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LAND & ^?C^ATER
lor "LdiKi ("Hf Il'a'er."
Bj; loui« KaemafJ.crs.
THEIR SACRIFICE.
For Humanity's Sake.
LAND AND W A T p: R
Janua'-/ 6, 1916.
1 FICi 1 en to buy for your own
use and to give to your friends on
Active Service is the
Always Reliable
Read this from DR. DILLON, just
to hand from Rome —
. " Dec. 7th, 1915.
" I liiive pleasure in testifying my appreciation of the Waterman's
Ideal Fountain Pen. 1 first tested it in Kurdi.staii on my way to
Arnieii'.a in 18?4, and 1 use I it in describing the Armenian inasf^acres
of that and the following years. 1 employed it during the Boxer
trouble in China, at ihe Peace Negotiations in Portsmouth, the
insurrectionary movement in Uu.'^sia, the revolution in Portugal,
at the London Peace Conference, and at the Conference in Bucharest.
1 have had most of the important Treaties of recent years signed
with the Waterman's Ideal Fountain Pen, which I take with me
wherever I go."
i.l
bj^
For iKe Regular Type. 10^6andupwatds.
Kor the SAFETY anHlhe New Lever
f'ocliei Seli-FiUins Typis. 18/6 *i>d
upwards-
Safely Type, best for Active Service.
Nibi 'o suit all hands (fKchanse'* grnlil
jf ot right'. Every pen gua anteed. In
silver an gold for i reieotation.
01 Slatio'irrs and Jeifelltrs all oier the world. Vooklet free from
L. G. Sloan, CI)c'|leii<!^OTuer Kingsway, London.
To H.M. War Office, H.M. Colonial
Office, India Office. London County
Councit, Metropolitan Asylums Board,
Guy's Hospital, &c.
the British Red
Garrould's
Offioial Contractors : — To t
Cross Society and the St. John Ambulance
Association..
Complete Equipment of Nurses oP A T^ fW W A D
for Home Detachments and the Oi:<A. 1 VJC VV n.tS.
Ladies are invited to visit th:
HOSPITAL NURSES' SALOON
All Surgical Implements and Appliances in Stock.
.IUu$trated Catalogue of Nurses* Uitifonns, etc.
Post Free.
^PV Official Coat for Ihe
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V.A.D. Members.
In special Urey Serge for
Winter wear, 25/6.
To special measure, 28/6.
In Black Cravenettc for
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OfDcial Hat in best
quality Blacli Felt, post
tree, 6/11.
The Official Coat of
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Society. 0|^>
jtlade of good quality West
of Krigland Serge." 29/6.
In Fine tjravenette,
for Warm Climates, 31/6.
Oaidal Hat. in good
quality .Navy Felt, po^t
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Also nniL'ial Coat and
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CRUTCHES in maple, polished
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teed at sfteeial
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H by 8 in. 6/3
M liy 18 in. 6/6
11 t'v 10 in. 6/3
K b\ 1(1 ill. 6/9
Also Onii'iiil Coat and
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in all wtwl Serge. Tailor
made 42/-, I'iiie Coatinji
I Serge. 52/6.
of Ihe St. John Ambulance
and British Red
APRON, as illus.
tration. in Atout
linen-flnislicd Cloth
-mn 2/6 i-ach.
NEW REGULATION
CAP, made of fine
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two sizes.
27 X is) ,, ,
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COLLAR, as illus.
trati'T-. 6|d. eai li.
REGULATION
OVERALL, in blue-
grcv (fitton Cloth,
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to wear with Over-
all, l)in., 1/3t ea.
irrmiiil. Loniinri '
liiiiiiiiimiimiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiKiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiniiiiU:
I WAR
I Accuracy
= Send him this
= fine Wristlet
S He will be proud to wear it,
=: delighted that your afiection
= for him should take such a
= practical form.
= In War as in Peace, the Waltham
= marvellously accurate timekeeper. Right through —
= the long striggle on iln Western Front, in the —
= Dardanelles, and on the North Sea, Wristlet s
= Walthams have been found to be thoroughly S
= ttuitwcrthy. —
= This is real War Accuracy, tlu- hardest test of all S
= for a watch. —
= Send him a Waltham — he's wortliy of the best. S
I WalihamWatches |
ZZ 0/ all Reliable Watchmalters and Jeue'-'crs. —
= WALTHAM WRISTLETS IN SILVKH CASES. =
For Gentlenen
.Maximus £11156 Su lf.S £4 1€S
Kiverside fl 00 No. 16; S 99
Lady Waltham €98 .No. 100 S S 0
Maximus
Kiverside
Ruby
Sapphire
For Ladies.
ill II
« 0
7 fl
6 13
ALSO IX GOLD Ac ItOLLEl) GOLD CASKS. LUMIXOCS DIALS EXTltA.
SEND TO-DAY FOR
WRISTLET WATCH PAMPHLET.
FREE.
~ WALTHAM WATCH CO Depi. 63). 125 HigliHo'.born, London W.C. S
^IllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllJr
E. & R. GARROULD, 150-1V2' edgware RD.rLONDON, w.
Hotel Cecil
THE
COST of LIVING REDUCED
DURING THE WAR
Exceptional inclusive terms to
RESIDENTS and OFFICERS.
Self-contained Suites and Bedrooms
with Private Bathrooms.
Telephone : GERRARD 60. jJpply, MANAGER,
HOTEL CECIL. STRAND.
Od'i
January G, 1916.
L A N D A N I) \\ A T E R .
OUR MOBILISABLE STRENGTH.
By HILAIRE BELLOC.
NOTE.-TI.i8 Article has been submitted to the Press Bureau, which do3S not object to the publication as censored, and lakes no
responsibility for the correctness of the statements.
In accordance with the requirements of the Press Bureau, the positions of troops on Plans illustrating this Article must only be
regarded as approximate, and no definite strength at any point is indicated.
THE most interesting points arising with
regard to the great war this week—
that is, up to the moment of writing-
are not points concerning movements of
troops or susceptible of analysis by description of
ground. They rather concern the two questions
of (i) British numbers, which have so powerfully
affected and even divided opinion in this country
during the last few days, and the very interesting
minor points of (2) the reliability of German com-
muniques, both with regard to wastage and other
matters as tested by the recent striking object-
lesson of the Hartsmannweilerkopf figures wiiich
we have been able to submit to analysis in a rather
exceptional fashion, from the presence of Neutral
and British witnesses and from the striking
contradiction between the French and the German
figures.
Let us suppose that Great Britain and Ireland
were a Continental group, possessed of the popula-
tion they have to-day, self-contained, so far as the
sheer necessities of civil life were concerned, and
suffering or enduring a complete system of con-
scription, such as the French alone of the great
Powers have established.
What would be the mobilisable strength of the
nation under these conditions ? (To which may
be added the necessity of supporting a much smaller
fleet, but not the necessity of building or main-
taining or manning any considerable mercantile
marine).
Such a nation would, before the outbreak of
this great war, have " budgetted " (if one may
apply this word to an estimate of man-power)
for a total armed force, available in the first year
of war of about 4^^ million — counting the men
required for the work of the fleet.
Under the strain of the war it would, if we
are to follow the analogy of the French and German
man-power, have worked very hard to put into the
field some additional number, and it would, under
the same analogy, have succeeded. It would ha\'e
produced first and last by the beginning of .\ugust
1915 (counting its naval contingent) something
between 5| miUion and 5| million.
Great Britain is not a continental power, and
is not self-sufficing for its civihan needs.
Its main, strength lies in a navy which (count-
ing mobilised man-power and the man-power
required for the upkeep of munitionment thereof
and addition thereto during the war), accounts
immediately for more than half a million men.
This half million, it is true, is not rapidly subject
to wastage ; but still it is a definite permanent
deduction from the mobilisable strength by land.
Next, Great Britain depends (has come to
depend — I do not say it is a necessity, I note it
only as a condition which cannot be changed in
the course of a war, nor indeed for a very long
time to come) upon o\-er-sea trade for her civihan
necessities.
Now what does this mean in absorption or
subtraction of man-power ?
It means the absorption of man-power in
two great categories, exterior to the categories
present in a self-contained continental nation.
These two categories are :
(i) The man-power required to produce goods
for export by which alone the imports necessary
to existence can be secured.
(2) The man-power required to build, repair
and conduct the ships and other instruments
bringing such imports to the islands and taking
such exports out of them.
Let us examine these two categories.
(i) The man-power required to produce goods
for export, with which we pay for imports, is not
in its entirety a subtraction from the man-power
which a continental power would be able to
mobilise.
There is a certain amount of over-lap. We
import dairy produce, for instance, as against
certain exports. Those exports are made not
only by mobilisable men but by women and by men
miUtarily inefficient, or above or below military
age. The labour necessary to produce this export
corresponds to the labour required in a continental
self-sufficing country to raise the dairy produce.
Nevertheless, though there is a considerable
over-lap in the main export, trade demands a far
higher proportion of mobilisable man-power to be
deducted for its maintenance than does the corre-
sponding production of domestic, civilian neces-
sities.
Such export takes the form largely of ma-
chinery, coal, textile fabrics ; and in the latter
alone is there any considerable proportion of non-
mobilisable labour. A self-contained nation at
war can reduce its domestic production down and
down till, excluding munitions of war and the
machinery necessary thereto, it is producing little
more than food. It can postpone its building and
to some extent its repair of building. It can very
largely reduce its production of machinery, barely
keeping up what is required for domestic com-
munications on a highly reduced scale. It can
economise on its production of coal, already
reduced by a reduction of domestic industry, and
it can very largely reduce its production of textiles.
But a nation to which import is vital, and to
which export is therefore also vital, cannot act
thus. It cannot export what it chooses. Still
less can it reduce indefinitely its domestic pro-
duction for export. It must jiroduce what its
customers need or it will have no market, and it
must produce a certain amount of economic value
for export in such goods or it will get no food.
It may seem superfluous to add the reason
why export is thus essential, if imports are to be
obtained ; but for the sake of clearness such an
addition, though to most people redundant, may be
advisable.
There are only four wa\s of getting imports
from abroad. Payment in gold, the release of
{Copyright in America by " The New York Awerican."]
LAND AND WATER
January G, 1916.
foreign debt, the establishment of a foreign credit,
and export trade balancing import.
The limits of the first category are sharp and
very narrow. If all the gold in the country were
exported in the first year of a war to pay for
necessities from abroad it would not nearly meet the
bill. But of course the hypothesis is absurd.
