A good be-
ginning therein has been made. Now that this pol-
icy of national irrigation has been adopted, the need
of thorough and scientific forest protection will grow
more rapidly than ever throughout the public-land
States.

Legislation should be provided for the protection
of the game, and the wild creatures generally, on
the forest reserves. The senseless slaughter of
game, which can by judicious protection be perma-
nently preserved on our national reserves for the
people as a whole, should be stopped at once. It is,
for instance, a serious count against our national
good sense to permit the present practice of butcher-
ing off such a stately and beautiful creature as the
elk for its antlers or tusks.

So far as they are available for agriculture, and
to whatever extent they may be reclaimed under the
national irrigation law, the remaining public lands
should be held rigidly for the home builder, the set-
tler who lives on his land, and for no one else. In
their actual use the desert-land law, the timber and
stone law, and the commutation clause of the home-
stead law have been so perverted from the intention
with which they were enacted as to permit the ac-
quisition of large areas of the public domain for
other than actual settlers and the consequent preven-
tion of settlement. Moreover, the approaching ex-

And State Papers 637

haustion of the public ranges has of late led to much
discussion as to the best manner of using these public
lands in the West which are suitable chiefly or only
for grazing. The sound and steady development of
the West depends upon the building up of homes
therein. Much of our prosperity as a nation has
been due to the operation of the homestead law. On
the other hand, we should recognize the fact that in
the grazing region the man who corresponds to the
homesteader may be unable to settle permanently if
only allowed to use the same amount of pasture land
that his brother, the homesteader, is allowed to use
of arable land. One hundred and sixty acres of
fairly rich and well-watered soil, or a much smaller
amount of irrigated land, may keep a family in
plenty, whereas no one could get a living from one
hundred and sixty acres of dry pasture land capable
of supporting at the outside only one head of cattle
to every ten acres. In the past great tracts of the
public domain have been fenced in by persons hav-
ing no title thereto, in direct defiance of the law for-
bidding the maintenance or construction of any such
unlawful inclosure of public land. For various rea-
sons there has been little interference with such in-
closures in the past, but ample notice has now been
given the trespassers, and all the resources at the
command of the Government will hereafter be used
to put a stop to such trespassing.

In view of the capital importance of these matters,
I commend them to the earnest consideration of the
Congress, and if the Congress finds difficulty in deal-

638 Presidential Addresses

ing with them from lack of thorough knowledge of
the subject, I recommend that provision be made for
a commission of experts specially to investigate and
report upon the complicated questions involved.

I especially urge upon the Congress the need of
wise legislation for Alaska. It is not to our credit
as a nation that Alaska, which has been ours for
thirty-five years, should still have as poor a system
of laws as is the case. No country has a more valu-
able possession — in mineral wealth, in fisheries, furs,
forests, and also in land available for certain kinds
of farming and stock-growing. It is a territory of
great size and varied resources, well fitted to support
a large permanent population. Alaska needs a good
land la wand such provisions for homesteads and pre-
emptions as will encourage permanent settlement.
We should shape legislation with a view not to the
exploiting and abandoning of the territory, but to
the building up of homes therein. The land laws
should be liberal in type, so as to hold out induce-
ments to the actual settler whom we most desire to
see take possession of the country. The forests of
Alaska should be protected, and, as a secondary but
still important matter, the game also, and at the
same time it is imperative that the settlers should
be allowed to cut timber, under proper regulations,
for their own use. Laws should be enacted to pro-
tect the Alaskan salmon fisheries against the greed
which would destroy them. They should be pre-
served as a permanent industry and food supply.

And State Papers 639

Their management and control should be turned over
to the Commission of Fish and Fisheries. Alaska
should have a Delegate in the Congress. It would
be well if a Congressional committee could visit
Alaska and investigate its needs on the ground.

In dealing with the Indians our aim should be
their ultimate absorption into the body of our peo-
ple. But in many cases this absorption must and
should be very slow. In portions of the Indian Ter-
ritory the mixture of blood has gone on at the same
time with progress in wealth and education, so that
there are plenty of men with varying degrees of
purity of Indian blood who are absolutely indistin-
guishable in point of social, political, and economic
ability from their white associates. There are other
tribes which have as yet made no perceptible advance
toward such equality. To try to force such tribes
too fast is to prevent their going forward at all.
Moreover, the tribes live under widely different con-
ditions. Where a tribe has made considerable ad-
vance and lives on fertile farming soil it is possible
to allot the members lands in severalty much as is
the case with white settlers. There are other tribes
where such a course is not desirable. On the arid"
prairie lands the effort should be to induce the In-
dians to lead pastoral rather than agricultural lives,
and to permit them to settle in villages rather than
to force them into isolation.

The large Indian schools situated remote from
any Indian reservation do a special and peculiar work

640 Presidential Addresses

of great importance. But, excellent though these
are, an immense amount of additional work must be
done on the reservations themselves among the old,
and above all among the young, Indians.

The first and most important step toward the ab-
sorption of the Indian is to teach him to earn his
living ; yet it is not necessarily to be assumed that in
each community all Indians "must become either till-
ers of the soil or stock raisers. Their industries may
properly be diversified, and those who show special
desire or adaptability for industrial or even commer-
tial pursuits should be encouraged so far as practica-
ble to follow out each his own bent.

Every effort should be made to develop the In-
dian along the lines of natural aptitude, and to en-
courage the existing native industries peculiar to
certain tribes, such as the various kinds of basket
weaving, canoe building, smith work, and blanket
work. Above all, the Indian boys and girls should
be given confident command of colloquial English,
and should ordinarily be prepared for a vigorous
struggle with the conditions under which their peo-
ple live, rather than for immediate absorption into
some more highly developed community.

The officials who represent the Government in
dealing with the Indians work under hard condi-
tions, and also under conditions which render it
easy to do wrong, and very difficult to detect wrong.
Consequently they should be amply paid on the one
hand, and on the other hand a particularly high
standard of conduct should be demanded from them,

And State Papers 641

and where misconduct can be proved the punishment
should be exemplary.

In no department of governmental work in re-
cent years has there been greater success than in that
of giving scientific aid to the farming, population,
thereby showing them how most efficiently to help
themselves. There is no need of insisting upon its
importance, for the welfare of the farmer is funda-
mentally necessary to the welfare of the Republic
as a whole. In addition to such work as quarantine
against animal and vegetable plagues, and warring
against them when here introduced, much efficient
help has been rendered to the farmer by the intro-
duction of new plants specially fitted for cultivation
under the peculiar conditions existing in different
portions pf the country. New cereals have been es-
tablished in the semi-arid West. For instance, the
practicability of producing the best types of maca-
roni wheats in regions of an annual rainfall of only
ten inches or thereabouts has been conclusively dem-
onstrated. Through the introduction of new rices
in Louisiana and Texas the production of rice in this
country has been made to about equal the home de-
mand. In the Southwest the possibility of regrass-
ing over-stocked range lands has been demonstrated ;
in the North many new forage crops have been
introduced, while in the East it has been shown
that some of our choicest fruits can be stored and
shipped in such a way as to find a profitable market
abroad.

IT— VOL. XIV

642 Presidential Addresses

I again recommend to the favorable consideration
of the Congress the plans of the Smithsonian Insti-
tution for making the Museum under its charge
worthy of the Nation, and for preserving at the Na-
tional Capital not only records of the vanishing races
of men but of the animals of this continent which,
like the buffalo, will soon become extinct unless spec-
imens from which their representatives may be re-
newed are sought in their native regions and main-
tained there in safety.

The District of Columbia is the only part of our
territory in which the National Government exer-
cises local or municipal functions, and where in
consequence the Government has a free hand in ref-
erence to certain types of social and economic legis-
lation which must be essentially local or municipal
in their character. The Government should see to
it, for instance, that the hygienic and sanitary legis-
lation affecting Washington is of a high character.
The evils of slum dwellings, whether in the shape
of crowded and congested tenement-house districts
or of the back-alley type, should never be permitted
to grow up in Washington. The city should be a
model in every respect for all the cities of the coun-
try. The charitable and correctional systems of the
District should receive consideration at the hands of
the Congress to the end that they may embody the
results of the most advanced thought in these fields.
Moreover, while Washington is not a great indus-
trial city, there is some industrialism here, and our

And State Papers 643

labor legislation, while it would not be important in
itself, might be made a model for the rest of the
Nation. We should pass, for instance, a wise em-
ployer's-liability act for the District of Columbia,
and we need such an act in our navy yards. Rail-
road companies in the District ought to be required
by law to block their frogs.

The safety-appliance law, for the better protection
of the lives and limbs of railway employees, which
was passed in 1893, went into full effect on August
i, 1901. It has resulted in averting thousands of
casualties. Experience shows, however, the neces-
sity of additional legislation to perfect this law. A
bill to provide for this passed the Senate at the last
session. It is to be hoped that some such measure
may now be enacted into law.

There is a growing tendency to provide for the
publication of masses of documents for which there
is no public demand and for the printing of which
there is no real necessity. Large numbers of vol-
umes are turned out by the Government printing
presses for which there is no justification. Nothing
should be printed by any of the Departments unless
it contains something of permanent value, and the
Congress could with advantage cut down very mate-
rially on all the printing which it has now become
customary to provide. The excessive cost of Gov-
ernment printing is a strong argument against the
position of those who are inclined on abstract

644 Presidential Addresses

grounds to advocate the Government's doing any
work which can with propriety be left in private
hands.

•

Gratifying progress has been made during the
year in the extension of the merit system of making
appointments in the Government service. It should
be extended by law to the District of Columbia. It
is much to be desired that our consular system be
established by law on a basis providing for appoint-
ment and promotion only in consequence of proved
fitness.

Through a wise provision of the Congress at its
last session, the White House, which had become
disfigured by incongruous additions and changes,
has now been restored to what it was planned to be
by Washington. In making the restorations the
utmost care has been exercised to come as near as
possible to the early plans and to supplement these
plans by a careful study of such buildings as that of
the University of Virginia, which was built by Jef-
ferson. The White House is the property of the
Nation, and so far as is compatible with living there-
in it should be kept as it originally was, for the same
reasons that we keep Mount Vernon as it originally
was. The stately simplicity of its architecture is
an expression of the character of the period in which
it was built, and is in accord with the purposes it was
designed to serve. It is a good thing to preserve
such buildings as historic monuments which keep

And State Papers 645

alive our sense of continuity with the Nation's
past.

The reports of the several Executive Departments ,
are submitted to the Congress with this communi-
cation.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
WHITE HOUSE,
December 2,

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO
HOUSES OF CONGRESS AT THE BEGIN-
NING OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE
FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I have convened the Congress that it may con-
sider the legislation necessary to put into operation
the commercial treaty with Cuba, which was ratified
by the Senate at its last session, and subsequently
by the Cuban Government. I deem such legislation
demanded not only by our interest but by our honor.
We can not with propriety abandon the course upon
which we have so wisely embarked. When the ac-
ceptance of the Platt Amendment was required from
Cuba by the action of the Congress of the United
States, this Government thereby definitely commit-
ted itself to the policy of treating Cuba as occupying
a unique position as regards this country. It was
provided that when the island became a free and in-
dependent republic she should stand in such close

646 Presidential Addresses

relations with us as in certain respects to come with-
in our system of international policy; and it neces-
sarily followed that she must also to a certain degree
become included within the lines of our economic
policy. Situated as Cuba is, it would not be pos-
sible for this country to permit the strategic abuse
of the island by any foreign military power. It is
for this reason that certain limitations have been
imposed upon her financial policy, and that naval
stations have been conceded by her to the United
States. The negotiations as to the details of these
naval stations are on the eve of completion. They
are so situated as to prevent any idea that there is
the intention ever to use them against Cuba, or
otherwise than for the protection of Cuba from the
assaults of foreign foes, and for the better safe-
guarding of American interests in the waters south
of us.

These interests have been largely increased by the
consequences of the war with Spain, and will be still
further increased by the building of the Isthmian
Canal. They are both military and economic. The
granting to us by Cuba of the naval stations above
alluded to is of the utmost importance from a mili-
tary standpoint, and is proof of the good faith with
which Cuba is treating us. Cuba has made great
progress since her independence was established.
She has advanced steadily in every way. She al-
ready stands high among her sister republics of the
New World. She is loyally observing her obligations
to us; and she is entitled to like treatment by us.

And State Papers 647

The treaty submitted to you for approval secures
to the United States economic advantages as great
as those given to Cuba. Not an American interest
is sacrificed. By the treaty a large Cuban market is
secured to our producers. It is a market which lies
at our doors, which is already large, which is capa-
ble of great expansion, and which is especially im-
portant to the development of our export trade. It
would be indeed shortsighted for us to refuse to
take advantage of such an opportunity, and to force
Cuba into making arrangements with other countries
to our disadvantage.

This reciprocity treaty stands by itself. It is de-
manded on considerations of broad national policy
as well as by our economic interest. It will do harm
to no industry. It will benefit many industries. It
is in the interest of our people as a whole, both be-
cause of its importance from the broad standpoint
of international policy, and because economically it
intimately concerns us to develop and secure the rich
Cuban market for our farmers, artisans, merchants,
and manufacturers. Finally, Jt is desirable as a
guaranty of the good faith of our Nation toward
her young sister republic to the south, whose wel-
fare must ever be closely bound with ours. We gave
her liberty. We are knit to her by the memories
of the blood and the courage of our soldiers who
fought for her in war ; by the memory of the wisdom
and integrity of our administrators who served her
in peace and who started her so well on the difficult
path of self-government. We must help her onward

648 Presidential Addresses

and upward; and in helping her we shall help our-
selves.

The foregoing considerations caused the negotia-
tions of the treaty with Cuba and its ratification by
the Senate. They now with equal force support
the legislation by the Congress which by the terms
of the treaty is necessary to render it operative. A
failure to enact such legislation would come peril-
ously near a repudiation of the pledged faith of the
Nation.

I transmit herewith the treaty, as amended by the
Senate and ratified by the Cuban Government.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

WHITE HOUSE,
November 10, 1903.

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO
HOUSES OF CONGRESS AT THE BEGIN-
NING OF THE SECOND SESSION OF THE
FIFTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

The country is to be congratulated on the amount
of substantial achievement which has marked the
past year both as regards our foreign and as regards
our domestic policy.

With a nation as with a man the most important
things are those of the household, and therefore the
country is especially to be congratulated on what
has been accomplished in the direction of providing

And State Papers 649

for the exercise of supervision over the great cor-
porations and combinations of corporations engaged
in interstate commerce. The Congress has created
the Department of Commerce and Labor, including
the Bureau of Corporations, with for the first time
authority to secure proper publicity of such proceed-
ings of these great corporations as the public has
the right to know. It has provided for the expedit-
ing of suits for the enforcement of the Federal anti-
trust law; and by another law it has secured equal
treatment to all producers in the transportation of
their goods, thus taking a long stride forward in
making effective the work of the Interstate Com-
merce Commission.

The establishment of the Department of Com-
merce and Labor, with the Bureau of Corporations
thereunder, marks a real advance in the direction of
doing all that is possible for the solution of the ques-
tions vitally affecting capitalists and wage-workers.
The act creating the Department was approved on
February 14, 1903, and two days later the head
of the Department was nominated and confirmed
by the Senate. Since then the work of organization
has been pushed as rapidly as the initial appropria-
tions permitted, and with due regard to thorough-
ness and the broad purposes which the Department
is designed to serve. After the transfer of the
various bureaus and branches to the Department at
the beginning of the current fiscal year, as provided
for in the act, the personnel comprised 1,289 em"
ployees in Washington and 8,836 in the country at

650 Presidential Addresses

large. The scope of the Department's duty and
authority embraces the commercial and industrial
interests of the Nation. It is not designed to restrict
or control the fullest liberty of legitimate business
action, but to secure exact and authentic informa-
tion which will aid the Executive in enforcing
existing laws, and which will enable the Congress to
enact additional legislation, if any should be found
necessary, in order to prevent the few from obtaining
privileges at the expense of diminished opportuni-
ties for the many.

The preliminary work of the Bureau of Corpora-
tions in the Department has shown the wisdom of
its creation. Publicity in corporate affairs will tend
to do away with ignorance, and will afford facts
upon which intelligent action may be taken. Sys-
tematic, intelligent investigation is already develop-
ing facts the knowledge of which is essential to a
right understanding of the needs and duties of the
business world. The corporation which is honestly
and fairly organized, whose managers in the«conduct
of its business recognize their obligation to deal
squarely with their stockholders, their competitors,
and the public, has nothing to fear from such super-
vision. The purpose of this Bureau is not to em-
barrass or assail legitimate business, but to aid in
bringing about a better industrial condition — a con-
dition under which there shall be obedience to law
and recognition of public obligation by all corpora-
tions, great or small. The Department of Com-
merce and Labor will be not only the clearing house

And State Papers 651

for information regarding the business transactions
of the Nation but the executive arm of the Govern-
ment to aid in strengthening our domestic and for-
eign markets, in perfecting our transportation fa-
cilities, in building up our merchant marine, in pre-
venting the entrance of undesirable immigrants, in
improving commercial and industrial conditions, and
in bringing together on common ground those neces-
sary partners in industrial progress — capital and
labor. Commerce between the nations is steadily
growing in volume, and the tendency of the times is
toward closer trade relations. Constant watchful-
ness is needed to secure to Americans the chance to
participate to the best advantage in foreign trade;
and we may confidently expect that the new Depart-
ment will justify the expectation of its creators by
the exercise of this watchfulness, as well as by the
businesslike administration of such laws relating to
our internal affairs as are intrusted to its care.

In enacting the laws above enumerated the Con-
gress proceeded on sane and conservative lines.
Nothing revolutionary was attempted; but a com-
mon-sense and successful effort was made in the
direction of seeing that corporations are so handled
as to subserve the public good. The legislation was
moderate. It was characterized throughout by the
idea that we were not attacking corporations, but en-
deavoring to provide for doing away with any evil
in them; that we drew the line against misconduct,
not against wealth; gladly recognizing the great
good done by the capitalist who alone, or in con-

652 Presidential Addresses

junction with his fellows, does his work along proper
and legitimate lines. The purpose of the legislation,
which purpose will undoubtedly be fulfilled, was
to favor such a man when he does well, and to super-
vise his action only to prevent him from doing ill.
Publicity can do no harm to the honest corporation.
The only corporation that has cause to dread it is the
corporation which shrinks from the light, and about
the welfare of such corporations we need not be over-
sensitive. The work of the Department of Com-
merce and Labor has been conditioned upon this
theory, of securing fair treatment alike for labor and
for capital.

The consistent policy of the National Government,
so far as it has the power, is to hold in check the
unscrupulous man, whether employer or employee;
but to refuse to weaken individual initiative or to
hamper or cramp the industrial development of the
country. We recognize that this is an era of fed-
eration and combination, in which great capitalistic
corporations and labor unions have become factors
of tremendous importance in all industrial centres.
Hearty recognition is given the far-reaching, be-
neficent work which has been accomplished through
both corporations and unions, and the line as be-
tween different corporations, as between different
unions, is drawn as it is between different individ-
uals ; that is, it is drawn on conduct, the effort being
to treat both organized capital and organized labor
alike, asking nothing save that the interest of each

And State Papers 653

shall be brought into harmony with the interest of
the general public, and that the conduct of each shall
conform to the fundamental rules of obedience to
law, of individual freedom, and of justice and fair
dealing towards all. Whenever either corporation,
labor union, or individual disregards the law or acts
in a spirit of arbitrary and tyrannous interference
with the rights of others, whether corporations or
individuals, then where the Federal Government
has jurisdiction, it will see to it that the misconduct
is stopped, paying not the slightest heed to the posi-
tion or power of the corporation, the union or the
individual, but only to one vital fact — that is, the
question whether or not the conduct of the individual
or aggregate of individuals is in accordance with the
law of the land. Every man must be guaranteed
his liberty and his right to do as he likes with his
property or his labor, so long as he does not in-
fringe the rights of others. No man is above the
law and no man is below it; nor do we ask any
man's permission when we require him to obey it.
Obedience to the law is demanded as a right; not
asked as a favor.

We have cause as a Nation to be thankful for the
steps that have been so successfully taken to put
these principles into effect. The progress has been
by evolution, not by revolution. Nothing radical
has been done; the action has been both moderate
and resolute. Therefore the work will stand. There
shall be no backward step. If in the working of the
laws it proves desirable that they shall at any point

654 Presidential Addresses

be expanded or amplified, the amendment can be
made as its desirability is shown. Meanwhile they
are being administered with judgment, but with in-
sistence upon obedience to them ; and their need has
been emphasized in signal fashion by the events of
the past year.

From all sources, exclusive of the postal service,
the receipts of the Government for the last fiscal year
aggregated $560,396,674. The expenditures for the
same period were $506,099,007, the surplus for the
fiscal year being $54,297,667. The indications are
that the surplus for the present fiscal year will be
very small, if indeed there be any surplus. From
July to November the receipts from customs were,
approximately, nine million dollars less than the
receipts from the same source for a corresponding
portion of last year. Should this decrease continue
at the same ratio throughout the fiscal year, the
surplus would be reduced by, approximately, thirty
million dollars. Should the revenue from customs
suffer much further decrease during the fiscal year,
the surplus would vanish. A large surplus is cer-
tainly undesirable. Two years ago the war taxes
were taken off with the express intention of equaliz-
ing the governmental receipts and expenditures,
and though the first year thereafter still showed a
surplus, it now seems likely that a substantial equal-
ity of revenue and expenditure will be attained.
Such being the case it is of great moment both to
exercise care and economy in appropriations, and

And State Papers 655

to scan sharply any change in our fiscal revenue sys-
tem which may reduce our income. The need of
strict economy in our expenditures is emphasized by
the fact that we can not afford to be parsimonious in
providing for what is essential to our national well-
being. Careful economy wherever possible will alone
prevent our income from falling below the point re-
quired in order to meet our genuine needs.

The integrity of our currency is beyond question,
and under present conditions it would be unwise
and unnecessary to attempt a reconstruction of our
entire monetary system. The same liberty should
be granted the Secretary of the Treasury to deposit
customs receipts as is granted him in the deposit of
receipts from other sources. In my Message of De-
cember 2, 1902, I called attention to certain needs
of the financial situation, and I again ask the consid-
eration of the Congress for these questions.

During the last session of the Congress, at the
suggestion of a joint note from the Republic of
Mexico and the Imperial Government of China, and
in harmony with an act of the Congress appro-
priating $25,000 to pay the expenses thereof, a com-
mission was appointed to confer with the principal
European countries in the hope that some plan might
be devised whereby a fixed rate of exchange could
be assured between the gold-standard countries and
the silver-standard countries. This commission has
filed its preliminary report, which has been made
public. I deem it important that the commission be

656 Presidential Addresses

continued, and that a sum of money be appropriated
sufficient to pay the expenses of its further labors.

A majority of our people desire that steps be taken
in the interests of American shipping, so that we may
once more resume our former position in the ocean
carrying trade. But hitherto the differences of opin-
ion as to the proper method of reaching this end
have been so wide that it has proved impossible to
secure the adoption of any particular scheme. Hav-
ing in view these facts, I recommend that the Con-
gress direct the Secretary of the Navy, the Post-
master-General, and the Secretary of Commerce
and Labor, associated with such a representation
from the Senate and House of Representatives as the
Congress in its wisdom may designate, to serve as a
commission for the purpose of investigating and
•reporting to the Congress at its next session what
legislation is desirable or necessary for the develop-
ment of the American merchant marine and Ameri-
can commerce, and incidentally of a national ocean
mail service of adequate auxiliary naval cruisers and
naval reserves. While such a measure is desirable
in any event, it is especially desirable at this time,
in view of the fact that our present governmental
contract for ocean mail with the American Line
will expire in 1905. Our ocean mail act was passed
in 1891. In 1895 our 2O-knot transatlantic mail
line was equal to any foreign line. Since then
the Germans have put on 23-knot steamers, and the
British have contracted for 24-knot steamers. Our

And State Papers 657

service should equal the best. If it does not, the
commercial public will abandon it. If we are to stay
in the business it ought to be with a full under-
standing of the advantages to the country on one
hand, and on the other with exact knowledge of the
cost and proper methods of carrying it on. More-
over, lines of cargo ships are of even more impor-
tance than fast mail lines, save so far as the latter
can be depended upon to furnish swift auxiliary
cruisers in time of war. The establishment of new
lines of cargo ships to South America, to Asia, and
elsewhere would be much in the interest of our
commercial expansion.

We can not have too much immigration of the
right kind, and we should have none at all of the
wrong kind. The need is to devise some system by
which undesirable immigrants shall be kept out en-
tirely, while desirable immigrants are properly dis-
tributed throughout the country. At present some
districts which need immigrants have none; and in
others, where the population is already congested,
immigrants come in such numbers as to depress the
conditions of life for those already there. During
the last two years the immigration service at New
York has been greatly improved, and the corruption
and inefficiency which formerly obtained there have
been eradicated. This service has just been investi-
gated by a committee of New York citizens of high
standing, Messrs. Arthur v. Briesen, Lee K. Frankel,
Eugene A. Philbin, Thomas W. Hynes, and Ralph

658 Presidential Addresses

Trautman. Their report deals with the whole sit-
uation at length, and concludes with certain recom-
mendations for administrative and legislative action.
It is now receiving the attention of the Secretary
of Commerce and Labor.

The special investigation of the subject of natural-
ization under the direction of the Attorney-General,
and the consequent prosecutions, reveal a condition
of affairs calling for the immediate attention of the
Congress. Forgeries and perjuries of shameless
and flagrant character have been perpetrated, not
only in the dense centres of population, but through-
out the country; and it is established beyond doubt
that very many so-called citizens of the United
States have no title whatever to that right, and are
asserting and enjoying the benefits of the same
through the grossest frauds. It is never to be for-
gotten that citizenship is, to quote the words re-
cently used by the Supreme Court of the United
States, an "inestimable heritage," whether it pro-
ceeds from birth within the country or is obtained
by naturalization ; and we poison the sources of our
national character and strength at the fountain, if
the privilege is claimed and exercised without right,
and by means of fraud and corruption. The body
politic can not be sound and healthy if many of its
constituent members claim their standing through
the prostitution of the high right and calling of
citizenship. It should mean something to become
a citizen of the United States; and in the proc-

And State Papers 659

ess no loophole whatever should be left open to
fraud.

The methods by which these frauds — now under
full investigation with a view to meting out pun-
ishment and providing adequate remedies — are per-
petuated, include many variations of procedure by
which false certificates of citizenship are forged in
their entirety; or genuine certificates fraudulently
or collusively obtained in blank are filled in by the
criminal conspirators ; or certificates are obtained on
fraudulent statements as to the time of arrival and
residence in this country; or imposition and sub-
stitution of another party for the real petitioner
occur in court ; or certificates are made the subject of
barter and sale and transferred from the rightful
holder to those not entitled to them; or certificates
are forged by erasure of the original names and
the insertion of the names of other persons not en-
titled to the same.

It is not necessary for me to refer here at large
to the causes leading to this state of affairs. The de-
sire for naturalization is heartily to be commended
where it springs from a sincere and permanent in-
tention to become citizens, and a real appreciation of
the privilege. But it is a source of untold evil and
trouble where it is traceable to selfish and dishonest
motives, such as the effort by artificial and im-
proper means, in wholesale fashion to create voters
who are ready-made tools of corrupt politicians, or
the desire to evade certain labor laws creating dis-
criminations against alien labor. All good citizens,

660 Presidential Addresses

whether naturalized or native born, are equally in-
terested in protecting our citizenship against fraud
in any form, and, on the other hand, in affording
every facility for naturalization to those who in good
faith desire to share alike our privileges and our
responsibilities.

The Federal grand jury lately in session in New
York City dealt with this subject and made a pre-
sentment which states the situation briefly and forci-
bly and contains important suggestions for the con-
sideration of the Congress. This presentment is
included as an appendix to the report of the At-
torney-General.

In my last annual Message, in connection with the
subject of the due regulation of combinations of
capital which are or may become injurious to the
public, I recommended a special appropriation for
the better enforcement of the anti-trust law as it
now stands, to be expended under the direction of
the Attorney-General. Accordingly (by the legisla-
tive, executive, and judicial appropriation act of
February 25, 1903, 32 Stat, 854, 904), the Con-
gress appropriated, for the purpose of enforcing the
various Federal trust and interstate-commerce laws,
the sum of five hundred thousand dollars, to be ex-
pended under the direction of the Attorney-General
in the employment of special counsel and agents in
the Department of Justice to conduct proceedings
and prosecutions under said laws in the courts of the
United States. I now recommend, as a matter of

And State Papers 66 1

the utmost importance and urgency, the extension
of the purposes of this appropriation, so that it may
be available, under the direction of the Attorney-
General, and until used, for the due enforcement of
the laws of the United States in general and espe-
cially of the civil and criminal laws relating to pub-
lic lands and the laws relating to postal crimes and
offences and the subject of naturalization. Recent
investigations have shown a deplorable state of af-
fairs in these three matters of vital concern. By
various frauds and by forgeries and perjuries, thou-
sands of acres of the public domain, embracing
lands of different character and extending through
various sections of the country, have been dishon-
estly acquired. It is hardly necessary to urge the
importance of recovering these dishonest acquisi-
tions, stolen from the people, and of promptly and
duly punishing the offenders. I speak in another
part of this Message of the widespread crimes by
which the sacred right of citizenship is falsely as-
serted and that "inestimable heritage" perverted to
base ends. By similar means — that is, through
frauds, forgeries, and perjuries, and by shameless
briberies — the laws relating to the proper conduct
of the public service in general and to the due ad-
ministration of the Post-Office Department have
been notoriously violated, and many indictments
have been found, and the consequent prosecutions
are in course of hearing or on the eve thereof. For
the reasons thus indicated, and so that the govern-
ment may be prepared to enforce promptly and with

662 Presidential Addresses

the greatest effect the due penalties for such viola-
tions of law, and to this end may be furnished with
sufficient instrumentalities and competent legal as-
sistance for the investigations and trials which will
be necessary at many different points of the country,
I urge upon the Congress the necessity of making the
said appropriation available for immediate use for
all such purposes, to be expended under the direction
of the Attorney-General.

Steps have been taken by the State Department
looking to the making of bribery an extraditable
offence with foreign powers. The need of more
effective treaties covering this crime is manifest.
The exposures and prosecutions of official corrup-
tion in St. Louis, Mo., and other cities and States
have resulted in a number of givers and takers of
bribes becoming fugitives in foreign lands. Brib-
ery has not been included in extradition treaties here-
tofore, as the necessity for it has not arisen. While
there may have been as much official corruption in
former years, there has been more developed and
brought to light in the immediate past than in the
preceding century of our country's history. It
should be the policy of the United States to leave
no place on earth where a corrupt man fleeing from
this country can rest in peace. There is no reason
why bribery should not be included in all treaties
as extraditable. The recent amended treaty with
Mexico, whereby this crime was put in the list of
extraditable offences, has established a salutary prec-
edent in this regard. Under this treaty the State

And State Papers 663

Department has asked, and Mexico has granted, the
extradition of one of the St. Louis bribe givers.

There can be no crime more serious than bribery.
Other offences violate one law while corruption
strikes at the foundation of all law. Under our
form of government all authority is vested in the
people and by them delegated to those who repre-
sent them in official capacity. There can be no of-
fence heavier than that of him in whom such a
sacred trust has been reposed, who sells it for his
own gain and enrichment; and no less heavy is the
offence of the bribe giver. He is worse than the
thief, for the thief robs the individual, while the
corrupt official plunders an entire city or State. He
is as wicked as the murderer, for the murderer may
only take one life against the law, while the corrupt
official and the man who corrupts the official alike
aim at the assassination of the commonwealth itself.
Government of the people, by the people, for the
people will perish from the face of the earth if brib-
ery is tolerated. The givers and takers of bribes
stand on an evil pre-eminence of infamy. The ex-
posure and punishment of public corruption is an
honor to a nation, not a disgrace. The shame lies
in toleration, not in correction. No city or State,
still less the Nation, can be injured by the enforce-
ment of law. As long as public plunderers when
detected can find a haven of refuge in any foreign
land and avoid punishment, just so long encourage-
ment is given them to continue their practices. If
we fail to do all that in us lies to stamp out corrup-

664 Presidential Addresses

tion we can not escape our share of responsibility
for the guilt. The first requisite of successful self-
government is unflinching enforcement of the law
and the cutting out of corruption.

For several years past the rapid development of
Alaska and the establishment of growing American
interests in regions theretofore unsurveyed and im-
perfectly known brought into prominence the urgent
necessity of a practical demarcation of the bounda-
ries between the jurisdictions of the United States
and Great Britain. Although the treaty of 1825 be-
tween Great Britain and Russia, the provisions of
which were copied in the treaty of 1867, whereby
Russia conveyed Alaska to the United States, was
positive as to the control, first by Russia and later
by the United States, of a strip of territory along
the continental mainland from the western shore of
Portland Canal to Mount St. Elias, following and
surrounding the indentations of the coast and in-
cluding the islands to the westward, its description
of the landward margin of the strip was indefinite,
resting on the supposed existence of a continuous
ridge or range of mountains skirting the coast, as
figured in the charts of the early navigators. It had
at no time been possible for either party in interest
to lay down, under the authority of the treaty, a line
so obviously exact according to its provisions as to
command the assent of the other. For nearly three-
fourths of a century the absence of tangible local
interests demanding the exercise of positive jurisdic-

And State Papers 665

tion on either side of the border left the question
dormant. In 1878, questions of revenue adminis-
tration on the Stikine River led to the establishment
of a provisional demarcation, crossing the channel
between two high peaks on either side about twenty-
four miles above the river mouth. In 1899, similar
questions growing out of the extraordinary develop-
ment of mining interests in the region about the
head of Lynn Canal brought about a temporary
modus vivendi, by which a convenient separation
was made at the watershed divides of the White
and Chilkoot passes and to the north of Klukwan,
on the Klehini River. These partial and tentative
adjustments could not, in the very nature of things,
be satisfactory or lasting. A permanent disposition
of the matter became imperative.

After unavailing attempts to reach an understand-
ing through a Joint High Commission, followed by
prolonged negotiations, conducted in an amicable
spirit, a convention between the United States and
Great Britain was signed, January 24, 1903, pro-
viding for an examination of the subject by a mixed
tribunal of six members, three on a side, with a view
to its final disposition. Ratifications were exchanged
on March 3 last, whereupon the two governments
appointed their respective members. Those on be-
half of the United States were Elihu Root, Secretary
of War; Henry Cabot Lodge, a Senator of the
United States, and George Turner, an ex-Senator
of the United States, while Great Britain named the
Right Honorable Lord Alverstone, Lord Chief Jus-

I2-VOL. XIV

666 Presidential Addresses

tice of England; Sir Louis Amable Jette, K.C.M.G.,
retired judge of the Supreme Court of Quebec, and
A. B. Aylesworth, K.C., of Toronto. This Tribunal
met in London on September 3, under the Presi-
dency of Lord Alverstone. The proceedings were
expeditious, and marked by a friendly and conscien-
tious spirit. The respective cases, counter cases,
and arguments presented the issues clearly and fully.
On the 2Oth of October a majority of the Tribunal
reached and signed an agreement on all the ques-
tions submitted by the terms of the Convention. By
this award the right of the United States to the
control of a continuous strip or border of the main-
land shore, skirting all the tide-water inlets and sin-
uosities of the coast, is confirmed; the entrance to
Portland Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt
appeared) is defined as passing by Tongass Inlet
and to the northwestward of Wales and Pearse Isl-
ands ; a line is drawn from the head of Portland
Canal to the fifty-sixth degree of north latitude ; and
the interior border line of the strip is fixed by lines
connecting certain mountain summits lying between
Portland Canal and Mount St. Elias, and running
along the crest of the divide separating the coast
slope from the inland watershed at the only part of
the frontier where the drainage ridge approaches the
coast within the distance of ten marine leagues stip-
ulated by the treaty as the extreme width of the
strip around the heads of Lynn Canal and its
branches.