Even in time of peace, the medium of exchange
(which is in the main a mass of instruments of
credit), reposes upon a certain gold reserve. In
time of war it is the first and most necessary pre-
caution which every nation observes, to export
as little as it possibly can of its gold, to withdraw
all it possibly can even from domestic circulation,
and to centralise the' whole stock as far as possible
under national control. This first form of payment
is almost neghgible. ■
The second form of payment is apparently
largely available for such a traffic, if a nation
jjosscsses, as does Great Britain, very large foreign
investments. But it is in reality severely limited
by the market available for the purchase of these
foreign investments. A man resident in this coun-
try possesses an estate in the Argentine, or rather
a share in it, in the shape of stock, which he holds
in some Argentine Company. Beef is needed for
the army. He is taxed to pay for the beef. The
demand for the beef goes to the Argentine. Let us
suppose, to make the problem simple, that he pays
his tax by selUng his Argentine stock. That is an
example of the release of debt, and of the obtaining
of foreign supply without corresponding export
at the moment. What is happening in practice
under the complex veil. of modern finance is that
he is going to the Argentine owner of beef and
offering him in exchange for the beef the possession
of so many acres of Argentine land. He is losing
what was English control over powers of production
and transferring it to Argentine possession.
One man can do this with ease and rapidity.
He has a market. A hundred men can do it with
a hundred moderate holdings. But many
thousand men with such holdings cannot do it,
nor a few men with very large holdings if they
enter the market at once. The purchasers are not
available. To put it in ordinary terms the liquida-
tion of such assets can only be gradual. However
successful the operation is, moreover, and in pro-
portion to its success, you are impoverishing your
own country and enriching the foreigner.
The third method of obtaining imports, with-
out corresponding exports at the moment, is the
creation of a credit. That is, the persuading of
the foreign producer to let you have the goods
on your own promise to give him more goods in ex-
change at some future date. It is a postpone-
ment of export.
This method though less limited than the first
is more limited than the second, and has no very
great powers of expansion. A nation at war must
promise very high rates of profits upon such a
transaction, because it is a gamble upon its future
power to pay. Even if that future power be
believed in by the foreign country, it is a novel and
doubtful method which the modem machinery of
commerce cannot extend over a very wide field
Another way of putting it is that if you try to
float a loan for your nation at war among the
citizens of another nation you have to offer very
high rates of interest and you cannot be certain of
more than a comparatively small total result.
There remains the fourth method — export :
the only natural and stable one. and the
only one capable of producing a permanent
equilibrium.
As to the number of mobilisabli- men with-
drawn by export produce from the moliilisable
strength of a nation in this position that is a matter
of expert calculation to which I do not pretend.
Those who have spent years upon the matter
and who are best informed ha\e arrived at very
different results. There is a wide margin between
the maximum estimate and the minimum.
But the point to remember is that e\'en the
minimum calculation withdraws from the possible
mobilisable strength of the nation dependent upon
import a very large proportion of mobilisable.
In the case of Great Britain and Ireland, certainly
not less than a sixth, and perhaps more.
(2) The second category of the men who
must be withdrawn from the mobilisable strength
of such a country as Gi^eat Britain is the man-
power required to build, repair and conduct the
ships and other instruments for bringing such im-
ports to the island and taking such exports out.
SHIPPING.
It matters little whether the ships are owned,
built, manned and repaired within Great Britain,
or whether the carrying trade is carried on by
foreigners ; for in the second case Great Britain
would have to produce extra goods for export
equivalent to all this cost in man-pow-er. She
would have to pay for the freight of the foreign
ships. But the alternative is purely academic,
for as a matter of fact much the greater part of
our necessary exports and imports takes place in
English ships, largely manned and wholly directed
by people in these islands, and built and repaired
and added to by people in these islands ; coaled
by the labour of people within these islands, and
of course necessarily loaded and unloaded by the
labour of people within these islands.
It is here that the expression " and other
instruments " comes in.
In much of the discussion that has taken place
with regard to recruitment,' men have confined
themselves to the actual produce of necessary
exports within the factories, the actual manning
and repairing of the ships which carry the goods.
But the absolutely essential connecting hnks arc
also very expensive in men.
Any day in the streets of Manchester what
you will notice (if j'ou are a stranger) especially
distinguishing that town is the perpetual procession
of heavy lorries loaded with textile goods on their
way from one process to another, or from the last
process to the dock or the railway station. To a
less extent you will notice the corresponding
arterial flow of raw material from the ship to the
factory.
Every system ot docks in the kingdom has its
similar necessary complement of vehicles for
distribution. Such and such a proportion of all
our railway labour is absorbed in this flow in and
out of export and import.
Here again it is for experts to calculate what is
the minimum number required of adult male labour
of military age to build, command, in some part
to man, and to repair ships ; to berth and wharf
them ; to load, and unload them, and to take the
goods by horse traction and motor from the
factory to the ship or from the ship to the factory
Here, as in the case just quoted, there are
many different calculations widely separate. But
even the minimum is a very serious item. It is
January 6, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
the shortage of carters to-day, for instance, which,
I hear, is the chief difficulty at the water fronts.
The conclusion of the matter would seem to
be something after- this fashion.
Great Britain and Ireland may support in
theory an armed force of four million men, or
rather more, excluding any particular function
we may serve of provisioning or financing (which
is the same thing under another name) our allies,
and excluding any necessity we may be under of
ol^taining from them and for ourselves impoi'ts of
a purely military nature from neutral countries.
If the limit be raised to four and a half millions,
we have almost certainly reached the maximum ;
and this figure, of course does not mean the army
in the field, but for the army with all the drafts in
sight behind it to repair wastage, and includes all
forms of the naval service (you have by the way,
in the latter a considerable number of men over
and below what is called military age on land,
especially in the auxiliary forms of naval service :
e.g., mine-sweeping).
Over and above such a number you have only
the annual contingents of the young men growing
up. These are, to any given mobilisable number
in the first year of war, something between one-
eight and one-tenth at the most, according to the
population and birth-rate of twenty years ago.
It is perhaps as well to add that calculations
of this sort should in common decency during
such a crisis be kept free from the personal am-
bitions of petty individual politicians and news-
papermen, and especially from that spirit of
advocacy which is the worst enemy of wisdom,
and whose chief ingredient is the great solvent
of wisdom, cunning. The mobilisable strength
of Great Britain at this moment is a very grave
national matter, which it is not rhetorical to call a
matter of life and death. Those who bring to it
anything but their best judgment and reason and
sober conclusions, those who act with motives in
any way personal and not national, are traitors.
THE HARTMANS WEILERKOPF
FIGURES.
We have had this week a very interesting
example of two elements in the present situation
which all close students of the war are aware of
and regard as important.
These two elements are first, the type of false-
hood which we do well to expect in the enemy's
official communiques ; and secondly, the appear-
ance, now many weeks old and necessarily in-
creasing, of inefficients among the enemy's drafts.
The example of a single action very carefully
noted has brilliantly illuminated both these points
in the last few days. I refer to the action on the
Hartmansweilerkopf or Vicl Armand, the
]>yramidical foothill of the Vosges which directly
overlooks the Plain of Alsace.
My readers will, I hope, allow me to repeat that
the study of an enemy's inaccuracies or falsehoods
has no military value, and does not help us to any
military judgment, unless we discover the kind
of falsehood. Merely to find one's enemy telling
untruths and to blackguard him for it is a sheer
waste of time. First, because all commands in
war must use every method at their disposal to
deceive the enemy, and secondly because no con-
ceivable practical result could follow from indulging
in such abuse alone.
But if we discover the sort of falsehood to
which the enemy inclines then we lun-c sometliing
whereby to judge his communiques as evidence.
" The enemy communiques have said so and so
and so and so, but I have found by experience
that tuch and such a part of his statement is
usually accurate and such and such another part
usually false, and that in such and such a manner.
With this knowledge of his methods I can read
the whole tiuth into the communiqiies and use
it as evidence on which to judge the war."
Now the characteristic of the German official
communiques, as we have often had occasion to
find out, is their extreme accuracy when they are
telhng the truth, and what I may call their detailed
enormity when they desire to deceive. There
is no nuance. The modern North German training
leads men to abhor exaggeration, inaccuracy,
romance, phantasy. Therefore a statement pro-
ceeding from such an authority intended to be
false and intended to deceive, is nearly always a
bald absurdity. It is One of the many weak
sides of a character which has corresponding
strong sides, and it is a weakness inevitable to
lack of imagination and great attention to
detail.
The extreme accuracy of German communiques
when they are telling the truth has misled opinion
in this country, especially in the later phases of the
war. One finds men of good judgment who
hesitate to believe that German casualty Usts are
not complete. The other day one of our best
contemporary students of war maintained the
thesis that the German communiques were in-
variably truthful.
Well, we have had many examples of the sort
of contrast I am examining between detailed
accuracy and equally detailed absurdity. Nearly
a year ago we were startled by the tomfool boast
that the great assault east of Rheims was met and
broken by a single di^'ision of Rhinelanders.
Later on, to mention one case out of hundreds,
we had the monstrous assertion that of all the
men hit on the German side in trench warfare
nine-tenths came bacR hale and hearty to the
firing line ! I myself have actually met competent
and sensible people in this country who were so
impressed by the decimal figures in which the
percentage was stated (89.7) and the solemn fake
of accuracy about the whole thing, that they were
half inclined to beUeve the miracle. They attri-
buted it vaguely to those two great wooden gods,
"Efficiency" and "Organisation": the things
that lost the Battle of the Marne.
But I am not sure that the Hartmansweiler-
kopf affair will not carry conviction to everyone,
however occupied with the Prussian legend — that
legend which has bitten so deeply into the academic
mind of this country during the last two genera-
tions.
Here is the whole story.
The French, after an intense bombardment,
captured a group of trenches upon the disputed
summit of this hill a few days before Christmas.
The Germans counter-attacked and recovered
a portion of their ground. All that is plain sailing
and the enemy's account of his counter-offensive
though omitting, of course, much of the debit side,
is perfectly accurate in as far as it goes. But there
follows upon this the following dialogue : —
The French announced that they had taken
in prisoners — and they only count unwounded
prisoners capable of being paraded and of marching
past — over 1,300 men. At the close of operations
tl-.c exact number announced was 1.668 prisoners ;
L A N D A X D W A T E R
January 6, 1916.
but the main batch first announced was precisely
1,381, of whom only 21 were officers.
To this, the German communiques rephed
denying the French claim and saying that it was
nnpossible, because their total losses of all kinds,
whatsoever, dead, wounded and missing, were not
more than 1,100. , .
This amazing statement (and how amazmg it
is we shall see in a moment) mav be read in our
London papers of Friday the 24th of December.
It is the German official communique from Berlin
of the dav before, Thursday the 23rd. It con-
tradicts a" French announcement alread\' 48 hours
old and it was made after the local German com-
mand had had two davs in which to check then-
lists. , , (
Before analysing this sharply-cut example ot
the enemx's method, the reader will do well to
consider what this sort of trench warfare means.
For a period varying from a few hours to
two or three days, guns of all calibres shell a zone
of trenches from a couple of hundred yards to
perhaps 500 yards in depth. The works are
knocked to pieces, the dug-outs ca\e m, the ela-
borate little shelters which conceal the machine
guns are blown to pieces, many men are buned,
many more killed and maimed, and a much larger
number stunned and dazed by the intensity of
the fire. But both sides know that such artillery
actiyity on the part of an enemy means a forth-
coming assault. The party thus attacked, there-
fore, leaves as few men as it dares in the front
lines and keeps the mass of its men behind, where
the losses will be slighter. The moment the intense
artillery preparation stops, the assault leaps from
its trenches and rushes over the short interval
between the two lines, probably overwhelms the
first trench with its dazed occupants, and perhaps a
trench or two beyond. The extent of the belt
thus swarmed over differs with the magnitude of
the artillery preparation and of the forces involved.
But such an assault is checked alter its first drive
by two things. First, that it comes upon the
less damaged further portion of ground upon
which the artillery preparation has not been so
thorough and where a number of machine guns are
still in" action and the men in the trenches still
able to reply. Secondly, the enemy's reserves
come pouring up the communication trenches and
meet their opponents by a counter-offensive.
It will be seen by anyone who visualises this
type of action that' the' number of unwounded
prisoners remaining in the hands of the assailants
when they thus seize a narrow belt of trench w^ork
is necessarily but a small proportion of the enemy's
total casualties. . , ,.rr
The proportion differs, oi course, with different
actions, but the experiences of many months upon
both sides and the drawing up of hundreds of lists
by our ow^n commanders showing our own losses
w-hen the enemy thus attacked, i)ermit us to give
a rough estimate and to say that the proportion
of unwounded prisoners to total casualties will
hardly ever be less than one in fire.
If the enemy can strike so hard as to get, say,
I 000 of our men prisoners when he overwhelms
our first trenches, then he will, first and last, have
inflicted upon us at least 5,000 casualties.
The proportion during the French offensive
in Champagne was more nearly one in seven, and
far over one in six. ,
In other words, for every prisoner capable ol
inarching and parading taken by the French there
were certainly more than five and nearly six other
men killed and wounded on the German side who
cUd not fall into our hands. There have, of course,
been innumerable actions, smaller and greater, in
which the proportion was very much higher.
There have been actions where the enemy made us
lose very heavily and hardly took any prisoners,
and vice' versa. But I am speaking of the case of
trenches successfully rushed, and I say that a
proportion of one in five is the very highest you
can get.
Observe then, what the German communique
means. It means that when the French seized
this quite narrow belt of trenches after their inten-
sive bombardment, if they were telling the truth
and had really captured 1,300 prisoners, certainly
7,000 Germans were out of action and pro-
bably a great many more. If, on the other
hand, the Germans arc telling the truth, and their
total casualties, dead, wounded and missing were
1,100 only, then it would be exceedingly
unlikely that the French should hold more than
200 unwounded prisoners and hardly possible
that the\- should hold 300.
CONCLUSIVE EVIDENCE.
How are we to decide which of the two state-
ments was true ?
Mr. Warner Allen was present at the French
Headquarters immediately after the German c()m-
munique w^as issued, anci we have the following
simple and clear piece of evidence from him :-—
"I am able to give personal evidence," he
writes, " as I saw the prisoners taken march past
the General commanding the Army of the Vosges.
There w^ere 21 officers, 1,360 non-commissioned
officers and rank and file." A neutral observer
present confirmed these figures.
That is conclusive.
I hope that none of my readers will blame mc
for having dealt with the point at such great length.
The number of men involved is very small in such
a campaign as this, the action was a mere local
affair, the line did not, perhaps, fluctuate by an
average of fifty yards, but as a particularly clear
example of the "point I am driving at you could
not better it in the whole course of the war, and
the general conclusion is this : —
Where you may reasonably believe the state-
ment of a German communique, accept it as
rigidly accurate. Where you may with equal
reason think it exaggerated, you are free to treat
the exaggeration as enormous in almost any degree
— as deserving no credence at all.
It is a \ery important point in judging this
war. It confirrns what, on the analogy of other
nations' communiques, so many obser\-ers have
hitherto doubted, the \aluelessness of the more
erratic German claims.
The second point equally illustrated by this
affair was that of the type of drafts the enemy is
now using. In his evidence upon this point, Mr.
Warner Allen is, of course, only adding his testi-
mony to what is now a commcmplace with the
troops all along the 500 miles of the Allies' western
line.
It is perfectly clear that the German Empire
has long ago fallen back upon its first groups of
inefficients for drafts and has for a fully efficient
reserve nothing but the lads of the two new classes.
I hope it is not superfluous to point out again
for fear of misunderstanding that this does not
mean that the German forces arc approacliing
January G, H)i6.
A i\ i ) A .\ I )
W A 1 1-: R . *
dissolution, that the proportion of ineflficients is so
large as to have already greatly affected the enemy's
men, or that the ineihcients "in question are deaf,
dumb or bhnd.
The phrase means no more than it says. But
what it says is exceedingly significant. The drafts
for filling wastage have now largelv to be drawn
from the first— that is, the least inefficient — cate-
gories of inefficients. The process can go on for a
long time, but its effect increases in more than
arithmetical progression, for you are compelled to
go on from one category of inefficients to another
worse one, until you seriously affect the stuff of
your whole army.
It should be remarked that the prisoners to
whose dilution with inefficients Mr. Warner Allen
bears witness, were (i) troops used in positions
where it is necessary to have your best and not
your worst material. Though the numbers with
which you hold the first trenches are thin, yet you
have to put into them the men whom you think
can best stand the terrible effect of an intensive
bombardment, and will be best able after it, when
the enemy assault begins, to meet that assault with
steady nerves and accurate fire. (2) Troops be-
longing to formations of a specially selected and
supposedly superior type. They " were Jaeger
troops. Perhaps one ought not to make much of
this last point after seventeen months of war, and
after a wastage which has largely obhterated such
distinctions from the German service, still it must
be noted for what it is worth. ,
BATTLES IN BESSARABIA.
The contemporary enemy preparation for
threatening Egypt and the canal I will postpone
till next week, as also the very interesting point of
the consideration of Salonika as a base for any
offensive movement, remarking only, before under-
taking that analysis, that the main effort, the only
chance for a true decision, must necessarily remain
in the West, and whether the enemy will or no
he must concentrate there and even attempt to
attack there, before he either admits defeat or
claims victory.
For the moment the threat to Egypt is still,
and will long be, a matter of preparation only,
and the position of Salonika as a base for an
offensive movement is in the same position.'
There is only one considerable movement of
troops and change of ground upon which our atten-
tion can be fixed, and that is the Austro-German
offensive against the southern portion of the
Russian line and the Russian counter-offensive
which is at present proceeding.
Our accounts of this whole business are con-
fused and somewhat contradictory. The affair
is still in progress, and nothing approaching even
a local result is determined. But if we put together
the various brief messages received we arrive at
some such conclusion as the foUorwing :—
The enemy attacked in force (along the arrow
I in Sketch I) along the railway Jeading eastward
from Kovel towards the lateral Hue which runs
down south through Rovno and Dubno to Lem-
berg. It was pointed out during tie great Austro-
German advance last summer that the capture of
this lateral line running from Galicda up through
the Pinsk marshes to Baranovichi and Vilna, and
so to Dvinsk and Riga was the objective (after
the attempts to enclose one or other of the Russ an
armies in the great salients had f^aUed;^ of all the
end of the enemy's eastward thntst, Jt will also
.III ifci,' ' I ' > I I m I
ITchartDi'iisk
I.
10 to
f^?^/A
be remembered that when the Austro-Germa.n
armies had, in Lord Kitchener's words " shot their
bolt " last autumn, they remained possessed of no
more than a portion of this lateral railway. They
prevented, indeed, its complete possession by the
Russians (which would have been enormously
useful to the latter) but they also failed to obtain
possession of it for themselves.
It was widely held in this country, and in
France, when the news of this new attack from
Kovel along the arrow i, Sketch I, was first heard
of, that a new attempt was being made to get
hold of the southern portion of this eastern lateral
railway.
The conclusion seems to me unsound. It
would not be in the depth of winter and just after
a bad thaw in the Pinsk marshes into the bargain,
that the enemy would make a stroke of this kind.
It is much more probable that his violent local
offensive upon the region of Tchai-tariisk (which
is the point upon the Kovel railway where the two
fronts cross it) was made from information received
that the Russians were going to make a diversion
further south, near the Roumanian harder.
At any rate, what happened was this. The
moment the Austro-German attack jusi: south of
the Pinsk marshes in the region of Tchartoriisk
developed, the Russians countered hea'vily by a
thrust just north of the Roumanian harder from
Bessarabia. They began a violent offens ive along
the arrow 2 in Sketch I, for the possession of the
heights immediately above Czernowitz, tl le capital
of the Bukowina, defended by very strong and
continuous Austrian entrenchments wh? ch reach
up northward to the neighbourhood of Buczacz
and follow a line nearly north or south. At the
L A xN D AND WATER.
January G, 1916V
LEMBERG
5&
If we recollect how matter?; stand in the-
Balkans ; if we further recollect that Roumania
is the great unknown factor and that the Rou-
manian army would make all the difference to the
immediate future of the campaign one way or the
other from the three factors of its position, its
numbers and its freshness ; if we add to all this a
consideration of the main truth which every General
Staff in Europe has first in mind— the enemy's
anxiety in the matter of numbers— we shall see the
purpose of such an offensive as Russia has appar-
ently undertaken, though perhaps only local and
temporary, upon the southern end of her line.
Russia in Bessarabia threatens to some extent
the enemy position in the Balkans. It is all very
well to say that we do not believe Roumania will
allow a march through the Dobrudja or that no
considerable Russian forces are massed near the
mouths of' the Danube, but the mere fact that
Russia can concentrate there quickly keeps the
enemy— Bulgarian and Austro-German— on the
watch and under the necessity of leaving troops
watching the frontier along C.C.C. in sketch III.