While the line so traced follows the provisional

And State Papers 667

demarcation of 1878 at the crossing of the Stikine
River, and that of 1899 at the summits of the White
and Chilkoot passes, it runs much further inland
from the Klehini than the temporary line of the
later modus vivendi, and leaves the entire mining
district of the Porcupine River and Glacier Creek
within the jurisdiction of the United States.

The result is satisfactory in every way. It is of
great material advantage to our people in the Far
Northwest. It has removed from the field of dis-
cussion and possible danger a question liable to be-
come more acutely accentuated with each passing
year. Finally, it has furnished a signal proof of
the fairness and good-will with which two friendly
nations can approach and determine issues involving
national sovereignty and by their nature incapable
of submission to a third power for adjudication.

The award is self-executing on the vital points.
To make it effective as regards the others it only re-
mains for the two governments to appoint, each on
its own behalf, one or more scientific experts, who
shall, with all convenient speed, proceed together to
lay down the boundary line in accordance with the
decision of the majority of the Tribunal. I recom-
mend that the Congress make adequate provision
for the appointment, compensation, and expenses of
the members to serve on this joint boundary com-
mission on the part of the United States.

It will be remembered that during the second ses-
sion of the last Congress Great Britain, Germany,

668 Presidential Addresses

and Italy formed an alliance for the purpose of
blockading the ports of Venezuela and using such
other means of pressure as would secure a settle-
ment of claims due, as they alleged, to certain of
their subjects. Their employment of force for the
collection of these claims was terminated by an
agreement brought about through the offices of the
diplomatic representatives of the United States at
Caracas and the Government at Washington, there-
by ending a situation which was bound to cause in-
creasing friction, and which jeoparded the peace of
the continent. Under this agreement Venezuela
agreed to set apart a certain percentage of the cus-
toms receipts of two of her ports to be applied to
the payment of whatever obligations might be ascer-
tained by mixed commissions appointed for that pur-
pose to be due from her, not only to the three powers
already mentioned, whose proceedings against her
had resulted in a state of war, but also to the United
States, France, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands,
Sweden and Norway, and Mexico, who had not
employed force for the collection of the claims al-
leged to be due to certain of their citizens.

A demand was then made by the so-called block-
ading powers that the sums ascertained to be due
to their citizens by such mixed commissions should
be accorded payment in full before anything was
paid upon the claims of any of the so-called peace
powers. Venezuela, on the other hand, insisted
that all her creditors should be paid upon a basis of
exact equality. During the efforts to adjust this

And State Papers 669

dispute it was suggested by the powers in interest
that it should be referred to me for decision, but I
was clearly of the opinion that a far wiser course
would be to submit the question to the Permanent
Court of Arbitration at The Hague. It seemed to
me to offer an admirable opportunity to advance the
practice of the peaceful settlement of disputes be-
tween nations and to secure for The Hague Tribunal
a memorable increase of its practical importance.
The nations interested in the controversy were so
numerous, and in many instances so powerful, as to
make it evident that beneficent results would follow
from their appearance at the same time before the
bar of that august tribunal of peace.

Our hopes in that regard have been realized.
Russia and Austria are represented in the persons of
the learned and distinguished jurists who compose
the Tribunal, while Great Britain, Germany, France,
Spain, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden, and
Norway, Mexico, the United States, and Venezuela
are represented by their respective agents and coun-
sel. Such an imposing concourse of nations present-
ing their arguments to and invoking the decision of
that high court of international justice and interna-
tional peace can hardly fail to secure a like submis-
sion of many future controversies. The nations now
appearing there will find it far easier to appear there
a second time, while no nation can imagine its just
pride will be lessened by following the example now
presented. This triumph of the principle of inter-
national arbitration is a subject of warm congratu-

670 Presidential Addresses

lation and offers a happy augury for the peace of
the world.

There seems good ground for the belief that there
has been a real growth among the civilized nations
of a sentiment which will permit a gradual substitu-
tion of other methods than the method of war in
the settlement of disputes. It is not pretended that
as yet we are near a position in which it will be pos-
sible wholly to prevent war, or that a just regard
for national interest and honor will in all cases per-
mit of the settlement of international disputes by
arbitration ; but by a mixture of prudence and firm-
ness with wisdom we think it is possible to do away
with much of the provocation and excuse for war,
and at least in many cases to substitute some other
and more rational method for the settlement of dis-
putes. The Hague Court offers so good an example
of what can be done in the direction of such settle-
ment that it should be encouraged in every way.

Further steps should be taken. In President Mc-
Kinley's annual Message of December 5, 1898, he
made the following recommendation :

"The experiences of the last year bring forcibly
home to us a sense of the burdens and the waste of
war. We desire, in common with most civilized
nations, to reduce to the lowest possible point the
damage sustained in time of war by peaceable trade
and commerce. It is true we may suffer in such
cases less than other communities, but all nations
are damaged more or less by the state of uneasiness
and apprehension into which an outbreak of hostili-

And State Papers 671

ties throws the entire commercial world. It should
be our object, therefore, to minimize, so far as prac-
ticable, this inevitable loss and disturbance. This
purpose can probably best be accomplished by an
international agreement to regard all private prop-
erty at sea as exempt from capture or destruction
by the forces of belligerent powers. The United
States Government has for many years advocated
this humane and beneficent principle, and is now in
a position to recommend it to other powers without
the imputation of selfish motives. I therefore sug-
gest for your consideration that the Executive be
authorized to correspond with the governments of
the principal maritime powers with a view of incor-
porating into the permanent law of civilized nations
the principle of the exemption of all private property
at sea, not contraband of war, from capture or de-
struction by belligerent powers."

I cordially renew this recommendation.

The Supreme Court, speaking on December n,
1899, through Peckham, J., said:

"It is, we think, historically accurate to say that
this Government has always been, in its views,
among the most advanced of the governments of the
world in favor of mitigating, as to all non-combat-
ants, the hardships and horrors of war. To accom-
plish that object it has always advocated those rules
which would in most cases do away with the right
to capture the private property of an enemy on the
high seas."

I advocate this as a matter of humanity and

672 Presidential Addresses

morals. It is anachronistic when private property
is respected on land that it should not be respected
at sea. Moreover, it should be borne in mind that
shipping represents, internationally speaking, a much
more generalized species of private property than
is the case with ordinary property on land — that is,
property found at sea is much less apt than is the
case with property found on land really to belong
to any one nation. Under the modern system of
corporate ownership the flag of a vessel often differs
from the flag which would mark the nationality of
the real ownership and money control of the vessel ;
and the cargo may belong to individuals of yet a
different nationality. Much American capital is now
invested in foreign ships; and among foreign na-
tions it often happens that the capital of one is large-
ly invested in the shipping of another. Further-
more, as a practical matter, it may be mentioned that
while commerce destroying may cause serious loss
and great annoyance, it can never be more than a
subsidiary factor in bringing to terms a resolute foe.
This is now well recognized by all of our naval ex-
perts. The fighting ship, not the commerce de-
stroyer, is the vessel whose feats add renown to a
nation's history, and establish her place among the
great powers of the world.

Last year the Interparliamentary Union for In-
ternational Arbitration met at Vienna, six hundred
members of the different legislatures of civilized
countries attending. It was provided that the next
meeting should be in 1904 at St. Louis, subject to

And State Papers 673

our Congress extending an invitation. Like The
Hague Tribunal, this Interparliamentary Union is
one of the forces tending toward peace among the
nations of the earth, and it is entitled to our support.
I trust the invitation can be extended.

Early in July, having received intelligence, which
happily turned out to be erroneous, of the assassina-
tion of our vice-consul at Beirut, I despatched a
small squadron to that port for such service as
might be found necessary on arrival. Although the
attempt on the life of our vice-consul had not been
successful, yet the outrage was symptomatic of a
state of excitement and disorder which demanded
immediate attention. The arrival of the vessels
had the happiest result. A feeling of security at
once took the place of the former alarm and dis-
quiet; our officers were cordially welcomed by the
consular body and the leading merchants, and or-
dinary business resumed its activity. The govern-
ment of the Sultan gave a considerate hearing to
the representations of our minister ; the official who
was regarded as responsible for the disturbed condi-
tion of affairs was removed. Our relations with the
Turkish Government remain friendly; our claims
founded on inequitable treatment of some of our
schools and missions appear to be in process of
amicable adjustment.

The signing of a new commercial treaty with
China, which took place at Shanghai on the 8th

674 Presidential Addresses

of October, is a cause for satisfaction. This act,
the result of long discussion and negotiation, places
our commercial relations with the great Oriental
Empire on a more satisfactory footing than they
have ever heretofore enjoyed. It provides not only
for the ordinary rights and privileges of diplomatic
and consular officers, but also for an important ex-
tension of our commerce by increased facility of
access to Chinese ports, and for the relief of trade
by the removal of some of the obstacles which have
embarrassed it in the past. The Chinese Govern-
ment engages, on fair and equitable conditions,
which will probably be accepted by the principal
commercial nations, to abandon the levy of "liken"
and other transit dues throughout the Empire, and
to introduce other desirable administrative reforms.
Larger facilities are to be given to our citizens
who desire to carry on mining enterprises in China.
We have secured for our missionaries a valuable
privilege, the recognition of their right to rent and
lease in perpetuity such property as their religious
societies may need in all parts of the Empire. And,
what was an indispensable condition for the ad-
vance and development of our commerce in Man-
churia, China, by treaty with us, has opened to
foreign commerce the cities of Mukden, the capital
of the province of Manchuria, and Antung, an im-
portant port on the Yalu River, on the road to Korea.
The full measure of development which our com-
merce may rightfully expect can hardly be looked
for until the settlement of the present abnormal

And State Papers 675

state of things in the Empire; but the foundation
for such development has at last been laid.

I call your attention to the reduced cost in main-
taining the consular service for the fiscal year end-
ing June 30, 1903, as shown in the annual report
of the Auditor for the State and other Departments,
as compared with the year previous. For the year
under consideration the excess of expenditures over
receipts on account of the consular service amounted
to $26,125.12, as against $96,972.50 for the year
ending June 30, 1902, and $147,040.16 for the
year ending June 30, 1901. This is the best show-
ing in this respect for the consular service for the
past fourteen years, and the reduction in the cost
of the service to the Government has been made in
spite of the fact that the expenditures for the year
in question were more than $20,000 greater than
for the previous year.

The rural free-delivery service has been steadily
extended. The attention of the Congress is asked
to the question of the compensation of the letter car-
riers and clerks engaged in the postal service, espe-
cially on the new rural free-delivery routes. More
routes have been installed since the first of July last
than in any like period in the Department's history.
While a due regard to economy must be kept in
mind in the establishment of new routes, yet the
extension of the rural free-delivery system must
be continued, for reasons of sound public policy. No

676 Presidential Addresses

governmental movement of recent years has resulted
in greater immediate benefit to the people of the
country districts. Rural free-delivery, taken in con-
nection with the telephone, the bicycle, and the
trolley, accomplishes much toward lessening the iso-
lation of farm life and making it brighter and more
attractive. In the immediate past the lack of just
such facilities as these has driven many of the more
active and restless young men and women from the
farms to the cities; for they rebelled at loneliness
and lack of mental companionship. It is unhealthy
and undesirable for the cities to grow at the expense
of the country ; and rural free-delivery is not only a
good thing in itself, but is good because it is one
of the causes which check this unwholesome ten-
dency toward the urban concentration of our pop-
ulation at the expense of the country districts. It
is for the same reason that we sympathize with and
approve of the policy of building good roads. The
movement for good roads is one fraught with the
greatest benefit to the country districts.

I trust that the Congress will continue to favor
in all proper ways the Louisiana Purchase Exposi-
tion. This Exposition commemorates the Louisiana
Purchase, which was the first great step in the ex-
pansion which made us a continental nation. The
expedition of Lewis and Clark across the continent
followed thereon, and marked the beginning of the
process of exploration and colonization which thrust
our national boundaries to the Pacific. The ac-

And State Papers 677

quisition of the Oregon country, including the pres-
ent States of Oregon and Washington, was a fact
of immense importance in our history ; first giving
us our place on the Pacific seaboard, and making
ready the way for our ascendency in the commerce
of the greatest of the oceans. The centennial of our
establishment upon the western coast by the expedi-
tion of Lewis and Clark is to be celebrated at Port-
land, Oregon, by an exposition in the summer of
1905, and this event should receive recognition and
support from the National Government.

I call your special attention to the Territory of
Alaska. The country is developing rapidly, and it
has an assured future. The mineral wealth is great
and has as yet hardly been tapped. The fisheries,
if wisely handled and kept under national control,
will be a business as permanent as any other, and of
the utmost importance to the people. The forests
if properly guarded will form another great source
of wealth. Portions of Alaska are fitted for farming
and stock raising, although the methods must be
adapted to the peculiar conditions of the country.
Alaska is situated in the far north ; but so are Nor-
way and Sweden and Finland; and Alaska can
prosper and play its part in the New World just as
those nations have prospered and played their parts
in the Old World. Proper land laws should be
enacted ; and the survey of the public lands imme-
diately begun. Coal-land laws should be provided
whereby the coal-land entryman may make his lo-

678 Presidential Addresses

cation and secure patent under methods kindred to
those now prescribed for homestead and mineral
entrymen. Salmon hatcheries, exclusively under
government control, should be established. The
cable should be extended from Sitka westward.
Wagon roads and trails should be built, and the
building of railroads promoted in all legitimate
ways. Light-houses should be built along the coast.
Attention should be paid to the needs of the Alaska
Indians; provision should be made for an officer,
with deputies, to study their needs, relieve their
immediate wants, and help them, adapt themselves
to the new conditions.

The commission appointed to investigate, during
the season of 1903, the condition and needs of the
Alaskan salmon fisheries, has finished its work in the
field, and is preparing a detailed report thereon. A
preliminary report reciting the measures immediate-
ly required for the protection and preservation of the
salmon industry has already been submitted to the
Secretary of Commerce and Labor for his attention
and for the needed action.

I recommend that an appropriation be made for
building light-houses in Hawaii, and taking pos-
session of those already built. The Territory should
be reimbursed for whatever amounts it has already
expended for light-houses. The Governor should be
empowered to suspend or remove any official ap-
pointed by him, without submitting the matter to
the legislature.

And State Papers 679

Of our insular possessions, the Philippines and
Porto Rico, it is gratifying to say that their steady
progress has been such as to make it unnecessary to
spend much time in discussing them. Yet the Con-
gress should ever keep in mind that a peculiar ob-
ligation rests upon us to further in every way the
welfare of these communities. The Philippines
should be knit closer to us by tariff arrangements.
It would, of course, be impossible suddenly to raise
the people of the islands to the high pitch of indus-
trial prosperity and of governmental efficiency to
which they will in the end by degrees attain ; and the
caution and moderation shown in developing them
have been among the main reasons why this develop-
ment has hitherto gone on so smoothly.

Scrupulous care has been taken in the choice
of governmental agents, and the entire elimina-
tion of partisan politics from the public service.
The condition of the islanders is in material things
far better than ever before, while their govern-
mental, intellectual, and moral advance has kept
pace with their material advance. No one people
ever benefited another people more than we have
benefited the Filipinos by taking possession of the
islands.

The cash receipts of the General Land Office for
the last fiscal year were $11,024,743.65, an increase
of $4,762,816.47 over the preceding year. Of this
sum, approximately, $8,461,493 will go to the
credit of the fund for the reclamation of arid land,

680 Presidential Addresses

making the total of this fund, up to the 3<Dth of
June, 1903, approximately, $16,191,836.

A gratifying disposition has been evinced by those
having unlawful inclosures of public land to remove
their fences. Nearly two million acres so inclosed
have been thrown open on demand. In but com-
paratively few cases has it been necessary to go into
court to accomplish this purpose. This work will
be vigorously prosecuted until all unlawful in-
closures have been removed.

Experience has shown that in the Western States
themselves, as well as in the rest of the country, there
is widespread conviction that certain of the public-
land laws and the resulting administrative practice
no longer meet the present needs. The character
and uses of the remaining public lands differ widely
from those of the public lands which Congress had
especially in view when these laws were passed. The
rapidly increasing rate of disposal of the public lands
is not followed by a corresponding increase in home
building. There is a tendency to mass in large hold-
ings public lands, especially timber and grazing lands,
and thereby to retard settlement. I renew and em-
phasize my recommendation of last year that so far
as they are available for agriculture in its broadest
sense, and to whatever extent they may be reclaimed
under the national irrigation law, the remaining
public lands should be held rigidly for the home
builder. The attention of the Congress is especially
directed to the timber and stone law, the desert-
land law, and the commutation clause of the home-

And State Papers 68 1

stead law, which in their operation have in many
respects conflicted with wise public-land policy. The
discussions in the Congress and elsewhere have made
it evident that there is a wide divergence of opinions
between those holding opposite views on these sub-
jects ; and that the opposing sides have strong and
convinced representatives of weight both within and
without the Congress ; the differences being not only
as to matters of opinion but as to matters of fact.
In order that definite information may be available
for the use of the Congress, I have appointed a
commission composed of W. A. Richards, Com-
missioner of the General Land Office; Gifford Pin-
chot, Chief of the Bureau of Forestry of the De-
partment of Agriculture, and F. H. Newell, Chief
Hydrographer of the Geological Survey, to report
at the earliest practicable moment upon the condi-
tion, operation, and effect of the present land laws
and on the use, condition, disposal, and settlement
of the public lands. The commission will report
especially what changes in organization, laws, reg-
ulations, and practice affecting the public lands are
needed to effect the largest practicable disposition
of the public lands to actual settlers who will build
permanent homes upon them, and to secure in perma-
nence the fullest and most effective use of the re-
sources of the public lands; and it will make such
other reports and recommendations as its study of
these questions may suggest. The commission is to
report immediately upon those points concerning
which its judgment is clear; on any point upon

682 Presidential Addresses

which it has doubt it will take the time necessary to
make investigation and reach a final judgment.

The work of reclamation of the arid lands of the
West is progressing steadily and satisfactorily under
the terms of the law setting aside the proceeds from
the disposal of public lands. The corps of engi-
neers known as the Reclamation Service, which is
conducting the surveys and examinations, has been
thoroughly organized, especial pains being taken to
secure under the civil-service rules a body of skilled,
experienced, and efficient men. Surveys and exam-
inations are progressing throughout the arid States
and Territories, plans for reclaiming wrorks being
prepared and passed upon by boards of engineers be-
fore approval by the Secretary of the Interior. In
Arizona and Nevada, in localities where such work is
pre-eminently needed, construction has already been
begun. In other parts of the arid West various pro-
jects are well advanced toward the drawing up of
contracts, these being delayed in part by necessities
of reaching agreements or understanding as regards
rights of way or acquisition of real estate. Most
of the works contemplated for construction are of
national importance, involving interstate questions
or the securing of stable, self-supporting communi-
ties in the midst of vast tracts of vacant land. The
Nation as a whole is of course the gainer by the
creation of these homes, adding as they do to the
wealth and stability of the country, and furnishing a
home market for the products of the East and South.
The reclamation law, while perhaps not ideal, ap-

And State Papers 683

pears at present to answer the larger needs for
which it is designed. Further legislation is not
recommended until the necessities of change are
more apparent.

The study of the opportunities of reclamation of
the vast extent of arid land shows that whether this
reclamation is done by individuals, corporations, or
the State, the sources of water supply must be effec-
tively protected and the reservoirs guarded by the
preservation of the forests at the headwaters of the
streams. The engineers making the preliminary ex-
aminations continually emphasize this need and urge
that the remaining public lands at the headwaters of
the important streams of the West be reserved to in-
sure permanency of water supply for irrigation.
Much progress in forestry has been made during the
past year. The necessity for perpetuating our forest
resources, whether in public or private hands, is rec-
ognized now as never before. The demand for forest
reserves has become insistent in the West, because the
West must use the water, wood, and summer range
which only such reserves can supply. Progressive
lumbermen are striving, through forestry, to give
their business permanence. Other great business in-
terests are awakening to the need of forest preserva-
tion as a business matter. The Government's forest
work should receive from the Congress hearty sup-
port, and especially support adequate for the pro-
tection of the forest reserves against fire. The for-
est-reserve policy of the Government has passed
beyond the experimental stage and has reached a

684 Presidential Addresses

condition where scientific methods are essential to its
successful prosecution. The administration features
of forest reserves are at present unsatisfactory, being
divided between three Bureaus of two Departments.
It is therefore recommended that all matters per-
taining to forest reserves, except those involving
or pertaining to land titles, be consolidated in
the Bureau of Forestry of the Department of
Agriculture.

The cotton-growing States have recently been in-
vaded by a weevil that has done much damage and
threatens the entire cotton industry. I suggest to
the Congress the prompt enactment of such rem-
edial legislation as its judgment may approve.

In granting patents to foreigners the proper course
for this country to follow is to give the same advan-
tages to foreigners here that the countries in which
these foreigners dwell extend in return to our citi-
zens; that is, to extend the benefits of our patent
laws on inventions and the like where in return the
articles would be patentable in the foreign countries
concerned — where an American could get a corre-
sponding patent in such countries.

The Indian agents should not be dependent for
their appointment or tenure of office upon considera-
tions of partisan politics ; the practice of appointing,
when possible, ex-army officers or bonded superin-
tendents to the vacancies that occur is working well.

And State Papers 685

Attention is invited to the widespread illiteracy due
to lack of public schools in the Indian Territory.
Prompt heed should be paid to the need of educa-
tion for the children in this Territory.

In my last annual Message the attention of the
Congress was called to the necessity of enlarging the
safety-appliance law, and it is gratifying to note that
this law was amended in important respects. With
the increasing railway mileage of the country, the
greater number of men employed, and the use of
larger and heavier equipment, the urgency for re-
newed effort to prevent the loss of life and limb
upon the railroads of the country, particularly to
employees, is apparent. For the inspection of water
craft and the Life-Saving Service upon the water the
Congress has built up an elaborate body of protec-
tive legislation and a thorough method of inspection
and is annually spending large sums of money. It is
encouraging to observe that the Congress is alive to
the interests of those who are employed upon our
wonderful arteries of commerce — the railroads —
who so safely transport millions of passengers and
billions of tons of freight. The Federal inspection
of safety appliances, for which the Congress is now
making appropriations, is a service analogous to
that which the Government has upheld for genera-
tions in regard to vessels, and it is believed will prove
of great practical benefit, both to railroad employees
and the traveling public. As the greater part of
commerce is interstate and exclusively under the

686 Presidential Addresses

control of the Congress the needed safety and uni-
formity must be secured by national legislation.

No other class of our citizens deserves so well of
the Nation as those to whom the Nation owes its
very being, the veterans of the Civil War. Special
attention is asked to the excellent work of the Pen-
sion Bureau in expediting and disposing of pension
claims. During the fiscal year ending July i, 1903,
the Bureau settled 251,982 claims, an average of 825
claims for each working day of the year. The num-
ber of settlements since July i, 1903, has been in
excess of last year's average, approaching 1,000
claims for each working day, and it is believed that
the work of the Bureau will be current at the close
of the present fiscal year.

During the year ended June 30 last 25,566 persons
were appointed through competitive examinations
under the civil-service rules. This was 12,672 more
than during the preceding year, and 40 per cent of
those who passed the examinations. This abnormal
growth was largely occasioned by the extension of
classification to the rural free-delivery service and
the appointment last year of over 9,000 rural car-
riers.

A revision of the civil-service rules took effect
on April 15 last, which has greatly improved their
operation. The completion of the reform of the
civil service is recognized by good citizens every-
where as a matter of the highest public importance,

And State Papers 687

and the success of the merit system largely depends
upon the effectiveness of the rules and the machinery
provided for their enforcement A very gratifying
spirit of friendly co-operation exists in all the De-
partments of the Government in the enforcement and
uniform observance of both the letter and spirit of
the civil-service act. Executive orders of July 3,
1902, March 26, 1903, and July 8, 1903, require
that appointments of all unclassified laborers, both
in the Departments at Washington and in the field
service, shall be made with the assistance of the
United States Civil Service Commission, under a
system of registration to test the relative fitness of
applicants for appointment or employment. This
system is competitive, and is open to all citizens of
the United States qualified in respect to age, physi-
cal ability, moral character, industry, and adapta-
bility for manual labor; except that in case of vet-
erans of the Civil War the element of age is omitted.
This system of appointment is distinct from the clas-
sified service and does not classify positions of mere
laborer under the civil-service act and rules. Regu-
lations in aid thereof have been put in operation in
several of the Departments and are being gradually
extended in other parts of the service. The results
have been very satisfactory, as extravagance has
been checked by decreasing the number of unneces-
sary positions and by increasing the efficiency of the
employees remaining.

The Congress, as the result of a thorough inves-

688 Presidential Addresses

tigation of the charities and reformatory institutions
in the District of Columbia, by a joint select com-
mittee of the two Houses which made its report in
March, 1898, created in the act approved June 6,
1900, a board of charities for the District of Co-
lumbia, to consist of five residents of the District,
appointed by the President of the United States,
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate,
each for a term of three years, to serve without com-
pensation. President McKinley appointed five men
who had been active and prominent in the public
charities of Washington, all of whom1 upon taking
office July i, 1900, resigned from the different chari-
ties with which they had been connected. The mem-
bers of the board have been reappointed in successive
years. The board serves under the Commissioners
of the District of Columbia. The board gave its first
year to a careful and impartial study of the special
problems before it, and has continued that study
every year in the light of the best practice in public
charities elsewhere. Its recommendations in its an-
nual reports to the Congress through the Commis-
sions of the District of Columbia "for the economical
and efficient administration of the charities and re-
formatories of the District of Columbia," as re-
quired by the act creating it, have been based upon
the principles commended by the joint select com-
mittee of the Congress in its report of March, 1898,
and approved by the best administrators of public
charities, and make for the desired systematization
and improvement of the affairs under its supervision.

And State Papers 689

They are worthy of favorable consideration by the
Congress.

The effect of the laws providing a General Staff
for the army and for the more effective use of the
National Guard has been excellent. Great improve-
ment has been made in the efficiency of our army
in recent years. Such schools as those erected at
Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley and the institu-
tion of fall manoeuvre work accomplish satisfactory
results. The good effect of these manoeuvres upon
the National Guard is marked, and ample appro-
priation should be made to enable the guardsmen
of the several States to share in the benefit. The
Government should as soon as possible secure suit-
able permanent camp sites for military manoeuvres
in the various sections of the country. The service
thereby rendered not only to the Regular Army,
but to the National Guard of the several States,
will be so great as to repay many times over the
relatively small expense. We should not rest sat-
isfied with what has been done, however. The
only people who are contented with a system of pro-
motion by mere seniority are those who are con-
tented with the triumph of mediocrity over excel-
lence. On the other hand a system which encour-
aged the exercise of social or political favoritism in
promotions would be even worse. But it would sure-
ly be easy to devise a method of promotion from
grade to grade in which the opinion of the higher
officers of the service upon the candidates should be

I3_Voi XTV

690 Presidential Addresses

decisive upon the standing and promotion of the lat-
ter. Just such a system now obtains at West Point.
The quality of each year's work determines the
standing of that year's class, the man being dropped
or graduated into the next class in the relative po-
sition which his military superiors decide to be
warranted by his merit. In other words, ability,
energy, fidelity, and all other similar qualities de-
termine the rank of a man year after year in West
Point, and his standing in the army when he grad-
uates from West Point; but from that time on, all
effort to find which man is best or worst, and
reward or punish him accordingly, is abandoned;
no brilliancy, no amount of hard work, no eagerness
in the performance of duty, can advance him, and
no slackness or indifference that falls short of a
court-martial offence can retard him. Until this
system is changed we can not hope that our officers
will be of as high grade as we have a right to expect,
considering the material upon which we draw.
Moreover, when a man renders such service as
Captain Pershing rendered last spring in the Moro
campaign, it ought to be possible to reward him
without at once jumping him to the grade of brig-
adier-general.

Shortly after the enunciation of that famous
principle of American foreign policy now known
as the "Monroe Doctrine," President Monroe, in a
special Message to Congress on January 30, 1824,
spoke as follows : "The navy is the arm from which

And State Papers 691

our Government will always derive most aid in
support of our . . . rights. Every power en-
gaged in war will know the strength of our naval
power, the number of our ships of each class, their
condition, and the promptitude with which we may
bring them into service, and will pay due considera-
tion to that argument."

I heartily congratulate the Congress upon the
steady progress in building up the American Navy.
We can not afford a let-up in this great work. To
stand still means to go back. There should be no
cessation in adding to the effective units of the
fighting strength of the fleet. Meanwhile the Navy
Department and the officers of the navy are doing
well their part by providing constant service at sea
under conditions akin to those of actual warfare.
Our officers and enlisted men are learning to handle
the battleships, cruisers, and torpedo boats with
high efficiency in fleet and squadron formations,
and the standard of marksmanship is being steadily
raised. The best work ashore is indispensable, but
the highest duty of a naval officer is to exercise
command at sea.

The establishment of a naval base in the Philip-
pines ought not to be longer postponed. Such a
base is desirable in time of peace; in time of war
it would be indispensable, and its lack would be
ruinous. Without it our fleet would be helpless.
Our naval experts are agreed that Subig Bay is the
proper place for the purpose. The national inter-
ests require that the work of fortification and de-

692 Presidential Addresses

velopment of a naval station at Subig Bay be begun
at an early date; for under the best conditions it
is a work which will consume much time.

It is eminently desirable, however, that there
should be provided a naval general staff on lines
similar to those of the General Staff lately created
for the army. Within the Navy Department itself
the needs of the service have brought about a sys-
tem under which the duties of a general staff are
partially performed; for the Bureau of Navigation
has under its direction the War College, the Office
of Naval Intelligence, and the Board of Inspection,
and has been in close touch with the General Board
of the navy. But though under the excellent offi-
cers at their head these boards and bureaus do
good work, they have not the authority of a general
staff, and have not sufficient scope to ensure a proper
readiness for emergencies. We need the establish-
ment by law of a body of trained officers, who
shall exercise a systematic control of the military
affairs of the navy, and be authorized advisers of
the Secretary concerning it.

By the act of June 28, 1902, the Congress au-
thorized the President to enter into treaty with
Colombia for the building of the canal across the
Isthmus of Panama; it being provided that in the
event of failure to secure such treaty after the lapse
of a reasonable time, recourse should be had to
building a canal through Nicaragua. It has not
been necessary to consider this alternative, as I am

And State Papers 693

enabled to lay before the Senate a treaty providing
for the building of the canal across the Isthmus
of Panama. This was the route which commended
itself to the deliberate judgment of the Congress,
and we can now acquire by treaty the right to con-
struct the canal over this route. The question now,
therefore, is not by which route the Isthmian Canal
shall be built, for that question has been definitely
and irrevocably decided. The question is simply
whether or not we shall have an Isthmian Canal

When the Congress dkected that we should take
the Panama route under treaty with Colombia, the
essence of the condition, of course, referred not to
the government which controlled that route, but
to the route itself; to the territory across which
the route lay, not to the name which for the mo-
ment the territory bore on the map. The purpose
of the law was to authorize the President to make
a treaty with the power in actual control of the
Isthmus of Panama. This purpose has been ful-
filled.

In the year 1846 this Government entered into a
treaty with New Granada, the predecessor upon the
Isthmus of the Republic of Colombia and of the
present Republic of Panama, by which treaty it
was provided that the Government and citizens of
the United States should always have free and open
right of way or transit across the Isthmus of Pan-
ama by any modes of communication that might
be constructed, while in return our Government
guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the above-men-

694 Presidential Addresses

tioned Isthmus with the view that the free transit
from the one to the other sea might not be inter-
rupted or embarrassed. The treaty vested in the
United States a substantial property right carved
out of the rights of sovereignty and property which
New Granada then had and possessed over the said
territory. The name of New Granada has passed
away and its territory has been divided. Its suc-
cessor, the Government of Colombia, has ceased to
own any property in the Isthmus. A new republic,
that of Panama, which was at one time a sovereign
state, and at another time a mere department of the
successive confederations known as New Granada
and Colombia, has now succeeded to the rights
which first one and then the other formerly exer-
cised over the Isthmus. But as long as the Isthmus
endures, the mere geographical fact of its existence,
and the peculiar interest therein which is required
by our position, perpetuate the solemn contract
which binds the holders of the territory to respect
our right to freedom of transit across it, and binds
us in return to safeguard for the Isthmus and the
world the exercise of that inestimable privilege.
The true interpretation of the obligations upon
which the United States entered in this treaty of
1846 has been given repeatedly in the utterances
of Presidents and Secretaries of State. Secretary
Cass in 1858 officially stated the position of this
Government as follows:

"The progress of events has rendered the inter-
oceanic route across the narrow portion of Central

And State Papers 695

America vastly important to the commercial world,
and especially to the United States, whose posses-
sions extend along the Atlantic and Pacific coasts,
and demand the speediest and easiest modes of com-
munication. While the rights of sovereignty of
the states occupying this region should always be
respected, we shall expect that these rights be ex-
ercised in a spirit befitting the occasion and the wants
and circumstances that have arisen. Sovereignty
has its duties as well as its rights, and none of
these local governments, even if administered with
more regard to the just demands of other nations
than they have been, would be permitted, in a spirit
of Eastern isolation, to close the gates of inter-
course on the great highways of the world, and
justify the act by the pretension that these avenues
of trade and travel belong to them and that they
choose to shut them, or, what is almost equivalent,
to encumber them with such unjust relations as
would prevent their general use."

Seven years later, in 1865, Mr. Seward in differ-
ent communications took the following position:

"The United States have taken and will take no
interest in any question of internal revolution in the
State of Panama, or any State of the United States
of Colombia, but will maintain a perfect neutrality
in connection with such domestic altercations. The
United States will, nevertheless, hold themselves
ready to protect the transit trade across the Isthmus
against invasion of either domestic or foreign dis-
turbers of the peace of the State of Panama. . . .

696 Presidential Addresses

Neither the text nor the spirit of the stipulation in
that article by which the United States engages to
preserve the neutrality of the Isthmus of Panama,
imposes an obligation on this Government to comply
with the requisition [of the President of the United
States of Colombia for a force to protect the Isth-
mus of Panama from a body of insurgents of that
country]. The purpose of the stipulation was to
guarantee the Isthmus against seizure or invasion
by a foreign power only."

Attorney-General Speed, under date of November
7, 1865, advised Secretary Seward as follows:

"From this treaty it can not be supposed that
New Granada invited the United States to become
a party to the intestine troubles of that government,
nor did the United States become bound to take
sides in the domestic broils of New Granada. The
United States did guarantee New Granada in the
sovereignty and property over the territory. This
was as against other and foreign governments."

For four hundred years, ever since shortly after
the discovery of this hemisphere, the canal across
the Isthmus has been planned. For two score years
it has been worked at. When made it is to last for
the ages. It is to alter the geography of a conti-
nent and the trade routes of the world. We have
shown by every treaty we have negotiated or at-
tempted to negotiate with the peoples in control of
the Isthmus and with foreign nations in reference
thereto our consistent good faith in observing our

And State Papers 697

obligations; on the one hand to the peoples of the
Isthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized world
whose commercial rights we are safeguarding and
guaranteeing by our action. We have done our duty
to others in letter and in spirit, and we have shown
the utmost forbearance in exacting our own rights.
Last spring, under the act above referred to, a
treaty concluded between the representatives of the
Republic of Colombia and of our Government was
ratified by the Senate. This treaty was entered into
at the urgent solicitation of the people of Colombia
and after a body of experts appointed by our Gov-
ernment especially to go into the matter of the routes
across the Isthmus had pronounced unanimously in
favor of the Panama route. In drawing up this
treaty every concession was made to the people and
to the Government of Colombia. We were more
than just in dealing with them. Our generosity was
such as to make it a serious question whether we had
not gone too far in their interest at the expense of
our own; for in our scrupulous desire to pay all
possible heed, not merely to the real but even to the
fancied rights of our weaker neighbor, who already
owed so much to our protection and forbearance, we
yielded in all possible ways to her desires in drawing
up the treaty. Nevertheless the Government of Co-
lombia not merely repudiated the treaty, but repu-
diated it in such manner as to make it evident by
the time the Colombian Congress adjourned that not
the scantiest hope remained of ever getting a satis-
factory treaty from them. The Government of Co-

698 Presidential Addresses

lombia made the treaty, and yet when the Colom-
bian Congress was called to ratify it the vote against
ratification was unanimous. It does not appear that
the government made any real effort to secure rati-
fication.