Meanwhile, along comparatively short lines of
communication in Bessarabia, Russian forces can
strike at or threaten either end of the com-
paratively short arc A-B in the same sketch. The
same time, or immediately afterwards, another
separate offensive of the Russians along the arrow
3 towards Buczacz developed. At the moment
of writing (upon Tuesday evening, January 4th)
these two offensives in the south have become
much the biggest part of the activity along all this
southern portion of the Russian line.
Each side claims comparatively small numbers
of prisoners. There has been a slight advance
of our AUies along their two main lines of attack
(2) and (3) in Sketch I, but nothing in any way
conclusive or definite has yet developed.
It is perhaps not too much to suggest that the
real objixt upon the Russian side of this new-
offensive, which has thus suddenly attracted the
attention of Europe, is for the moment no more
than to compel a corresponding concentration
of troops upon the enemy's side, and that with
an object quite as much poUtical as strategic
enemy front to the corresponding Russian front
runs north from the Roumanian frontier, and is
roughly that of the dotted line on Sketch III. The
Russian forces now gathered in Bessarabia are
in the position to compel the enemy to concentrate
with difficulty over very long exterior lines.
A comparatively slight movement upon their
part towards A or towards B compels movements
by the enemy along the much longer ine D.D.D.
Whether a n.ovement towards A, such as now
appears to be taking place, is a feint to be followed
by a movement across the Danube, or whether it
is a main attack the enemy cannot tell. By an
alternation of pressure or by threatening at either
end A and B of the shorter arc the enemy is com-
pelled always to anxiety and sometimes to concen-
tration at "either end of the longer arc D.D.D.
That is the advantage which the strategic
possession of Bessarabia and of the Russian forces
in it, gives to our ally at this moment. 'Ihc
January 6, igib.
la^jda.nd water
Russians by a vigorous offensive, or even by the
mere massing of troops, can compel considerable
agglomerations on the part of the enemy. They
can inflict wastage uponenemy units — and he fears
wastage now more than anything. But it is im-
probable that they can as yet advance seriously.
Remember the conditions. .
An advance against a strongly and continu-
ously entrenched position involves very heavy
preliminary artillery preparation. The Russians
have not yet, it may be presumed, a fuUequipment,
as compared with the enemy's provision.
Even if they had, the function of this arm in
modern warfare depends mainly upon motor trans-
port. But motor transport in Volhynia and Bess-
arabia at this moment — at least motor transport
of very heavy material — is almost out of question.
AN EXAMPLE OF MISLEADING.
Talking of wastage, is it not an extraordinary
thing that after a full sixteen months of this great
war the last ten of which at least have turned en-
tirely upon the factor of wastage, and at a moment
when every single commander, enemy or Allied,
has that one matter in his head to the exclusion
almost of all others, our . a'aily Press in
London should continue to ignore this absolutely
fundamental point ? .
I find, in the Daily Mail of New Year's Day,
a column and a half of editorial advice proffered
to the General Officers who are conducting the great
war, and I learn from this singular essay in the
military art the fact that a modern entrenched line
cannot be worn down. It cannot be forced, and
therefoi-e two such lines facing each other constitute
an eternal deadlock. The original, but anony-
mous counsellor of war goes on to suggest that the
only solution is to fly over the enemy's head with a
very great number of aeroplanes.
Now cannot the writer of such matter
be got to see his folly ? Can one not make him
and his readers ashamed ? How will you land,
say, one division (and half your one division
must be trained aviators !) behind a Une of
nearly a hundred divisions, unless you have at
least 10,000 machines? And what on earth is
that one division going to do, coming down in
hostile country without guns, without sheUs, with-
out limbers, without horses, without waggons,
without food, without hospital equipment, without
explosives, without petrol, without oats, without
field kitchens- — without anything at all except
men's bodies, rifles and a few cartridges ?
It will go to prison.
Now suppose you were to say to a man of
this sort — to a man who writes like this and thinks
he can teach the Higher Command the art of war —
" Could you hold the Hne from the Swiss moun-
tains to the North Sea with lo men and ten
machine-guns ? " He would be compelled to
answer : " No, I could not." Even he could not.
For you must remember that this kind of talk is
not the product of lunacy, but of ignorance.
Then, suppose you were to go on and say :
" Could you hold it with a thousand men and a
thousand machine guns ? " He would perhaps
be able to visualise 500 miles as something like 50,
and he would see that 1,000 men with 1,000
machine guns would be done for in half an hour
upon a front not of 500 miles or 50, but a front of
a day's walk.
RAEMAEKERS' CARTOON.
The supreme poiver of genius lies in its ability
to illumine by a flash, to transfigure^.iuto concrete
form by a few strokes of pen or pencil the desires,
aspirations and anguish of humanity. Never has
this power been more nobly illustrated than in the
cartoon "Their Sacrifice," /which Mr. Louis ^
Raeniaekers has draivn specially for Land and '
Water and -which is our frontispiece to-day. During
the Christmas of igi$ good wishes have been checked
upon the lips, thoughts of happiness have been
chilled within the heart by the remembrance of all
the sorrows and sufferings of the war. The only
gift which this sad winter the festival of the Christ
Child bj^ught into thousands of homes of Christen- ■
dom it'as the sword i&hich pierced through the soul
of the Virgin- Mother.
It is " their sacrifice '[ — the sacrifice of the
mothers of Christendom " for the sake of humanity"
■ — which is in truth to win for the iforld freedom '
and peace in the future. Contrast this vieiv of one
Neutral with that view of the other Neutral, which
found expression in popular verse " I did not raise
my son to be a soldier." Which is the higher and
truer concept — " Their Sacrifice " or "I did not
bear a son to be a Saviour " ?
Ciirious testimony to Hhe poiver of Mr. Rae-
maekers work has been given us by an anonymous
postcard in disguised handwriting, which has come
from Torquay. It is reproduced on page 670 0/
this issue. It would be interesting to know who
the writer of it may be.
Ultimately, by this tedious but socratic
method, the self-appointed adviser to the French
and British armies in the field would discover that
there was some minimum necessary to the holding
of the line. He would perhaps be astonished
to hear that this minimum has been thoroughly
thought out by the enemy's commanders as well
as our own, and that we know it to within a fairly
small fraction. One might next proceed to the
necessary instruction of such a man by telling him
what minimum is necessary to the holding of
any given front, and what therefore to the holding
of 1,500 miles of front, and, one might further show
him by the use of a map and of tables after what
point the holding of such fronts would become
perilous and after what further point disastrous
to forces suffering a given rate of wastage and
commanding only another given rate of recruit-
ment— unless before the catastrophe they should
have obtained a decision.
When the lesson had proceeded so far one,
might go on to more technical but very necessary
details, such as the role of the machine gun. The
writer could be made to look at little sketches of
how a machine gun is put into a trench. He
could be made to carry one about and appreciate
its relative mobility compared to that of the rifle.
He might be taken to some sector where he would
observe the effects of distant bombardment upon
the machine gun shelters, and after all this ex-
pansion of his ideas he would be ready for the
startling truth that you can have too much of
any given weapon in the delicate compromise of
armament. And that this is why no matter
what the neiv instruments devised to strengthen the
defensive, a certain minimum of men is always
necessary to the holding of a given line. The
Allies arc fighting to reduce the enemy plus that
miniraura. H. Belloc.
LAND AND WATER.
January 6, lyiG.
BATTLE versus SIEGE.
By ARTHUR POLLEN.
THE New \t'HY has opened witli two very
dreadful naval trjigedies. The destruc-
tion of Natal, with many hundred?
of gallant and irreplaceable officers
and men, and amongst them the last and not the
least distinguished of her Captains, Eric Back, is
an appalling misfortune. Two more liners have
.been sunk in the Mediterranean, in the case of
the Persia with a hideous loss of life. In normal
times the destruction of Xatal and the Persia would
have thrilled the world with horror. The loss of
Xatal was most probably due to nothing but an
accident, but the destruction of the Persia is, of
course, sheer murder and nothing more nor less.
It ma\- and should have a ^•er\• important bearing
on the future history of the war. Now that five
liners have been sunk in the Mediterranean almost
within a few da\s of each other, the attitude of
America towards the Central Powers cannot
remain what it has been. I do not suggest that
it is inevitable that America will go to war.
President Wilson has found so many ways of
avoiding this liitherto that prophecy on such a
matter is useless. But it must ha\e a negative
effect on American action. I mean it has become
impossible for tliat community to take any strong
line which is hostile to the Allies' blockade.
Whether resentment in America takes the form of
belligerency or not, there is no question that
very bitter resentment exists.
THE PARIAH.
These repeated murders or attempts to murder
have shown the civilised world two things. The
first is that Germany is a pariah among the nations
- — for it is beyond question that in this matter
Austria has taken her pohcy from Germany ;
and next, that if ci\'ilisation is to be saved, it must
be saved by the defeat of Germany. The German
Emperor has been informing his troops that his
enemies in their madness are reckoning for victory
on three elements, h^irst their masses— that is
the number of men they can put into the field is
vastly superior to that which the Germans and
Austrians can put in ; next, their effort to starve
the entire German people- he is alluding not to
the effort which has been made but which un-
doubtedly should and will be made ; thirdly, " the
mischievous and malicious calumnies" which they
are spreading about the Fatherland and its leaders
— and by this no doubt his Im]iorial Majesty
indicates the unpleasant but undoubted truth,
that Germany has lost caste amongst the peoples
of the world. But that she has engaged in the
murder of non-combatants in Belgium and twenty
times at sea is not a calumny invented by her
enemies. It is an achievement in which she has
gloried- whicli, even at the threat of war from
America, she will neither disown nor discontinue.
She has invoked upon herself and upon her children
the blood of the innocent and the curse of Cain.
The Emperor then has stated the crime, and
prescribed the method of its ])unishment. The
method is masses and hunger. The time has
come for the Alhes to inform the neutral world
that the full rigour of war has to be enforced
against the active enemy of the Allies and the
avowed enemy of the civilisation of all countries,
and the announcement will surprise the neutrals
far less than the enem\'.