Immediately after the adjournment of the Cot\-
gress a revolution broke out in Panama. The people
of Panama had long been discontented with the Re-
public of Colombia, and they had been kept quiet
only by the prospect of the conclusion of the treaty,
which was to them a matter of vital concern. When
it became evident that the treaty was hopelessly lost,
the people of Panama rose literally as one man. Not
a shot was fired by a single man on the Isthmus in
the interest of the Colombian Government. Not a
life was lost in the accomplishment of the revolution.
The Colombian troops stationed on the Isthmus, who
had long been unpaid, made common cause with the
people of Panama, and with astonishing unanimity
the new republic was started. The duty of the
United States in the premises was clear. In strict
accordance with the principles laid down by Secre-
taries Cass and Seward in the official documents
above quoted, the United States gave notice that it
would permit the landing of no Expeditionary force,
the arrival of which would mean chaos and destruc-
tion along the line of the railroad and of the pro-
posed canal, and an interruption of transit as an in-
evitable consequence. The de facto Government of
Panama was recognized in the following telegram
to Mr. Ehrman:

And State Papers 699

"The people of Panama have, by apparently unani-
mous movement, dissolved their political connection
with the Republic of Colombia and resumed their
independence. When you are satisfied that a de
facto government, republican in form and without
substantial opposition from its own people, has been
established in the State of Panama, you will enter
into relations with it as the responsible government
of the territory and look to it for all due action to
protect the persons and property of citizens of the
United States and to keep open the isthmian transit,
in accordance with the obligations of existing trea-
ties governing the relations of the United States to
that territory."

The Government of Colombia was notified of our
action by the following telegram to Mr. Beaupre :

"The people of Panama having, by an apparently
unanimous movement, dissolved their political con-
nection with the Republic of Colombia and resumed
their independence, and having adopted a govern-
ment of their own, republican in form, with which
the Government of the United States of America has
entered into relations, the President of the United
States, in accordance with the ties of friendship
which have so long and so happily existed between
the respective nations, most earnestly commends to
the Governments of Colombia and of Panama the
peaceful and equitable settlement of all questions at
issue between them. He holds that he is bound not
merely by treaty obligations, but by the interests of

yoo Presidential Addresses

civilization, to see that the peaceful traffic of the
world across the Isthmus of Panama shall not longer
be disturbed by a constant succession of unnecessary
and wasteful wars."

When these events happened, fifty-seven years had
elapsed since the United States had entered into its
treaty with New Granada. During that time the
Governments of New Granada and of its successor,
Colombia, have been in a constant state of flux. The
following is a partial list of the disturbances on the
Isthmus of Panama during the period in question, as
reported to us by our consuls. It is not possible to
give a complete list, and some of the reports that
speak of "revolutions" must mean unsuccessful revo-
lutions.

May 22, 1850. — Outbreak; two Americans killed.
War vessel demanded to quell outbreak.

October, 1850. — Revolutionary plot to bring
about independence of the Isthmus.

July 22, 1851. — Revolution in four Southern
provinces.

November 14, 1851. — Outbreak at Chagres. Man-
of-war requested for Chagres.

June 27, 1853. — Insurrection at Bogota, and con-
sequent disturbance on Isthmus. War vessel de-
manded.

May 23, 1854. — Political disturbances; war ves-
sel requested.

June 28, 1854. — Attempted revolution.

October 24, 1854. — Independence of Isthmus de-
manded by provincial legislature.

And State Papers 701

April, 1856. — Riot, and massacre of Americans.

May 4, 1856.— Riot.

May 18, 1856.— Riot.

June 3, 1856. — Riot.

October 2, 1856. — Conflict between two native
parties. United States forces landed.

December 18, 1858. — Attempted secession of
Panama.

April, 1859. — Riots.

September, 1860. — Outbreak.

October 4, 1860. — Landing of United States
forces in consequence.

May 23, 1 86 1. — Intervention of the United States
forces required, by intendente.

October 2, 1861. — Insurrection and civil war.

April 4, 1862. — Measures to prevent rebels cross-
ing Isthmus.

June 13, 1862. — Mosquera's troops refused admit-
tance to Panama.

March, 1865. — Revolution, and United States
troops landed.

August, 1865. — Riots; unsuccessful attempt to
invade Panama.

March, 1866. — Unsuccessful revolution.

April, 1867. — Attempt to overthrow Government.

August, 1867. — Attempt at revolution.

July 5, 1868. — Revolution ; provisional govern-
ment inaugurated.

August 29, 1868. — Revolution; provisional gov-
ernment overthrown.

April, 1871. — Revolution; followed apparently by
counter revolution.

702 Presidential Addresses

April, 1873. — Revolution and civil war which
lasted to October, 1875.

August, 1876. — Civil war which lasted until April,
1877.

July, 1878.— Rebellion.

December, 1878.— Revolt.

April, 1879. — Revolution.

June, 1879. — Revolution.

March, 1883.— Riot.

May, 1883.— Riot.

June, 1884. — Revolutionary attempt.

December, 1884. — Revolutionary attempt.

January, 1885. — Revolutionary disturbances.

March, 1885. — Revolution.

April, 1887. — Disturbance on Panama Railroad.

November, 1887. — Disturbance on line of canal.

January, 1889. — Riot.

January, 1895. — Revolution which lasted until
April.

March, 1895. — Incendiary attempt.

October, 1899. — Revolution.

February, 1900, to July, 1900. — Revolution.

January, 1 90 1 . — Revolution.

July, 1901. — Revolutionary disturbances.

September, 1901. — City of Colon taken by rebels.

March, 1902; — Revolutionary disturbances.

July, 1902. — Revolution.

The above is only a partial list of the revolutions,
rebellions, insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks
that have occurred during the period in question;
yet they number 53 for the 57 years. It will be
noted that one of them lasted for nearly three years

And State Papers 703

before it was quelled; another for nearly a year.
In short, the experience of over half a century has
shown Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping
order on the Isthmus. Only the active interference
of the United States has enabled her to preserve so
much as a semblance of sovereignty. Had it not
been for the exercise by the United States of the
police power in her interest, her connection with the
Isthmus would have been sundered long ago. In
1856, in 1860, in 1873, in 1885, in 1901, and again
in 1902, sailors and marines from United States
warships were forced to land in order to patrol the
Isthmus, to protect life and property, and to see that
the transit across the Isthmus was kept open. In
1 86 1, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900, the Colombian
Government asked that the United States Govern-
ment would land troops to protect its interests and
maintain order on the Isthmus. Perhaps the most
extraordinary request is that which has just been
received and which runs as follows :

"Knowing that revolution has already commenced
in Panama [an eminent Colombian] says that if the
Government of the United States will land troops
to preserve Colombian sovereignty, and the transit,
if requested by Colombian charge d'affaires, this
government will declare martial law; and, by virtue
of vested constitutional authority, when public or-
der is disturbed, will approve by decree the ratifica-
tion of the canal treaty as signed ; or, if the Gov-
ernment of the United States prefers, will call extra
session of the Congress — with new and friendly

704 Presidential Addresses

members — next May to approve the treaty. [An
eminent Colombian] has the perfect confidence of
vice-president, he says, and if it became necessary
will go to the Isthmus or send representative there
to adjust matters along above lines to the satisfac-
tion of the people there."

This despatch is noteworthy from two standpoints.
Its offer of immediately guaranteeing the treaty to
us is in sharp contrast with the positive and con-
temptuous refusal of the Congress which has just
closed its sessions to consider favorably such a
treaty; it shows that the government which made
the treaty really had absolute control over the situa-
tion, but did not choose to exercise this control. The
despatch further calls on us to restore order and
secure Colombian supremacy in the Isthmus from
which the Colombian Government has just by its
action decided to bar us by preventing the construc-
tion of the canal.

The control, in the interest of the commerce and
traffic of the whole civilized world, of the means of
undisturbed transit across the Isthmus of Panama
has become of transcendent importance to the United
States. We have repeatedly exercised this control
by intervening in the course of domestic dissension,
and by protecting the territory from foreign inva-
sion. In 1853 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian
minister that we should not hesitate to maintain the
neutrality of the Isthmus in the case of war between
Peru and Colombia. In 1864 Colombia, which has
always been vigilant to avail itself of its privileges

And State Papers 705

conferred by the treaty, expressed its expectation
that in the event of war between Peru and Spain the
United States would carry into effect the guarantee
of neutrality. There have been few administrations
of the State Department in which this treaty has
not, either by the one side or the other, been used
as a basis of more or less important demands. It
was said by Mr. Fish in 1871 that the Department
of State had reason to believe that an attack upon
Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on sev-
eral occasions, been averted by warning from this
Government. In 1886, when Colombia was under
the menace of hostilities from Italy in the Cerruti
case, Mr. Bayard expressed the serious concern that
the United States could not but feel, that a European
power should resort to force against a sister republic
of this hemisphere, as to the sovereign and uninter-
rupted use of a part of whose territory we are guar-
antors under the solemn faith of a treaty.

The above recital of facts establishes beyond ques-
tion : First, that the United States has for over half
a century patiently and in good faith carried out its
obligations under the treaty of 1846; second, that
when for the first time it became possible for Co-
lombia to do anything in requital of the services thus
repeatedly rendered to it for fifty-seven years by the
United States, the Colombian Government peremp-
torily and offensively refused thus to do its part,
even though to do so would have been to its advan-
tage and immeasurably to the advantage of the State
of Panama, at that time under its jurisdiction; third,

yo6 Presidential Addresses

that throughout this period revolutions, riots, and
factional disturbances of every kind have occurred
one after the other in almost uninterrupted succes-
sion, some of them lasting for months and even for
years, while the central government was unable to
put them down or to make peace with the rebels;
fourth, that these disturbances instead of showing
any sign of abating have tended to grow more nu-
merous and more serious in the immediate past;
fifth, that the control of Colombia over the Isthmus
of Panama could not be ^maintained without the
armed intervention and assistance of the United
States. In other words, the Government of Co-
lombia, though wholly unable to maintain order on
the Isthmus, has nevertheless declined to ratify a
treaty the conclusion of which opened the only
chance to secure its own stability and to guarantee
permanent peace on, and the construction of a canal
across, the Isthmus.

Under such circumstances, the Government of the
United States would have been guilty of folly and
weakness, amounting in their sum to a crime against
the Nation, had it acted otherwise than it did when
the revolution of November 3 last took place in
Panama. This great enterprise of building the in-
teroceanic canal can not be held up to gratify the
whims, or out of respect to the governmental impo-
tence, or to the even more sinister and evil political
peculiarities, of people who, though they dwell afar
off, yet, against the wish of the actual dwellers on
the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy over the

And State Papers 7°7

territory. The possession of a territory fraught
with such peculiar capacities as the Isthmus in ques-
tion carries with it obligations to mankind. The
course of events has shown that this canal can not
be built by private enterprise, or by any other nation
than our own; therefore it must be built by the
United States.

Every effort has been made by the Government of
the United States to persuade Colombia to follow a
course which was essentially not only to our inter-
ests and to the interests of the world, but to the
interests of Colombia itself. These efforts have
failed ; and Colombia, by her persistence in repulsing
the advances that have been made, has forced us, for
the sake of our own honor, and of the interest and
well-being, not merely of our own people, but of the
people of the Isthmus of Panama and the people of
the civilized countries of the world, to take decisive
steps to bring to an end a condition of affairs which
had become intolerable. The new Republic of Pan-
ama immediately offered to negotiate a treaty with
us. This treaty I herewith submit. By it our inter-
ests are better safeguarded than in the treaty with
Colombia which was ratified by the Senate at its
last session. It is better in its terms than the trea-
ties offered to us by the Republics of Nicaragua and
Costa Rica. At last the right to begin this great
undertaking is made available. Panama has done
her part. All that remains is for the American Con-
gress to do its part and forthwith this Republic will
enter upon the execution of a project colossal in its

Presidential Addresses

size and of wellnigh incalculable possibilities for the
good of this country and the nations of mankind.

By the provisions of the treaty the United States
guarantees and will maintain the independence of the
Republic of Panama. There is granted to the United
States in perpetuity the use, occupation, and control
of a strip ten miles wide and extending three nauti-
cal miles into the sea at either terminal, with all
lands lying outside of the zone necessary for the
construction of the canal or for its auxiliary works,
and with the islands in the Bay of Panama. The
cities of Panama and Colon are not embraced in the
canal zone, but the United States assumes their
sanitation and, in case of need, the maintenance of
order therein; the United States enjoys within the
granted limits all the rights, power, and authority
which it would possess were it the sovereign of the
territory to the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign
rights by the republic. All railway and canal prop-
erty rights belonging to Panama and needed for the
canal pass to the United States, including any prop-
erty of the respective companies in the cities of
Panama and Colon ; the works, property, and person-
nel of the canal and railways are exempted from tax-
ation as well in the cities of Panama and Colon as
in the canal zone and its dependencies. Free im-
migration of the personnel and importation of sup-
plies for the construction and operation of the canal
are granted. Provision is made for the use of mili-
tary force and the building of fortifications by the
United States for the protection of the transit. In

And State Papers 709

other details, particularly as to the acquisition of the
interests of the New Panama Canal Company and
the Panama Railway by the United States and the
condemnation of private property for the uses of the
canal, the stipulations of the Hay-Herran treaty are
closely followed, while the compensation to be given
for these enlarged grants remains the same, being
ten millions of dollars payable on exchange of ratifi-
cations ; and, beginning nine years from that date, an
annual payment of $250,000 during the life of the
convention.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
WHITE HOUSE,
December 7, ipoj.

MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES COMMUNICATED TO THE TWO
HOUSES OF CONGRESS ON JANUARY 4, 1904

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I lay before the Congress for its information a
statement of my action up to this time in executing
the act entitled "An act to provide for the construc-
tion of a canal connecting the waters of the Atlantic
and Pacific Oceans/' approved June 28, 1902.

By the said act the President was authorized to
secure for the United States the property of the
Panama Canal Company and the perpetual control
of a strip six miles wide across the Isthmus of
Panama. It was further provided that "should the
President be unable to obtain for the United States
a satisfactory title to the property of the New

Presidential Addresses

Panama Canal Company and • the control of the
necessary territory of the Republic of Colombia . . .
within a reasonable time and upon reasonable terms,
then the President" should endeavor to provide for
a canal by the Nicaragua route. The language
quoted defines with exactness and precision what
was to be done, and what as a matter of fact has
been done. The President was authorized to go to
the Nicaragua route only if within a reasonable
time he could not obtain "control of the necessary
territory of the Republic of Colombia." This con-
trol has now been obtained ; the provision of the act
has been complied with; it is no longer possible
under existing legislation to go to the Nicaragua
route as an alternative.

This act marked the climax of the effort on
the part of the United States to secure, so far as
legislation was concerned, an interoceanic canal
across the Isthmus. The effort to secure a treaty
for this purpose with one of the Central American
republics did not stand on the same footing with
the effort to secure a treaty under any ordinary con-
ditions. The proper position for the United States
to assume in reference to this canal, and therefore
to the governments of the Isthmus, had been clearly
set forth by Secretary Cass in 1858. In my Annual
Message I have already quoted what Secretary Cass
said; but I repeat the quotation here, because the
principle it states is fundamental :

While the rights of sovereignty of the States oc-
cupying this region (Central America) should al-

And State Papers 711

ways be respected, we shall expect that these rights
be exercised in a spirit befitting the occasion and the
wants and circumstances that have arisen. Sover-
eignty has its duties as well as its rights, and none
of these local governments, even if administered
with more regard to the just demands of other na-
tions than they have been, would be permitted, in a
spirit of Eastern isolation, to close the gates of in-
tercourse on the great highways of the world, and
justify the act by the pretension that these avenues
of trade and travel belong to them and that they
choose to shut them, or, what is almost equivalent,
to encumber them with such unjust relations as
would prevent their general use.

The principle thus enunciated by Secretary Cass
was sound then and it is sound now. The United
States has taken the position that no other govern-
ment is to build the canal. In 1889, when France
proposed to come to the aid of the French Panama
Company by guaranteeing their bonds, the Senate
of the United States in executive session, with only
some three votes dissenting, passed a resolution as
follows :

That the Government of the United States will
look with serious concern and disapproval upon any
connection of any European government with the
construction or control of any ship canal across the
Isthmus of Darien or across Central America, and
must regard any such connection or control as in-
jurious to the just rights and interests of the United
States and as a menace to their welfare.

712 Presidential Addresses

Under the Hay-Pauncefote treaty it was explicitly
provided that the United States should control, po-
lice, and protect the canal which was to be built,
keeping it open for the vessels of all nations on
equal terms. The United States thus assumed the
position of guarantor of the canal and of its peace-
ful use by all the world. The guarantee included
as a matter of course the building of the canal.
The enterprise was recognized as responding to an
international need ; and it would be the veriest trav-
esty on right and justice to treat the governments
in possession of the Isthmus as having the right,
in the language of Mr. Cass, "to close the gates of
intercourse on the great highways of the world, and
justify the act by the pretension that these avenues
of trade and travel belong to them and that they
choose to shut them."

When this Government submitted to Colombia
the Hay-Herran treaty three things were, therefore,
already settled.

One was that the canal should be built. The
time for delay, the time for 'permitting the attempt
to be made by private enterprise, the time for per-
mitting any government of anti-social spirit and of
imperfect development to bar the work, was past.
The United States had assumed in connection with
the canal certain responsibilities not only to its own
people, but to the civilized world, which imperatively
demanded that there should no longer be delay in
beginning the work.

Second. While it was settled that the canal

And State Papers 713

should be built without unnecessary or improper
delay, it was no less clearly shown to be our pur-
pose to deal not merely in a spirit of justice but in
a spirit of generosity with the people through whose
land we might build it. The Hay-Herran treaty, if
it erred at all, erred in the direction of an over-
generosity toward the Colombian Government. In
our anxiety to be fair we had gone to the very verge
in yielding to a weak nation's demands what that
nation was helplessly unable to enforce from us
against our will. The only criticisms made upon
the Administration for the terms of the Hay-Herran
treaty were for having granted too much to Colom-
bia, not for failure to grant enough. Neither in
the Congress nor in the public press, at the time
that this treaty was formulated, was there complaint
that it did not in the fullest and amplest manner
guarantee to Colombia everything that she could
by any color of title demand.

Nor is the fact to be lost sight of that the rejected
treaty, while generously responding to the pecuniary
demands of Colombia, in other respects merely pro-
vided for the construction of the canal in conformity
with the express requirements of the act of the Con-
gress of June 28, 1902. By that act, as heretofore
quoted, the President was authorized to acquire from
Colombia, for the purposes of the canal, ' 'perpetual
control" of a certain strip of land; and it was ex-
pressly required that the "control" thus to be ob-
tained should include "jurisdiction" to make police
and sanitary regulations and to establish such judi-
1— VOL. XIV

714 Presidential Addresses

cial tribunals as might be agreed on for their en-
forcement. These were conditions precedent pre-
scribed by the Congress; and for their fulfilment
suitable stipulations were embodied in the treaty.
It has been stated in public prints that Colombia
objected to these stipulations, on the ground that
they involved a relinquishment of her "sovereign-
ty"; but in the light of what has taken place, this
alleged objection must be considered as an after-
thought. In reality, the treaty, instead of requiring
a cession of Colombia's sovereignty over the canal
strip, expressly acknowledged, confirmed, and pre-
served her sovereignty over it. The treaty in this
respect simply proceeded on the lines on which all
the negotiations leading up to the present situation
have been conducted. In those negotiations the ex-
ercise by the United States, subject to the para-
mount rights of the local sovereign, of a substantial
control over the canal and the immediately adjacent
territory, has been treated as a fundamental part of
any arrangement that might be made. It has formed
an essential feature of all our plans, and its neces-
sity is fully recognized in the Hay-Pauncefote
treaty. The Congress, in providing that such con-
trol should be secured, adopted no new principle,
but only incorporated in its legislation a condition
the importance and propriety of which were uni-
versally recognized. During all the years of nego-
tiation and discussion that preceded the conclusion
of the Hay-Herran treaty, Colombia never inti-
mated that the requirement by the United States of

And State Papers 715

control over the canal strip would render unattain-
able the construction of a canal by way of the Isth-
mus of Panama; nor were we advised, during the
months when, legislation of 1902 was pending be-
fore the Congress, that the terms which it em-
bodied would render negotiations with Colombia
impracticable. It is plain that no nation could con-
struct and guarantee the neutrality of the canal with
a less degree of control than was stipulated for in
the Hay-Herran treaty. A refusal to grant such
degree of control was necessarily a refusal to make
any practicable treaty at all. Such refusal there-
fore squarely raised the question whether Colombia
was entitled to bar the transit of the world's traffic
across the Isthmus.

That the canal itself was eagerly demanded by
the people of the locality through which it was to
pass, and that the people of this locality no less
eagerly longed for its construction under American
control, are shown by the unanimity of action in the
new Panama Republic. Furthermore, Colombia,
after having rejected the treaty in spite of our pro-
tests and warnings when it was in her power to
accept it, has since shown the utmost eagerness to
accept the same treaty if only the status quo could
be restored. One of the men standing highest in
the official circles of Colombia, on November 6, ad-
dressed the American minister at Bogota, saying
that if the Government of the United States would
land troops to preserve Colombian sovereignty and
the transit, the Colombian Government would "-de-

Ji6 Presidential Addresses

clare martial law; and, by virtue of vested consti-
tutional authority, when public order is disturbed,
[would] approve by decree the ratification of the
canal treaty as signed ; or, if the Government of the
United States prefers, [would] call extra session of
the Congress — with new and friendly members —
next May to approve the treaty." Having these
facts in view, there is no shadow of question that
the Government of the United States proposed a
treaty which was not merely just, but generous to
Colombia, which our people regarded as erring, if
at all, on the side of overgenerosity ; which was
hailed with delight by the people of the immediate
locality through which the canal was to pass, who
were most concerned as to the new order of things,
and which the Colombian authorities now recognize
as being so good that they are willing to promise
its unconditional ratification if only we will desert
those who have shown themselves our friends and
restore to those who have shown themselves un-
friendly the power to undo what they did. I pass
by the question as to what assurance we have that
they would now keep their pledge and not again re-
fuse to ratify the treaty if they had the power ; for,
of course, I will not for one moment discuss the
possibility of the United States committing an act
of such baseness as to abandon the new Republic
of Panama.

Third. Finally the Congress definitely settled
where the canal was to be built. It was provided
that a treaty should be made for building the canal

And State Papers 71?

across the Isthmus of Panama ; and if, after reason-
able time, it proved impossible to secure such treaty,
that then we should go to Nicaragua. The treaty
has been made; for it needs no argument to show
that the intent of the Congress was to ensure a
canal across Panama, and that whether the repub-
lic granting the title was called New Granada,
Colombia, or Panama mattered not one whit. As
events turned out, the question of "reasonable time"
did not enter into the matter at all. Although, as
the months went by, it became increasingly im-
probable that the Colombian Congress would ratify
the treaty or take steps which would be equivalent
thereto, yet all chance for such action on their part
did not vanish until the Congress closed at the end
of October; and within three days thereafter the
revolution in Panama had broken out. Panama
became an independent state, and the control of the
territory necessary for building the canal then be-
came obtainable. The condition under which alone
we could have gone to Nicaragua thereby became
impossible of fulfilment. If the pending treaty with
Panama should not be ratified by the Senate this
would not alter the fact that we could not go to
Nicaragua. The Congress has decided the route,
and there is no alternative under existing legislation.
When in August it began to appear probable
that the Colombian Legislature would not ratify
the treaty, it became incumbent upon me to con-
sider well, what the situation was and to be ready
to advise the Congress as to what were the various

7 1 8 Presidential Addresses

alternatives of action open to us. There were sev-
eral possibilities. One was that Colombia would
at the last moment see the unwisdom of her posi-
tion. That there might be nothing omitted, Secre-
tary Hay, through the minister at Bogota, repeat-
edly warned Colombia that grave consequences
might follow from her rejection of the treaty. Al-
though it was a constantly diminishing chance, yet
the possibility of ratification did not wholly pass
away until the close of the session of the Colombian
Congress.

A second alternative was that by the close of the
session on the last day of October, without the rati-
fication of the treaty by Colombia and without any
steps taken by Panama, the American Congress on
assembling early in November would be confronted
with a situation in which there had been a failure
to come to terms as to building the canal along the
Panama route, and yet there had not been a lapse
of a reasonable time — using the word reasonable in
any proper sense — such as would justify the Ad-
ministration going to the Nicaragua route. This
situation seemed on the whole the most likely, and
as a matter of fact I had made the original draft
of my Message to the Congress with a view to its
existence.

It was the opinion of eminent international jurists
that in view of the fact that the great design of our
guarantee under the treaty of 1846 was to dedicate
the Isthmus to the purposes of interoceanic transit,
and above all to secure the construction of an inter-

And State Papers 719

oceanic canal, Colombia could not under existing
conditions refuse to enter into a proper arrange-
ment with the United States to that end, without
violating the spirit and substantially repudiating the
obligations of a treaty the full benefits of which
she had enjoyed for over fifty years. My intention
was to consult the Congress as to whether under
such circumstances it would not be proper to an-
nounce that the canal was to be dug forthwith;
that we would give the terms that we had offered
and no others; and that if such terms were not
agreed to we would enter into an arrangement with
Panama direct, or take what other steps were need-
ful in order to begin the enterprise.

A third possibility was that the people of the
Isthmus, who had formerly constituted an independ-
ent state, and who until recently were united to
Colombia only by a loose tie of federal relationship,
might take the protection of their own vital interests
into their own hands, reassert their former rights,
declare their independence upon just grounds, and
establish a government competent and willing to do
its share in this great work for civilization. This
third possibility is what actually occurred. Every
one knew that it was a possibility, but it was not
until toward the end of October that it appeared to
be an imminent probability. Although the Admin-
istration, of course, had special means of knowledge,
no such means were necessary in order to appreciate
the possibility, and toward the end the likelihood,
of such a revolutionary outbreak and of its success.

720 Presidential Addresses

It was a matter of common notoriety. Quotations
from the daily papers could be indefinitely multi-
plied to show this state of affairs; a very few will
suffice. From Costa Rica on August 31 a special
was sent to the Washington "Post/' running as fol-
lows :

SAN JOSE, COSTA RICA,
August 31

Travelers from Panama report the Isthmus alive
with fires of a new revolution. It is inspired, it is
believed, .by men who, in Panama and Colon, have
systematically engendered the pro-American feeling
to secure the building of the Isthmian Canal by the
United States.

The Indians have risen, and the late followers of
Gen. Benjamin Herrera are mustering in the moun-
tain villages, preparatory to joining in an organized
revolt, caused by the rejection of the canal treaty.

Hundreds of stacks of arms, confiscated by the
Colombian Government at the close of the late rev-
olution, have reappeared from some mysterious
source, and thousands of rifles that look suspic-
iously like the Mausers the United States captured
in Cuba are issuing to the gathering forces from cen-
tral points of distribution. With the arms goes
ammunition, fresh from factories, showing the
movement is not spasmodic, but is carefully planned.

The government forces in Panama and Colon,
numbering less than 1,500 men, are reported to be
a little more than friendly to the revolutionary spirit.
They have been ill paid since the revolution closed,

And State Papers 721

and their only hope of prompt payment is another
war.

General Huertes, commander of the forces, who
is ostensibly loyal to the Bogota Government, is said
to be secretly friendly to the proposed revolution.
At least, all his personal friends are open in denunci-
ation of the Bogota Government and the failure of
the Colombian Congress to ratify the canal treaty.

The consensus of opinion gathered from late ar-
rivals from the Isthmus is that the revolution is com-
ing, and that it will succeed.

A special despatch to the Washington "Post,"
under date of New York, September i, runs as
follows :

B. G. Duque, editor and proprietor of the "Pana-
ma Star and Herald," a resident of the Isthmus
during the past twenty-seven years, who arrived to-
day in New York, declared that if the canal treaty
fell through a revolution would be likely to follow.

"There is a very strong feeling in Panama," said
Mr. Duque, "that Colombia, in negotiating the sale
of a canal concession in Panama, is looking for prof-
its that might just as well go to Panama herself.

"The Colombian Government, only the other day,
suppressed a newspaper that dared to speak of inde-
pendence for Panama. A while ago there was a
secret plan afoot to cut loose from Colombia and
seek the protection of the United States."

In the New York "Herald" of September 10 the
following statement appeared :

721 Presidential Addresses

Representatives of strong interests on the Isthmus
of Panama, who make their headquarters in this
city, are considering a plan of action to be under-
taken in co-operation with men of similar views in
Panama and Colon to bring about a revolution and
form an independent government in Panama opposed
to that in Bogota.

There is much indignation on the Isthmus on ac-
count of the failure of the canal treaty, which is as-
cribed to the authorities at Bogota. This opinion
is believed to be shared by a majority of the Isth-
mians of all shades of political belief, and they think
it is to their best interest for a new republic to be
formed on the Isthmus, which may negotiate di-
rectly with the United States a new treaty which
will permit the digging of the Panama Canal under
favorable conditions.

In the New York "Times," under date of Sep-
tember 13, there appeared from Bogota the follow-
ing statement:

A proposal made by Senor Perez y Sotos to ask
the Executive to appoint an anti-secessionist gov-
ernor in Panama has been approved by the Senate.
Speakers in the Senate said that Sefior Obaldia, who
was recently appointed Governor of Panama, and
who is favorable to a canal treaty, was a menace to
the national integrity. Senator Marroquin protested
against the action of the Senate.

President Marroquin succeeded later in calming
the Congressmen. It appears that he was able to
give them satisfactory reasons for Governor Obal-

And State Papers 723

dia's appointment. He appears to realize the immi-
nent peril of the Isthmus of Panama declaring its
independence.

Senor Deroux, representative for a Panama con-
stituency, recently delivered a sensational speech in
the House. Among other things he said :

"In Panama the bishops, governors, magistrates,
military chiefs, and their subordinates have been and
are foreign to the department. It seems that the
government, with surprising tenacity, wishes to ex-
clude the Isthmus from all participation in public
affairs. As regards international dangers in the
Isthmus, all I can say is that if these dangers exist
they are due to the conduct of the national govern-
ment, which is in the direction of reaction.

"If the Colombian Government will not take ac-
tion with a view to preventing disaster, the respon-
sibility will rest with it alone."

In the New York "Herald" of October 26 it was
reported that a revolutionary expedition of about
70 men had actually landed on the Isthmus. In the
Washington "Post" of October 29 it was reported
from Panama that in view of the impending trouble
on the Isthmus the Bogota Government had gath-
ered troops in sufficient numbers to at once put
down an attempt at secession. In the New York
"Herald" of October 30 it was announced from
Panama that Bogota was hurrying troops to the
Isthmus to put down the projected revolt. In the
New York "Herald" of November 2 it was an-
nounced that in Bogota the Congress had indorsed

724 Presidential Addresses

the energetic measures taken to meet the situation
on the Isthmus and that 6,000 men were about to
be sent thither.

Quotations like the above could be multiplied
indefinitely. Suffice it to say that it was notorious
that revolutionary trouble of a serious nature was
impending upon the Isthmus. But it was not nec-
essary to rely exclusively upon such general means
of information. On October 15 Commander Hub-
bard, of the navy, notified the Navy Department
that, though things were quiet on the Isthmus, a
revolution had broken out in the State of Cauca.
On October 16, at the request of Lieutenant-General
Young, I saw Capt. C. B. Humphrey and Lieut.
Grayson Mallet-Prevost Murphy, who had just re-
turned from a four months' tour through the north-
ern portions of Venezuela and Colombia. They
stopped in Panama on their return in the latter part
of September. At the time they were sent down
there had been no thought of their going to Pan-
ama, and their visit to the Isthmus was but an
unpremeditated incident of their return journey ; nor
had they been spoken to by any one at Washington
regarding the possibility of a revolt. Until they
landed at Colon they had no knowledge that a revo-
lution was impending, save what they had gained
from the newspapers. What they saw in Panama
so impressed them that they reported thereon to
Lieutenant-General Young, according to his memo-
randum—
that while on the Isthmus they became satisfied be-

And State Papers 725

yond question that, owing largely to the dissatisfac-
tion because of the failure of Colombia to ratify the
Hay-Herran treaty, a revolutionary party was in
course of organization having for its object the
separation of the State of Panama. from Colombia,
the leader being Dr. Richard Arango, a former gov-
ernor of Panama ; that when they were on the Isth-
mus arms and ammunition were being smuggled
into the city of Colon in piano boxes, merchandise
crates, etc., the small arms received being principally
the Gras French rifle, the Remington, and the Mau-
ser; that nearly every citizen in Panama had some
sort of rifle or gun in his possession, with ammuni-
tion therefor; that in the city of Panama there had
been organized a fire brigade which was really in-
tended for a revolutionary military organization;
that there were representatives of the revolutionary
organization at all important points on the Isthmus ;
that in Panama, Colon, and the other principal places
of the Isthmus police forces had been organized
which were in reality revolutionary forces ; that the
people on the Isthmus seemed to be unanimous in
their sentiment against the Bogota Government, and
their disgust over the failure of that government to
ratify the treaty providing for the construction of
the canal, and that a revolution might be expected
immediately upon the adjournment of the Colombian
Congress without ratification of the treaty.

Lieutenant-General Young regarded their report
as of such importance as to make it advisable that
I should personally see these officers. They told me
what they had already reported to the Lieutenant-

726 Presidential Addresses

General, adding that on the Isthmus the excitement
was seething, and that the Colombian troops were
reported to be disaffected. In response to a ques-
tion of mine they informed me that it was the gen-
eral belief that «the revolution might break out at
any moment, and if it did not happen before, would
doubtless take place immediately after the closing
of the Colombian Congress (at the end of October)
if the canal treaty were not ratified. They were
certain that the revolution would occur, and before
leaving the Isthmus had made their own reckoning
as to the time, which they had set down as being
probably from three to four weeks after their leav-
ing. The reason they set this as the probable inside
limit of time was that they reckoned that it would
be at least three or four weeks — say not until Octo-
ber 20 — before a sufficient quantity of arms and
munitions would have been landed.

In view of all these facts I directed the Navy
Department to issue instructions such as would en-
sure our having ships within easy reach of the
Isthmus in the event of need arising. Orders were
given on October 19 to the Boston to proceed to
San Juan del Sur, Nicaragua; to the Dixie to pre-
pare to sail from League Island; and to the Atlanta
to proceed to Guantanamo. On October 30 the
Nashville was ordered to proceed to Colon. On
November 2, when, the Colombian Congress having
adjourned, it was evident that the outbreak was
imminent, and when it was announced that both
sides were making ready forces whose meeting

And State Papers 727

would mean bloodshed and disorder, the Colombian
troops having been embarked on vessels, the fol-
lowing instructions were sent to the commanders of
the Boston, Nashville, and Dixie:

Maintain free and uninterrupted transit. If in-
terruption is threatened by armed force, occupy the
line of railroad. Prevent landing of any armed
force with hostile intent, either government or in-
surgent, at any point within 50 miles of Panama.
Government force reported approaching the Isthmus
in vessels. Prevent their landing if, in your judg-
ment, the landing would precipitate a conflict.

These orders were delivered in pursuance of the
policy on which our Government had repeatedly
acted. This policy was exhibited in the following
orders, given under somewhat similar circumstances
last year, and the year before, and the year before
that. The first two telegrams are from the Depart-
ment of State to the consul at Panama :

JULY 25, 1900

You are directed to protest against any act of
hostility which may involve or imperil the safe and
peaceful transit of persons or property across the
Isthmus of Panama. The bombardment of Panama
would have this effect, and the United States must
insist upon the neutrality of the Isthmus as guaran-
teed by the treaty.

NOVEMBER 20, 1901

Notify all parties molesting or interfering with
free transit across the Isthmus that such interfer-
ence must cease and that the United States will pre-

728 Presidential Addresses

vent the interruption of traffic upon the railroad.
Consult with captain of the Iowa, who will be in-
structed to land marines, if necessary, for the pro-
tection of the railroad, in accordance with the treaty
rights and obligations of the United States. Desir-
able to avoid bloodshed, if possible.

The next three telegrams are from and to the
Secretary of the Navy:

SEPTEMBER 12, 1902
RANGER, Panama:

United States guarantees perfect neutrality of
Isthmus and that a free transit from sea to sea be
not interrupted or embarrassed. . . . Any trans-
portation of troops which might contravene these
provisions of treaty should not be sanctioned by you
nor should use of road be permitted which might
convert the line of transit into theatre of hostility.

MOODY.

COLON,

September 20, 1902
SECRETARY NAVY, Washington:

Everything is conceded. The United States
guards and guarantees traffic and the line of transit.
To-day I permitted the exchange of Colombian
troops from Panama to Colon, about 1,000 men
each way, the troops without arms in train guarded
by American naval force in the same manner as
other passengers ; arms and ammunition in separate
train, guarded also by naval force in the same man-
ner as other freight.

McLEAN.

And State Papers 729

PANAMA,
October 3, 1902
SECRETARY NAVY,

Washington, D. C.:

Have sent this communication to the American
consul at Panama:

"Inform Governor while trains running under
United States protection I must decline transporta-
tion any combatants, ammunition, arms, which
might cause interruption traffic or convert line of
transit into theatre hostilities/*

CASEY.

On November 3 Commander Hubbard responded
to the above-quoted telegram of November 2, 1903,
saying that before the telegram had been received
400 Colombian troops from Cartagena had landed
at Colon; that there had been no revolution on the
Isthmus, but that the situation was most critical if
the revolutionary leaders should act. On this same
date the Associated Press in Washington received
a bulletin stating that a revolutionary outbreak had
occurred. When this was brought to the attention
of the Assistant Secretary of State, Mr. Loomis,
he prepared the following cablegram to the consul-
general at Panama and the consul at Colon:

Uprising on Isthmus reported. Keep Depart-
ment promptly and fully informed.

Before this telegram was sent, however, one was
received from Consul Malmros at Colon, running
as follows :

73° Presidential Addresses

Revolution imminent. Government force on the
Isthmus about 500 men. Their official promised
support revolution. Fire department, Panama, 441,
are well organized and favor revolution. Govern-
ment vessel, Cartagena, with about 400 men, arrived
early to-day with new commander-in-chief, Tobar.
Was not expected until November 10. Tobar 's ar-
rival is not probable to stop revolution.

This cablegram was received at 2.35 P.M., and
at 3.40 P.M. Mr. Loomis sent the telegram which he
had already prepared to both Panama and Colon.
Apparently, however, the consul-general at Panama
had not received the information embodied in the
Associated Press bulletin, upon which the Assistant
Secretary of State based his dispatch ; for his answer
was that there was no uprising, although the sit-
uation was critical, this answer being received at
8.15 P.M. Immediately afterward he sent another
dispatch, which was received at 9.50 P.M., saying
that the uprising had occurred, and had been suc-
cessful, with no bloodshed. The Colombian gun-
boat Bogota next day began to shell the city of
Panama, with the result of killing one Chinaman.
The consul-general was directed to notify her~ to
stop firing. Meanwhile, on November 4, Command-
er Hubbard notified the Department that he had
landed a force to protect the lives and property of
American citizens against the threats of the Co-
lombian soldiery.

Before any step whatever had been taken by the

And State Papers 731

United States troops to restore order, the com-
mander of the newly landed Colombian troops had
indulged in wanton and violent threats against
American citizens, which created serious apprehen-
sion. As Commander Hubbard reported in his let-
ter of November 5, this officer and his troops prac-
tically began war against the United States, and
only the forbearance and coolness of our officers
and men prevented bloodshed. The letter of Com-
mander Hubbard is of such interest that it deserves
quotation in full, and runs as follows:

U. S. S. NASHVILLE, THIRD RATE,
Colon, U. S. Colombia, November 5, 1903

SIR : Pending a complete report of the occurrences
of the last three days in Colon, Colombia, I most
respectfully invite the Department's attention to
those of the date of Wednesday, November 4, which
amounted to practically the making of war against
the United States by the officer in command of the
Colombian troops in Colon. At i o'clock P.M. on
that date I was summoned on shore by a precon-
certed signal, and on landing met the United States
consul, vice-consul, and Colonel Shaler, the general
superintendent of the Panama Railroad. The con-
sul informed me that he had received notice from
the officer commanding the Colombian troops, Colo-
nel Torres, through the prefect of Colon, to the ef-
fect that if the Colombian officers, Generals Tobal
and Amaya, who had been seized in Panama on the
evening of the 3d of November by the Independents

Presidential Addresses

and held as prisoners, were not released by 2 o'clock
P.M., he, Torres, would open fire on the town of
Colon and kill every United States citizen in the
place, and my advice and action were requested. I
advised that all the United States citizens should
take refuge in the shed of the Panama Railroad
Company, a stone building susceptible of being put
into good state for defence, and that I would imme-
diately land such body of men, with extra arms for
arming the citizens, as the complement of the ship
would permit. This was agreed to, and I imme-
diately returned on board, arriving at 1.15 P.M.
The order for landing was immediately given, and
at 1.30 P.M. the boats left the ship with a party of
42 men under the command of Lieut-Commander
H. M. Witzel, with Midshipman J. P. Jackson as
second in command. Time being pressing I gave
verbal orders to Mr. Witzel to take the building
above referred to, to put it into the best state of de-
fence possible, and protect the lives of the citizens
assembled there — not firing unless fired upon. The
women and children took refuge on the German
steamer Marcomania and Panama Railroad steamer
City of Washington, both ready to haul out from
dock if necessary. The Nashville I got under way
and patrolled with her along the water front close
in and ready to use either small-arm or shrapnel
fire. The Colombians surrounded the building of
the railroad company almost immediately after we
had taken possession, and for about one and a half
hours their attitude was most threatening, it being
seemingly their purpose to provoke an attack. Hap-

And State Papers 733

pily our men were cool and steady, and, while the
tension was very great, no shot was fired. At about
3.15 P.M. Colonel Torres came into the building for
an interview and expressed himself as most friendly
to Americans, claiming that the whole affair was a
misapprehension and that he would like to send the
alcalde of Colon to Panama to see General Tobal
and have him direct the discontinuance of the show
of force. A special train was furnished and safe
conduct guaranteed. At about 5.30 P.M. Colonel
Torres made the proposition of withdrawing his
troops to Monkey Hill, if I would withdraw the
Nashville's force and leave the town in possession
of the police until the return of the alcalde on the
morning of the 5th. After an interview with the
United States consul and Colonel Shaler as to the
probability of good faith in the matter, I decided to
accept the proposition and brought my men on
board, the disparity in numbers between my force
and that of the Colombians, nearly ten to one, mak-
ing me desirous of avoiding a conflict so long as the
object in view, the protection of American citizens,
was not imperiled.

I am positive that the determined attitude of our
men, their coolness and evident intention of stand-
ing their ground, had a most salutary and decisive
effect on the immediate situation, and was the initial
step in the ultimate abandoning of Colon by these
troops and their return to Cartagena the following
day. Lieutenant-Commander Witzel is entitled to
much praise for his admirable work in command on
the spot.

734 Presidential Addresses

I feel that I can not sufficiently strongly represent
to the Department the grossness of this outrage and
the insult to our dignity, even apart from the sav-
agery of the threat.

Very respectfully,

JOHN HUBBARD,
Commander, U. S. Navy,

Commanding.
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,

Navy Department, Washington, D. C.

In his letter of November 8 Commander Hubbard
sets forth the facts more in detail:

U. S. S. NASHVILLE, THIRD RATE,
Porto Bella, U. S. Colombia, November 8, 1903

SIR: i. I have the honor to make the following
report of the occurrences which took place at Colon
and Panama in the interval between the arrival of
the Nashville at Colon on the evening of November
2, 1903, and the evening of November 5, 1903,
when by the arrival of the U. S. S. Dixie at Colon
I was relieved as senior officer by Commander F. H.
Delano, U. S. Navy.

2. At the time of the arrival of the Nashville at
Colon at 5.30 P.M. on November 2 everything on
the Isthmus was quiet. There was talk of proclaim-
ing the independence of Panama, but no definite ac-
tion had been taken and there had been no disturb-
ance of peace and order. At daylight on the morn-
ing of November 3 it was found that a vessel which
had come in during the night was the Colombian

And State Papers 735

gunboat Cartagena carrying between 400 and 500
troops. I had her boarded and learned that these
troops were for the garrison at Panama. Inasmuch
as the Independent party had not acted and the Gov-
ernment of Colombia was at the time in undisputed
control of the Province of Panama, I did not feel,
in the absence of any instructions, that I was justi-
fied in preventing the landing of these troops, and
at 8.30 o'clock they were disembarked. The com-
manding officers, Generals Amaya and Tobal, with
four others, immediately went over to Panama to
make arrangements for receiving and quartering
their troops, leaving the command in charge of an
officer whom I later learned to be Colonel Torres.
The Department's message addressed to the care of
the United States consul I received at 10.30 A.M. ;
it was delivered to one of the ship's boats while I
was at the consul's and not to the consul as ad-
dressed. The message was said to have been re-
ceived at the cable office at 9.30 A.M. Immediately
on deciphering* the message I went on shore to see
what arrangements the railroad company had made
for the transportation of these troops to Panama,
and learned that the company would not transport
them except on request of the Governor of Panama,
and that the prefect at Colon and the officer left in
command of the troops had been so notified by the
general superintendent of the Panama Railroad
Company. I remained at the company's office until
it was sure that no action on my part would be
needed to prevent the transportation of the troops
that afternoon, when I returned on board and cabled

736 Presidential Addresses

the Department the situation of affairs. At about
5.30 P.M. I again went on shore, and received notice
from the general superintendent of the railroad that
he had received the request for the transportation of
the troops and that they would leave on the 8 A.M.
train on the following day. I immediately went to
see the general superintendent, and learned that it
had just been announced that a provisional govern-
ment had been established at Panama — that Gen-
erals Amaya and Tobal, the Governor of Panama,
and four officers, who had gone to Panama in the
morning, had been seized and were held as prison-
ers; that they had an organized force of 1,500
troops and wished the government troops in Colon
to be sent over. This I declined to permit, and
verbally prohibited the general superintendent
from giving transportation to the troops of either
party.

It being then late in the evening, I sent early in
the morning of November 4 written notification to
the general superintendent of the Panama Railroad,
to the prefect of Colon, and to the officer left in
command of the Colombian troops, later ascertained
to be Colonel Torres, that I had prohibited the trans-
portation of troops in either direction, in order to
preserve the free and uninterrupted transit of the
Isthmus. Copies of these letters are hereto ap-
pended; also copy of my notification to the consul.
Except to a few people, nothing was known in Colon
of th,e proceedings in Panama until the arrival of
the train at 10.45 on tne morning of the 4th. Some
propositions were, I was later told, made to Colonel

And State Papers 737

Torres by the representatives of the new Govern-
ment at Colon, with a view to inducing him to re-
embark in the Cartagena and return to the port of
Cartagena, and it was in answer to this proposition
that Colonel Torres made the threat and took the
action reported in my letter No. 96, of November
5, 1903. The Cartagena left the port just after the
threat was made, and I did not deem it expedient
to attempt to detain her, as such action would cer-
tainly, in the then state of affairs, have precipitated
a conflict on shore which I was not prepared to meet.
It is my understanding that she returned to Carta-
gena. After the withdrawal of the Colombian
troops on the evening of November 4, and the re-
turn of the Nashville's force on board, as reported
in my letter No. 96, there was no disturbance on
shore, and the night passed quietly. On the morn-
ing of the 5th I discovered that the commander of
the Colombian troops had not withdrawn so far
from the town as he had agreed, but was occupying
buildings near the outskirts of the town. I imme-
diately inquired into the matter and learned that he
had some trivial excuse for not carrying out his
agreement, and also that it was his intention to oc-
cupy Colon again on the arrival of the alcalde due
at 10.45 A.M., unless General Tobal sent word by
the alcalde that he, Colonel Torres, should with-
draw. That General Tobal had declined to give
any instructions I was cognizant of, and the situa-
tion at once became quite as serious as on the day
previous. I immediately landed an armed force,
reoccupied the same building; also landed two i-
15— VOL. XIV

738 Presidential Addresses

pounders and mounted them on platform cars behind
protection of cotton bales, and then in company
with the United States consul had an interview with
Colonel Torres, in the course of which I informed
him that I had relanded my men because he had not
kept his agreement ; that I had no interest in the af-
fairs of either party; that my attitude was strictly
neutral; that the troops of neither side should be
transported; that my sole purpose in landing was
to protect the lives and property of American citi-
zens if threatened, as they had been threatened, and
to maintain the free and uninterrupted transit of the
Isthmus, and that purpose I should maintain by
force if necessary. I also strongly advised that in
the interests of peace, and to prevent the possibility
of a conflict that could not but be regrettable, he
should carry out his agreement of the previous even-
ing and withdraw to Monkey Hill.

Colonel Torres's only reply was that it was un-
healthy at Monkey Hill, a reiteration of his love of
Americans, and persistence in his intention to occu-
py Colon, should General Tobal not give him direc-
tions to the contrary.

On the return of the alcalde at about n A.M. the
Colombian troops marched into Colon, but did not
assume the threatening demeanor of the previous
day. The American women and children again went
on board the Marcomania and City of Washington,
and through the British vice-consul I offered protec-
tion to British subjects as directed in the Depart-
ment's cablegram. A copy of the British vice-con-
sul's acknowledgment is hereto appended. The

And State Papers 739

Nashville I got under way as on the previous day
and moved close in to protect the water front. Dur-
ing the afternoon several propositions were made to
Colonel Torres by the representatives of the new
government, and he was finally persuaded by them
to embark on the Royal Mail steamer Orinoco with
all his troops and return to Cartagena. The Orin-
oco left her dock with the troops — 474 all told — at
7.35 P.M. The Dixie arrived and anchored at 7.05
P.M., when I went on board and acquainted the com-
manding officer with the situation. A portion of
the marine battalion was landed and the Nashville's
force withdrawn.

3. On the evening of November 4 Major William
M. Black and Lieut. Mark Brooke, Corps of Engi-
neers, U. S. Army, came to Colon from Culebra and
volunteered their services, which were accepted, and
they rendered very efficient help on the following
day.

4. I beg to assure the Department that I had no
part whatever in the negotiations that were carried
on between Colonel Torres and the representatives
of the provisional government; that I landed an
armed force only when the lives of American citi-
zens were threatened, and withdrew this force as
soon as there seemed to be no grounds for further
apprehension of injury to American lives or prop-
erty ; that I relanded an armed force because of the
failure of Colonel Torres to carry out his agreement
to withdraw and announced intention of returning,
and that my attitude throughout was strictly neutral
as between the two parties, my only purpose being

74° Presidential Addresses

to protect the lives and property of American citizens
and to preserve the free and uninterrupted transit of
the Isthmus.

Very respectfully,

(Signed) JOHN HUBBARD,

Commander, U. S. Navy, Commanding.
THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY,

Bureau of Navigation, Navy Department,

Washington, D. C.

This plain official account of the occurrences of
November 4 shows that, instead of there having
been too much prevision by the American Govern-
ment for the maintenance of order and the protec-
tion of life and property on the Isthmus, the orders
for the movement of the American warships had
been too long delayed; so long, in fact, that there
were but forty-two marines and sailors available to
land and protect the lives of American men and
women. It was only the coolness and gallantry with
which this little band of men wearing the American
uniform faced ten times their number of armed foes,
bent on carrying out the atrocious threat of the Co-
lombian commander, that prevented a murderous
catastrophe. At Panama, when the revolution broke
out, there was no American man-of-war and no
American troops or sailors. At Colon, Commander
Hubbard acted with entire impartiality toward both
sides, preventing any movement, whether by the
Colombians or the Panamans, which would tend to
produce bloodshed. On November 9 he prevented
a body of the revolutionists from landing at Colon.

And State Papers 741

Throughout he behaved in the most creditable man-
ner. In the New York "Evening Post," under date
of Panama, December 8, there is an article from a
special correspondent, which sets forth in detail the
unbearable oppression of the Colombian Government
in Panama. In this article is an interesting inter-
view with a native Panaman, which runs in part as
follows :

... We looked upon the building of the canal
as a matter of life or death to us. We wanted that
because it meant, with the United States in control
of it, peace and prosperity for us. President Marro-
quin appointed an Isthmian to be governor of Pan-
ama; and we looked upon that as of happy augury.
Soon we heard that the canal treaty was not likely
to be approved at Bogota; next we heard that our
Isthmian Governor, Obaldia, who had scarcely as-
sumed power, was to be superseded by a soldier
from Bogota. . . ,>. .:

Notwithstanding all that Colombia has drained
us of in the way of revenues, she did not bridge for
us a single river, nor make a single roadway, nor
erect a single college where our children could be
educated, nor do anything at all to advance our in-
dustries. . . . Well, when the new generals came
we seized them, arrested them, and the town of
Panama was in joy. Not a protest was made, ex-
cept the shots fired from the Colombian gunboat
Bogota, which killed one Chinese lying in his bed.
We were willing to encounter the Colombian troops
at Colon and fight it out ; but the commander of the
United States cruiser Nashville forbade Superin-

Presidential Addresses

tendent Shaler to allow the railroad to transport
troops for either party. That is our story.

I call especial attention to the concluding portion
of this interview, which states the willingness of
the Panama people to fight the Colombian troops and
the refusal of Commander Hubbard to permit them
to use the railroad and therefore to get into a posi-
tion where the fight could take place. It thus clearly
appears that the fact that there was no bloodshed
on the Isthmus was directly due — and only due — to
the prompt and firm enforcement by the United
States of its traditional policy. During the past
forty years revolutions and attempts at revolution
have succeeded one another with monotonous regu-
larity on the Isthmus, and again and again United
States sailors and marines have been landed as they
were landed in this instance and under similar in-
structions to protect the transit. One of these revo-
lutions resulted in three years of warfare; and the
aggregate of bloodshed and misery caused by them
has been incalculable. The fact that in this last revo-
lution not a life was lost, save that of the man killed
by the shells of the Colombian gunboat, and no prop-
erty destroyed, was due to the action which I have
described. We, in effect, policed the Isthmus in the
interest of its inhabitants and of our own national
needs, and for the good of the entire civilized world.
Failure to act as the Administration acted would
have meant great waste of life, great suffering, great
destruction of property ; all of which was avoided by

And State Papers 743

the firmness and prudence with which Commander
Htibbard carried out his orders and prevented either
party from attacking the other. Our action was for
the peace both of Colombia and of Panama. It is
earnestly to be hoped that there will be no unwise
conduct on our part which may encourage Colombia
to embark on a war which can not result in her re-
gaining control of the Isthmus, but which may cause
much bloodshed and suffering.

I hesitate to refer to the injurious insinuations
which have been made of complicity by this govern-
ment in the revolutionary movement in Panama.
They are as destitute of foundation as of propriety.
The only excuse for my mentioning them is the fear
lest unthinking persons might mistake for acquies-
cence the silence of mere self-respect. I think proper
to say, therefore, that no one connected with this
Government had any part in preparing, inciting, or
encouraging the late revolution on the Isthmus of
Panama, and that save from the reports of our mili-
tary and naval officers, given above, no one con-
nected with this Government had any previous
knowledge of the revolution except such as was ac-
cessible to any person of ordinary intelligence who
read the newspapers and kept up a current acquaint-
ance with public affairs.

By the unanimous action of its people, without the
firing of a shot — with a unanimity hardly before re-
corded in any similar case — the people of Panama
declared themselves an independent republic. Their
recognition by this Government was based upon a

744 Presidential Addresses

state of facts in no way dependent for its justification
upon our action in ordinary cases. I have not de-
nied, nor do I wish to deny, either the validity or
the propriety of the general rule that a new state
should not be recognized as independent till it has
shown its ability to maintain its independence. This
rule is derived from the principle of non-interven-
tion, and as a corollary of that principle has general-
ly been observed by the United States. But, like the
principle from which it is deduced, the rule is sub-
ject to exceptions ; and there are in my opinion clear
and imperative reasons why a departure from it was
justified and even required in the present instance.
These reasons embrace, first, our treaty rights; sec-
ond, our national interests and safety ; and, third, the
interests of collective civilization.

I have already adverted to the treaty of 1846, by
the thirty-fifth article of which the United States se-
cured the right to a free and open transit across the
Isthmus of Panama, and to that end agreed to guar-
antee to New Granada her rights of sovereignty and
property over that territory. This article is some-
times discussed as if the latter guarantee constituted
its sole object and bound the United States to pro-
tect the sovereignty of New Granada against domes-
tic revolution. Nothing, however, could be more er-
roneous than this supposition. That our wise and
patriotic ancestors, with all their dread of entangling
alliances, would have entered into a treaty with New
Granada solely or even primarily for the purpose of
enabling that remnant of the original Republic of

And State Papers 745

Colombia, then resolved into the States of New
Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador, to continue from
Bogota to rule over the Isthmus of Panama, is a
conception that would in itself be incredible, even if
the contrary did not clearly appear. It is true that
since the treaty was made the United States has
again and again "been obliged forcibly to intervene
for the preservation of order and the maintenance of
an open transit, and that this intervention has usu-
ally operated to the advantage of the titular Gov-
ernment of Colombia, but it is equally true that the
United States in intervening with or without Colom-
bia's consent, for the protection of the transit, has
disclaimed any duty to defend the Colombian Gov-
ernment against domestic insurrection or against
the erection of an independent government on the
Isthmus of Panama. The attacks against which the
United States engaged to protect New Granadian
sovereignty were those of foreign powers; but this
engagement was only a means to the accomplish-
ment of a yet more important end. The great de-
sign of the article was to assure the dedication of the
Isthmus to the purposes of free and unobstructed
interoceanic transit, the consummation of which
would be found in an interoceanic canal. To the
accomplishment of this object the Government of
the United States had for years directed its diplo-
macy. It occupied a place in the instructions to our
delegates to the Panama Congress during the Ad-
ministration of John Quincy Adams. It formed the
subject erf a resolution of the Senate in 1835, and

746 Presidential Addresses

of the House of Representatives in 1839. In 1846
its importance had become still more apparent by
reason of the Mexican war. If the treaty of 1846
did not in terms bind New Granada to grant reason-
able concessions for the construction of means of in-
teroceanic communication, it was only because it was
not imagined that such concessions would ever be
withheld. As it was expressly agreed that the United
States, in consideration of its onerous guarantee of
New Granadian sovereignty, should possess the right
of free and open transit on any modes of communi-
cation that might be constructed, the obvious intenf
of the treaty rendered it unnecessary, if not super-
fluous, in terms to stipulate that permission for the
construction of such modes of communication should
not be denied.

Long before the conclusion orf the Hay-Herran
treaty the course of events had shown that a canal to
connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans must be
built by the United States or not at all. Experience
had demonstrated that private enterprise was utterly
inadequate for the purpose; and a fixed policy, de-
clared by the United States on many memorable oc-
casions, and supported by the practically unanimous
voice of American opinion, had rendered it morally
impossible that the work should be undertaken by
European powers, either singly or in combination.
Such were the universally recognized conditions on
which the legislation of the Congress was based, and
on which the late negotiations with Colombia were
begun and concluded. Nevertheless, when the well-

And State Papers 747

considered agreement was rejected by Colombia and
the revolution on the Isthmus ensued, one of Colom-
bia's first acts was to invoke the intervention of the
United States ; nor does her invitation appear to have
been confined to this Government alone. By a tele-
gram from Mr. Beaupre, our minister at Bogota,
of the 7th of November last, we were informed that
General Reyes would soon leave Panama invested
with full powers ; that he had telegraphed the Presi-
dent of Mexico to ask the Government of the United
States and all countries represented at the Pan-
American Conference "to aid Colombia to preserve
her integrity"; and that he had requested that the
Government of the United States should meanwhile
"preserve the neutrality and transit of the Isthmus"
and should "not recognize the new government." In
another telegram from Mr. Beaupre, which was sent
later in the day, this Government was asked whether
it would take action "to maintain Colombian right
and sovereignty on the Isthmus in accordance with
article 35 [of] the treaty of 1846" in case the Co-
lombian Government should be "entirely unable to
suppress the secession movement there." Here was
a direct solicitation to the United States to intervene
for the purpose of suppressing, contrary to the treaty
of 1846 as this Government has uniformly construed
it, a new revolt against Colombia's authority brought
about by her own refusal to permit the fulfilment of
the great design for which that treaty was made. It
was under these circumstances that the United
States, instead of using its forces to destroy those

748 Presidential Addresses

who sought to make the engagements of the treaty
a reality, recognized them as the proper custodians
of the sovereignty of the Isthmus.

This recognition was, in the second place, further
justified by the highest considerations of our national
interests and safety. In all the range of our inter-
national relations I do not hesitate to affirm that
there is nothing of greater or more pressing impor-
tance than the construction of an interoceanic canal.
Long acknowledged to be essential to our commer-
cial development, it has become, as the result of the
recent extension of our territorial dominion, more
than ever essential to our national self-defence. In
transmitting to the Senate the treaty of 1846, Presi-
dent Polk pointed out as the principal reason for its
ratification that the passage of the Isthmus, which it
was designed to secure, "would relieve us from a
long and dangerous navigation of more than 9,000
miles around Cape Horn, and render our communi-
cation with our own possessions on the northwest
coast of America comparatively easy and speedy."
The events of the past five years have given to this
consideration an importance immeasurably greater
than it possessed in 1846. In the light of our present
situation, the establishment of easy and speedy com-
munication by sea between the Atlantic and the Pa-
cific presents itself not simply as something to be
desired, but as an object to be positively and prompt-
ly attained. Reasons of convenience have been su-
perseded by reasons of vital necessity, which do not
admit of indefinite delays.

And State Papers 749

To such delays the rejection by Colombia of the
Hay-Herran treaty directly exposed us. As proof
of this fact I need only refer to the programme out-
lined in the report of the majority of the Panama
Canal Committee, read in the Colombian Senate on
the 1 4th of October last. In this report, which recom-
mended that the discussion of a law to authorize the
government to enter upon new negotiations should
be indefinitely postponed, it is proposed that the con-
sideration of the subject should be deferred till Oc-
tober 31, 1904, when the next Colombian Congress
should have met in ordinary session. By that time,
as the report goes on to say, the extension of time
granted to the New Panama Canal Company by
treaty in 1893 would have expired, and the new
Congress would be in a position to take up the ques-
tion whether the company had not, in spite of further
extensions that had been granted by legislative acts,
forfeited all its property and rights. "When that
time arrives/' the report significantly declares, "the
Republic, without any impediment, will be able to
contract, and will be in more clear, more definite,
and more advantageous possession, both legally and
materially." The naked meaning of this report is
that Colombia proposed to wait until, by the enforce-
ment of a forfeiture repugnant to the ideas of justice
which obtain in every civilized nation, the property
and rights of the New Panama Canal Company
could be confiscated.

Such is the scheme to which it was proposed that
the United States should be invited to become a

75° Presidential Addresses

party. The construction of the canal was to be
relegated to the indefinite future, while Colombia
was, by reason of her own delay, to be placed in
the "more advantageous" position of claiming not
merely the compensation to be paid by the United
States for the privilege of completing the canal, but
also the forty millions authorized by the act of 1902
to be paid for the property of the New Panama
Canal Company. That the attempt to carry out
this scheme would have brought Colombia into con-
flict with the Government of France can not be
doubted; nor could the United States have counted
upon immunity from the consequences of the at-
tempt, even apart from the indefinite delays to which
the construction of the canal was to be subjected.
On the first appearance of danger to Colombia, this
Government would have been summoned to inter-
pose, in order to give effect to the guarantees of the
treaty of 1846; and all this in support of a plan
which, while characterized in its first stage by the
wanton disregard of our own highest interests, was
fitly to end in further injury to the citizens of a
friendly nation, whose enormous losses in their gen-
erous efforts to pierce the Isthmus have become a
matter of history.

In the third place, I confidently maintain that the
recognition of the Republic of Panama was an act
justified by the interests of collective civilization.
If ever a government could be said to have received
a mandate from civilization to effect an object the
accomplishment of which was demanded in the in-

And State Papers 751

terest of mankind, the United States holds that
position with regard to the interoceanic canal.
Since our purpose to build the canal was definitely
announced, there have come from all quarters as-
surances of approval and encouragement, in which
even Colombia herself at one time participated ; and
to general assurances were added specific acts and
declarations. In order that no obstacle might stand
in our way, Great Britain renounced important
rights under the Clayton-Bulwer treaty and agreed
to its abrogation, receiving in return nothing but
our honorable pledge to build the canal and protect
it as an open highway. It was in view of this
pledge, and of the proposed enactment by the Con-
gress of the United States of legislation to give
it immediate effect, that the second Pan-American
Conference, at the City of Mexico, on January 2*2,
1902, adopted the following resolution:

The Republics assembled at the International
Conference of Mexico applaud the purpose of the
United States Government to construct an inter-
oceanic canal, and acknowledge that this work will
not only be worthy of the greatness of the American
people, but also in the highest sense a work of civil-
ization, and to the greatest degree beneficial to the
development of commerce between the American
States and the other countries of the world.

Among those who signed this resolution on behalf
of their respective governments was General Reyes,

752 Presidential Addresses

the delegate of Colombia. Little could it have been
foreseen that two years later the Colombian Govern-
ment, led astray by false allurements of selfish ad-
vantage, and forgetful alike of its international
obligations and of the duties and responsibilities
of sovereignty, would thwart the efforts of the
United States to enter upon and complete a work
which the nations of America, re-echoing the senti-
ment of the nations of Europe, had pronounced to
be not only "worthy of the greatness of the Ameri-
can people/' but also "in the highest sense a work
of civilization."

That our position as the mandatary of civiliza-
tion has been by no means misconceived is shown
by the promptitude with which the powers have,
one after another, followed our lead in recognizing
Panama as an independent State. Our action in
recognizing the new republic has been followed by
like recognition on the part of France, Germany,
Denmark, Russia, Sweden, and Norway, Nicaragua,
Peru, China, Cuba, Great Britain, Italy, Costa Rica,
Japan, and Austria-Hungary.

In view of the manifold considerations of treaty
right and obligation, of national interest and safety,
and of collective civilization, by which our Govern-
ment was constrained to act, I am at a loss to com-
prehend the attitude of those who can discern in
the recognition of the Republic of Panama only a
general approval of the principle of "revolution"
by which a given government is overturned or one
portion of a country separated from another. Only

And State Papers 753

the amplest justification can warrant a revolutionary
movement of either kind. But there is no fixed rule
which can be applied to all such movements. Each
case must be judged on its own merits. There have
been many revolutionary movements, many move-
ments for the dismemberment of countries, which
were evil, tried by any standard. But in my opinion
no disinterested and fair-minded observer acquaint-
ed with the circumstances can fail to feel that Pan-
ama had the amplest justification for separation from
Colombia under the conditions existing, and, more-
over, that its action was in the highest degree bene-
ficial to the interests of the entire civilized world
by securing the immediate opportunity for the
building of the interoceanic canal. It would be
well for those who are pessimistic as to our action
in peacefully recognizing the Republic of Panama,
while we lawfully protected the transit from inva-
sion and disturbance, to recall what has been done
in Cuba, where we intervened even by force on gen-
eral grounds of national interest and duty. When
we interfered it was freely prophesied that we in-
tended to keep Cuba and administer it for our own
interests. The result has demonstrated in singularly
conclusive fashion the falsity of these prophecies.
Cuba is now an independent republic. We governed
it in its own interests for a few years, till it was able
to stand alone, and then started it upon its career of
self-government and independence, granting it all
necessary aid. We have received from Cuba a grant
of two naval stations, so situated that they in no

754 Presidential Addresses

possible way menace the liberty of the island, and
yet serve as important defences for the Cuban peo-
ple, as well as for our own people, against possible
foreign attack. The people of Cuba have been im-
measurably benefited by our interference in their
behalf, and our own gain has been great. So will
it be with Panama. The people of the Isthmus,
and as I firmly believe of the adjacent parts of Cen-
tral and South America, will be greatly benefited
by the building of the canal and the guarantee of
peace and order along its line; and hand in hand
with the benefit to them will go the benefit to us and
to mankind. By our prompt and decisive action,
not only have our interests and those otthe world
at large been conserved, but we have forestalled
complications which were likely to be fruitful in
loss to ourselves, and in bloodshed and suffering to
the people of the Isthmus.

Instead of using our forces, as we were invited
by Colombia to do, for the twofold purpose of de-
feating our own rights and interests and the in-
terests of the civilized world, and of compelling the
submission of the people of the Isthmus to those
whom they regarded as oppressors, we shall, as in
duty bound, keep the transit open and prevent its
invasion. Meanwhile, the only question now before
us is that of the ratification of the treaty. For it
is to be remembered that a failure to ratify the
treaty will not undo what has been done, will not
restore Panama to Colombia, and will not alter
our obligation to keep the transit open across the

And State Papers 755

Isthmus, and to prevent any outside power from
menacing this transit.

It seems to have been assumed in certain quarters
that the proposition that the obligations of article
35 of the treaty of 1846 are to be considered as
adhering to and following the sovereignty of the
Isthmus, so long as that sovereignty is not absorbed
by the United States, rests upon some novel theory.
No assumption could be further from the fact. It
is by no means true that a state in declaring its
independence rids itself of all the treaty obligations
entered into by the parent government. It is a mere
coincidence that this question was once raised in a
case involving the obligations of Colombia as an
independent state under a treaty which Spain had
made with the United States many years before
Spanish-American independence. In that case Mr.
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, in an in-
struction to Mr. Anderson, our minister to Colom-
bia, of May 27, 1823, said:

By a treaty between the United States and Spain
concluded at a time when Colombia was a part of
the Spanish dominions ... the principle that free
ships make free goods was expressly recognized
and established. It is asserted that by her declara-
tion of independence Colombia has been entirely re-
leased from all the obligations by which, as a part
of the Spanish nation, she was bound to other na-
tions. This principle is not tenable. To all the
engagements of Spain with other nations, affecting
their rights and interests, Colombia, so far as she

756 Presidential Addresses

was affected by them, remains bound in honor and
in justice. The stipulation now referred to is of
that character.

The principle thus asserted by Mr. Adams was
afterward sustained by an international commission
in respect to the precise stipulation to which he re-
ferred; and a similar position was taken by the
United States with regard to the binding obligation
upon the independent State of Texas of commercial
stipulations embodied in prior treaties between the
United States and Mexico when Texas formed a
part of the latter country. But in the present case
it is unnecessary to go so far. Even if it be ad-
mitted that prior treaties of a political and commer-
cial complexion generally do not bind a new state
formed by separation, it is undeniable that stipula-
tions having a local application to the territory
embraced in the new state continue in force and are
binding upon the new sovereign. Thus it is on all
hands conceded that treaties relating to boundaries
and to rights of navigation continue in force with-
out regard to changes in government or in sover-
eignty. This principle obviously applies to that
part of the treaty of 1846 which relates to the
Isthmus of Panama.

In conclusion let me repeat that the question
actually before this Government is not that of the
recognition of Panama as an independent republic.
That is already an accomplished fact. The ques-
tion, and the only question, is whether or not we
shall build an Isthmian Canal.