The full rigour of war ! War is waged prm-
cipalh- bv two processes, battle and siege. Victory
is attained either by the defeat of the enemy's
main armed force in battle, or by it being made
impotent for battle b\- direct privation or by
being bereft of the spiritual support of the civil
population from wliich it is drawn. The civil
population cannot support the army when it is
demoraUsed bv the privations of war. To defeat
the enemy in "battle involves maintaining against
him larger armies than he possesses, and armies
better equipped, capable of suffering and wiUing
to endure greater sacrifices of life to finish the
business. Siege only invoh-cs the making of the
blockade, both of our enemy's ports and of the
neutral ports which supply him, an effective
instead of a farcical procedure. Siege involves no
risk to any Allied belligerent, and therefore no
sacrifice of life. It need involve no sacrifice or
real loss to any neutral. By real loss I mean
deprivation of any profitable trade which existed
between neutrals before the war. Siege then is a
form of war which is far more economical in life
and treasure than is battle.
Is it as effective ? If the blockade can be
made absolute, there is little question that it would
inflict hardships and privations on the German
civil population, which might easily become in-
tolerable the moment that population reahsed that
its governors were powerless to reheve them. They
would be quickened in reahsing that defeat must
be acknowledged if, at the same time, it was made
clear to them that neither Great Britain nor any
Ally intended at any future time to allow a German
ship to put to "sea, or any trade to pass between
Germany and any Allied country, until full repara-
tion had been made for all the losses which Germany
has inflicted in Belgium, France, Poland and
Serbia, and on merchant shipping. Whether
the blockade could by itself, and without battle,
cause the surrender of Germany, is doubtful. But
it is not doubtful that it could assist towards
causing it, still less doubtful that the more the
blockade is mitigated, the more the Allies will
have to increase their military effort.
\t this moment we are in the throes of a
political crisis in England precisely because our
own contribution to the military force of the Allies
is insufficient. It has become necessary, if our
army is to grow to the required dimensions, to use
compulsion to obtain recruits. Compulsion has
raised two forms of opposition. Some, like Sir
John Simon, object on conscientious grounds to
Englishmen being deprived of what an ingenious
French writer calls their *' primordial ri^t " to
light only when they volunteer. Another form of
opposition arises from the fear that once the prin-
ciple of compulsion is admitted, there itlay be no
limit to military demands and certainly no means of
opposing them. But if the army grows from
three million to four and from four to five and from
five to six, it cannot so grow without ruining Great
January 0, igib.
LAND AND WATER
Britain's productive capacity, destroying her
economic eq.uilibrium, and making her incapable of
giving to the Alliance that financial support which
is necessary to its continuance and to its victory.
It has been ignorantly argued against this form
of objection that it is an opposition which " prefers
money-making to victory." But the verdict of
history is on the side of the objectors. The
defeat of Napoleon would have been impossible
but for the finance of Great Britain, and the wealth
of Great Britain was the direct fruit of her sea-
povver, rightly and ruthlessly employed to maintain
and conserve it. Napoleon was finally the victim
of defeat in battle. But Waterloo- was un-
questionably the fruit of the lorig siege which
the British Fleet had maintained from
Trafalgar until 1815. But if Great Britain had
in 1806, 1807 and 1809 raised collossal armies in
England and dislocated her trade and ruined her
finances to do so, she would not have been able to
maintain her navy, she would not have been able
to subsidise first Spain and Portugal, and then
Austria and Prussia, she would have failed in encom-
passing Napoleon's defeat. , h^or it is very doubt-
ful if she could have achieved with her own forces in
battle what she finally achieved by the other war
process which she adopted.
The moral of the situation then should be
plain. There is a limit to the number of men
that we can put into the field, but it does not
follow that there is a limit to the services which
Great Britain can contribute to the Allied cause.
Had the siege of Germany been ruthless and com-
plete from the beginning, had we never been
hampered by the imbecile provisions of the
Declaration of London, had Germany received
no cotton from overseas since August, 1914,
had our blockade when it was proclaimed in March
last been a real blockade and its effectiveness not
frittered away by concessions to neutrals here
and to neutrals there, Germany might already have
been brought to the point when further resistance
would not only be hopeless but would be recognised
by all to be hopeless. Our failure to make
the siege a real one has made it necessary for us
to contribute more and more largely to our share
' in the other process of war, namely battle. Indeed
the measure of our increased military sacrifice is
in itself a measure of our naval failure. Every
shipload of goods that goes into Holland for trans-
ference to Germany must now be balanced by a ship-
load of soldiers from England to France. And,
to our shame be it said, the supplies which are
reaching Germany through neutral countries to-
day are by no means all of them neutral supplies.
It 'is not to be doubted that great quantities of
British exports either find a German destination,
or replace for neutral consumption, neutral goods
exported. Bad as the present state of things is
there is a distinct danger of -their becoming worse.
The Washington correspondent of the Times has
been openly urging that America should be allowed
to send tinned milk to German babies. But there
is ample milk in Germany for the babies
The sophistry of the argument is transparent.
That it should be uttered at all is an index to the
want of firmness with which the whole business of
the blockade has been managed. But that it has
been managed without firmness should not sur-
prise us. It has been managed almost entirely
by diplomatists and civilians— men of the highest
aiid most honourable character, of the most generous
instincts, and of proved supremacy in their calling.
But the point and object of that calling is to
prevent hostilities and to preserve peace and
kindly relations with all, and siege is a process of
■aar. If it is to be made effective for war it
should be handled and directed by men of war
and not by men of peace. It is a naval process and
the men of war should be naval men, and as it
is a process on which all the Allies are united,
and are commonly interested, the blockade should
not be a British blockade but an Allied blockade,
THE WHITE PAPER.
The White Paper published on Tuesday morn-
ing shows that our blockade to-day is a sterner
affair than it was. But it does not show that
it is as stern as it could be. The omission of the
statement is that we are not told the total of the
imports that actually reach Germany. No agree-
ments with traders can really prevent or seriously
check such imports because, if importation is
free, goods cannot be followed by a private associa-
tion from owner to owner until they reach the
actual exporters'Jiands. Again what is the use of
forbidding the exjiort to Germany of Chicago lard
taken into Holland, if all the Dutch lard is exported,
and the Hollanders live on the foreign a.rticle im-
ported to replace it ? There is no alternative, if the
embargo is to be absolute, to making the neutral
Governments party to it. And the White Paper
shows how this can be done, without illegality
or warlike threats.
We are then face to face with a very grave
situation, in which the necessity for a new kind
of action and of prompt action is quite vital to
us. V/e have set our hands to the conquest of
Germany and we must conquer in battle. But
the stricter the siege the lighter the task of those
who fight. We can, if we choose, make the siege
absolute. It seems madness not to. We must
get from the fleet the ablest officers that can be
spared, we must make them, say Second and Third
Sea Lords at the Admiralty, and put the blockade
absolutely into their hands.
The blockade may involve and very probably
will — forbidding all imports entering the neutral
countries contiguous to Germany, except under a
definite pledge from the Governments that neither
they nor their equivalent in home produce shall be
exported over land or by sea into Germany. If
it is objected that this course is virtually forcing
the neutrals into war, the reply is obvious To
the extent to which neutrals are feeding Germany
to-day they are taking part in the war already, and
there are'obvious forms of persuasion that cannot
be confused with threats of force. There is not
a single belligerent Allied country that covets a
square yard of territory of Sweden, Denmark,
Norway or Holland. There is not one of them
that is not prepared to guarantee their territorial
integrity, and, that is not willing to repay to them
any loss of their normal neutral trade which com-
pliance with these demands may involve.
LOSS OF THE "NATAL."
There appears to be no reason for supposing
that the loss of the Natal was occasioned by any-
thing but an accident. It would be easier to bear
had it occurred in battle. As it is the tragedy
seems senseless and without compensation of any
kind whatever. My personal connection with th'
ship was longer and more intimate than v
any other. In the years 1909 and 1910 sh--
designated for a series of experiments w'
Q
V
L-AND AND WATER:
January 6, '1916.,
fire control invention. In the first period -she was
connnanded by Captain Frederick -Ogilvy who died
of typhoid before the end of the year. No man at
that time stood higher as an authority on gunnery,
and his loss was so deeply felt that the honour was
paid him of founding an annual prize in his mem-
ory. Curiously enough Ogilvy had not been
trained as a gunnery officer but as a torpedo-man.
But it was his good fortune to have served under
Sir Percy Scott when he was initiating the renaiss-
ance of gunlaying on the China station, and he
became Scott's riglit hand man in working out and
developing the appliances, necessary for teaching
gunlayers to overcome the initial difliculty of naval
marksmanship, \'iz., keeping the gun steady on
the target while the ship is moving. Ogilvy un-
doubtedly possessed a mechanical and scientific
genius of a very high order, and once started by
Scott on the study of gunnery, he soon passed be-
yond the rudiments, and began the investigation
of the far more subtle and far more important
department of fire control. In the South African
War he had been in command of a battery of 12
pounder guns, so that he realised from the first
that no matter how perfected the art of gun laying
might be, it would be less use for war unless it
were combined with a development of fire control
adequate to the conditions of action. In 1907
and 1908 he was in command of the Revenue \ust
when the first eftorts to find a system for long
range firing were being tested practically. All
these systems were more or less based upon the
theory first instrumentally embodied in the gear
we had tried unsuccessfully in the Jupilcr. in
1905-6. In 1909 we had carried the thing to a
much farther point, but we were still far short of
action requirements. The main deficiency of our
igog system was that it was designed to deal only
with the conditions when the firing ship kept a
S^tcady course. It was really Ogilvy who brushed
difficulties on one side, and forced us on the only
path that could lead to success.
. • Had he lived there can be little question that
the history of naval gunnery would have taken a
very different course to that which in fact it did.
He had been designated to the command of
Excellent before his death, and it was intended that
his appointinent should coincide with the co-
ordinal ioi of all the gunnery schools and establish-
ments. Already in 1909 there was a marked con-
fiict in policy between the Inspector of Target
Practice and that of the Director of Naval
Ordnance. The Inspector of Target Practice at
that time, Sir Richard Peirse, assisted with his
Staff — of whom, by the way, Captain Eric Back
was chief — at every battle practice held by the
Fleet in home waters or in the Mediterranean.
He thus became the depository of the Fleet's
experience in long-range firing, and the one man
who knew exactly what was required to bring long
range gmmery to battle worthiness. But while
he had the knowledge, he had no authority what-
c\er vis a vis t) the Board of .Admiralt}'. Officially,
the only adviser to the Board in fire control was
the Director of Naval Ordnance, whose practical
experience in the matter might be, and for some
years indeed actually was, negligible. The
spectacle therefore presented itself of the experts
in the Fleet being in absolute opposition to the
official policy of Whitehall in the most vital of all
points of preparation for war. The reorganisation
that was to follow on Ogilvy 's ap])ointmcnt to
Whale Island was to have terminated this coulUct.