And State Papers 757

I transmit herewith copies of the latest notes from
the minister of the Republic of Panama to this Gov-
ernment, and of certain notes which have passed
between the special envoy of the Republic of Co-
lombia and this Government.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
WHITE HOUSE,
January 4, 1904

EXTRACTS FROM THE MESSAGES

OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT AS

GOVERNOR OF THE STATE

OF NEW YORK

MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK
TO THE LEGISLATURE, JANUARY 2, 1899

STATE OF NEW YORK, EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,

ALBANY, January 2, 1899
To the Legislature:

The people of New York, like the people of every
other State in the Union, are to be congratulated,
because during the past year the Nation has carried
to a brilliant triumph one of the most righteous
wars of modern times. When last spring it became
evident that the interests of humanity and of na-
tional honor alike demanded that we should drive
Spain from the Western Hemisphere and free from
her tyranny the subject peoples of the islands of
the sea, New York responded with eager zeal to
the call for volunteers, and in the Cabinet, in Con-
gress and in camp, her representatives did all they
could to insure the success of the American
policy. We are not merely New Yorkers. We are
Americans; and the interests of all Americans,
whether from the North, the South, the East or the
great West, are equally dear to the men of the Em-
pire State. As we grow into a mighty nation,
(758)

Gubernatorial Messages 759

which, whether it will or not, must inevitably play
a great part for good or for evil in the affairs of
the world at large, the people of New York wish it
understood that they look at all questions of Ameri-
can foreign policy from the most thoroughly na-
tional standpoint. The tropic islands we have taken
must neither be allowed to lapse into anarchy nor to
return under the sway of tyranny. War is a grim
thing at best, but the war through which we have
passed has left us not merely memories of glory
won on land and sea, but an even more blessed heri-
tage, the knowledge that it was waged from the
highest motives, for the good of others as well as
for our own national honor. Above all, we are
thankful that it brought home to all of us the fact
that the country was indeed one when serious dan-
ger confronted it. The men from the East and the
West, from the North and the South, the sons of
those who wore the blue and of those who wore the
gray, the men of means and the men who all their
lives long had possessed only what day by day they
toiled to earn, stood shoulder to shoulder in the
fight, met the same dangers, shared the same hard-
ships and won the same ultimate triumph.

In our domestic affairs, the State is to be con-
gratulated on the gradual return of prosperity.
Though temporarily checked by the war this return
has been on the whole steady. The capitalist
finds constantly greater business opportunities; the
wageworker, in consequence, is more steadily em-
ployed; the farmer has a better market.

760 Gubernatorial Messages

TAXATION

No other question is of such permanent impor-
tance in the domestic economy of our State as the
question of taxation. At present our system of tax-
ation is in utter confusion, full of injustices and of
queer anomalies. It is an exceedingly difficult sub-
ject, one well worthy the attention of our best men,
the men with most highly trained minds and the
broadest practical experience; men who are able to
approach the subject from the standpoints alike of
the farmer, the merchant, and the manufacturer.
Not only is it necessary to consider whether any
kind of tax ought, if practicable, to be levied, but
whether it is in fact practicable to levy it. We
should discourage the building up of non-taxable in-
terests, and yet we should discourage driving prop-
erty out of the State by unwise taxation, or levying
a tax which is in effect largely a tax upon honesty.
I most earnestly commend the whole matter to your
special attention.

MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK
TO THE LEGISLATURE, MAY 22, 1899

STATE OF NEW YORK, EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,
ALBANY, May 22, 1899

To the Legislature:

I have called you together in extraordinary session
for the purpose of considering the subject of the
taxation of franchises,

Gubernatorial Messages 761

My message to the Legislature of March 27, 1899,
ran in part as follows :

"At present the farmers, the market gardeners,
and the mechanics and tradesmen having small hold-
ings are paying an improper and excessive portion
of the general taxes, while at the same time many of
the efforts to remedy this state of affairs, notably in
the direction of taxing securities, are not only un-
wise, but inefficient, and often serve merely to put
a premium upon dishonesty."

"There is evident injustice in the light taxation
of corporations. I have not the slightest sympathy
with the outcry against corporations as such, or
against prosperous men of business. Most of the
great material works by which the entire country
benefits have been due to the action of individual
men, or of aggregates of men, who made money for
themselves by doing that which was in the interest
of the people as a whole. From an armor plant to
a street railway no work which is really beneficial to
the public can be performed to the best advantage of
the public save by men of such business capacity that
they will not do the work unless they themselves re-
ceive ample reward for doing it. The effort to
deprive them of an ample reward, merely means
that they will turn their energies in some other
direction; and the public will be by just so much
the loser. Moreover, to tax corporations or men
of means in such a way as to drive them out of the
State works great damage to the State. To drive
16— VOL. XIV

762 Gubernatorial Messages

out of a community the men of means and the men
who take the lead in business enterprises would
probably entail, as one of its first results, the star-
vation of a considerable portion of the remainder
of the population.

"But while I freely admit all this, it yet remains
true that a corporation which derives its powers from
the State should pay to the State a just percentage
of its earnings as a return for the privileges it en-
joys. This should be especially true for the fran-
chises bestowed upon gas companies, street railroads
and the like. The question o<f the municipal owner-
ship of these franchises can not be raised with pro-
priety until the governments of all municipalities
show greater wisdom and virtue than has been re-
cently shown, for instance, in New York City; and
the question of laying and assessing the tax for
franchises of every kind throughout the State should
in my opinion be determined by the State itself. I
need not point out to you that in foreign communi-
ties a very large percentage of the taxes comes from
corporations which use the public domain for pipes,
tracks and the like."

I stated that the power of assessing the tax on
franchises should be left with the State authorities
— not the local authorities — because in my view this
was desirable both for the sake of providing against
improper favoritism! of or discrimination against
corporations by the local authorities, for the sake
of working equity as between the franchises in dif-
ferent localities, and finally for the sake of providing

Gubernatorial Messages 763

for the cases where a railroad or telephone or tele-
graph line runs through several different communi-
ties.

Many representatives of corporations owning
franchises heartily approve of having them prop-
erly taxed ; and I am confident that, in the end, this
will be of positive benefit to the franchise owners,
and in no way oppressive to them, save as all taxes
are oppressive to all owners of property.

The line of cleavage between good and bad citizen-
ship does not follow the line dividing the men who
represent corporate interests from the men who do
not; it runs at right angles to it. We are bound to
recognize this fact, to remember that we should
stand for good citizenship in every form, and should
neither yield to demagogic influence on the one
hand, nor to improper corporate influence on the
other. There is no intention of oppressing people
who have put their money into franchises. We rec-
ognize that, as in the case of all legitimate business,
they benefit not only themselves but the community
at large. If a franchise is worth very little, it should
be taxed very little ; but where the franchise is of
great value, it certainly should be heavily taxed;
and the value is of course based upon the use of the
city's or State's real estate. Such use of the public
real estate should not be given without substantial
returns ; returns not only in the way of service to the
public, which of course a street railway or a gas
company gives, precisely as the proprietor of a
grocery or dry goods store gives it, but also in the

764 Gubernatorial Messages

way of bearing a just share of the burden of taxa-
tion; again, precisely as the owner of the grocery
or dry goods store bears his share, the difference
being that a railroad company, for instance, owes
infinitely more than the proprietor of a big business
establishment does, to the real estate itself. Of
course, this value differs greatly in different places.
Where population is dense, as in New York City,
the real estate along which the tracks are laid on
Broadway may be worth an immense amount for
every lineal foot, exactly as the real estate fronting
this portion of Broadway is worth an immense
amount for every lineal foot. In sparsely settled
districts, however, the value of the real estate of
the railroad will diminish greatly, just as the value of
the realty through which it runs diminishes.

I am perfectly well aware that as Chief Justice
Marshall says : "The power of taxation is the power
of destruction." But this applies to every species of
property. If demagogues or ignorant enthusiasts
who are misled by demagogues could succeed in de-
stroying wealth, they would of course simply work
the ruin of the entire community ; and first of all, of
the unfortunates for whom they profess to feel an
especial interest. But the very existence of unrea-
soning hostility to wealth should make us all the
more careful in seeing that wealth does nothing to
justify such hostility. We are the true friends of
the men of means, we are the true friends of the
lawful corporate interests which do good work for
the community, when we insist that the man of

Gubernatorial Messages 765

means and the great corporation shall pay their full
share of taxes and bear their full share of the public
burdens. If this is done, then sooner or later will
follow public recognition of the fact that it is done;
and when there is no legitimate basis for discon-
tent, the American public is sure sooner or later to
cease to feel discontent.

The Legislature passed, and there is now before
me, a bill for the taxation of franchises by treating
them as realty. After watching the progress of this
bill I became convinced that the opposition to it was
less to its particular features than to the general
principle of taxing franchises in any way; in other
words, I became convinced that any really effective
measure of taxation aimed at franchises would be
vigorously opposed. It therefore became of the ut-
most importance to secure this year some statutory
enactment which would distinctly recognize the prin-
ciple which we seek to establish. Toward the end
of the session it became evident that the influences
against the taxation of franchises would be content
with nothing save the defeat of any measure of sub-
stantial relief ; and a measure of less than substantial
relief I would not accept. Finally it became evident
that the Legislature could pass only one bill and that
without amendment. I therefore sent in a special
message asking for the passage of this bill. It was
passed on the last day of the session. It represents
a long stride in the right direction, and one from
which there must be no retrogression.

Nevertheless, it can be greatly bettered if amended

766 Gubernatorial Messages

in two important particulars. In its essential prin-
ciple, that of taxing- franchises as realty, it is right
and proper. After much study of the question, I
am convinced that in this way we can come nearer
to doing justice than in any other which has as yet
been proposed. It is no new thing to treat fran-
chises as realty. They are so treated in Wash-
burn's work on real property, and by Chancellor
Kent; but under the laws of New York as they are
now a franchise can not be taxed except by special
statute, and as a matter of fact this extremely valu-
able species of property is in very many, if not in
most, cases untaxed or taxed far below its value in
comparison with other kinds of real estate. Local
franchises are granted for various purposes and un-
der varying conditions ; sometimes by special statute
and sometimes by the municipal authorities under a
general statute. The value of the franchise of
course varies widely in different localities, depend-
ing upon a variety of circumstances ; but a great part
of its value is dependent upon the same causes which
operate to make other kinds of real estate more valu-
able in one locality than in another. The franchise
is inseparable from the property of the corporation
in the street, whether this property consists of poles,
pipes, or tracks, above the ground, under the ground,
or on the ground. The right to lay a railroad track
and operate a railroad in a public street can not be
separated or dissociated from the railroad itself.
This is equally true of the right to lay water and gas
mains and the like. The franchise is a necessary

Gubernatorial Messages 767

and inevitable element of value and is a proper sub-
ject of consideration in determining the taxable
value of the real property of the corporation enjoy-
ing it. The right to occupy a street should not be
classed as an intangible something, distinct from the
other property of the company, but should be treated
as a necessary incident to the tangible property and
one to be considered in measuring the value of the
whole property. The Nichols law in Ohio which pro-
vides for the taxation of certain kinds of corpora-
tions such as telegraph and telephone companies and
the like, doing business in the public streets, proceeds
along these lines, and has in practice been found to
work admirably. It is possible that further expe-
rience may enable us to find some better method of
taxing franchises, but with our present knowledge it
is certainly wisest to tax them as realty.

Under the bill before me the assessment will be
levied by the local authorities. This would result
in many cases in a dozen different sets of local au-
thorities assessing the value of different parts of the
same franchise. It is on every account far better
that this assessment should be delegated to the
State authorities who will necessarily ascertain all
the conditions affecting the franchise and obtain
information which will enable them to judge of
the value of the franchise in the different localities
in which it is exercised. The Board of State Tax
Commissioners can collate the facts, compare con-
ditions and determine values as a result of a wider
range of observation and experience than can be

768 Gubernatorial Messages

obtained by local officers, and under them the system
of assessment will tend to produce justice, harmony
and uniformity. This is the system adopted under
the Nichols law and it has worked well in practice.
Furthermore, the bill before me fails to take ac-
count of the fact that, in a very unequal and ir-
regular way, many corporations do already pay a
certain, though usually an utterly inadequate sum in
taxes. Some pay nothing at all to the local munic-
ipalities, but others pay sums varying from one to
five per cent on their gross earnings. The amounts
have been determined in the most haphazard manner
and bear no proportion whatever to the value of the
franchises or to their earning capacity. It is obvi-
ously unjust, when introducing a system under
which we believe that these franchises will for the
first time be fully and fairly taxed according to their
respective values, not to allow for this existing and
inequitable taxation. Accordingly it should be pro-
vided that from the sum assessed by the State au-
thorities as the tax which a corporation must pay
because of its local franchise, there shall be deducted
the amount already annually paid by it to the
locality for such franchise. In no other way is it
possible to tax these corporations with uniformity
and equity. It is contended by the advocates of the
bill that in reaching the value of the franchise under
the new law the amount thus paid away in taxes
must be allowed for and deducted anyhow ; but it
is not certain that this would be done, and in any
event the principal should be definitely established

Gubernatorial Messages 769

by the law itself. There can be no possible oppo-
sition to putting it in the law by any man who is
anxious to tax corporations as other property is
taxed, and who believes that this end can be attained
by taxing them as realty. Either by taxing them
as realty we shall tax them at their full value, or
we shall not; if, as we hold, the former is the case,
it would be unjust to tax them for more than their
full value, and this would happen were not these ex-
isting taxes deducted.

If it is claimed that the particular method of as-
sessment by the State Tax Commission may be im-
proper or unjust, provision can be made for the
same appeal to the courts that now lies in the case
of any assessment on other kinds of property.

Accordingly, I recommend the enactment of a law
which shall tax all these franchises as realty, which
shall provide for the assessment of the tax by the
Board of State Tax Commissioners, and which shall
further provide that from the tax thus levied for the
benefit of each locality there shall be deducted the
taxes now paid by the corporation in question.
Furthermore, as the time for assessing, the largest
and wealthiest corporations, those of New York and
Buffalo, has passed for this year, and as it will be
preferable not to have the small country corpora-
tions taxed before the larger corporations of the
cities are taxed, I suggest that the operations of the
law be deferred until October first, of this year.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

77° Gubernatorial Messages

MESSAGE OF THE GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK
TO THE LEGISLATURE, JANUARY 3, 1900

STATE OF NEW YORK, EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,
ALBANY, January 3, ipoo

To the Legislature:

It is a very genuine pleasure to congratulate the
Legislature upon the substantial sum of achieve-
ment in legislation and administration of the past
year. Laws of the utmost usefulness to the com-
munity have been enacted, and there has been a
steady betterment throughout the year in the meth-
ods and results of the administration of the gov-
ernment.

The whole problem of taxation is now, as it has
been at almost all times and in almost all places, one
of extreme difficulty. It has become more and more
evident in recent years that existing methods of
taxation, which worked well enough in a simpler
state of society, are not adequate to secure justice
when applied to the conditions of our complex and
highly specialized modern industrial development.
At present the real estate owner is certainly bearing
an excessive proportion of the tax burden. Men
who have made a special study of the theory of
taxation and men who have had long experience
in its practical application are alike in conflict among
themselves as to the best general system. Absolute
equality, absolute justice in matters of taxation will

Gubernatorial Messages 771

probably never be realized ; but we can approximate
it much more closely than at present. The last Leg-
islature most wisely appointed a committee to con-
sider the feasibility of a thorough and far-reaching
change in our tax laws ; and there is good reason to
believe that their forthcoming report will present a
scheme which will receive the support of substan-
tially all classes of taxpayers, and which will be of
such a character as to commend itself to the most
careful consideration of your body upon broad lines.
The law must not only be correct in the abstract ;
it must work well in the concrete. Experience
shows that certain classes or symbols of property
which in theory ought to be taxed can not under
the present practice be reached. Some kinds of
taxes are so fertile in tempting to perjury and sharp
dealing that they amount to taxes on honesty — the
last quality on which we should impose a needless
burden. Moreover, where the conditions and com-
plexity of life vary widely as between different com-
munities, the desirability and possibility of certain
taxes may seem or be so different that it is hard to
devise a common system that will work. If possible
the State tax should be levied on classes of property,
and in a manner which will render it collectible with
entire fairness in all sections of the community, as
for instance the corporation or collateral inheritance
tax is now collected. So far as possible we should
divorce the State and municipal taxes, so as to ren-
der unnecessary the annual equalization of values
between the several counties which has proved so

772 Gubernatorial Messages

fertile a source of friction between the city and the
country.

There is a constant influx into New York State
of capital ofttimes previously incorporated under the
laws of other States, and an increasing number of
men of means from other parts of the country, non-
residents of New York, come into this State to so-
journ and to conduct and be at the head of various
business enterprises which are drawn to New York
as the financial centre of the whole country. This
calls for legislation which shall provide, in a broad
and fair spirit, for taxing foreign capital in this
State, whether in corporate or individual form, ex-
actly as we tax domestic capital doing business along
the same lines.

I call your attention to the fact that the great
burden of taxation is local, not State. In the large
cities the heavy local charges are mainly due to the
action of the local authorities themselves. For this
the local authorities are of course responsible. But
sometimes taxation is added to by legislative enact-
ment.

On certain points the failure of the tax laws has
become so evident that it is possible to provide more
or less complete remedies without waiting for a gen-
eral scheme of reorganization. Again and again in
recent years this has been recognized, and through
legislative enactment certain species of property
which had escaped taxation have been made to pay
their proper share of the public burdens. The col-
lateral inheritance tax offers a case in point. The

Gubernatorial Messages 773

corporation tax offers another. In all these matters
of taxation, however, it is necessary to proceed with
extreme caution, the path never being so simple and
clear as the advocates of any particular measure in-
variably believe. Every wealthy corporation that
perpetrates or is allowed to perpetrate a wrong helps
to produce or inflame a condition of angry excite-
ment against all corporations, which in its turn may
in the end harm alike the honest and the dishonest
agents of public service and thereby do far-reaching
damage to the whole body politic. Much of the
outcry against wealth, against the men who acquire
wealth, and against the means by which it is ac-
quired, is blind, unreasoning and unjust; but in too
many cases it has a basis in real abuses ; and we must
remember that every act of misconduct which af-
fords any justification for this clamor is not only bad
because of the wrong done but also because the justi-
fication thus given inevitably strengthens movements
which are in reality profoundly anti-social and anti-
civic. Our laws should be so drawn as to protect
and encourage corporations which do their honest
duty by the public; and to discriminate sharply
against those organized in a spirit of mere greed,
or for improper speculative purposes.

There is plenty of misconduct, plenty of selfish
disregard of the rights of others, and especially of
the weak. There is also plenty of honorable and
disinterested effort to prevent such misconduct or to
minimize its effects. Any rational attempt to pre-
vent or counteract the evils, by legislation or other-

774 Gubernatorial Messages

wise, is deserving of hearty support; but it can not
be too deeply impressed upon us that such attempts
can result in permanent good only in proportion as
they are made in a sane and wholesome spirit, as far
removed as possible from whatever is hysterical or
revolutionary. It is infinitely better when needed
social and civic changes can be brought about as the
result of natural and healthy growth than when they
come with the violent dislocation and widespread
wreck and damage inevitably attendant upon any
movement which is revolutionary in its nature.

At the same time a change should never be shirked
on the ground of its being radical, when the abuse
has become flagrant and no other remedy appears
possible. This was the case with the taxation of
local franchises in this State. For years most of
these franchises escaped paying their proper share
of the public burdens. The last Legislature placed
on the statute book a law requiring them to be treat-
ed as real estate for the purposes of taxation, the tax
to be assessed and collected by the State Assessors
for the benefit of the localities concerned. This
marks an immense stride in advance. Of course at
first serious difficulties are sure to arise in enforcing
it. The means for carrying it into effect are very
inadequate. There may be delay before we get from
it the substantial additions to the revenue, which will
finally accrue, and there may be disappointment to
the enthusiasts who are so apt to hope too much from
such legislation. But it will undoubtedly add largely
to the public revenues as soon as it is fairly in opera-

Gubernatorial Messages 775

tion, and the amount thus added will increase stead-
ily year by year. The principle which this law estab-
lishes has come to stay. There will doubtless have
to be additional legislation from time to time to per-
fect the system as its shortcomings are made evident
in actual practice. But the corporations owning
valuable public franchises must pay their full and
proper share of the public burdens.

The franchise tax law is framed with the intent
of securing exact and equal justice, no more and no
less. It is not in any way intended as a means for
persecuting or oppressing corporations. It is not
intended to cut down legitimate dividends; still less
to cut down wages or to prevent a just return for
the far-sighted business skill of some captain of in-
dustry who has been able to establish a public service
greatly to the advantage of the localities concerned,
where before his time men of less business capacity
had failed. But it is intended that property which
derives its value from the grant of a privilege by
the public, shall be taxed proportionately to the
value of the privilege granted. In enforcing this
law, much tact, patience, resolution and judgment
will be needed. All these qualities the State Board
of Tax Commissioners have thus far shown. Their
salaries are altogether inadequate, for the new law
has immensely increased not only their responsibili-
ties, but their work. They should be given not only
the needed increase for themselves, but also an ap-
propriation for an additional number of clerks and
experts.

776 Gubernatorial Messages

During the year 1899 not a single corporation has
received at the hands of the State of New York
one privilege of any kind, sort or description, by
law or otherwise, to which it was not entitled, and
which was not in the public interest; nor has cor-
porate influence availed against any measure which
was in the public interest. At certain times, and in
certain places, corporations have undoubtedly ex-
erted a corrupting influence in political life; but in
this State for this year it is absolutely true, as shown
by the history of every measure that has come before
the Legislature from the franchise tax down, that no
corporate influence has been able to prevail against
the interests of the public.

It has become more and more evident of late
years that the State will have to act in its collective
capacity as regards certain subjects which we have
been accustomed to treat as matters affecting the
private citizen only, and that furthermore, it must
exercise an increasing and more rigorous control
over other matters which it is not desirable that it
should directly manage. It is neither possible nor
desirable to lay down a general hard and fast rule
as to what this control should be in all cases. There
is no possible reason in pure logic why a city, for
instance, should supply its inhabitants with water,
and allow private companies to supply them with
gas, any more than there is why the general govern-
ment should take charge of the delivery of letters but
not of telegrams. On the other hand, pure logic has
a very restricted application to actual social and civic

Gubernatorial Messages 777

life, and there is no possible reason for changing
from one system to the other simply because the
change would make our political system in theory
more symmetrical. Obviously it is undesirable that
the government should do anything that private in-
dividuals could do with better results to the com-
munity. Everything that tends to deaden individual
initiative is to be avoided, and unless in a given case
there is some very evident gain which will flow from
State or municipal ownership, it should not be adopt-
ed. On the other hand, when private ownership en-
tails grave abuses, and where the work is of a kind
that can be performed with efficiency by the State or
municipality acting in its collective capacity, no
theory or tradition should interfere with our mak-
ing the change. There is grave danger in attempting
to establish invariable rules; indeed it may be that
each case will have to be determined upon its own
merits. In one instance a private corporation may
be able to do the work best. In another the State
or city may do it best. In yet a third, it may be
to the advantage of everybody to give free scope to
the power of some individual captain of industry.

On one point there must be no step backward.
There is a consensus of opinion that New York
must own its own water supply. Any legislation
permitting private ownership should be annulled.

Nothing needs closer attention, nothing deserves
to be treated with more courage, caution and sanity,
than the relations of the State to corporate wealth,
and indeed to vast individual wealth. For almost

Gubernatorial Messages

every gain there is a penalty, and the great strides in
the industrial upbuilding of the country, which have
on the whole been attended with marked benefit,
have also been attended by no little evil. Great for-
tunes are usually made under very complex" condi-
tions both of effort and of surrounding, and the mere
fact of the complexity makes it difficult to deal with
the new conditions thus created. The contrast of-
fered in a highly specialized industrial community
between the very rich and the very poor is exceed-
ingly distressing, and while under normal conditions
the acquirement of wealth by an individual is neces-
sarily of great incidental benefit to the community
as a whole, yet this is by no means always the case.
In our great cities there is plainly in evidence much
wealth contrasted with much poverty, and some of
the wealth has been acquired, or is used, in a manner
for which there is no moral justification.

A profound political and social thinker has recent-
ly written : "Wealth which is expended in multiply-
ing and elaborating real comforts, or even in pleas-
ures which produce enjoyment at all proportionate
to their cost, will never excite serious indignation.
It is the colossal waste of the means of human hap-
piness in the most selfish and most vulgar forms of
social advertisement and competition that gives a
force to passions which menace the whole future of
our civilization." But in continuance this writer
points out that the only effectual check lies in the
law of public opinion. Any attempt to interfere
by statute in moral questions of this kind, by fetter-

Gubernatorial Messages 779

ing the freedom of individual action, would be in-
jurious to a degree far greater than is the evil aimed
at. Probably the large majority of the fortunes that
now exist in this country have been amassed, not by
injuring mankind, but as an incident to the con-
ferring of great benefits on the community — what-
ever the conscious purpose of those amassing them
may have been. The occasional wrongs committed
or injuries endured are on the whole far outweighed
by the mass of good which has resulted. The true
questions to be asked are : Has any given individ-
ual been injured by the acquisition of wealth by any
man? Were the rights of that individual, if they
have been violated, insufficiently protected by law?
If so, these rights, and all similar rights, ought to
be guaranteed by additional legislation. The point
to be aimed at is the protection of the individual
against wrong, not the attempt to limit and hamper
the acquisition and output of wealth.

It is almost equally dangerous either to blink evils
and refuse to acknowledge their existence or to
strike at them in a spirit of ignorant revenge, there-
by doing far more harm than is remedied. The
need can be met only by careful study of conditions,
and by action which, while taken boldly and without
hesitation, is neither heedless nor reckless. It is well
to remember on the one hand that the adoption of
what is reasonable in the demands of reformers is
the surest way to prevent the adoption of what is
unreasonable; and on the other hand that many of
the worst and most dangerous laws which have been

780 Gubernatorial Messages

put upon the statute books have been put there by
zealous reformers with excellent intentions.

This problem has a hundred phases. The rela-
tion of the capitalist and the wageworker makes one ;
the proper attitude of the State toward extreme pov-
erty another ; the proper attitude of the State toward
the questions of the ownership and running of so-
called "public utilities," a third. But among all
these phases, the one which at this time has the
greatest prominence is the question of what are com-
monly termed "trusts," meaning by the name those
vast combinations of capital, usually flourishing by
virtue of some monopolistic element, which have
become so startlingly common a feature in the in-
dustrial revolution which has progressed so rapidly
during recent years.

Every new feature of this industrial revolution
produces hardship because in its later stages it has
been literally a revolution instead of an evolution.
The new inventions and discoveries and the new
methods of taking advantage of the business fa-
cilities afforded by the extraordinary development
of our material civilization have caused the changes
to proceed with such marvelous rapidity, that at each
stage some body of workers finds itself unable to
accommodate itself to the new conditions with suf-
ficient speed to escape hardship. In the end the ac-
commodation of the class takes place; at times too
late for the well-being of many individuals. The
change which would be unaccompanied by hardship
if it came slowly, may be fraught with severe suffer-

Gubernatorial Messages 781

ing if it comes too fast, even when it is in the end
beneficial. Occasionally, moreover, the change is
positively deleterious, and very often, even when
it is on the whole beneficial, it has features which are
the reverse. In some cases, while recognizing the
evil, it is impossible with our present knowledge to
discover any remedy. In others, a remedy can be ap-
plied, but as yet only at a cost that would make it
worse than the trouble itself. In yet others it is pos-
sible, by acting with wisdom, coolness and fearless-
ness, to apply a remedy which will wholly or in
great part remove the evil while leaving the good be-
hind. We do not wish to discourage enterprise. We
do not desire to destroy corporations; we do desire
to put them fully at the service of the State and the
people.

The machinery of modern business is so vast and
complicated that great caution must be exercised in
introducing radical changes for fear the unforeseen
effects may take the shape of widespread disaster.
Moreover, much that is complained about is not
really the abuse so much as the inevitable develop-
ment of our modern industrial life. We have moved
far away from the old simple days when each com-
munity transacted almost all its work for itself and
relied upon outsiders for but a fraction of the neces-
saries, and for not a very large portion even of the
luxuries, of life. Very many of the anti-trust laws
which have made their appearance on the statute
books of recent years have been almost or absolutely
ineffective because they have blinked the all-im-

782 Gubernatorial Messages

portant fact that much of what they thought to do
away with was incidental to modern industrial con-
ditions, and could not be eliminated unless we were
willing to turn back the wheels of modern progress
by also eliminating the forces which had brought
about these industrial conditions. Not only trusts,
but the immense importance of machinery, the con-
gestion of city life, the capacity to make large for-
tunes by speculative enterprises, and many other
features of modern existence could be thoroughly
changed by doing away with steam and electricity;
but the most ardent denouncer of trusts would hesi-
tate to advocate so drastic a remedy. What remains
for us to do, as practical men, is to look the condi-
tions squarely in the face and not to permit the
emotional side of the question, which has its proper
place, to blind us to the fact that there are other
sides. We must set about finding out what the real
abuses are, with their causes, and to what extent
remedies can be applied.

That abuses exist, and that they are of a very
grave character, it is worse than idle to deny. Just
so long as in the business world unscrupulous cun-
ning is allowed the free rein which, thanks to the
growth of humanity during the past centuries, we
now deny to unscrupulous physical force, then just
so long there will be a field for the best effort of
every honest social and civic reformer who is capa-
ble of feeling an impulse o>f generous indignation
and who is far-sighted enough to appreciate where
the real danger to the country lies. The effects are

Gubernatorial Messages 783

bad enough when the unscrupulous individual works
by himself. They are much worse when he works
in conjunction with his fellows through a giant cor-
poration or trust. Law is largely crystallized cus-
tom, largely a mass of remedies which have been
slowly evolved to meet the wrongs with which hu-
manity has become thoroughly familiar. In a simple
society only simple forms of wrong can be com-
mitted. There is neither the ability nor the oppor-
tunity to inflict others. A primitive people provides
for the punishment of theft, assault and murder, be-
cause the conditions of the existing society allow the
development of thieves and murderers and the com-
mission of deeds of violence; but it does not provide
for the punishment of forgery because there is noth-
ing to forge, and therefore, no forgers. The gradual
growth of humanitarian sentiment, often uncon-
scious or but semi-conscious, combined with other
causes, step by step emancipated the serf from bodily
subjection to his over-lord; he was then protected in
his freedom by statute; but when he became a fac-
tory hand the conditions were new and there were
no laws which prevented the use of unguarded ma-
chinery in the factories, or the abuses of child labor,
forced upon the conscientious employers by the un-
scrupulous until legislation put them on an equality.
When new evils appear there is always at first diffi-
culty in finding the proper remedy ; and as the evils
grow more complex, the remedies become increas-
ingly difficult of application. There is no use what-
ever in seeking to apply a remedy blindly; yet

784 Gubernatorial Messages

this is just what has been done in reference to
trusts.

Much of the legislation not only proposed but
enacted against trusts is not one whit more intelli-
gent than the mediaeval bull against the comet, and
has not been one particle more effective. Yet there
can and must be courageous and effective remedial
legislation.

To say that the present system of hap-hazard
license and lack of supervision and regulation, is the
best possible, is absurd. The men who endeavor to
prevent the remedying of real abuses, not only show
callous disregard for the suffering of others, but
also weaken those who are anxious to prevent the
adoption of indiscriminate would-be remedies which
would subvert our whole industrial fabric. The
chicanery and the dishonest, even though not tech-
nically illegal, methods through which some great
fortunes have been made, are scandals to our civil-
ization. The man who by swindling or wrong-
doing acquires great wealth for himself at the ex-
pense of his fellow, stands as low morally as any
predatory mediaeval nobleman and is a more dan-
gerous member of society. Any law, and any
method of construing the law which will enable the
community to punish him, either by taking away his
wealth or by imprisonment, should be welcomed.
Of course, such laws are even more needed in deal-
ing with great corporations or trusts than with in-
dividuals. They are needed quite as much for the
sake of honest corporations as for the sake of the

Gubernatorial Messages 785

public. The corporation that manages its affairs
honestly has a right to demand protection against
the dishonest corporation. We do not wish to put
any burden on honest corporations. Neither do we
wish to put an unnecessary burden of responsibility
on enterprising men for acts which are immaterial ;
they should be relieved from such burdens, but held
to a rigid financial accountability for acts that mis-
lead the upright investor or stockholder, or defraud
the public.

The first essential is knowledge of the facts, pub-
licity. Much can be done at once by amendment of
the corporation laws so as to provide for such pub-
licity as will not work injustice as between business
rivals.

The chief abuses alleged to arise from trusts are
probably the following: Misrepresentation or con-
cealment regarding material facts connected with the
organization of an enterprise; the evils connected
with unscrupulous promotion ; overcapitalization ;
unfair competition, resulting in the crushing out
of competitors who themselves do not act improper-
ly ; raising of prices above fair competitive rates ; the
wielding of increased power over the wage-earners.
Of course none of these abuses may exist in a par-
ticular trust, but in many trusts, as well as in many
corporations not ordinarily called trusts, one or more
of them are evident. Some of these evils could be
partially remedied by a modification of our corpo-
ration laws; here we can safely go along the lines
of the more conservative New England States, and
17— VOL. XIV

786 Gubernatorial Messages

probably not a little farther. Such laws will them-
selves provide the needed publicity, and the needed
circumstantiality of statement. We should know
authoritatively whether stock represents actual value
of plants, or whether it represents brands or good
will; or if not, what it does represent, if anything.
It is desirable to know how much was actually
bought, how much was issued free; and to whom;
and, if possible, for what reason. In the first place,
this would be invaluable in preventing harm being
done as among the stockholders, for many of the
grossest wrongs that are perpetrated are those of
promoters and organizers at the expense of the
general public who are invited to take shares in busi-
ness organizations. In the next place, this would
enable us to see just what the public have a right to
expect in the way of service and taxation. There
is no reason whatever for refusing to tax a corpora-
tion because by its own acts it has created a burden
of charges under which it staggers. The extrava-
gant man who builds a needlessly large house never-
theless pays taxes on the house ; and the corporation
which has to pay great sums of interest owing to
juggling transactions in the issue of "stocks and
bonds has just as little right to consideration. But
very great hardship may result to innocent pur-
chasers ; and publicity by lessening the possibility of
this would also serve the purpose of the State.

Where a trust becomes a monopoly the State has
an immediate right to interfere. Care should be
taken not to stifle enterprise or disclose any facts

Gubernatorial Messages 787

of a business that are essentially private; but the
State for the protection of the public should exercise
the right to inspect, to examine thoroughly all the
workings of great corporations just as is now done
with banks ; and wherever the interests of the public
demand it, it should publish the results of its ex-
amination. Then, if there are inordinate profits,
competition or public sentiment will give the public
the benefit in lowered prices; and if not, the power of
taxation remains. It is therefore evident that pub-
licity is the one sure and adequate remedy which
we can now invoke. There may be other remedies,
but what these others are we can only find out by
publicity, as the result of investigation. The first
requisite is knowledge, full and complete.