The direction of methods of naval gunnery was to
be dissoci^tod from the direction of the provision
of naval ordnance, ammunition and mountings —
subjects quite large and arduous enough to mono-
polise the time and attention of even the ablest
officer. But Ogilvy's death was followed by
changes at Whitehall, and no alteration was made.
The conflict between the Inspector of Target
Practice and Whitehall consequently became-'more
and more marked until, in 1913, it was terminated
by the abolition of the Inspectorship. It was a
curious way out of the difficulty. For four, 5"ears
there had been an official representative protesting
in the name of the Fleet against the retrograde
policy of Whitehall. The obvious thing, it would
seem, would be to have ensured that Whitehall was
in harmony with the experts. It certainly was
one way of obtaining peace to secure that the
experts should be silenced. But it was not the
way to secure the right gunnery.
A BREAKER OF RECORDS.
A few months before Ogilvy died. Natal,
with Eric Back on board, broke all records in the
gunlayers' test. William James was Gunnery
Lieutenant. So great was the sensation created by
this performance that James was shifted from
Natal to Whale Island, so as to make Ogilvy's
training methods available to the entire Fleet.
But under Ogilvy's successor, Captain W. R. Hall.
Natal in igio surpassed even her own records and
put up a performance which it is safe to say can
never be beaten. When Captain Hall was com-
missioned Xo Queen Mary, the former Gunnery
Lieutenant of Natal became his Commander,
and the Queen Mary forthwith proceeded to break
all gunnery records as successfully as Natal had.
Hall was succeeded by Captain Greatorex, and
throughout all three commissions Natal was
easily the smartest and most brilliant ship in her
.squadron. One of the secrets of her successes
was that Captain, wardroom, and men seemed
always actuated by a common purpose, a common
spirit, and a common aim. It is a tradition that I
have no doubt Eric Back carried on without
difficulty, for he, like his predecessors in that
devoted ship, was one of those who command and
lead naturally and easily, because their accom-
plishments and character make their leadership
seem both natural and inevitable.
If Natal was a happy ship she was a
singularly ill-fated one. She lost an officer killed
on board during her first commission. Ogilvy, on
the whole the most brilliant man I have e\ cr
known,. died as I have said, before he had been in
her a year. Gathorne Hardy, who was Com-
mander under both Ogilvy and Hall, died from
blood poisoning within a few months of Ogilvy.
Hardy was a man who, everyone was agreed,
must have gone, had he lived, to the very top of
the naval hierarchy. Gifted with quite extra-
ordinary personal cliarm and a manner whose
gentleness was almost feminine, he possessed an
authority over brother officers and men of the
most convincing kind imaginable. ^ And now Eric
Back has gone as the result of an accident, that
might just as well lia\'e happened in peace as in
war. It certainly is curious that a ship that was
only commissioned eight years ago should have
lost three such brilliant and exceptional officers
as Ogilvy, Gathorne Hardy and Back, each by
sheer misadventure. Such are the vicissitudes of
the naval career. ARTHUR. POLLEN.
10
January 6^ 1916.
L'AND AND WATER
THE FORUM.
A Commentary on Present-day Problems.
A GERMAN phrase-maker has capped the
Napoleonic appreciation of us as a nation
of shopkeepers by dubbing us in liis
spleen a nation of week-enders. At this
season of the year which is consecrated by a
venerable tradition to the wholesome practice of
reviewing our pasts and making resolutions for
the future, it may be worth while examining our
national conscience in the light of criticisms by
disgruntled enemies and candid friends. We may
profitably give the devil's advocate a free hand and
reserve our defence.
A nation of week-enders ! It is a phrase with
a sting and the sting of it is the measure of truth
in it. Unquestionably, habits and sports which
used to be the privilege of a relatively small class
have been extended to the very large class of the
substantial or at least well-paid men of business.
All standards of food, clothing, housing and
recreation have been raised. There is a very
much less widespread habit of saving. Our
fathers tell us, with a greater measure of accuracy
than often characterises the praisers of departed
days, that they came to their work earlier and
left it later than we, nor had they such holidays.
And if that seems to us rather a matter for com-
passion than imitation, and we urge, what is indeed
the fact, that work is of no such particular ^sanctity
in itself ; and, what is equally true, that -we work
at a greater pace and pressure than they and need
more relaxation, then our German friendpokes up
his square head and reminds us with a sheaf- of
Board of Trade returns that business goes to the
keen. . . . We have great responsibilities,
great estates to keep up. That is why we do
really need a little closer attention to business.
A plain trader recently gave as the reason
for a certain great trade gradually dropping out
of British into German and American hands, the
reluctance of the British w-orkman to put in a long
succession of good days of work, adding that the
employer largely set the bad example. If he had
worked for a fortnight he felt he needed a long
week-end at Brighton. His week-end habit was
the equivalent of the workman's many ruined
Mondays. Of course there is a more congenial
explanation which is to put down all differences
in our rivals' favour to tariffs and dumpings.
Elderly men of business complain that in-
telligent young men from the universities now
present themseh-es (of course we speak of that
almost forgotten age before the war) as ready to
fill any well-paid posts which may be available
instead of climbing by the hard way of preliminary
drudgery and experience. They think perhaps
that such posts have already been won on the
playing fields of Eton. But the men in authority
in such businesses are beginning to. ask ■ whether
school and university should not be expected to
produce something more than character— narnely
equipment. Men of mature age with commissions
in the new armies, men who have been accustomed
to sustained hard work, note a general disposition
in the new young officer to look on soldiermg as
anything from a solemn dedication at the best
moments to a bore at tho worst. l-"it tint ns n
tough, compressed job of work against time,
needing the full stretch of all the energies. Said a
candid subaltern challenged on the point, " Yes, I
daresay it's so. I supjiose we rely on our being
EngHshmento pull us through." "An army
of week-enders ! " says the sneering German with
renewed emphasis.
" You Britishers never finish anything," says
a Transatlantic critic, illustrating the charge by
the homely but significant parable of the screw-
driver— which runs as follows : The English tool-
maker makes a well finished, exceedingly strong
implement, with its working end bevelled, whicli
will in fact put in and take out screws. The
American proceeds to make the quite obvious
deduction that a blade-end with all but parallel
sides will be the most serviceable for use with a
straight slot and finishes his screw-driver so as
best to engage and keep the slot. He further notes
that time and energy can be saved by the addition
of- a ratchet. He then adds the principle of the
Archimedan drill and produces still greater power
and speed ;• and finally overcomes the last remain-
ing difficulty, namely the holding of the screw in
position before driving, by attaching a spring
holder to the blade. . . . The English tool-
maker still makes a well finished, exceedingly
strong implement, with bevelled working endi,
which will in fact put in and take out screw&
Voila tout !
Even if the Americans' weakness is to
assume that civihsation is too inclusively- a
matter of steam-heating, express elevators, aiid
telephones at the bedside, his defence, that; if -he
is the great benefactor of human-kind who makes
two blades of grass to grow where one grev/ before,
he who drives three screws in the time which it
formerly took to drive one, also deserves con-
siderable credit. As long as screws have -to be
driven let them be driven with the greatest
economy of means. There is no real case against
finishing the screw-driver.
Ask a doctor or surgeon in his laboratory
why he is using the Zeiss microscopes. He will
tell you that apart from their fine quality
which is unsurpassed, in contradiction of a
popular legend which attributes inferior finish,
the instruments are handier, because, witb
their shorter tube length contrived without
loss of power owing to the skilful arrangement
of the prisms, the hands can get at theit
work better ; that moreover they are planned for
the whole range of microsopic work with all parts
standarised ; while w'ith the English models, a
new main instrument is often required for new
branches of work, or clumsy and expensive adapters
required. The enemy victory in fact is not so
notably due to the fine Jena glass, which special
privileges and subsidies denied to our own makers
helped to produce, as to the mere painstaldng
development of a plan of absolutely elementary
simplicit}-. We don't finish things, say the critics,
with some justice.
We betray, says another critic, this time of oui
nwn household, an astonishins lack of imaginntion
II
LAND AND ^\ A i K R .
January 6, 1916.;
n business. And above all we don't honour our
own prophets. One of our foremost artists, a
brilliant colourist, relates how he had been com-
missioned by a German manufacturer to produce a
design for a car-pet at a fee of two hundred guineas.
He declared that he had never been offered a larger
sum than ten guineas by an English manufacturer.
Yet the English man of business has not, to say the
least, the reputation of being less generous than his
German rival. It is merely that he has not the
curiosity to discover, or the imagination to employ
suitabh' the high talent which^ happens to be at
his command.
This manner of dealing \nth our prophets is of
course notorious. America and Germany wel-
comed the teaching of \\'illiam Morris in the sphere
of printing, and besidts approving if for its own
artistic values, also contrived to turn it into
dollars and marks. Whereupon, characteristic-
ally enough, our men of business began to take an
interest in the revived craft thus presented tousrm
these refracting media. We possess to-day the most
distinguished formal calligi-apher in Emope. No
English typefounder has thought it worth while to
put him to the task of designing a new type. He
has been commissioned to produce four or five
such designs for German houses. The mournful
story of the aniline dyes is too clearly in e\ery-
body's memory to need comment. The incredible
neglect of Science by Government on the (mic
hand and by manufacturers on the other is the
joke of Europe. The history of modern British
commerce is largely a history of lost opportunity
due to lack of imagination.
If we turn to development the story is much
the same. We note the contrast of the co-opera-
tive dairj- farming movements of Holland and
Denmark with our own. Denmark's success is
particularly significant as she wrests her triumph
from a harder climate. The garden of England
and the incredible Kentish railways make another
mournful parable. The neglect of the fisheries is a
signal instance of the failure of national imagina-
tion, as also is the tolerance of the vagaries of the
fishmarket. As to agriculture, the partial and
gratifying success of Sir Horace Plunkett in
Ireland is more than balanced by its all but
entire failure in Great Britain, a failure due to
apathy and mutual suspicions. We might
profitably note the sublime recklessness by which
we have allowed and still allow almost un-
diminished the waste of fuel which is represented
by incomplete combustion in open household fires
and the antiquated furnaces used in industry' — a
waste which brings in its train other wastes such
as fogs, involving darkness and therefore extra
consumption of artificial light, delays innumer-
able, depreciation of buildings, the by no means
negligible menace to health, and the pro\-ed
stunting of vegetation — besides all the dirt, gloom,
and extra household work involved. The damning
facts are not in dispute and the battle for sanity
is carried on mainly by a small (if sturdy) private
society. As one characteristic result of its acti-
\-ities, a firm, successfully prosecuted for the
nuisance of emitting black smoke and fighting the
action with bitterness — saved some £3,500 a year
in its coal bill by the enforced change to scientific
combustion furnaces.
Contemplate a city iike i^oncion, Mecca of
pilgrims of all the. world, and \on find it all but
uncatalogued ; its streets frequently unnamed, its
public services difticult to find, its houses un-
juunbered, or, if numbered, then so inconspicuoush'
that the numbers are invisible by night when most
wanted. The District Railway with its carefully
thought-out signs, maps, arrows, and coded colour
schemes, alone seems to have set an example of
rational order.
The general conditions are strangely similar
to those already noted in industry. \Ve have the
essential services and amenities but we have not
taken the trouble to make them completely
available. " You Britishers don't finish anything."
And while London is in the picture, a glance may
be spared for the preposterous waste of its municipal
government, its o\Trlapping and conflicting au-
thorities. And we may recall the bitter, un-
imaginative opposition to the unification of its
electrical system and the refusal to face the problem
of the co-ordination of its railways and goods
distribution.
A good deal of all this is no doubt the ex-
travagance of a careless rich man not to be troubled
with small economies. The shock of war will
effect greater changes in habit and outlook than
can ever be compassed by reflection.
Will it shake us from that supreme indifference
to the things of the mind which has left us hitherto
content with the least intelligent national educa-
tion policy in Western Europe ? Perhaps it would
not be fair to press too far the fact that the chief
war economy conceived by the Government of
London should be the docking of its education
grant. But it is true beyond dispute that the
whole national system has been starved b}- neglect.
Our rich men purchase honours instead of de-
serving them by possessing the zeal and discretion
necessary to endow colleges and chairs. Parha-
ment is indift'erent.
To take just a single random instance,
the .project of a Museum of Science which should
provide opportunity and apparatus for students
to carry on their studies and experiments, urgently
recommended by a Royal Commission in the
early seventies— is still a project ! There are a
few posts of honour, a few considerable emoluments
at the top of the scholastic profession ; but both pay
and status in the rank and file, whether in higher
or elementary education, have been a disgrace to a
wealthy country. In particular the treatment
of the elementary teachers, working in the main
with a fine zeal against the heavy discouragements
of grotesquely overcrowded classes and painfully
restricted standard of life, deserves the severest
c:ondemnation. The educational ladder is seem-
ingly constructed so that as few as possible shall
be enabled to climb by it.
'Vhat we have starved in our abundance we
must feed in our povert\-. It is for plain citizens to
thmk out the implications of this fatal flaw in our
national structure so that when we rebuild we
ma\- build on surer foundations.
n .■• c ,M:"""' (^''airman of the Sub-Committee of tlie
1 iihhc Schools Alpine .Sports Club, mentions that liis Com-
mittee has accepted an offer of the Palace Hotel, Montana (in
Switzerland), to place that hotel ac 'their disposal, rent free,
during the winter for the reception of convalescent officers.
A charge will be made to each officer of 6s. 6d. per day to
cover co.st of food and other expanses, and friends who
accompany them will pay «s. per dav. 'ihose who would like
to avail themselves of this arrangement should write to Lady
\\aterl<.w r, Maresfield Gardens, Hampstead. who is the
llonorarv Secrotarv ol the Sub-rommittce
12
January G, 1916.
LANDAND WATER.
A SONG OF THE GUNS.
By gilbert FRANKAU.
[" A Song of the Guns " is a true war poem, for it was written under these condi-
tions. The author, who is no'w serving -with the Royal Field Artillery in Flanders, was
present at the Battle of Loos and during a lull in the fighting — -when the gunners who had
been sleepless for five nights were resting like tired dogs under their guns — he jotted
down the main theme of the poem. After the battle the Artillery Brigade to ivhich he
was attached was ordered to Ypres, and it was during the long trench warfare in this
district, within sight of the ruined tower of Ypres Cathedral, that the poem, was finally
completed. The last three verses were written at midnight in Brigade Headquarters with
the German shells screaming over into the ruined town. Mr. Gilbert Frankau has previously
won good reputation as a poet with his two long poems " One of Jjs " and " Tid 'Apa".]
1.— THE VOICE OF THE SLAVES.
We arc the slaves of the guns,
Serfs to the dominant things ;
Ours are the eyes and the ears,
And the brains of their messagings.
Ours arc the hands that unleash
The bUnd gods that raven by night.
The lords of the terror at dawn
When the landmarks are blotted from sight
By the lit curdled churnings of smoke.
When the lost trenches crumble and spout —
Into loud roaring fountains of flame ;
Till, their prison walls down, with a shout
And a cheer, ordered line after line,
Black specks on the barrage of gray
That we lift — as they leap — to the clock,
Oiu: infantry storm to the fray.
These are our masters, the slim
(irim muzzles that irk in the pit ;
. That chafe for the rushing of wheels,
For the teams plunging madly to bit
As tb.e gunners swing down to unkey.
For the trails sweeping haif-circle-right,
For the six breech-blocks clashing as one
To a target viewed clear on the sight—
Uun masses the shells search, and tear
Into fragments that bunch as they run—
For the hour of the red battle-harvest,
The dream of the slaves of the gun !
We have bartered our souls to the guns ;
Every fibre of body and brain
Have we trained to them, chained to them. Serfs ?
Aye ! but proud of the weight of our chain —
Of our backs that are bowed to their workings.
To hide them and guard and disguise —
Of our ears that are deafened \\ith service.
Of hands that are scarred, and of eyes
Grown hawklike with marking their prey—
Of wings that are ripped as with swords
When we hover, the turn of a blade
From the death that is sweet to our lords.
By the ears and the eyes and the brain,
By the limbs and the hands and the wings.
We arc slaves to our masters the guns . . .
But their slaves are the masters of langs !
2. -HEADQUARTERS.
A league and a league from the trenches— from the traversed maze of the linos,
Where daylong the sniper watches and daylong the bullet whines,
And the cratered earth is in travail with mines and with coimtermines—
Here, Mherc haply some woman dreamed, (are those her roses that bloom
In the garden beyond the windows of my pttered working-room ?)
We have decked the map for our masters as a bride is decked for the groom.
Fair, on. each lettered numbered square— cross-road and mound and wire,
Loophole, redoubt and emplacement— lie the targets their mouths desire ;
Gay with purples and browns and blues, have we traced them their arcs of fire.
And ever the type-keys clatter ; and ever our keen wires bring
\\'ord from the watchers a-crouch below, word from the watchers a-wing ;
And e\-er we hear the distant growl of our hid guns thundering
Hear it hardly, and turn again to our maps where the trench-lines crawl,
Red on the gray and each with a sign for the ranging shrapnel's fall-
Snakes that our masters shall scotch at dawn, as is written here on the wall.
For the weeks of our waiting draw to a close. . . . There is scarcely a leaf astir
In the garden beyond my windows where the twilight shadows bliur
The blaze of some woman's roses ...
" Bombardment orders, sir \ "
N.B.— A Son)* of the Guns will be continued in our next issue.
LAND AND' WATER.
January 6, 19I6.
THROUGH THE AMBROSIAL NIGHT.
By J. D. Symon.
THE last train came in exactly to the minute.
It had all the outward appearance of that
scheduled on the time tablc^vidclicil, it was
steam-driven and not electric. There could
be no mistake. In good faith, therefore, the traveller
seized a corner seat and opened the book that would
beguile the ne.xt three-quarters of an hour. But in
live minutes a grinding of brakes proclaimed a halt and
the cry of " All Change " warned at least one passenger
that something unusual had happened. The worst, in
fact, had happened. This was vot the last train, but a
precursor, a few minutes late, masquerading as the last,
worse still the true last would not stop at this wayside
station. In due time it flashed through with a pitiless
indifference to the stranded and belated, whose only
hope now was the last electric which would stop twelve
miles from his abode. Another quarter of an hour and
the only hope in the way of conveyance had done its
duty. After that, Shanks's mare.
Well, it was a fine night. The tramp would be
agreeable and would yield, perhaps, some new experience.
The clock at the terminus said midnight as the victim
alighted, to find that he was not alone in adversity. Two
other late-homing pigeons had been beguiled, like himself,
by that deceitful late penultimate train. They compaied
notes and grumbles. One was lucky, he had only three
miles between him and bed, the other had seven. Three-
niiles had already found the only cab the country town
had to offer at that time of night, and was bargaining
for transport. Twelve-miles tried to arrange a deal,
wiiich would include Seven-miles, who frankly declared
that cabs were beyond his commission. But Three-miles
would not come to terms. Ke suspected some inex-
plicable form of swindle, and refused to believe in any
equitable division, if the others should finally persuade
Jehu to take them a little further on their way. Perhaps
it was a case for the differential calculus. Less science
would have done, but Three-miles was obdurate. It
was his cab, he would stick to it. No share was possible.
So off he drove in soHtary state.
*T ' A Long March.
^^ The remainder, glad of each others company, faced
,flie long march, and began to make acquaintance. The
Traveller found that his chance companion was a post-
man ; what the postman discovered about the Traveller
does not matter. For the first mile or so, under the
frosty starUght, conversation was not very lively. Both
were sleepy and smarting under injury, the way was
long, the wind was cold ; the iron ground, slippery as
glass here and there, told upon feet already weary. Even
a postman can have his (ill of walking. But gradually,
the brilliant air, the splendour of the night, prevailed
over sulkiness and the Traveller, at least, began to enjoy
himself hugely. Then the Postman spake and uttered a
very human note.
The way now led under high branching trees into a
{)retty village of renown in the home counties. Darkness
ay close about the wayfarers and out of the darkness
came a groan. The postman knew where he was.
" That's the Starling we're passing," he sighed, "and no
chance o' a drink." Night and the hour had sounded for
him the top note of Tragedy. Consolation there was
none. The Starling, lightlcss and silent, slept inhospitable,
a mockery of brighter hours. Across the village street,
darkling, stole two furtive cats. On these the Postman
moralised and found relief.