INDEX

INDEX

qualities needed

Achievement, cost of, 92
Adams, John Quincy, President,
12, 87, 745

quoted, 755

William. Rev., 45
Administration, qual
for, 352

requirements for a good, 5
Admiral of the Navy, 631
Agencies, Indian, reduction of, 595
Aggression by United States, no,

624

Agitation, ignorant, dangers of, 140
Agitators assist their own enemies,

541

Agricultural Association, New York
State, 466

experiment stations, 128

prosperity, 251

questions, 438
Agriculture, Alaskan, 424

competition in, 563

Department of, 127, 249, 303,
305, 440, 557, 559, 681, 684

mining and, 437

work pf, 303, 304, 557

work in, great, 557
Aguinaldian oligarchy, 65
Aguinaldo, Emilio, 317
Alabama, 511, 517
Alaska, 204, 243, 326, 328, 338, 393.
421, 638-639, 677-678

agriculture in, 424

boundaries of, 664-667

cable to. 678

coal-land laws in, 677

Congressional Committee in,
639

Delegate from, 639

Delegate from, a, 423

development of, 424-425, 677

Farming lands in, 677

fisheries in, 424, 677

Fisheries Commission in, 678

forests of, 638, 677

future of, 422, 428

gateway to, 428

hatcheries, salmon, 678

importance of, great, 426

Indians in, 678

interest in, 428

land laws of, 638, 677

land patents in, 678

Alaska, laws on, 423, 638

light-houses in, 678

lumbering in, 424

mineral wealth 01, 677

mines of, 424

mining interests in, 665

population of, future, 428

provisional boundary of, 665

purchase of, 422

railroads in, 678

resources of, 429, 638

revenue questions in, 665

roads and trails in, 678

salmon industry in, 424, 638,
678

settlers in, 425

stock-raising in, 677

transportation in, 425

Tribunal, appropriation for, 667
Alaskan Boundary Convention, 665

Boundary Tribunal, 665-666

Treaty, 1867, 664

Albany, New York, 758, 760, 770
Albuquerque, N. M., 368
Alcibiades, galleys of, the, 579
Alfalfa, cultivation of, 305
Allegheny Mountains, 202, 243, 338,

Allotment Act, General, 594

Alma Mater, debt to one's, 458

Alverstone, Lord, 665

America, business position of, 540
debt of, to soldiers, 14
debt of, to Virginia, 453
destiny of, 220
for all Americans, 18
future of, 1 86, 360, 471
glorious past of, 330
headship of, 297
importance of, growing, 86, 268
mercantile growth of, 393
not aggressive, 578
pre-eminence of, 213, 239
prosperity conditions in, 577
race strains in, 450
true ideals of, 380
united, proofs of, 19
unity of interests in, 373

American, the average, 157, 358,

472

blend of races, an, 450
character of average, 297
creed of the, 607

(790

792

Index

American, duty of each, 502

educational advantages, 406

fighting edge of, 487

Federation of Labor, 521

good, the, 136

government, genius of, 430, 434

heritage of valor, 452

humorist, an, quoted, 496

industries, market for, 297

influence, growth of, 395

Nation, founding of, 345

no physical defect in, 510

officer, typical, 589

primacy, 257

Republic, success of the, 287

seamen, 463

shipping, superiority of, 554

ships, need of, 554

spirit, 200, 487-488

steamship line, contract with,
656

true, ideals of the, 409

typical, McKinley a, 398

typical virtues of an, 398

Revolution, Sons of the, 36-39
Americanism, example of, 166

genuine, 124

meaning of, 38
Americans, union of, 168
Amnesty in Philippines, 96
Amusement, true ideal of, 453
Anarchists, Congress and, 535

dangerous criminals, 533

defenders of, 530

exclusion of, 549

Federal Courts and, 535

immigration of, 535

murderers and, 534

protected by law, 536

suppression of, 534
Anarchy, arguments for, foolish,
530

crime against humanity, 535

danger of, in Philippines, 569

despotism and, 534

encouraged by lynching, 527

forerunner of tyranny, 524

freedom and, 529-530

governmental, 1 7

mob violence a fo/m of, 523

not social discontent, 533

triumph of, 534

war against, 1 7

Animosity, class and sectional, 619
Annapolis, Md., 38, 120, 412, 633

Naval Academy at, 581
Antagonism to industrial condi-
tions, 538
Anthracite on the free list, 296,

617
Antietam, Md., 482

battle of, 482-488

battlefield of, 507
Antilles, Queen of the, 567 '
Anti- Rebate Law, 280
Anti-Trust Laws, 322, 649

Anti-Trust Laws, actions under, 283
appropriations for, 612, 660
enforcements of, 282, 284, 612
funds for enforcing, 280
ineffective, 781, 784
(See also Trusts, Corporations,

Combinations, etc.)
Antung, China, 674
Appalachian Mountains, 255
Appointments, Civil Service, 680
fixed policy in, 518
merit system in, 591, 644
negro, defended, 516
negro, in South, 516
negro, fewness of, 512
policy in making, 514, 518
whites and negroes in, 511-512
Appomattox, battle of, 486
Appropriation Act (Feb. 25, 1903),

660

Appropriations, Anti-Trust Law,
612, 660

economy in, 654
fraud, 660-662
Arbitration, growth of, 662

international, triumph of, 669
International, Union, 672, 673
international, union for, 672
labor troubles and, 308
peace and, 622-623
The Hague Court of, 669
Architecture of the White House,

644

Arctic Brotherhood, the, 421
Arid lands, reclamation of, 679,

682

reservoirs in, 561
surveys in, 682
Western, 438
Arizona, 158, 362, 369
irrigation in, 370
land-reclamation in, 682
Arlington, D. C., 40, 56
Cemetery, 40
soldiers' monument at, 53
Armaments, object of, 266
Armies as fighting machines, 492
Army, United States, the, 312, 487,

505. 584-590, 629-631
attacks on the, 313
attention deserved by, 10
camp sites for, 689
capacity demanded in, 587
commands in the, 629
constructive force, a, 590
criticisms of the, 61
debt to, public, 588
details in, four-year, 588
efficiency of the, 584, 588, 689
efforts for efficiency in, 587
elimination in, grade, 586
favorite subject of attack, 9
general-staff law in, 689
grade elimination in, 586
increase of, not needed, 584
legislation on the, 319, 589

Index

793

Army, limits of, maximum and min-
imum, 588
manoeuvre work in the, 629,

689

marksmanship in, 630
material in the, good, 629
merit sole rule in the, 586
minimum of the, 629
officers in, senior, 629
pay in, increased, 588
peace, an instrument of, 590
political influence in, 689
preference and seniority in, 586
promotions in, suggestions on,

689-690

reforms in, three prime, 588
regular, the, 319, 320, 492
Reorganization Act, 588
reorganization, benefits of, 589
senior grades in{ men for, 586
seniority promotions in, 689
small size of the, 631-632
source of pride, a, 10
staff divisions in the, 588
staff of the, general, 585
standard of, nigh, 584
traducers of the, 313
training in the, 584, 587, 629
units of the, 584
volunteer, the, 492
wrongdoers in the, 494
Y. M. C. A. in the, 228
(See also under Soldiers, War,
Philippines, etc.)

Army and Navy, the, 463
no politics in the, 209
pride in the, 492
value of the, 48-49

Arrogance, evils of, 472

Arthur, Chester A., President, 119

Artillery, chief of, 588
corps of, 588

Artificial powers, regulation of, 609
(See also under Trusts, Cor-
porations, etc.)

Asia, cable to, need of, 573
trade with, 563

Asiatic barbarism in Philippines,

238
peoples and the Filipinos, 410

Associations, benefit of, 69
German, debt to, 452
good due to, 340

Athens, Ga., postmaster of, 515

Atlanta, Ga., surveyorship of, 515
"Constitution," 518

Atlantic Ocean, 338, 372, 393
interests in, our, 97
line, coast, 393

Attorney - General, United States,
279, 281, 283, 331, 612, 623,
660, 662
report of the, 660

Auditor, United States, report of,
675

Augusta, Me., 124

Aycock, Charles B., Governor, 27
Aylesworth, A. B., 666

Babylon, 113, 151, 170
Baltimore, Maryland, 449

mingling of races in, 450

saved to the Union, 451

Turn Verein, 451
Bangor, Maine, 126
Banking Law, National, 554
Banks, circulation and the, 617

servants of commerce, 617

Savings, as corporations, 174

deposits in, 608
Barstow, California, 372
Battleships, crews for new, 583

need of more, 581

use for, good, 582
Bayard, Thomas F., Secretary, 705
Beaupre, Arthur M., Consul, 699,

Beef Trust, injunction against, 282-
283

investigation of, 283
Beirut, Syria, troubles at, 673
Belgium, 668, 669
Berkeley, California, 404
Betterment, progressive, 466
Elaine, James G., Secretary, 124, 622
Blake, Homer C., Admiral, 579
Blumenberg, General, 451
Board of Trade, National, 225
Body, strength in the, 30, 393
Bogota, American Minister at, 715
718

Colombian gunboat, 730

government, the, 721

insurrection at (1853), 700
Bookbinders, Brotherhood of, 519
Boston, Massachusetts, 108, 401

United States ship, 727
Boundaries, National, 676
Boxer uprising in China, 10, 601-

602

Boynton, General, 165
Brakes, locomotive, law on, 310
Bravery expected, not praised, 463
Breckinridge, General, 39, 505
Bremerton, Washington, 420
Brest, France, cable from, 626
Bribery, corruption and, 662-664

enormity of, 663

extradition for, 662

popular government and, 663

treaties touching, 662
Briesen, Arthur von, 657
British Ambassador, the, 261

Empire, sympathy in the, 605

steamships, 656

Brooklyn, Borough of, N. Y., 29
Brotherhood, example of, an, 486

civil and military, 14

feeling of, decline in, 101

human, cause of, 449

794

Index

Brotherhood, international, 50
lesson of, 357
military and civil, 14
right of, the, 491
rule of, indispensable, 548

Brotherhood of Bookbinders, 519

"Brother Jonathan," a descendant
of, 37

Buchanan, James, President, 2

Buffalo, New York, 597

Bull Run, battle of, 141

Burden-bearing, blessing of,
need of, 498

Burleigh, Edwin C., Governor, 124

Burr, Aaron, 6

Business, changing needs of, 301
confidence, return of, 537
corporate, aids to, 650
cunning in, unscrupulous, 782
danger of upsetting, 614
delicate mechanism of, 105, 541
disasters, wide effects of, 540
energies, paralysis of, 614
interests at law, 477
interests in Washington, 225
interests, wise laws for, 541
interstate, corporations in, 609
interstate, regulation of, 611
machinery of, complicated, 781
mechanism of, delicate, 105, 541
supremacy in, 539
world, natural forces in, 538

Butler, Nicholas Murray, 27

Butte, Montana, 432

Byzantium, 337

Cabinet, 79, 503

advisory function of, 4

corruption rare in, 7

how chosen, 4

moral obliquity in, 7
Cable, China-Philippines, 626

Company, Commercial Pacific, 625

French, the, 626

lines. Oceanic, 393

Manila-Hongkong, 626
Cable, Pacific, 393

Congressional power in, 626

franchise for, 625

laying of, 98, 626

need of a, 573

practicable route for, 625

soundings for, 625
California, 97, 372, 373, 374, 375,
377, 383, 390, 393, 395, 397,
399, 401, 403, 404, 413, 426

beauties of, 383, 404

forest-preservation in, 385

trees, preservation of, 385

University of, 404
Canal, Isthmian, 22

Company, French Panama, 623,
711

Company, new Panama, 749, 750

Canal, Isthmian, negotiations with
Colombia, 623

opinion of jurists on, 718

Panama, Act of 1902 on, 709

Panama, treaty on, 692

route, Panama, preferred, 693

route settled, 716

treaties, United States good faith
in, 696

United States responsibilities in,
712

treaty, Colombian offer on, 703-
704

treaty, New Granada, 693-700,
755, 756

treaty with Panama, 707
Canticle, dedication, 446
Canton, Ohio, 231
Capacity, individual, essential, 537
Cape Cod, cable station at, 626
Capital, combinations of, 26

combinations of, controlling, 6lO

fair treatment for, 618

good use of, 433

how beneficial, 433

organized, duty of, 619

ranges, invested in, 438
Capital and labor, community of, 651

equal treatment of, 652

foreign, taxing, in New York,
.772

situation on, 618-619

unity of, 475

Capitalists, encouragement of, proper,
610

good done by, 651

greater opportunities for, 759

relations of, to workers, 780

services of, 103, 610, 761, 762
Capron, Allyn, 165
Caracas, United States representa-
tives at, 668
"Carpet-bag" rule, 511
Carson City, Nevada, 414
Cartagena, United States ship, 730,

734, 737

Cartwright, Peter, 244
Cass, Lewis, Secretary, 698, 710,
711

quoted, 694-695, 710, 711
Cavalry horses, worn out, 631
Cavalry, increase in, 585
Cavalryman, ideal, the, 585
Census Office, administration of, 599
Chaffee, Adna, General, 67
Chagras, outbreak at (1851), 700
Chamber of Commerce, New York,

196-202
Character, defects in our, 510

in college graduates, 29

importance of, prime, 436

national, and laws, 487

national, standard of, 16

need of, supreme, 102

prime test for office, 515

type of, needed, 488

Index

795

Charity and love, sermon on, 355
Charleston, South Carolina, 401, 596

Collector of port of, 516

colonial days in, 18

Exposition, 18, 19, 22, 24, 25,

596-597

in the Kevplution,, 18
outpost against Spain, 18
port of, 510

typical Southern city, 18
Charlottesville, Virginia, 453
Charybdis, Scylla and, 288
Chattanooga, Tennessee, 104, 156
Cheap labor in Hawaii, 566
Chicago, Illinois, 257
Chickmauga, 165, 166
Child-labor, prohibition of, 307
Children, happiness in rearing, 509

training of, 290, 291
Chilean trouble, the (1892), 10
Chilkoot Pass, Alaska, 667
China, 391, 392

anti-foreign uprisings in, 60 1
attitude toward United States,

*97i 603
Boxer murderers punished in,

602

Boxer uprising in, 10
cable connection with, 626
commercial relations with, 674
commercial treaty with, 673
defences in, dismantling of, 602
duties in, ad valorem, 603
Emperor of, edict by, 603
free imports in, 603
importation of arms in, forbid-
den, 603

indemnities paid by, 603
interior of, access to, 604
joint note from, 655
joint note to, 60 1
measures against disorder in,

602

military expeditions in, 603
mining enterprises in, 674
missionaries in, rights of, 674
"open door" in, 98, 604
relations of, with the powers, 604
reparations made by, 602
situation in, present, 601-604
tariff on imports in, 603
trade relations with, 604
trade with, foreign, 603
treaties on commerce with, 603
troubles in, settlement of, 60 1
United States attitude in, 197,

603

United States officials in, 674
United States plenipotentiary in,

602

United States soldiers in, 604
water approaches in, 603
China-Philippines cable, the, 626
Chinese Government, the, 603, 674

Exclusion Act, need of, 546
Christendom, nations of, 97

Christian associations, need of, 227

missions, importance of, 46
Christianity, applied, 499

cause of, 448

civilization and, 244
Church, leadership in the, 501
Churches, American, 242-243

immigrants and the, 442

mission of the, 449

work before the, 52
Cincinnati, Ohio, 169, 170, 275
Cinnabar Montana, 324
Circuit Court, United States, 283
Circulation, great size of the, 476

and the banks, 617
Cities, growth of, unequal, 538
Citizen, American, duty of, 431

birthright of the, 451

character of average, 487

duties of the, 495

good, a "good man, 459

good and bad, the, 473, 763

good, the, 473

good essentials of the, 487

good, qualities of the, 129

honesty of the, 499

qualities of the, 488, 493

requisite of a, first, 200

responsibilities of the, 493

rights of the, 446

that counts, 395

training of the, 381

useful, the most, 103
Citizenship an "inestimable heritage,"
66 1

best in, the, 494

decent, 481

duty of good, first, 109

education for, 289

essentials of, 135

good, the duty of, 406

high average of, 608

productive, 378

qualities of, 164

sermon on, a, 459

tests of, 389, 468, 486
City and country, conditions in, 306
Civic betterment, strife for, 30

righteousness, need of, 499
Civil life, brotherhood in, 14

problems of, 138
Civil Service, the, 686-687

Act, observance of, 687

appointments, 686

Commission, 519, 521, 687

decision, a, 519

efficiency under, 687

laborers and, 687

Law, 519, 592

rules, revision of, 686

veterans and, 687

Civil War, the, 9, 17, 18, 19, 21,
32, 37, 40, 43, 55, 56, 61,
67, 72, 119, 141-142, 165, 180,

203, 205, 209, 211, 212, 217,
222, 223, 230, 232, 233, 308,

796

Index

Civil War, the, 310, 311, 330, 377,
397, 433, 445, 45i, 452, 478,
483, 486, 487, 489, 491, 492,
505, 507, 529, 607

abuses in the, 63

benefits of the, 491

difficulties of the, 489

generals of the, 489

heroes of the, 478

horrors of the, 452

importance of the, 72

issues of the, 483, 489

leaders of the, great, 491

memories of the, 591

men of the, 491, 607

passions produced by, 529

significance of the, 485

soldiers of the, 445

veterans of the, 489, 586, 590,

686

Civilians in the naval service, 582
Civilization, advance of, 113

Christianity and, 224

complexity of, 375

fundamental base of, 609

penalties of 353

problems of, 375

weakening bonds of, 528

worth of, the, 133

Clark, George Rogers, 343, 454, 676,
677

Lewis and, memorial, 419
Class and nation, good for, 476
Class-antagonism foolish, 471
Class-distinctions, harmful, 473

wrong, 468-469
Class-government, 468-471
Classified service, 686
Clay, Henry, 87, 223
Claytpn-Bulwer Treaty, 574, 751
Clearing House of Information, 650
Cleveland, Grover, President, 3, 10,

119

Coal, duty on, removal of, 616
Coal-land laws in Alaska, 677
Coal Strike Commission, 308, 322,
332-333, 521

benefits of, 309

College education, meaning of, 79-
80

graduates, services of, 408

men and the State, 78-84

training, advantages of, 407
Colleges, duty of the, 32

preparing for service, 32
Collegians, duty of, 382
Collins, Patrick A., Mayor, 108
Colombia, United States of, 260, 693,
699, 705, 717

attitude of, on Panama, 707

canal negotiations with, 623

canal treaty with, 692

concessions to, 697

government of, 713

inefficiency of, in Panama, 703

Legislature of, 717

Colombia, United States of, sov-
ereignty of, over canal, 714

superseded in Panama, 694

treaty repudiated by, 697, 713

treaty with, 259, 697

United States recommendations
to, 699

virtual war of, against United

States, 73 1

Colombian revolutions, United States
neutral in, 695

offer on canal treaty, 703, 716
Colon, capture of (1901), 702

United States control in, 708
Colonial Dames, Society of, 53
Colonization, Grecian, 345-346
Colorado, 361, 362, 364

River, Grand Canyon of, 326
Color no bar to office, 512, 515
Colored appointments in South, 516
Colored men, appointments of, 511

as office-holders, 510-514

in offices, 510-518

in United States offices, 511

opportunity for, 512

victims of lynching, 524

population, duty of the, 525

troops at Santiago, 446
Columbia, District of. See District

of Columbia

Columbia University, 27-33
Columbus, Christopher, 151
Combination in restraint of trade,

a, 282

Combinations, abuse of, unwarranted,
102

against evils, 100

benefit of, 26

labor, 26

necessity of, 542

need of regulating, 26

of capital, 26

controlling, 610

power of acting in, 548

reason for, 618

urban population and, 100
Commerce, American, development
of, 656

Commission, Interstate, 649

currency and, 555

damage to, in war, 670

destruction of, in war, 672

farm products in, 557

foreign, growth of, 651

growing, in East, 98

in ancient times, 391-392

Interstate, Commission, 556

interstate, safety in, 685

interstate, situation on, 611-612
Commerce Law, Interstate, 545, 556

decisions on, 279

enforced, 660

ineffective, 279

strengthened, 280

Commerce, modern means in, 152,
170

Index

797

Commerce, Monroe Doctrine and, 576

needs of our, 617

old methods in, 113, 151

supervision of, 65 1
Commerce and Labor, Department of,
277, 47<5, 649-652

act establishing, 545

duties of, 620, 650

employees of, 649

importance of, 545

need for, 620

plea for, 620

Secretary of 277, 519, 520, 545,
656, 658, 678

work of, 649
Commission, Coal Strike, 308

Fish and Fisheries, 639

International Exchange, 655

Land, recommended, 638

Land-Law, 68 1

Tariff, proposed, 616
Common school system, 591
Common-sense, 488

and honesty, 493

policy, a, 271

value of, 30

Communication, means of, 337
Community of welfare, 472
Commutation Clause, Homestead

Law, 680
Competition, unjust and destructive,

556
Competitive examinations, written,

592

Complexity, present, of life, 101
Comradeship of soldiers, 14, 365
Concentration of population, 274

of wealth, 274

Conciliation in labor troubles, 308
Concord bridge, 83
Conditions, duty of facing, in

irregularities in worldly, 101

present, superiority of, 101
Confederacy, the, 203

independence of, 484
Confederate armies, 42

navy, 209, 223

resolution of 1862, 63

soldiers, 19, 20, 21

soldiers, sons of, 512
Confidence, business, return of, 537
Congress, anarchists and, 535

Continental, 152, 243, 350

Cuban, 295

Library of, 598

neglect of War Department by, 9

power of, in interstate business,
6n

Reed's service to, 123

Treasury report to, 555

Washington City and, 225
Connecticut, 37, 44
Conscience, need of, 136
Constitution, United States, 2, 4, 57,
118, 141, 281, 344

amendments to, 276, 6ia

Constitution, United States, defects
>n, 544

limits set by, 611
operation of, 104

"Constitution," Atlanta, the, 518

Consular service, cost of, reduced,

675

official tenure in, 593
promotions in, 593
reorganization of, 593

Consuls, United States, and com-
merce, 594

and foreign relations, 594
. high standard for, 594

Continent, American, 606

Continental troops, 487

Contraband of war, 671

Control of corporations, object of,
610-611

Convict labor, competition of, 547

Co-operation, popular, 441
State and national, 363

Corporate fortunes, large, 538
misconduct, restraint of, 653
ownership and war problems, 672
wealth and the State, 777
wealth, natural causes of, 538
wealth not due to tariff, 538

Corporation control, lines of, 545
laws in Massachusetts, 116
sentiment on taxation, 763
taxation law recommended, 769

Corporations, 26
bureau of, 649
bureau of, work of, 650
caution in handling, 539
Commissioner of, 277
conditions on, changed, 545
Constitution on, United States,

544-545

control of, 272, 545
creatures of the State, 103, 275,

encouragement of, by law, 773
franchises to, 609
friendly attitude on, 651

Kowth of, 100
rtn in checking, 140
honest 650

honest, protection of, 785
honest, publicity and, 610
hostility to, improper, 610
independent of tariff, 613
inevitable development, an, 610
interstate control of, 543
laws on, benefit of, 784
national control of, 543
national control of, necessary, 544
national regulation of, 609
necessity or, 102
need of, 618
not to be destroyed, 610
publicity for, 476, 650, 785
publicity for, need of, 543
regulation of, 103, 609, 660
situation on, 609-617

798

Index

Corporation, State laws on, disagree-
ment of, 544

subject to law, 543

supervision of, 103, 649

supervision of, extent of, 544

taxation of, 761-769

taxation of, difficulty in, 768

taxation of, percentage in, 768

taxation, share of, 765

taxed as realty, 769

taxes on, in foreign lands, 762

taxing, 786

troubles with, 147

variety of laws on, 153

violating the law, 280

wide field of, 153

wrongdoing by, 773
Corruption, 7

bribery and, 662-664

enormity of, 663

in public life, 502

no refuge for, 662

punishment of, 663

rare in Cabinets, 7

unknown with Presidents, 7
Cortelyou, George B., Secretary, 520
Costa Rica, Republic of, 707
Cotton, transportation of, 283
Cotton-growers, Southern, 364
Cotton-growing States, 684
Country, greatness of our, 484

and city, conditions in, 306

life, permanence of, 127
Couplings, car, law on, 310
Courage and resolution, 508
Courage, honesty, common-sense, 488

necessity of, 470, 500

value of, 30

Court of Appeals, New York, 476
Court, Supreme, United States, 505
Courtiers and demagogues, 472
Cowardice and dishonesty, 494
Crane, W. Murray, Governor, 108,

144

"Cranks," letters from, n
Crawford, George, 517
Creed of Americans, 607

of our forefathers, 480
Crime, apologies for, 533

law adequate to treat, 526
Crimes punished by lynching, 524
Criminals, no sentimentality for, 524

rights of, to fair trial, 526
Crises, great, of our history, 169

of American history, the, 57-58

produce leaders, 232
Crisis, need in a great, 288
Cromer, Lord, 80
Cromwell, Oliver, 499
Cruelties in the Philippines, 205
Cruelty, most destructive form of,

61

Cruisers, need of new, 581
Crum, Dr. W. A., 510
Cuba, 81, 185, 237, 294, 295, 408,
580, 590

Cuba, administration of, 409

advantages of treaty to, 295

attitude toward, 197

before the Spanish War, 236

benefits brought to, 89-90

bonds to, our, 647

commercial treaty with, 645

constitution of, 568

dealings with, 265

difficulties of work in, 89, 411

duties toward, our, 621

faith with, 23

financial policy of, 646

governmental progress in, 567

independence of, 238, 567

interference in, United States,

liberation of, 22, 409, 621
market in, American, 647
Monroe Doctrine in, 576
Platt amendments on, 23
progress in, rapid, 646
protection of, 646
reciprocal relations with, 91
reciprocity with, 567, 647
Reciprocity Treaty with, 621-622
relations of, with United States,

568, 646

relations with, peculiar, 23, 24,646
relations with, our, 87, 6?-i
Republic of, 23 47, 50, 54, 295
Spanish rule in, 23
strategic use of, 646
United States naval stations in,

646, 753
United States occupation of, 48,

238

Wood's services to, 81, 411
work in, our, 408
wrongdoing in, 97
Cuban congress, 295
Government, 645
market, control of the, 622
market, greatness of, 647
policy, critics of the, 296
Reciprocity Treaty, 294, 296
treaty, advantages of, 647
war, Virginians in the, 457
Cumberland, army of the, 40, 42
Currency and domestic trade, 555
Currency, honest, advantages of, 190
integrity of the, 655
laws, 335

legislation, good, 477
sound, benefit of, 477
system, national, 476
values, permanent, 335-336
Customs, receipts from, 654

Da Gama, Vasco, .151

Daltpn, Mass., 144

Danish Islands, 22

Danville, Va., 107

Dead, great, respect for the, 490

Index

799

Deal, square, for all, 481

Debtor, poor, former hard lot of,

502
Decency, cause of, 497

spirit of, how applied, 482

strength and, 461
Declaration of Independence, 243,

349, 627

Dedication canticle, 446
Deeds and words, homage in, 491
Deficit, how to avoid, 555
Delivery, rural free, 600

benefits of, to farmers, 635

increased, 635

land values and, 635
Demagogic influence, 763
Demagogues, 9

courtiers and, 472

danger of, 25, 175

evil influence of, 533

reckless talk of, 533
Democratic office-holders, 517
Democrats, Gold, 512
Denver, Col., 361
Depression, periods of, 606
Deroux, Senor, speech of, 723
Desert-land law, 636, 680
Desert reclaimed in Utah, 436
Despotic monarchies, independence

of, 65

Despotism," "Gloomy Night of, 534
Despotism and republics, 257
Details, four-year, in Army, 588
Detroit, Mich., 185
Development, industrial, recent, 100

material, conditions of, 539
Dewey, George, Admiral, 401, 402,
465-

fame of, 465

ships under, 402

Disaster, national, sure road to,
584

prophets of, false, 217
Disappointment of office-seekers, n
Discontent, aimless, 533

righteous, 500

Discrimination, railroad, laws on,
322

un-American, 273
Dishonesty and cowardice, 494
Dissatisfaction, causes for, 9
District of Columbia, 511, 642

charities in, 688-689

classified service in, 592

commissioners of, 688

factory law in, 547

merit system in, 644
Disunion, spirit of, 17
Divisions, staff, in the Army, 588
Dixie, United States ship, 727, 734
Doane, William C, Bishop, 495
Domination, equal, of law, s 481
Door," "Open, in China, 98
Douglas, Stephen A., 505
Doves and serpents, 496
Duke, Basil, 517

Duncan, James, 522

Dutch Reformed Church, 44, 447,

50.5
Dues, "liken" and transit, in China,

674
Durbin, VVinfield T., Governor, 523-

528
Duties, Christian, 495

common, importance of, 412

earnest performance of, 412

Everyday, 493

home, vital, 493

importance' of common, 55

life, 493

national and personal, 86

national, urgency of, 408

tariff, unnecessary, 552

to family and friends, 498
Duty, aim of life, the, 478

ideal of, 16

imperative to, 31-32

infractions of, 59-60

national, our, 269

of the present, 43

responsibility of, 498

service and, 447
Duque, B. G., quoted, 721

E

East, growing commerce with the,
98

Economic conditions, complaints on,

214

conditions, facing, TII
evils, civilization and, too
evils, treatment of, 101
evils, wisdom needed in, 100
forces in our affairs, 608
policy, stability in, 99, 193, 550,

613, 616
problems, 85-86
questions, 25
system, stability of, 302

Economy in expenditures, 555

Education, American, meaning of,

405

false ideals of,' 290
importance of, 368
private benefaction in, 405
responsibilities of, 407
twofold, 289
twofold work in, 293

Educational body, significance of
an, 287

Edward VII., King, 78

Edwards, Harry Still well, 516

Efficiency and honesty, public, 488

Efficiency in Army, efforts for, 587

Egean Sea, the, 391

Egypt, 374

war in, 80

Egyptians, the, 384

Ehrman,' Consul, 698

Eight-hour law, enforcement of, 547

8oo

Index

Electricity, "Centrifugal effect" of,
339

factor in civilization1, a, 170

steam and, 339
Elimination, process of, in Army,

586

Eliot, Charles W., 78
Elk, senseless slaughter of, 636
Employer's Liability Act, 643
Energy and prosperity, 99
England, 78, 260, 365

Lord Chief-Justice of, 666

Prime Minister of, 2

Sovereign of, i

Enterprise, individual, benefits of,
539

successful, benefits of, 538-539
Enjoyment, benefits of, 452

capacity for, 452
Envy, evils of, 103, 173, 472

excited at prosperity, 98

foolishness of, 434

meanest form of admiration, 407

spirit of, 99
Euphrates, the, 391

valley of the, 384
Everett, Edward, quoted, 704
Everett, Washington, 426
Evil, forces of, 226

warfare against, 496
Evils, appearance of, 783

combinations against, 100

dealing with, wise, 608

economic, and civilization, too

economic, treatment of. 101

social and economic, 99
Evolution vs. revolution, 148, 172,

611, 653, 780
Examinations, written competitive,

592

Example, force of, 461
Exchange, International, Commis-
sion, 655
Executive action and economic

evils, i oi
Expansion, critics of, 347, 422

destiny of United States, 422

first step in, our, 344, 676

greatest instance of, 596

immense, our, 393

national, 5 1

Roman, 346, 396
Expansionist, reasons for being,

390-391

Expansions, United States territo-
rial, 454
Expenditures, dissatisfaction at, 8

economy in, 555, 655

jnanagement of, 7

national policy on, 555

purposes of, 8

revenue and, equal, 654
Export trade, great growth of, 647

with Cuba, 552
Extradition for bribery, 662

treaty with Mexico, 662

Factory laws, wise, 307

Faith and works, 448

Family, the, and the Nation, 493

Fargo, North Dakota, 310

Farmer, American, education of the,

3<>5

Government help for the, 305
qualities of the, 128, 306, 466

Farmers, aid to, scientific, 641
standard of living of, 467
wage-workers and, 466-467
welfare of, important, 641

Farm life and rural free delivery, 676
plants and cereals, new, 641
products, 303-304
in commerce, 557

Farm-owners, prosperity of, 608

Farming, advances in, 127 *
as an applied science, 128
lands in Alaska, 677

Farms, wealth invested in, 4.67

Farragut, David G., Admiral, 37,
203, 223, 230, 465

Federal Courts and anarchists, 535
Government, 141
grand jury, New York, 660
interference instance of, 416
Library, 598
office-holders, 515-517
service departments, 3
service, high standard of, 518

Federal Salt Company, case against,
284

Federation and combination, era of,
652

Federation of Labor, American, 521

Federations of capital and labor, 618

Federations, reason for, 618

Fellowship,' human, 355

Fighting and talking, 269
edge of Americans, 487
ship, use of a, 672

Filipino insurrectos, 571
ladrones, 571

insurrection condemned, 318
officials in Philippines, 95

Filipinos, advances among the, 96
beneficent government of, 96
Constitutional rights for, 207
co-operation of, 629
cruel wrong to the, 312
disadvantages to, some, 569
duty to the, our, 312 "
insurrection of the, 217
legislation favorable to, 315
measures used with, 571
officials among the, 314
prosperity of the, 218
rights of, 627
self-government for, 207
training of the, 679
treatment of, 60-62
unfit for independence, 204
war methods of the, 62

Index

801

Filipinos, welfare of the, 314
Financial integrity preserved, 236

laws, suggestions on, 617

policy ot Cuba, 646

situation, needs of, 655

system, reconstruction of, 617
Finland, 677
Fire claims, Hawaiian, 623

protection in forest reserves, 560
Fish and Fisheries, Commission of,

424. 639

Fish, Hamilton, Secretary, 705
Fisheries Commission, Alaskan, 678
Fisheries of Alaska, 424, 677
Fitchburg, Massachusetts, 137
Flag, American, 21, 22, 36, 37, 42*
49, 59, 93, 94, 167, 205, 222,
230, 454, 464, 488, 495, 57i,
572, 577, 588, 591

duties to the, 22
Flanders, Republic of, 471
Floods, prevention cf, 251
Fools, virtuous, harmful, 290
Forage crops, new, introducing, 641
Foreigners and the patent laws, 684
Foreign nations, our trade with, 552

powers, friendship of, 270
Forest policy, United States, 249,

256

Forest preservation and land-reclama-
tion, 683

duty of, 390

importance of, 441

need of, 327

object of, 387

scientific, 636
Forest problem, the, 251
Forest protection in Alaska, 638

not an end in itself, 558

wise policy of, 558
Forest reserves, additions to the, 558

as recreation camps, 560

as game preserves, 560

fire protection in, 560

for popular use, 560

injured by grazing, 560

lands for, 559

object of, 441

policy on, 440

situation on, 557-562

usefulness of, 558
Forest resources, need of preserving,

683

Foresters, Society of American, 249
Forestry, 426

aim of, 251

and lumbering, 253

and mining, 252

and water supply, 426

benefits of, 384

Bureau of, 559, 68 1, 684

practical, advance of, 559

progress in, 683

question of, 438

training in, need of, 254

work, division of, 684

Forestry work, Government, 683
Forests, Alaskan, 677

depletion of, 253

fire protection in, 683

Government and the, 250

injury to, by grazing, 439

natural reservoirs, 561

preservation of, necessary, 558

preservation of the, 305, 371

preserving, importance of, 250

public sentiment on, 558

rapid growth of, 427

value of, realized, 558

water supply and, 327, 418, 444,

559, Soi
Forethought and preparation, need

of, 580
Fort Leavenworth, school at, 689

Riley, War School at, 689
Fortune, good and bad, 98

success wrested from, 607
Fortunes, great, benefit of, 608

great, making of, 608

growth of corporate, too
Founders of the Republic, spirit of,

396
France, 342, 668, 669

President of, i
Franchises, corporate, 609

in the Philippines, 572

perpetual, evil of, 565

realty, treated as, 765

taxation of, 760-769

value of some great, 764

value of, varying, 766-767
Franchise taxation, bill on, 765-768

great advance in, 774

State right of, 762
Franchise Tax Law, 476

New York, object of, 775
Frankel, Lee K., 657
Franklin, Benjamin, 57
Frauds, appropriations on, 660-662
Frederick, Empress Dowager, 605
Freedom, 483

anarchy and, 529

and greatness combined, 287

has no discriminations, 528
Free government, requirements for,

488

Free list, anthracite on the, 296, 617
Freeport, Illinois, 444
Free trade, effects of, 180
Freight rates, discriminations in, 278
French cable lines, 626

Panama Canal Company, 623,

711

Friendship of foreign powers, 270
Fundamentals, Cromwell's, 499
Future, confidence in the, 423

facing the, 607

Gamaliel, 20, 442
Gambling, danger of, 537

802

Index

Game preserves, grazing and, 560

preserves, national, 636

protection, legislation for, 636
Gardiner, Montana, 324
Garfield, assassination of, 529
Gemuthlichkeit, capacity for, 452
General Allotment Act, the, 594
General Staff Law, 319
Generals, Civil War, 489

types of, 489

Generations, allotted tasks of, 502
Genius and all-around development,

288

Genoa, Italy, 151, 391
Geological Survey, United States,

559, 681
Georgia, 18, 164, 515, 516

appointments in, 517

Federal officers in, 517
German Ambassador, the, 261

-American citizens, 507

associations, debt to, 452

element, the, 506

Emperor, 262, 263

government, the, 262

immigration, 507

Reformed Church, 447

societies, 506-508

steamships, 656

strains, importance of, 506
Germany, 260, 365, 667, 669

Empress Dowager of, 605

first immigrants from, 450
Glacier Creek, Alaska, 667
Glory, ideal of, 16
God, fatherhood of, 449

service of, 447, 495, 497
Gold Democrats, 512
Gold standard, the, 476

advantages of the, 554

assured, 215

established, 554

vindicated, 236
Gompers, Samuel, 521, 522
Good, forces of, 226
Good roads, advantages of, 676

Convention, International, 336

question of, 305
Government, administration of, 26

American, genius of, '430, 434

and its employees, the, 522

and the people, 494

bonds, price of our, 554

by the mob, 470

by the people, 663

Chinese, the, 603, 674

class, 470

Constitutional powers of, 620

difficulties under our, 104

employees, standard of, 546

for all men, 434

free, 469

functions, how separated, 2

good, conditions of, 620

industries, reforms in, 547

National, the, 118, 309, 319, 493

Government, nature of, 145

needed changes in, 15^

of liberty, a, 474

popular, and bribery, 663

printing, limiting, 643

printing office, 518, 520

publications, useless, 643

receipts of the, 654

self, art of, 224

stability of the, 468

successful, 493

United States, the, 671

what the, can do, 443

what the, can not do, 145-146

what to expect of, 145
Governmental unit, the real, 109
Governors and State treasuries, 8
Graduate, college, prime quality in

the, 29

Grain-raising communities, 335
Grand Army of the Republic, 14,
377, 482, 484

debt to the, 485

principles of the, 16
Grand Canyon, Arizona, 369

jury, Federal, on frauds, 660
Grant, Ulysses S., President, 18, 19,
137, 142, 166, 230, 232, 289,
329, 33i, 399, 446, 452, 487,
489, 492

and the French cable, 626

messages of (1875, 1879), 626

soldiers of, 58, 487
Grass crop, the, 384

on ranges, the, 438
Grazing, forest reserves and, 558,
560

industry, importance of the, 366

injuries of, to game preserves,
560

injuries of, to forests, 439

injuries of, to water supply, 560

lands, large holdings in, 680

lands, question of using, 637
Great Britain, 78, 259, 667, 669

and Alaska, 664

canal negotiations with, 574

convention with, 622

friendliness with, 574
Greatness and freedom combined,

287

essentials of, 350, 354

lesson of true, 492

of the Nation's destiny, 422

penalty of, 220

virtues of, 492
Great Northern Railroad, 281
Grecian colonization, 345-346
Greece, 1 51, 345

ancient, republics of, 471
Greed, cunning and violent, 307
Greek," "The Americanized, 379
Greeks, ancient, 406
Greene, Francis V., 484
Growth of good and evil, 608
Guard, National, 319

Index

803

Guard, National, training for the,s89
Gulf of Mexico, 202, 243, 257, 304,

351

Gun practice in the Navy, 631
Guns, men behind the, 464

H

Hague, The, Court of Arbitration,
264, 623, 669, 670, 673

Arbitration Union and, 673

Mexico and, 623

Peace Conference, 575

United States and, 623
Hamilcar, galleys of, 579
Hamilton. Alexander, 57

College, 80
Hancock, W. S., 489
Hanson, Major, 516
Happiness and usefulness, 478

and work, 356

Harlan, John M., Justice, 221, 505
Harmlessness not a great quality, 496
Harrison, Benjamin, President, 10,

119
Hartford, Connecticut, 85

frigate, 465
Harvard men, services of, 78-79

University, 78

Hatred, class and sectional, 334
Haverhill, Massachusetts, 118
Hawaii, 393

American community in, 566

an American Territory, 566

cable to, need of a, 573

cheap labor in, 566

large estates in, 566

legislation needed in, 566

light-houses in, 678

situation in, 566-567
Hawaiian cable, 625-627

fire claims, 623 *
Hay, John, Secretary, 79, 261, 263,

503, 504

Hay-Herran Treaty, the, 709, 712,
714, 715, 746,

-Pauncefote Treaty, the, 87, 259,

7*2i 7*4
Help, grudging, 497

to self-help, 549

true kind of, the, 130
Helpfulness, value of, 146
Henderson, D. B., Speaker, 40
Herbert, Sir Michael, 263
Herkimer, Nicholas, General, 507,
Heroic qualities, need of, 68
Heroism and common duties, 412

nature of, 54

Herrera, Benjamin, General, 720
Historic associations, charm of, 455
History, great examples in, 408

great crises of our, 119
Hitt, Robert R., Congressman, 444
Hoar George F., Senator, 79
Holidays, significance of, 57
Holleben, Baron von, 261

Holy Name Society, 458-462

work of, 459

Homage in deeds and words, 491.
Home-builders, public lands and, 680
Home life, highest joys of, 509
Home-making, importance of, 436

national upbuilding, 563
Homes, creation of, 441
Homestead Law, the, 567

and prosperity, 637

commutation clause, 636, 680
Homestead laws, good from, 389
Homesteads and ranges, 439
Honesty, common-sense, 138

common-sense and, 493

courage, common-sense, and, 488

efficiency and public, 488

importance of, 499-500

militant, 500
Honor, deserving, those, 479

National and personal, 396

rugged ways to, 395
Honor roll of our fathers, 492

of the Nation, 479
Horses, cavalry, worn-out, 631

in the arid region, 438
Household affairs, importance of, 648
Households, National and private.

648

Houston, Samuel, General, 203
Howell, Clark, 514-518
Hubbard, John, Commander, 724,
734

letters from, 731-740

services of, 740-744
Humbert, King, assassination of, 535
Humorist, an American, 496
Humphrey, C. B., Captain, 724
Hynes, Thomas W., 657

I

Idaho, 113, 324, 326, 327
Ideal, devotion to an, 230

striving for the, 478
Ideals for labor and capital, 619
Idler, no room for the, 478
Idlers useless in life, 356
Illinois, 113, 223, 335, 343, 444,
446

region, the, 343

Immigrants, anarchistic, exclusion
of, 549

churches, the, and, 447

distribution of, 657

duty to, our, 448

educational test for, 549

good, need of, 549

immoral, exclusion of, 549

industrial test for, 550

need of caring for, 448
Immigration, committee on, 657

contract-labor, 546

German, 507

Law, 618

laws, defects in, 549

804

Index

Immigration, limiting, 657

recommendations on, 658

report on, 658

service, New York, 657

Importance, new, of United States,
268

Impossible, insistence on the, 611

Independence, cause of, 507
Day, 57, 96, 288, 380, 627
Declaration of, 243, 349, 627
desire for, 508
ideal of, true, 65
struggle for, 18

Indiana, 343

Indian absorption, first step in, 640
agencies, reduction of, 595
agents, bonded superintendents

as, 684

agents, ex-Army officers as, 684
agents, non-partisan, 684
allotments, leasing of, 594
question, the, 594-596
schools, work in, 639

Indian Territory, education in, 639,

685

illiteracy in, 685
mixing races in, 639

Indian tribal funds, 594
tribal lands, 594
tribes, civilization of, 639
wars, 571

Indianola, 516

Indians, absorption of the, 639
agriculture among, 595
Alaskan, 678
aptitude of, natural, 640
as citizens, 594
dealings with the, 639-641
difficulties in dealing with, 640
education of, higher, 595
equality for, 369
hostile, in United States, 571
industrial education for, 595
industries among, 639, 640
in the Spanish War, 371
liquor traffic and the, 595
marriage laws of, 595
progress of, 368-369
progress of the, slow, 639
ration system for, 595
recognition of the, 594
reservation system for, 595
schools for, 595
stock-raising by, 595
teaching English to, 640

Indifference, Government, 306

Individual and Nation compared,

291

energy, need of, 609
initiative, 26
v the, and the State, 107

Individual merit, standard of, 620

Industrial centres, upbuilding of,
538

Industrial C9nditions, 198, 435
antagonism to, 538

Industrial conditions, complaints on,
214

present, 351
Industrial convulsions, 10

abuses, 783

changes, recent, 274, 538

development, 100, 339, 537, 608

enterprises in Philippines, 572

expositions, 18, 19, 22, 24, 25

growth, 219

growth, use of, 359

laws, State and Federal, 548

peace, 198

problems, 143, 159, 274, 302,
332, 778-784

prosperity, 22, 147

prosperity, period of, 24

remedies, applying, 781

remedies, impossible, 541

solutions, 148-149, 175

system, present, 159

world, leadership in the, 611
Industrialism, modern, conditions

of, 610

Industries, American, market for,
297

home, and reciprocity, 551

needs of our, 617
Industry, captains of, 539

leaders of, 298
Inequalities in worldry condition,

101
Influence, increasing, our, 393

political, in offices, 586
Influences, good and evil, 52
Information, clearing house of, 650
Inheritance, great, our, 480
Iniquity and high words, 449
Injunction, perpetual, a, 283
Inspection, Naval Board of, 692
Institutions of learning, 293
Instruction in the Navy, 582

progressive, in the Navy, 583
Insular possessions and politics, 593

our, 679
Insular possessions, duties to our,

759

I nsur rectos, Filipino, 571
Jnterest, community of, 468

rates, equalization of, 617
Interference, benefits of our, 754

Federal, instance of, 416

Government, 306

invoking, time for, 307
Interior, Department of the, 249

Secretary of the, 416, 682
International attitude, normal, 197
Interstate business, corporations in,
609

regulation of, 611
Interstate commerce, 649

control of, 310

safety in, 685

Commission, 556, 649
Interstate Commerce Law, 545, 546,
556

Index

805

Interstate Commerce Law, amend-
ments for, 556

decisions, 279

defects of, 556

enforced, 660

illegal practices under, 556

strengthened, 280

violations of, 556

wisdom of, 556
Iowa, 223, 335
Ireland, 365

Irrigation Act, the, 303, 361, 362,
370, 4»5

applying, 371

arid land (Western), 636

benefits of, 387

defective laws on, 564

development and the States,
561

development by, 367

effects of, 370

experience in, beneficent, 566

Federal aid of, 562

forest reserves and, 558

good beginnings in, 636

land reclamation and, 682-684
Irrigation Law, care in enforcing,
443

importance of, 442

National, 680
Irrigation, mining and, 563

National aid in, demanded, 565

Nationally aided, 636

policy in, 418

private capital in, 564

question of, 441

reservoirs as public works, 562

reservoirs in Utah, 444

reservoirs, United States, con-
trol of, 561

saving waters for, 559
situation on, 562-566
State laws and, 682

Utah, 442-443
work of, 367, 415-416
works, control of, 443
works, ownership of, 363, 564
Isthmian Canal, 22, 87, 125, 258-260,

264, 393. 426, 577
benefits of, 573, 624
building, work of, 91
control of, 704
demand for, 577
feat, a great, 624
importance of, 91, 573, 696
Navy and the, 632
negotiations on, 574
neutrality of, 705
old project, an, 696
Panama, at, 623
policy in building, 624
question settled, 693
rights in, our, 694
situation on, 573-574, 623-624
treaties on the, 574, 693-700
United States attitude on, 711

Isthmus transit trade, protection of,

695

Italy, 260, 337, 535, 668, 669, 705
republics of, 471

Jackson, Andrew, President, 2, 13,

203, 232
Japan, 410

Japanese Government, the, 627
Jay, John, Secretary, 343, 391, 392
Jefferson, Thomas, President,

13.

232, 419, 454, 455
statesmanship of, 419
Jenkins, Micah, 20, 165
Jeshurun, days of, 99
Tette, Louis Amable, Sir, 666
ohnson, Walter, 516
ones, Judge, of Alabama, 517
ordan, David Starr, 377, 380
udas-like infamy, 531
ustice, bar of, 494

delayed, evils of, 526
Department of, 612, 660
National policy of, 396
speedy, vs. lynching, 525
Just man armed, the, 578

Kansas, 353

Kearsarge, battleship, 459, 463-464

Kent, James, Chancellor, 766

Kentucky, 37, 166, 222, 223, 506,
508, 517

founding of, 453
loyalty of, 222

Kitchener, Lord, 80

Knox, Philander C., Attorney-Gen-
eral, 117, 219, 281, 331

Korea, 674

La Abra award against Mexico, 605
Labor, American Federation of, 521

and capital, common ground of,
651

situation on, 618-619

cheap, influx of, 550

in Hawaii, 566

combinations of, 26

convict, competition of, 547

cost here and abroad, 615

fair treatment for, 618

harmed by violence, 475

interference with, no, 521

laws, model, 309

legislation, 321

organized, duty of, 619

problems, 332

protected by the tariff, 546

unions, 520-521

unions, great importance of, 652

8o6

Index

Laborers and the Civil Service, 687

contract, importation of, 546
Ladrones, Filipino, 94, 207, 571
Land, arid, fund for reclaiming, 679

commission recommended, 638

frauds, public, 66 1
Land Law Commission, 681

revision in the West, 680
Land laws, Alaskan, 638, 677

changes in, 68 1

defects in, 389

effect of, 680-681

misuse of, 388

operation of, 680-681

perversion of, 636

public disagreements on, 68 1

State and National, 562
Land office, general, 558, 68 1

receipts of, 679

Land policy, clear government, a,
563

in Hawaii, 567

United States, 441
Land, President's power on public,

559
Land-reclamation and forests, 638

and irrigation, 682-684

conduct of, 683
Lands, arid, reclamation of, 682

arid, surveys in, 682

farming, in Alaska, 677

? razing, large holdings in, 680
ndian tribal, 594
public, Alaskan, 677
extent of, 415
fences on, 637, 680
laws on, 66 1
proceeds fr9m, 682
settlement in, retarded, 680
timber, large holdings in, 680
Lansdowne, Marquis of, 263
Law, administration of, proper, 433
advantages of enforcing, 112
asks no permissions, 474
caution in executing, 443
critics of the, 431
development of, 783
•enforcement of, 26
equal domination of, 481
franchise tax, 476
majesty of, vindicated, 523
might of the, 536
obedience to, 474
obedience to a right, 653
obedience to, liberty and, 528
orderly liberty under, 523
work of, in securing fairness, 335
Laws, adjustable, need for, 99
ambiguity in, 117
anti-trust, 117
corporation, in Mass., 116
existing, enforcement of, 107
fair, beneficial to all, 476
fearless administration of, 323
fixity of, undesirable, 99
for political effect, 115

Laws, impartiality of, 522

interstate commerce, needed, 611

limitations of, 99

and national character, 487

inclusive, necessary, 114

old, insufficiency of, 538

perversion of, 636

good, significance of, 487

wise, benefit of, 99
Leaders born on occasion, 232

great American, 232

great, qualities of, 493

in peace and war, 289
Learning, institutions of, 293
Lee, Robert E., General, 19, 166, 483
Legal procedure, needs in, 525
Legislation, additional, needed, 118

Army, need of new, 589

betterment by, 330

currency, good, 477

equal opportunity by, 323

limits of, 213, 323, 331

nature of good, 323

revolutionary, bad, 477

unwise, effect of, 606
Legislative action and economic evils,

101

Legislature, the, symbol of free gov-
ernment, 287
Leisler, Jacob, 506
Leland Stanford, Jr., University, 377
Lesson of great lives, 492
Letters, personal, 508-528

to President, u

Levees on Mississippi River, 154
Lewis and Clark, 454

centennial of, 677

memorial to, 419
Lewis, Meriwether, 676, 677
Liberty, civil, in Philippines, 96

crimes in name of, 449

despotism and, 469

devotion to, 213

guaranteed to all, 653

in deed, not word, 469

loss of, 471

love for, 15

obedience to law and, 528

order and, 488

orderly, 17, 523

orderly, in United States, 288

orderly, under law, 523

seeming, 470

spirit of, 41

strength and, in United States,
288

through law, 433

unfitness for, 470

union and, cause of, 507
Libraries, public, 598-599

in United States, 598

work of, 598
Library, Federal, 598

movement, the public, 598

of Congress, 598

work of, 599

Index

807

Library, resources of, 599
Life, aim of, duty the, 478

American distinctions in, 486

complexity of, present, 101

duties of, 493

duty the aim of, 478

essentials of a true, 508-509

of hard work, 459

old conditions of, 100-101

•saving service, the 685

seeing, 460

work, readiness for, 497

worthiness of, 493

worth living, the, 459

worthy sort of, 459
Light-houses in Alaska, 678

in Hawaii, 678
"Liken" dues in China, 674
Lincoln, Abraham, President, n, 15,
18, 39, 57, 61, 63, 137, an, 230,
232, 288, 290, 329, 331, 398,
399, 445, 451, 452, 470, 483,
488, 503, 506

and Washington, 445

assassination of, 529

birthday of, 19

birth State of, 506

days of, 607

-Douglas debates, 505

friend of the people, 531

greatness of, 445

guard at tomb of, 446

honoring memory of, 445

-like phrase, a, 504

magnanimity of, 505

martyrdom of, 17

monument to, 445

nobility of, 504

pew of, 503

piety of, 504

power of, 504

principles of, 212

private secretary of, 503

speech of, a, 504

statesmanship of, 58

war rules of, 62

words of, 444-44$
"Lincoln's hirelings, 63
Line, where drawn in America, 431
Liquor traffic and the Indians, 595
Literature, Poe in world, 456
Lives, great, lesson of, 492
Locomotive brakes, law on, 310
Locomotive Firemen, Brotherhood

of, 156-167
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Senator, 79,

665

Logan, John A., General, 489
Logansport, Indiana, 187
Logic, pure, restricted application

of, 776-777

London, England. 666
Long, John D., Secretary, 79
Loomis, Francis B., Assistant-Secre-
tary, 729, 730
Loose tongue, evil of a, 271

Louisiana, 112, 304, 517

rice in, 641

Purchase, 341-353, 454, 59$, 676

importance of, 342

Exposition, 341, 676-677

Territory of, 343
Louisville, Kentucky, 508
Love and charity, 355

and work, 356

for liberty and union, 15

need of a broad, 355
Low, Seth, 29
Loyalty and patriotism, 493

that counts, the, 44
Lumbering, 426

capital invested in, 427

conservative, 417

destructive, 417

forestry and, 426

importance of, 427

in Alaska, 425

mining and, 252

progressive, 683

railroads and, the, 252
Lutheran Church, 447, 507
Luxury, vicious and frivolous, 509
Lynching, 60, 61

action on, 523

alarm at, 524

anarchy encouraged by, 527

crimes punished by, 524

discouragement of, 528

duty of denouncing, 528

evil effects of, 526

growth of, in United States, 524

horror at, 526

letter on, 523-528

real objections to, 524

speedy justice and, 525
Lynn Canal, Alaska, 665, 666

Macabebes, Government aid for, 571

loyalty of the, 571
Macaroni wheat, introduction of, 641
Machinery development of, 306
Madison, James, President, 455
Mail carriers, compensation for, 675
Mail delivery, extent of, 600

free, appropriations for, 635

free, benefits of, 676

free, extension of, 675

free, rural, 634, 675, 686
Mail matter, second-class, 600
Maine, 112

"Maladversion," accusation of, 80
Malefactors, treatment of, 494
Malmros, Oscar, Consul, 729
Man, essentials of a true, 482

that counts, the, 395

value of the, in civilization, 133

worth of a, 481
Manchuria, capital of, 674
Manila, 119, 267, 421

battle of, 401, 463, 579, 580

8o8

Index

Manila - Hongkong cable, British,
626

success at, reasons for, 403
Mankind, advance of, 106
Manliness, value of true, 134
Manoeuvres, camp sites for, 689
Marine, merchant, condition of, 553
Market for American industries, 297
Markets, strengthening of, 651

wider, 553
Marksmanship, attention to, 630

in the Navy, 404
Marriage, avoidance of, 509

laws of Indians, 595
Marroquin J. M., President, 722
Marshall, John, Chief Justice, 57

quoted, 764
Maryland, 504, 507

Germans in, 507-508
Massachusetts, 223

corporation laws of, 116, 544
Material prosperity, 50-51
Mathematics at West Point, 589
McClellan, George B., General, 489

j-Y-L^v/itnaiij vjcuigc JJ.» VJCi

McCook, Colonel, 353, 354
McCormick, Robert S., Ambassador,

457

Mcllhenny, John, 517
McKinley, William, President, 39, 78,
119, 211, 213, 215, 231-242,
3", 397, 4io, 515, 688

American, a typical, 398

and Lincoln, 398

anxiety of, for right, 531

appointees of, 515

assassin of, 532

assassination of, 529-533, 597

birthday of, 231

candidate for Presidency, 235

champion of workers, 531

choice of the people, 531

Civil War, in the, 233

Congress, in, 234

death of, 531, 605-606

desire of, for peace, 236

devotion of, to ideals, 234

elections of, 213, 214

Governor of Ohio, 234

grandeur of, 531

greatness of, 240-242

heroism of, 531

leadership of, 233

martyrdom of, 17, 240

memorial, 39

memory of, 400

message of (1898), 670

monument to, 397-400

national debt to, 409

nobility of, 530

Pan-American Congress and, 605

people, friend of the, 531

policy of, vindicated, 239

power of leadership of, 234

President of United States, 234

principles of, 212

quoted, 216, 311, 670

McKinley, William, President, sol-
dier, as a, 397-398, 530, 531

standard-bearer, popular, 531

triumph of, 240

wide love for, 530
McMaster, John Bach, 501
Medora, North Dakota, 320
Meade, George G., General, 489
Mediation in labor troubles, 308
Mediterranean, commerce on the, 391
Memorial Day, 56
Memphis, Egypt, 151

Tennessee, 202
Merchant Marine, building up, 651

condition of, 553

development of, 656

importance of, 553
Merchant princes, Phoenician, 201
Merit, individual, standard of, 620

sole rule in the Army, 586
Merit system, appointments under,
59i, 644

benefits of the, 592

examinations and, 592

in Philippines, 593

in Porto Rico, 593

success of the, 687
Mesopotamia, 151, 374
Mesopotamian Valley, 113
Methodism in America, 242-248
Methodist Church, growth of the,
243

work of the, 243-246
Methodists, work of, 39
Mexican War, 10, 72, 222, 454, 746
Mexico, 668, 669

capital of, 604

extradition treaty with, 662

funds due to, 605

Gulf of, 202, 243, 257, 304, 351

joint note from, 655

Pan-American Congress in, 604

President of, 747

Republic of, 264

The Hague Tribunal and, 623

Weil and La Abra Awards in,

605

Michigan, 186
Midshipman, the title, 581
Military Academy, United States, 70

education, need of, 589

life, brotherhood in, 14

Surgeons' Association, 68-70

training? value of, 77
Militia, action on, needed, 589

law, 319

law, new, 320

law, present, worthless, 589

laws, obsolete, 630

Naval, State, 583-584

system, reorganizing, 630

volunteer forces and, 630
Millennium, the, not yet come, 435
Miller, William A., 518, 520

case of, 518-523
Mills, Colonel, 70, 73, 74

Index

809

Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 272
Mind, strength of, 30
Mining, agriculture and, 437
conditions of, 252
enterprises in China, 674
forest reserves and, 558
forestry and, 252
interests in Alaska, 665
in Utah, 437
irrigation and, 563
Minneapolis, Minnesota, 292, 294
Minnesota, 286, 292, 311
Legislature of, 286
University of, 289, 292
Volunteers, i3th, 311
Misconduct and wealth, 610
Missionaries in China, rights of, 674

pioneer work of, 342
Missionary service, 495

work, 45-50
Mississippi, 343, 511, 517

River, 51, 148, 154, 281, 284,
341, 351, 419, 422, 425, 426,
454

Valley, 202, 364, 563
Missouri, 223, 336, 341, 45*. 596
German loyalty in, 507
Germans in, 451
Mitchell, John, 522
Mob violence, consequences of, 528
evil of, 475
form of anarchy, 523
Modern life, good and evil in, 292
Mohammedans in Philippines, 96
Monetary system, elasticity of the,

617
Monopolies founded on railroad

rates, 279

restraining trade, 612
Monopoly, tendency to, 609
Monroe Doctrine, the, 125, 257-268,

270, 575-577
affirmed, 575
benefits of, 576
commerce and, 576
defined, 261-262, 575
enunciation of, 690
in Cuba, 576
limits of the, 576
loyalty to the, 578
no hostile manifesto, 576
not international law, 265
our policy, 632
peace, a means of, 578
Monroe, James, President, 87, 455,

messages of, 575, 690

on the Monroe Doctrine, 575

quotation on Navy, 690

Montana, 324, 326, 327, 362, 432

Moody, Dwight L., 134

Moody, William H., Secretary, 118,
122, 728

Morality, social, a lesson of, 309

Moro campaign, 690

Moros, troubles with the, 96, 627

Morrison, Frank, 522
Mosquera, General, 701
Mounted rifleman, the, 58$
Mount St. Alban, District of Co-
lumbia, 495

St. Elias, 664,' 666

Vernon, 41

Vernon, preservation of, 644
Mohawk Valley, New York, 507
Muhlenberg, F. A., Congressman,

450

Mukden, China, 674
Municipal ownership discussed, 776
Munsterberg, Hugo, Professor, 28
Murders of foreigners in China,

602

Murphy, Governor, 482, 483
Murphy, G. Mallet-Prevost, Lieut.,

724
Museum, National, need of a, 598

proposed, 642
Music, enjoyment of, 453

N

Napoleon Bonaparte, 50

Napoleonic struggles, 489

Nashville, United States steamship,
7-27, 732, 734, 737

Nation, aggregate of families, 493
debt of, to Germans, 508
duty as a, our, 269
first thing for a, to do, 50
glory of the, 491
honor roll of the, 479
individual and, compared, 291
making a great, 480
opportunities for the, 396
peace as a, our, 396
preservation of the, 489
stock range of the, 438
strength of our, cramping the,
540

National Banking Law, 554
Board of Trade, 225
boundaries, our, 676
character, laws and the, 487
character, standard of, 16
expansion, 51
Fish Commission, 424
Government, the, 118, 309

National Guard, the, 319
appropriations for, 590
in war times, 590
manoeuvres of, 689
organization of, 580
Regular Army and, 590
reorganizing, 630
training the, 77, 589
use of, 689

National life, cause of true, 448
museum, need of a, 598
powers, State and, 276
supervision, need for, 610

Naturalization offences, 661

Nature, beauties of, 376

i8-VoL. XIV

8io

Index

Naval Academy, United States, 33-

36, 581, 584

enlargement, needed, 633
graduates of the, 583

Naval base in Philippines, 691
cadet, the title, 581
efficiency, standard of, 583
gun-practice, funds for, 631
intelligence, office of, 692
manoeuvres in peace, 582
militia, State, 583-584
militia, object of the, 583
officers, duties of, 34-36
Reserve, National, 584
Reserve, demand for, 584
shore duties, civilians in, 582
stations in Cuba, 646
vessels, need of new, 581
War College, 692

Navigation, Bureau of, 692

Navy, United States, the, 203, 401,

465

activity of, in peace, 121-122
admiral of the, 631
and Army, 463
auxiliary, 584
builders of the, 580
completing, no cessation in, 581
commercial, importance of, 394
condition of, in 1882, 402, 579
Confederate, 209, 223
Congressional action on, late,

403

credit for the, 580
Department, 34, 266, 295, 559,

584, 691, 692
efficiency in the, 582, 691
efficient, need of an, 266, 394,

enlisted men of the, 465
first-class, need of a, 632
excellence of the, 34
General Board of tne, 583, 592
General Staff in, 692
gunnery in the, 631
history of the, present, 579
importance of the, 577
improvised, impossible, 578, 632
inadequate, dangers of an, 632
instruction in the, 582, 583
Isthmian Canal and, 632
manoeuvres in, extensive, 631
marksmanship in the, 691
memorial monument, 401-404
men for, need of good, 583, 632
men of the, 120
men of the, credit to, 421
men of the, training for, 403
mercantile, our, 394
military, our, 394
necessity of a good, 584
necessity of maintaining, 198
no politics in, 209
officers, additional, needed in,

633
officers and men for the, 581

Navy, United States, the, officers

in, credit due, 633
officers in, scarcity of, 633
officers of, work of, 691
peace, guarantee of, 267, 577,

578, 632

plea for the, 404
plea for, by President Monroe,

690

policy on, National, 402
preparation in, need of, 401,

pride in, 492

progressive instruction in the,

583

promotion in, fostering, 633
public debt to, 588
recruits in, raw, 633
retirement from, facility in, 633
Secretaries of the, 403
Secretary of, Advisory Board

,to, 692
Secretary of the, 79, 309, 579,

580, 581, 583, 656
services of the, great, 119
ships and crews in the, 632
ships for, providing new, 631
situation on the, 577-584
skill in the, need of, 120-121
Spanish, 580

standard of the, high, 465
Surgeon-General of, 457
target practice in the, 582
the new, 402

training in the, 119, 579-580
upbuilding of the, 402, 631, 691
war, not a provocation to, 578
Yard, Bremerton, Wash., 420

Nebraska, 329

Needs, National, laws for, 99

Negro appointments, attitude on, 513
defended, 516
fewness of, 512
criminals, 524

"domination," 511, 513, 516
office-holding, 510-518
rights of the, 446

Negroes appointed in South, 516
appointments of, 511
victims of lynching, 524

Nero, United States ship, sound-
ings by, 625

Netherlands, the, 151, 668, 669

Nevada, 414, 416, 362
agriculture in, 417
development of, 417
irrigation in, 415-416
Land reclamation in, 682
laws of, irrigation, 417
mineral products of, 417
public lands in, 415
stock raising in, 417
water supply of, 415

Newell, F. H., 68 1

New England, 97, 113
town meeting, 533

Index

8r

Newfoundland, reciprocity with, 622

New Granada, 717

passing away of, 694
sovereignty guaranteed to, 696

New Jersey, 281, 482
veterans of, 482

New Mexico, 364, 365, 366, 368

New Orleans, La., 401, 511

Newspapers, reckless talk in, 533
sensational, 9

New York City, 29, 31, 196, 242,

401

America's entry-port, 196
Chamber of Commerce, 196-202
government of, 506
"Herald," quoted, 722, 723
National importance of, 196
"Times," quoted, 722

New York State, 97, 113, 223, 466,

507, 518

Agricultural Association, 466
Federal Grand Tury, 660
negro office-holders in, 513

Nicaragua Canal route, 692, 710
Republic of, 707

Nichols law in Ohio, 767

Nile, River, 151, 391

Nineteenth Century, progress in,
537

Nineveh, 113, 151

North Carolina, 167

North Dakota, 310, 311, 320

Northern Pacific Railroad, 281

Northern Securities Company, 281
suit against, 282

Northfield, Mass., 134

Norway, 668, 669, 677

Obaldia, Governor, of Panama, 722

Obedience to law, 474

Ocean Mail Act of 1891, 656

O'Connell, James, $22

Office, character prime test for, 515

Office-holders, Democratic, 517

political influence in, 586

typical American, 589
Office-seekers disappointed, n
Ohio River, 454

Valley, 563

Olympia, cruiser, 463, 465
Omaha, Neb., 329, 333
O'Neill, Bucky, 369
"Open door" in China, 98, 604
Opportunities, National, 396

present, 87

Opportunity for colored men, 512
Orderly liberty, 523

and virtue, 481
Oregon, 97, 112, 393, 419, 426, 677

country, acquisition of, 677

men in the Philippines, 419

pioneers of, 419
Organization, law of, 189

benefits of, 159

Organizations, labor, need of, 102

opposition to, 618

the public and, 619
Orient, the, 304

awakening of the, 97

duties in the, 92, 95

growing commerce in, 98
Oriental trade, 429
Over-capitalization, evils of, 172,
542

fraudulent, 612

Over-grazing, evils of, 439-441
Ownership, corporate, and war
problems, 672
State and private, 777
Oyster Bay, N. Y., 458, 520, 523

Pacific cable, 393
' action on the, 625

Congressional power in, 626
laying of, 98
need of a, 573
Pacific Coast, 51, 364, 385

line, 393

Pacific Ocean, the, 203, 243, 257,
281, 338, 343, 372. 393. 401,

419, 422, 454, 676
domination of, our, 393, 429
commerce in the, 392
importance of, future, 400

• our interests in the, 97
power on, United States, 60 1
seaboard, 677
Pacific Slope, the, 205, 372, 373, 395*

420, 421, 423

Page, Thomas Nelson, 457, 517

Palma, Tomas Estrada, President,
295

Palmetto State, the, 20

Palo Alto, Cal., 377

Panama, arms imported to, 720, 725
attitude in, explained, 698-707
Bay of, 708
bombardment of, 730

Panama Canal Act of 1902, 709
Company, French, 623, 711
Company, new, 710, 749, 780
route preferred, 459, 693
sentiment in, 715
treaty on, 692-693
treaty with, 707

Panama, City of, 720

City of, United States control

of, 708
continual revolutions in, 700-

703

dissatisfaction in, cause of, 725
Government of, recognized, 699
Hubbard's work in, 731-744
independence of, guaranteed,

708

independence, movement in, 719
independence, newspapers on,
720-7*4

812

Index

Panama, interference in, United

States, 707, 727

Isthmian Canal at, 623
Panama, Isthmus of, 22

guaranty from invasion, 696

sovereignty in, 695

right of way on, 693

United States fortifications in,
709

United States grants in, 708

United States interventions in,
frequent, 745

United States neutrality in, 694

United States warships at, 740
Panama: Railroad, 709

Disturbance on (1887), 702

railway and canal rights in,

708
Panama, Republic of, 693, -717

message on, 709-757

status of, 694

recognition of, justified, 750-

recognized by the Powers, 752

unanimity in, 698

Panama Revolution, despatches on,
727-729

in 1903, 698, 700, 719-728

bloodless, 698, 743

duty of United States in, 698
706

interference of United States
in, 698

occasion of the, 698
Panama revolutions, United States

neutrality in, 695
Panama, sovereignty guaranteed in,
696

United States forces in, 703

720

Pan - American Congress, 604-605,
75i

United States Delegates to, 605
Pan-American Exposition, 529
Panics, 10

safeguards against, 555
Paralysis of business energies, 614
Parents, wishes of true, 395
Party system, true aim of, 191
Past, forgetfulness of the, 63

reverence for historic, 503
Pasturage, need of providing, 439

question of, 438
Patents, land, in Alaska, 678
Patents to foreigners, 684
Patience and resolution, 488
Patriotic societies, thoughts on, 55

value of, 36
Patriotism, spirit of, 492

variant of loyalty, 493
Peace, anxiety for, our, 578

and arbitration, 622-623

conditions of maintaining, 575

Conference, The Hague, 575

duties of, 492

effective plea for, 198

Peace, forces tending toward, 673
for the just man armed, 394
industrial, 198
naval manoeuvres in, 582
safeguards for present, 634
situation on, 574-575
steady trend toward, 197
surest way of obtaining, 394
true conditions of, 578
war and, leaders in, 289
war and, spirit in, 488
work of, 22
world-wide, present, 606

Pearse Inlet, 666

Peckham, Rufus W., Justice, 671
quotation from, 671

Pekin, foreign quarter in, exclu-
sive, 602
guards in, permanent military,

602

representatives in, safety of,
602

Pennsylvania, 205, 219, 333, 512
Germans in, 507

Pension Bureau, work of the, 686

People and the Government, 494
government by the, 663
plain, prosperity of, 608
responsibility of the, 441
right of the, to water, 418

Performance and Promise, 413-414

Pershing, Captain, services of, 690

Perez y Sotos, proposal by, 722

Peru, 705 »

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 211

Philbin, Eugene A., 657

Philippine cable, 625-627
Commission, 81
independence impossible, 93
policy, critics of the, 296, 318

Philippine War, 21, 39, 59, 85, 92,

217-218, 399, 488
aim of the, 314
conduct of, 59-67
difficulties of, 628
end of, 207, 316
hardships of, 313
justified, 98
McKinJey on, 311
necessity of, 92, 204
object of, 64
outcry against, 311
veterans of, 591

Philippines, the, 59, 60, 82, 83, 185,
203, 204, 206, 210, 211, 223,
237, 3"i 312, 313. 393, 394,
408, 410, 577, 580, 590
aims in the, our, 568
Americanism in the, 628
amnesty declared in, 96, 627
anarchy in, danger of, 569
appointments in the, 569
appropriation for the, 315
armies in the, 63
arms in, triumph of, 628
army in, praise for, 628

Index

8'3

Philippines, army in, reduction of, 94
banditti in the, 571
benefits from, 98
benefits of United States rule

in, 92. 93

brigandage in the, 31 3. 3I5
business in the, 572
cable to, need of a, 573
cattle disease in the, 315
-China cable, 626
civil government in the, 95, 207,

314, 409, 569, 627
conditions in the, 568
constructive statesmanship in,

629

course in, our, unexampled, 569
cruelties in the, 64, 205, 217-

218, 313, 628
development of the, 572
difficulties in the, 568
difficulties of war in, 93-94
duty in, our, 238, 569
"errors" in the, our, 570
fear in, our only, 570
Filipino officials in, 95
franchises in the, 572
freedom withdrawn in, 570
freest Asiatic country, 208
good government in, 210
Governors of, 2 1
holding the, 628
improved conditions in, 589
industrial enterprises in, 572
insurrection in the, 571
interests of, 67
ladrones in, 94, 207
laws made in the, 06
laws in, triumph of, 628
legislation for the, 571
liberty in the, 315
merit system in, 593
military rule in the, 314
mission, our, in the, 394
naval base, in, 691
new era in the, 627
officials in, choosing, 679
Oregon men in, 419
peace in the, 218
perplexing problems in, 238
policy in, proper, 318, 627
progress in, 679
prosperity in, 410, 568, 679
representative government, 96
results of "liberating," 66, 92
restoring peace in, 312
retention of, necessary, 569
self-government in the, 93, 206,
. 570

situation in the, 567-573, 627
soldiers in the, 206, 628
statesmanship in the, 97
Taft's services to, 410
tariff arrangements with, 679
tariff reduction to the, 296, 315
wealth of, natural, 572
wrongdoing in the, 97, 313, 628

Phoenician merchant-princes, 201

Phoenicians, 151

Physical development, need of, 293

Pilgrims, the, 365

Pinchot, Gifford, Bureau Chief, 249,

68 1

Pinckney, Charles, Secretary, 343
Pioneer preachers, work of, 245-246

settlers, watercourses and, 562
Pioneers, achievement of, 420

descendants of, 606

German, in America, 450

Western, 419

Western, work of, 414
Piracy, 535

Plagues, quarantine against, 641
Plain people, prosperity of, 608
Platt Amendment, 23, 295, 621, 645
Platt, Orville H., Senator, 85
Play and work, 379

relation of, 294
Plenipotentiaries, 601-602
Plutocracy, 470
Poe, Edgar Allan, 456
Policies, effect of continuous, 608
Policing, international, growing

need of, 624
Policy, common-sense, *. 271

economic, stability of, 190, 550

enforcing a, 441

fixity of, 113

foreign, a sourd. 2 .?.

land, United StV ?r 388, 441

Monroe Doctrine, CM., 632

National, justice a? ':he, 396

National, on the Navy, 402

public land, wise, 681

United States forest, 249
Political influence in offices, 586
Politicians, "bread-and-butter," 9
Politics in insular possessions, 593
Polk, James K., President, 748
Poor and rich, legal equality of the,

620
Popular government and bribery,

663
Population, concentration of, 274

urban, evils in, 100

urban, growth of, 100
Porcupine River, Alaska, 667
Portland Canal, 664, 666
Portland, Me., 122
Portland, Ore., 419

exposition at, 677

Porto Rico, 22, 87, 185, 237, 577,
590

appropriation for, 315

difficulties in, 88

free trade with, 567

government of, 88-89, 567, 627

merit system in, 593

progress in, 679

prosperity in, 567, 627

public lands in, 567

situation in, 567

United States rule in, 237

Index

lation, 7

Possible, achievement of the, delay-
ing, 611

Postage, pound rate of, 600

Postal abuses, 60 1
crimes, 66 1
progress, recent, 600
service, 599-601
service, deficit of, 599
service, growth of, 599

Postmaster-General, 656

Post-office Department, 60 1
revenues, 634
frauds in, 661

Potomac, River, 483

Pound rate, postal, limiting the,
601

Preaching and practicing, 461-462,
481

Precepts, unintelligent, harmful, 289

Preferences in rates forbidden, 280

Preparation and forethought, need
of, 580

Presbyterian Church, 44, 501 '

Present conditions, superiority of,

101
rejoicing in the, 607

Presidency, difficulties of, 5, 13

President accountable to Nz
appointments by, 8
burden of the, 10-11
demand for capacity in, 9
dissatisfaction with, 9
duties of, on revenue, 7
duty of, to enforce laws, 281
Federal departments and, 3
friends, his difficulty with, n
great tasks before, 7
importance of, i
"ingratitude" of, 12
legislative functions of, 2
mail of, immense, 1 1
personality of, 2
policy of, criticising, 5-6
power of, 2, 5, 12
power of, to stop legislation, 3
protection of, proper, 535
recommending legislation, 2
reconciling interests, 9
requests made to, n
respect due to, 6
responsibilities of, 5, 8
requisites for a good, 5
retired, the, 12, 13
Senate and, harmony of, 4
Treasury and the, 8
unable to answer letters, n
veto power of, 2
work of, constant, 10

Presidents of United States, defects

in, 6

high character of, 6
Tennesseean, 203

Pressure for promotions, 586

Principles, American, fundamental,
499, 620

Printer, public, 518, 519, 520

Printing, Government, great cost of,
643

Office, Government, 518

public, unnecessary, 643
Private property, exemption of, 671

in war time, 671-672
Prizes for naval gunnery, 631
Problem, forest, the, 251
Problems, attitude toward, 397

dealing with, 331

economic, solution of, 106

false remedies for, 274

industrial, 143, 159, 274, 302

industrial and economic, 292

industrial, how not solved, 199

industrial, solutions of, 175

industrial, treatment of, 307

in 2oth century, 607

nature of, 173

present-day, 137-144

qualities in solving, 334

social and economic, 85-86

social, solution of, 25

solving, certainty of, 607

temper in treating, 149-150

true spirit in meeting, 274

trust-control, no
Procedure, legal, needs in, 525
"Productive scholarship," 28, 456
Progress, conditions of, 357

sudden advance of, 152

universal, joy at, 271
Progressive regulation, 609
Promise and performance, 108, 413-

414, 432

Promises, public and private, 414
Promotions, Army, on merit, 587

pressure for, 586
Property guaranteed to all, 653

inviolability of, 609

misuse of, 132

private, in war time, 671-672

rights conserved by law, 112

true use of, 476
Prosperity, advent of, 236

agricultural, 251

all share in, 467

American, conditions of, 577

attacks on, evil, 273

average of, 467

commercial, 98

common interest in, 286

conditions of, 98

continuance of, 201

defined, 418

destruction of, 99

energy and, 99

envy at, 98

evils in times of, 99, 214, 608

general, 613

high level of present, 552

Homestead Law and, 637

industrial, 147

industrial period of, 24

in Porto Rico, 567, 627

in the Philippines, 568

Index

8.S

Prosperity, laws in, influence of, 606
material, 50-51, 352
material, necessary, 188
not created by law, 25, 214, 537,

606

of wage-workers, present, 538
present, abounding, marvelous,

302, 537

present, unbounded, 606
present, unique, 219
present, unparalleled, 296
protective tariff and, 614
requisite of, first, 550
return of, 215, 759
ruined by law, 25
source of envy, a, 24
times of, inequalities in, 540
under the tariff, 297

Protection, reciprocity and, 553
right of, for all, 477

Protective tariff and prosperity, 614

Protocol, Chinese, 601

Providence, Rhode Island, 98

Psalmist, the, 103

Public, the, and organizations, 619

Public honesty and efficiency, 488
land laws, disagreements on,
land policy, wise, 68 1

Public lands, Alaskan, 677
extent of, 415
fences on, 637, 680
for home-makers, 636
laws on, 66 1

President's power on, 559
proceeds from, 682
reclamation of arid, 562
settlement on, retarded, 680

Public life, requisites for, 288
responsibilities of, 493

Public man, duty of, to tell truth,

288
qualities of the, 488

Public opinion in the United States,

557

printer, 518, 519, 520
ranges, best uses of, 440
servant, honesty of, 499
servants, attacks on, 6
service, how to regard, 412
works for public good, 563

Publicity and honest corporations,

610
in corporation affairs, 105-106,

116, 650
remedy for trust evils, 543

Puget Sound, 427, 428, 429

Punishment and reformation, 494

Puritans, the, 365

Qualities, essential, of character, 493

great, need of, 509
Quebec, Supreme Court of, 666
Quincy, Illinois, 335

557

Race discriminations wrong, 512
no bar to office, 512
strains in America, 450
-suicide, question of, 508

Railroad discrimination, laws on,

322

Branch, Y. M. C. A., 353
employees, safety of, 685
men as soldiers, 157
men, bravery of, 157
men, heroism of, 229
men, qualities needed by, 163
men used to risks, 157
men, Y. M. C. A. work for,

229

problems, 332
systems, great, 429

Railroading, qualities needed in, 353

Railroads, Alaskan, 678
as developers, 338
as means of travel, 338
benefits of, 430
blocking frogs of, 643
Interstate, regulation of, 555
law regarding, 310
the, and lumbering, 252
rates on, 556
safety appliances on, 685
safety on, laws for, 643

Railway, a public servant, 556
foolish interference with,

Ranges as invested capital, 438*
grazing, old system of, 438
homesteads and the, 439
public, best uses of, 440
public, exhaustion of, 637
moving cattle on, 439
stock, of the Nation, 438
summer and winter, 439
wise use of the, 439

Rapp, General, 451

Rates, preferences in, forbidden, 280

Readiness for life work, 497

Rebates, secret, granted, 282

Reciprocity, development of, natu-
ral, 553

field of, natural, 553
handmaid of protection, 551
home industries and, 551
tariff law and, 551, 615
treaties, need of, 615
Treaty, Cuban, 567, 622-623,

647
with Newfoundland, 622

Reclamation Law, the, 415, 682

Redwood manufacturers, 385

Reed, Thomas B., 123

Reformation and punishment, 494

Reformed Church, Dutch, 44, 447,

S<>5

First, New York, 44
German, 447
Grace, D. C, 446
Churches, duty of, 447

8i6

Index

Reforms in Army, three prime, 588

conditions of efficient, 565

unreasonable demand for, no
Regulation and tariff, separation of,
613

of artificial powers, 609

progressive, 609

transportation, 280
Religion, crimes in name of, 449
Religious liberty in Philippines, 96
Reno, Nev., 416
Reorganization Act, Army, 588
Representative government in Philip-
pines, 96

Representatives of the people, 7
Republic, American, 380, 484

destiny of the, 125, 353

greatest need of the, 56

needs of our, 481, 523

problems before, 14

ruin of the, 469

savers of the, 399

spirit of its founders, 396

success of United States as a,

287
Republics and despotism, 287

fate of old, 287, 470-471

ruin of, 471
Reserves, Naval, demand for, 584

Naval, National, 584
Reservoirs in arid regions, 561

irrigation, in Utah, 444
Resolution and patience, 488
Resources, National, developing, 188-

190
Responsibility of duty, 498

personal, 501
Restraint of the unscrupulous man,

652

Retirements, privileges in, 586
Reunion, proofs of our, 203
Revenue and expenditure, equal, 654
Revenues not to be reduced, 555

to be adjusted, 555
Revolution, American, 18, 37, 41,
57, 212, 232, 233, 243, 343,
451, 454, 485, 487., 507

American, Germans in the, 507

American, Sons of the, 36-39

American, events of, in Charles-
ton, 18
Revolution, industrial hardships in

a, 780
Revolutionary legislation, evil of,

Rhine, river, 151

Rhode Island, growth of, 100

Rich and poor, contrast between,

778

legal equality of, 620
Rich man, the unscrupulous, 4^2
Richards, W. A., Commissioner,

Land, 68 1

Richmond, Va., 141
Richmond Hill, N. Y., 481
Rifleman, mounted, the, 585

Righteousness and strength, 37

civic, need of, 499

the only test, 437

warfare for, 496

Rights of others, regard for, 575
Riis, Jacob A., 481
Rio Grande, 243
Rizal, Jose, 317, 318

quoted, 317

Road-building and civilization, 337
Roads and trails in Alaska, 678

good, advantages of, 340

Good, International Convention,
336

good, new interest in, 338
Rockhill, William Woodville, 602
Rocky Mountain region, 303
Rocky Mountain States, 372
Rocky Mountains, 205, 255, 327,

338, 35i, 373, 415
Roman Empire, effects of the, 336

growth of the, 346

expansion, 346, 396

power, traces of, 396

roads, 336-337
Rome, 151, 336, 337, 345

fall of, 391

Roosevelt, Nicholas, Alderman, 506
Root, Elihu, Secretary, 80, 83, 84,
316, 665

services of, 84
Rosecrans, William S., General, 40-

44

Rough-Rider Regiment, 365
Rough-Riders in Spanish War, 77

typically American, 365-366
Rural free mail delivery, 675
Rural carriers, Civil Service, 686

(See Mail, free delivery of)
Ruskin, John, 31
Russia, Ambassador to, 457

Sacramento Valley, 387
Saengerfest Association, Baltimore,

450

Safety-Appliance Law, the, 643, 685
Safety appliances, inspection of, 685
St. Louis, Missouri, 336, 341, 596

arbitration union at, 672

bribe-givers extradited, 663

corruption in, 662
. Exposition, 596

loyal Germans in, 508

University of, 341
St. Paul, Minnesota, 286
Salmon hatcheries in Alaska, 678

industry in Alaska, 424

industry, protecting, 678
Salt Lake City, Utah, 435
Salt Trust, case against the, 284
San Bernardino, California, 373
San Francisco, California, 283, 385,

390, 397, 401, 403, 413
San Gabriel Valley, California, 387

Index

817

San Juan, battle of, 73
Santa Fe, New Mexico, 364, 368
Santa Cruz^ California, 375
Santiago, Cuba, 20, 65, 119. *66,
267, 421

battle of, 579, 580

colored troops at, 446
Satterlee, Henry Y., Bishop, 495
Savannah, collector of port °*» 5l6
Savings Banks as corporations, 174

deposits in, 608
Scandinavia, 365, 421-422, 429
Schedules, tariff, examination of, 616
Scholarly achievement, 28
Scholarship and the Library of Con-
gress, 599

productive, 28, 378, 456

productive, achievement in, 293

services to Nation, 28

true, 379

School system, common, 591
Scientific bureaus, control of, 559

study, importance of, 69
Scott, John M., Senator, 146
Scott, Winfield, General, 203, 454
Scylla and Charybdis, 288
Sea habit, the, 35
Seamen, additional, demand for, 581

American, high type of, 632

American, praise due to, 632

training of, necessary, 581
Seattle, Washington, 421, 428
Second-class mail, abuses of, 601

mail-matter, 600
Self-government, art of, 224

capacity for, 414

developing capacity for, 568

first requisite of, 664

qualities for, 470

success in, our, 568

taught to Filipinos, 96
Senate, advisory function of, 3, 4

executive functions of, 2

power of, to reject nominations,

Senators, advisory privilege of, 3-4

Sequoias of California, 386

Servant, a faithful, 501

Service and duty, 447

Service, classified, in District of Co-
lumbia, 592

conditions of good, 31-32
Government, rules of, 522
the honor of true, 408

Services of scholarship to Nation, 28

Settlement in public lands retarded,
680

Settler, development of the, 439

Seward, William H., Secretary, 698
quoted, 695

Shanghai, China, 673

improvements at, 603

Sheridan, Philip, General, 142, 399,
489

Sherman Anti-Trust Law, 105, 280,
28*

Sherman, William T., General, 142,
i57» 158, 165, 230, 399, 489,
490, 492

high worth of, 495

homage to, 490

mighty feats of, 490

monument to, 489-495
Sincerity, proofs of, 447
Sioux Tails, South Dakota, 302, 354
Sitka, Alaska, cable to, 678
Slave, emancipation of the, 483

trade, the, 536
Slavery, abolition of, 398
Slocum, Henry W., 483
"Smartness," deification of, 135
Smithsonian Institution, the, 597

plans of, 642

Ship, fighting, use of a, 672
Shipper, large, favors to the, 556
Shipping, action needed on, 554

American, 656-657

American, commission on, 656

American, superiority of, 554

interests, upbuilding of, 553

lines, benefit of, 553

requirements in, 656-657

subsidized, a, 554
Ships, American, cost of, 554

American, standards on, 554

and National interests, 553
Shore duties, naval, civilians in, 582
Sigel, General Franz, 451
Siloam, Tower of, 98, 435
Social betterment, 227

conditions, 435

conditions, betterment of, 548

convulsions, 10

discontent, 533

equality, 516

morality, a lesson of, 309

order, inequalities in the, 533

problems, 85-86

problems, present, 538

questions, 25
Societies, mutual benefit, 608

patriotic, value of, 36
Society, right of, to regulate, 609
Soldier, American, high standard of,

588
best type of, the, 585

Confederate, the, 19, 21

essentials and non-essentials for,

hardships of the, 15, 137

ideals of the, 15

increased pay of, question of,
588

motives of the, 15

qualities of a good, 54-55
Soldierly qualities, development of,

630
Soldiers, American, men of iron, 19

Confederate, sons of, 512

debt to the, our, 491

example of American, 486

ex-Confederate, 516

Index

Soldiers, American, in the Philip-
pines, 206, 218, 628

of the Civil War, 445

of Grant, 487

of Washington, 487

railroad men as, 157

capacity of, scrutinized, 630
Solutions, industrial, unwise, 148-

149

Sound currency, benefit of, 477
South, appointments in, 517

cotton interests of, 283

glory of the, 19

National pride in the, 27
South Africa, war in, 80
South Atlantic States, 97
South Carolina, 18, 113, 516

negro domination in, 511

negro officials in, 512
South Dakota, 302
Southern States, 311
Sovereignty, limitations on, in Pan-
ama, 695
Spain, 342, 668, 669, 705

Navy of, 119
Spanish Navy, 580
Spanish rule in Cuba, 23
Spanish War, 10, 14, 15, 54, 72, 84,
87, 92, 98, 119, 125, 203, 204,
215, 236, 239, 310, 320, 377,
397, 398, 399, 484, 579, 580,

college men in, 377

effects of, 646

lesson of, 54

naval victories in, 421

our success in, 402

problems after, 398

"Rough Riders" in, 77

ships in the, 579
eterans, 185
eterans of, 591

West Pointers in, 72-74
Speaker of the House, 450
Speculation, dangers of, 99, 438
Speculative frenzies, 468
Speech, cleanness of, 459
Speed, James, Attorney-General, 696
Spirit, American, 487-488
Spokane, Washington, 429

growth of.^ 430
Springfield, Illinois, 446
Stability, value of, 99
Staff divisions in Army, 588
Staff, general, law, 319
Standards of judging men, 468
State and private ownership, 777
State, college men and the, 78-84

Department of, 261, 662, 663,
675, 70S, 727

individual and the, 107

intrusion of the, 200.

laws, National and, 548

Naval Militia, 583-584

saving the, 498

service to, conditions of, 31

State, Secretary of, 124, 261, 503,
605, 622

supervision, limits of, 610

welfare of the, 499
States, border, debt to the, 223
States compared to Nation, 8
States, formation of new, 348
Statesman, ideal for the, 438

Washington as a, 232
Statesmanship, constructive, 545

constructive, in Philippines, 629

in the Philippines, 97
Steam, centripetal effect of, 339

electricity and, compared, 339

as a factor in prosperity, 100

factor in civilization, 170
Steamship companies, supervision of,

i- 55°

lines, service of, 430

Steamships, American, 393
German and British, 656

Stikine River, Alaska, 665, 667

Stock-raisers and the forests, 440
raising in arid region, 438
range of the Nation, 438

Streams, division of, laws on, 564
Government control of, 443
ownership of, abuses in, 565
private ownersnip of, 564
regulating the flow of, 562

Strength, decency and, 461
importance of physical, 30
prime need of, 136
righteousness and, 37
sweetness and, 482

Stump, reckless talk on the, 533

Subig Bay as a naval base, 691

Success, beneficent, conditions of,

539

chief factor in, 548
conditions of real, 106, 107
essentials of, 146
individual effort and, 55
National, spirit of, 247
personal equation in, 539
rugged ways to, 395
secret of, 479
varieties of, 200
wrested from fortune, 607
wrong kind of, 268-269

Sultan, Turkish, and Beirut troubles,
673

Sumter, Fort, bombardment of, 141

Supervision, corporation, 650
State and National, 610

Surgeons, Army, bravery of the
United States, 68-69

Supreme Bench, qualities for the,
223

Supreme Court, United States, 82, ,

224, 505, 671
importance of, 221
judges of, 221

Sweden, 668, 669, 677

Switzerland, President of, i

Syracuse, New York, 466

Index

819

Taft, William H., Governor, 80, 81,
83, 95. 207, 210, 314, 316,
317, 408, 409, 4»p, 4f*. 569
services of, to Philippines, 410
Talents, responsibility for, 501
Talking and fighting, 269
Target practice in the Navy, 582
Tariff Bill, Wilson-Gorman, 3
business proposition, a, 298
changes in, evil of, 551
commission, proposed, 616
conditions, 615

danger in changes of, 191-192
duties, broad significance of,

300

duties, unnecessary, 552
experts, practical, 616
good effects of, 299
high, where not needed, 553
imports, in China, 603
law, reciprocity and, 551, 615
on coal, removal of, 616
policy on the, 190-191, 297
prosperity under the, 297
protection for capital ana labor,

297

protection of labor by the, 546
protective, benefits or, 194-195
protective, necessary, 193
protective, perpetual, 299
protective, prosperity and, 614
readjustments ruinous, 298
reduction, 177
reduction difficulties, 178
reduction, evils in, 613
reduction, futility of, 613
reduction in Philippines, 296
reduction, punitive, 177
reduction, trusts and, 613
regulation and, apart, 613
remodeled, 215
revision of the, best course in,

193-194
revision disastrous to workers,

301

revision, hostile to business, 300
revision, low wages and, 301
revision, trusts and, 300
revision undesirable, 285
schedules, examination of, 616
situation on the, 612-617
system, acquiescence in, 550
theory of, American, 615
true way of treating, 191-192
wealth and growth of, 538
Tasks, allotted, of a generation, 502
Tax Commissioners, State Board of,
. N. .Y., 769, 775
inheritance, collateral, 772
laws, failures in, 772
system, N. YM confusion of,

760

Taxation, burden of, just shares in,
764

Taxation, corporation, in foreign

lands, 762

equality and justice in, abso-
lute, 770

foreign capital, in N. Y., 772
great burden of, where it is,

772

problem of, difficult, 770
situation on, 760
Taxes, State and municipal, 771
Taylor, Zachary, President, 203, 454
Telephone, the, benefits of, 340
Tenant tracts undesirable, 388
Tennessee, 21, 67, 167, 202, 517
Tennesseean Presidents, 203

pioneers of, 202
Territorial development of Hawaii,

566

Territories, formation of, 347
Territory, United States, 631

United States, desire for, 576
Texas, 304

rice in, 641
Thanksgiving Day, 57
Thebes, Egypt, 151
Thomas, Geo. H., General, 142, 223,

230, 399, 489
Threats, bad policy of, 399
Thrift and energy, need of, 537
Tien-tsin, China, improvements at,

603

Tigris, River, 391
Timber and Stone Law, 636, 680
lands, large holdings in, 680
Tongass Inlet, 666
Topeka, Kansas, 353
Torpedo boats, exercise of, 582
Torture, degradation in using, 526-

527
Town meeting, New England, 113,

Trade, combination in restraint of,
282

damage to, in war, 670

domestic, and currency, 555

export, with Cuba, 647

National Board of, 225

Oriental, 429

restrictions, petty, 552

with foreign nations, our, 552
Transportation facilities, perfecting,
651

in Alaska, 425

regulation of, 280
Trautman, Ralph, 658
Treasury, United States, condition
of, 476

report to Congress, 555

Secretary of the, 335, 555, 655
Treaties, canal, important, 260

reciprocity, need of, 615

touching bribery, 662
Treaty, Alaskan, of 1867, 664
Treaty, Canal, Colombian offer on,
703-704

frequent use ot, 705

820

Index

Treaty, Canal, Colombian, interpre-
tations of the, 694
perpetuity of, 694
repudiated by Colombia, 697
with Panama, 707

Treaty, Colombia, of 1903, 697
Commercial, with China, 673
New Granada, of 1846, 693-700
New Granada, rights given by,

694

Russo-British, of 1825, 664
with Mexico, extradition, 662

Trees, preservation of the, 376

Tribunal, The Hague, 264

Triumph of 1898; how it was se-
cured, 580

Trolley lines, benefits of, 340

Tromp, Admiral, 579

Truckee River, 416

Trust, Beef, case against, 282-283
laws, enforcement of, 660
legislation, 321, 322
organizations, evils of, 612
problem, difficulties of, 301
problem, efforts to solve, 284
problems, 332
question, difficulties of, 106

Trusts, abuses of, chief, 785-787
attitude toward, 272-273
control of, 272
dealing with, 142
definition of, 169
difficulties of treating, 114-115
Department of Commerce and,

278
expensive way to restrain, 285-

286

foolish zeal against, 139
hatred and fear of, 541
ignorant dealing with, 139
importance of issues on, 170
laws against, enforced, 154
legislation upon, 275-276
legislation on, mischievous, 541
machinery and the, 782
National control of, 104-105,

153, 154, 155,. 173, 181-183
National legislation on, 141
nature of, 103-105
necessary elements in, 542
need of wise dealing with, 171
problem of, difficult, 172
problems of controlling, no,

142, 147

publicity for, 155, 183, 476
question of, 219
rational treatment of, 183-185
sovereignty over, need of, 115
spirit in dealing with, 173
supervision of, 103, 172
treatment of, 108
unaffected by tariff, 179, 300,

613
wise treatment of, 175, 541

Truth telling in public men and
critics, 288

Turkish Government, relations witk,

673

Turner, George, ex-Senator, 665
Turn Verein, Baltimore, 451
Tyranny, anarchy forerunner of,

524

U

Unclassified laborers, 687

Union and liberty, cause of, 507

Union armies, 42

Union, crises of the, great, 233

establishment of the, 488

love for the, 15

preservation of the, 398, 483

restoration of, 234

salvation of the, 488

soldiers of the, 19, 20

struggle for the, 491
Unions, labor, 26

in Government Printing Office,
520

great importance of, 652

rules of, and United States
laws, 520

when not recognized, 522
Union League Club, Philadelphia,

211

San Francisco, 413
United America, proofs of, 19
United States, 668, 669

affairs in, 29

and China, 602-603

Army, 43

Bench, 82

Circuit Court, 283

Courts, 660

critics of, 217

future of, 607

grants in Panama, 708

historian of, 502

land policy, 388

Military Academy, 70

Naval Academy, 33-36

Navy, 33

public opinion in, 557

Supreme Court, 82

The Hague Tribunal and, 623
Universities, duty of, 28
University, true object of a, 378
Unscrupulous man, restraint of the,

652
Urban population, the growth of our,

100

Usefulness and happiness, 478
Utah, 435, 442

cultivated area of, 443

development of, 436-444

"Gamaliel," 442

Government help for, 442

irrigated region, first, 442

irrigation in, 442

irrigation reservoirs in, 444

mining in, 437

pioneers of, 436, 442

I ndex

Valor, American heritage of, 452

Yn-i Dyke, Henry, 50

Van Vorst, Mrs. Bessie, 508-510

Vasco da Gama, 151

Venezuela, 669

blockade in, 260. 667-668

claims against, 668

Monroe Doctrine and, 260-263

Venezuelan Government, 262
trouble, 10, 260

Venice, 151, 391

Veteran soldiers, increased value of,
588

Veterans to the Civil Service, rela-
tion of, 687

Veterans, Civil War, 489, 586, 590,

686

debt to, National, 591
justice to the, 586
New Jersey, 482
tribute to the, 15

Veto nower, when not exercised, 3

Victoria, Queen, death of, 605

Victory, secret of, 142

Vienna, international arbitration
union at, 672

Violence, ignorant, dangers of, 540

Virginia, 167, 169, 223, 453, 517
great sons of, 454
in American history, 453
University founded, 454
University in history, 453-456
University of, 453-458, 644

Virginians, great deeds of, 453
in public life, 454
in statecraft, 454

Virtue and orderly liberty, 481
and strength, 460
public and private, 413

Virtues, commonplace, value of, 289
of greatness, 492
no substitutes for, 508
softer and stronger, 480
value of, to State, 134

Volunteer forces, United States, 93
militia and, 630
provisions for, 599
raising of, 590

Volunteer soldiers, reliance on, 591

Voting, difficulties of, in Philippines,

Filipino method of, 95

W

Wages, the American standard of,
615

high rate of, present, 546
Wage- workers, interests of, 85

prosperity of, 475, 608

qualities of the, 466

well-being of, 615

Wagner, Charles, his philosophy, 131
Wales Island, 666

War and peace, leaders in, 289

spirit in, 488
War, character required in, 585

Civil, 10, 17, 18, 19, 21, 25, 32,
37. 40, 43. 55. 61, 67, 72, 119.
141-142, 145, 165, 186, 203,

205, 209, 211, 212, 217, 222,

223, 230, 232, 233, 308, 310,
3", 330, 344, 377, 397, 433,
451, 452, 478, 483, 486, 487,
489, 491, 492, 505, 507, 529,
591, 607, 686
Civil, abuses in, 63
College, Naval, 692
comradeship in, 365
conducting, lesson in, 399
contraband of, 671
decline of, 575, 622, 670
demands of, on men, 585
Department of, 9, 61, 316, 319,

559, 586, 589
duties of, 492
fleet, great, true meaning of,

583

hardships of, 62
individual in, the, 75, 630
Mexican, 10, 72, 222, 454, 746
modern conditions of, 74-75,

585, 630
moral and material interests in,

5°

of 1812, 10, 119

Philippine, 92, 98, 185, 399

readiness for, 394

reasons for going to, 14

Revolutionary, 18

Secretary of, 10, 83, 571, 630,
631, 665

Spanish, 10, 54, 72, 84, 87, 92,
98, 119, 125, 203, 204, 215,
236, 239, 310, 320, 377, 397,
398, 399. 484, 579, 58o, 646

Spanish, veterans of, 185

taxes, abolition of, 654

training in, value of, 585

United States Government on,
attitude of, 671

wicked folly of, 575

with uncivilized peoples, 622,

628
Warships, building of, 266

uses of, in peace, 582
Washington, District of Columbia,
39, 221-225, 226, 249, 261,
263, 309, 440, 446, 45S, 489,
493, 495, SOi, 649, 668

alleys in, 547

business interests of, 225

improvements in, 547

model city, a, 642

"Post" quoted, 720, 721

sanitary laws in, 642
Washington, George, President, 57,
70, 72, 138, 232, 289, .119,
329, 399, 470, 487, 488, 644

and Lincoln, 445

822

Index

Washington, George, as a statesman,
232

days of, 607

soldiers of, 487

work of, 41

Washington, State of, 97, 393, 420,
421, 426, 427, 428, 429, 677

future of, 429
Water-craft inspection, 685
Water hoarding, laws against, 565

laws in Western States, 565

right of use to, 565

rights, perpetual, evil of, 565

rights to, in excess of use, 564

State ownership of, perpetual,
565

supply and the forests, 559

supply, evils of changing, 443

titles and court decisions, 564

titles to, stability in, 564
Waters, preservation of, 384

using, question of, 438
Watersheds and forests, 444

protecting the, 444
Waterways, Federal control of the,

56i .

Watson, John C., Rear- Admiral, 39
Waukesha, Wis., 268
Wealth, abuse of, 273

abuses of, 538

aggregate, increase of, 538

and misconduct, 610

cause of increased, 100

concentration of, 274

corporate, National causes of,
538

dangers of great, 102

expenditure of, proper, 778

legitimate, benefits of, 538

necessary reward of effort, 539

of Tariff Bill, 538

opportunities of, 51

outcry against, 275

outcry against, cause of, 773

regulation of, 538

United States,. 631

unreasoning hostility to, 764
Weevil in cotton States, the, 684
Weil award against Mexico, 605
Welfare of community, 472

National, nature of, 537

of workers, vital moment of,

546
Well-being, causes of our, 608

of wage- workers, 615

our unique, 607

popular, 608
Wesley, John, 228, 242-248

secret of his power, 248
West, forestry sentiment in the, 558

land-law revision in the, 686

Methodists in the, 39
Western Hemisphere, 578, 597

colonies in, 450

peoples of, 597

Spain driven from, 758

Western States, water laws in, 565

West Indies, 22, 87

West Point, 70, 120, 412, 630

mathematics at, 589

men, services of, 71

promotions at, 690

training at, 589

training, value of, 76

unique character of, 71
Wheat, macaroni, introduction of,

641
Wheeler, Benjamin Ide, 404, 405,

408

Wheeler, Joseph, General, 20, 203
Wheeling, West Virginia, 146, 151
White blood, an "insult" to, 511
White House, the, 15, 203, 455, 504,
506, 606, 645, 648, 709

additions in, incongruous, 644

architecture of, 644

restoration of, 455, 644

Washington's plans for, 644
White men, appointments of, 512,

White 5Pass, Alaska, 667
Wickedness not "smart," 460
Wilson, Edgar L., 517
Wilson-Gorman tariff bill, 3
Wisconsin, 268, 272
Wisdom and strength, 496
Wisdom, human limits of, 537

true, nature of, 135
Wise treatment of trusts, 175, 541
Woman, the glory of a, 479

supreme duty of a, 510

who toils, article on the, 508
Wood, Leonard, General, 80, 81, 238,
408, 409, 412

criticisms of, undeserved, 411

sacrifices of, in Cuba, 411

services of, to Cuba, 81

work of, in Cuba, 411
Words and deeds, homage in, 491
Work, advantages of, 477

and love, 356

and play, 379

and play, relation of, 294

cost of any great, 91

duty and privilege in, 510

manner of doing, 478

necessity of, 356, 432

need of good, 355-356

value of good, 28

varieties of, 432

Workers, American, character of,
547

welfare of, important, 546

well-being of, important, 551
Workingman defined; 432
Workingmen, American, conditions
of, 298

and trusts, 178

World, part in, our large, 607
Worth of a man, 481
Wright, Luke E., 21, 67, 95, 202,
207, 208-211, 223

Index

823

Wright, Luke E., efficient work of, j

210

tribute to, 208

Wrong, condemnation of the, 500
Wyoming, 324, 326, 327, 362

Yale University, 80, 81

Y. M. C. A. at, 229
Yalu River, 674
Yellowstone National Park, 324-328

game in the, 328

Yellowstone, wild life in, 560
Yosemite Park, 326
Young, S. B. M., General, 724, 725
Young Men's Christian Association

226-231, 353-361
railroad branch of, 353
work of, 228

Young Women's Christian Associa-
tion, 227

Zoological Park, National, 598

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