Anon he talked of his profession and of the Territorial
Army, of which he was a well-deserving pillar. War
was still far away, as men ti.ought, but the letter carrier
had the patriotic conscience. One wonders, has he ere
now proved it to the utmost, this simple, quaint good
fellow. Luck to him. wherever he be to-night! He
had a keen sense for night sounds which may have been
useful in the field. In a tree by the wajsidc he spotted
a roosting cock, which the more urban eyes of Twelve-
miles would have missed. The fowl resented the ap]>roach
of the foot-pads and crowed lustily. Tabellarius told the
bird he was a fool and admonished him to shut up. Then
the eyes of Tabellarius went skyward. He made a cliancc,
curious remark about the stars, and wondered what they
were. A little drawing-out proved that this civil servant,
with a Board-School education, had not the remotest idea
about the hosts of heaven. He had never even heard that
they were named. Twelve-miles, beginning with the
Pole-star and the Great Bear, imparted a little very
elementary astronomy and found the man of letters apt
and interested. Aldebaran, Bellatrix and Betelgeuse,
the belt and nebula of Orion, the electric flash of Sirius,
the wonder of Vega, some day to usurp the Pole, the
svvtet influence of Pleiades, with these dignitaries
of the firmament the Postman scraped acquaintance ;
he learned to distinguish planets from fixed stars
and heard a little about their distances and movements
taking it in with the eagerness of a child who
listens to a fairy-tale. It was almost enviable to have
ri'ached years of discretion with no faintest knowledge
of the starry Universe. What would not the sophisticated
give to enter that world consciously for the first time.
First View of the Stars.
Such an experience, keyed to the highest pitch of
revelation, fell to the lot of agood friend of the Traveller's
in early boyhood. A victim of very short sight, he had
never even seen the stars, until, with the fitting of stronger
spectacles, he at last gazed out into the infinite. It was
his good fortune to look up for the first time with clear
vision on a brilliant Northern night — just such a night
as Masson celebrates in his " Memories " — and the pageant
of the constellations thrilled him to awe and wonder.
Hitherto hp had not known what men meant when they
spoke of the stars. At that moment he understood
better perhaps than any living person the mystery and
the poetry of the rolling spheres. Nor has the memory
of that vision ever left him. Wc, to whom the heavens
are too familiar from infancy, can only guess at that
ineffable ecstisy.
The seven miles were done, before the travellers had
begun to count them. Suddenly the Postman welcomed
the lights of home on an upland heath, and descending
to earth dwelt lovingly on the supper waiting within.
There would be, he said, cold beef and a long drink o'
beer, and he needed it. He added that an adjacent light
was the baker's, who would now be getting to work on the
morning's loaves. Twelve-miles, feeling somewhat empty,
bade his friend farewell and tackled the remaining fi\-c
miles.
Voices of the Night.
Alone, lie realised the full wonder and mvstery of the
hour. The frost struck keener, the road rang metallic to
the footfail. Sounds, unheard by dav, started into loud
prominence ; the trickling of a iunlct seemed almost a
rushing brook ; shy creatures of the night crept rustHng
through the underwood. The very brushing of the sleeve
upon the coat was now almost thundrous. And exquisite
subtle scents of the countryside came down the faint
breeze. Never had the smell of the haystack been
wafted to the sense with such delicate and delicious
purity. It is not the summer night alone that is
ambrosial. The winter night, so it be clear and quiet,
can hold its own with high June.
The last mile lay over wide common-land, where the
furze encrusted with rime glittered under a now risen
moon. And so, just as Orion's belt swung low and
touched the horizon, the Traveller, a little footsore but
joyful, reached his own door. His time for the twelve
miles was five minutes short of the three hours. Fair
heel and toe, like Christopher North's midnight tramp
over the same Chiltern hills from Oxford to London long
ago — i-vKTa <S( anfipoa-i-nv, in vcry truth.
Mr. Heincinann will shortly publish a now hook by Dr.
riiarles Sarolca. entitled Europe's Debt to Russia. ' Dr.
Sarolca's work is a systematic attempt to remove the pre-
conceptions against Russia wliicii arc still vcry widclv
uccepteil, and particularlv the niisconccijtioiis which it has
suited Cicrnianv to publish in neutral countries.
January 6, iQiG. .LAND AND WATER.
V THE CULT OF KIPLING.
By the Editor.
THE cult of Kipling grows. This was the almost
inevitable result of the war and of the close
union of the British Empire which has resulted
from it. For thirty years and rhore he has
been the Voice, bidding the younger nations make ready .
for the last great fight of all. All that appertains to his
writings has therefore gained a new interest in the eyes of
thousands of his fellow-countrymen, and for this reason
a hearty welcome is assured for Mr. Thurston Hopkins'
literary ajiprcciation {Rudyard Kipling : A Literarv
Appreciation by R. Thurston Hopkins. Simpkin, Marshall,
Hamilton, Kent. los. 6d.) which has just been published.
Anyone who turns to this volume in order to find per-
sonal tittle-tattle about the celebrated author will be
disappointed. Mr. Hopkins has confined himself almost
entirely to his work, thus carrying out Kipling's own idea
that the work is greater than the man, which he expresses
in'his poem on Patrols, written only this winter :
Sing welcome Fate's discourtesy
Whereby it is made clear
flow in all time of our distress
As in our triumph too,
The game is more than the player of the game,
And the ship is more than the crew !
A thoughtful person on reading reviews and criti-
cisms of the writings of famous men of letters, cannot fail
to be struck at the implication which critics find reviewers
frequently convey that a writer, once he takes pen in
hand, ceases to be an honest workman, doing the best
in his power without thought or care what his own or
later generations may think about him, but at once
becomes a poseur, who picks, chooses and selects merely
to impress, and is ever prepared to " baulk the end half-
won for an instant dole of praise." Dr. Stopford Brooke,
than whom there could be no higher living authority,
once told the writer that the deadliest sin which besets
the man of letters is vanity, and that once the sin is yielded
to, no little of the virtue goes out of the work. Sincerity
is a balm that preserves from corruption, and we have
only to glance round our own bookshelves' in order to
understand the truth of the saying.
The Deadly Sin.
No living writer has been more careful to giiard himself
against this deadly sin than Rudyard Kipliiig. The last
of the "Just So Stories," contains a small incident, in
the life of Suleiman-bin-Daoud who " very seldom showed
off and when he did he was sorry for it." You may
remember "he tried to feed all the animals in all the
world in one day, but when the food was ready an Animal
came out of the deep sea and ate it up in {three mouth-
fuls." That is frcvquently the way with the reputation of
writers (as well as children) who show off. " Suleiman-
bin-Daoud fell flat on his face and said, ' O Animal ! I
gave that dinner to show what a great and rich king I
was, and not because I really wanted to be kind to the
animals. Now I am ashamed, and it serves me right.' "
Writers court the same fate who start out to show the
world what great and clever men they are and not honestly
to give of the best that is in them.
' Rudyard Kipling, as Mr. Thurston Hopkins reminds
us, began his career when in his later teens in an Anglo-
I ndian newspaper office in Lahore. Being a good j ournalist
. he did what lay in his power to make his newspaper
interesting. Short stories and occasional verse are the
oldest features of Anglo-Indian journalism. It is not
always easy to fill the columns of an Indian daily paper
with'news'; the profits of the business do not permit of
any extravagant staff ; the work has to be done by two
or three men and in the hot weather more often by one or
two. But all the time there is passing through the
country an ever-changing stream of specially selected
British brains, men who for the most part would not be
there if they had not proved themselves the superior of
their fellows in the examination halls. They bring with
them their women, who have to endure the tedium of the
long long Indian day. ' Nothing can dull the intensity of
the first imprdssions of the Orient; its keenness is only
surpassed by the gnawing pangs of home-sickness afterthe
glamour has worn off.
Anglo-Indian Journalism.
These clever folk are glad to use their pens for pleasure
or rehcf. So it comes about that one of the niain duties
of an Anglo-Indian editor is to read through piles of MS.
describing either directly or under a thin disguise of fiction
actual sensations and episodes. The liana ck-rooms of
British regiments are not infrequent contributors.
Kipling wrote short stories and verse because there was a
demand for them. He put the best workmanship he
could into the job, and his short stories survive and will
survive for the same reason that the vamped historical
plays of Shakespeare have outlasted all others of- liis
.contemporaries, because each gave the best that was;in
him to what at the moment appeared to be merely
ephemeral work, and their best chanced to be touched by
the authentic fire of genius.
One of the commonest charges against this part of
Kipling's work is that it showed up his fellow-exiles in ..a
most unfavourable light. They who make and repeat
this accusation which on the face of it seems just, are
apparently ignorant of the Preface that appeared in the
original paper volume Under the Deodars, which we
notice has escaped Mr. Hopkins, who, as a rule, is a most
careful collector of these sideli.ghts. This volume con-
tained, among other stories, " At the Pit's Mouth,''
which opens, you may remember, with this sentence :
" Once upon a time there was a Man and his Wife and a
Tertium Quid." This is what Kipling himself said about
his Simla stories, as they are now usually called :
Strictly speaking, there should be no preface to
this, because it deals with things that are not pretty
and uglinesses that hurt.' But it may be as well to try
to assure the ill-informed that India is not entirely
inhabited by men and women playing tennis with tlie
Seventh Commandment ; while it is a fact that very
many of the lads in the land can be trusted to bear thenv
selves as bravely on occasion as did my friend the late
Robert Hanna Wick. The drawback of collecting dirt
in one corner is that it gives a false notion of the filth
of the room. Folk who understand and have knowledge
of their own will be able to strike fair averages. The
opinions of people who do not understand cire somewhit
less valuable.
Charge of Brutality.
" Brutal " is a favourite epithet of abuse that stav[-
at-home critics fling at him. It is one which Mr. Hopkiri|s
carefully examines. As a matter of fact Kipling is never
one half as brutal as the life to which he has held a mirror
up. All his short stories (or practically all) are based
on actual incidents ; not a few are merely reports of events,
and not one, so far as the writer is aware, is morel horrible
or painful than actual occurrences in India. Here is an
example which fell within the writer's own experience.
An Englishman in an out-of-the-way station was bitten
one morning by his favourite dog. The dog developed
hydrophobia and was shot. It was before the days of
Pasteurism. A few evenings later the man was dihing
with friends. He was seized by the madness ; his
paroxysms were awful; all his friends could do was to
shut him in an empty room and fling to him handkerchiefs
soaked in chloroforrii ; he died before sunrise. Had that
occurrence been described by Kipling, doubtless afore-
times it would have been deemed further irrefutable
evidence of his " brutality " by cream-faced critics to
whom " seeing life " implied making beasts of themselves
in the dark hours of the night amid the vicious haunts
of Western cities knowing that their bodies were safe-
guarded by the police and the common hangman.
I say purposely " aforetimes " for sorrowful evidence
accumulates that a new value is being affixed to the word
" brutal " in these months of grief and suffering. All are
being taught that Death is no longer the discreet visitor
he was thought to be, who when he knocked at door of
cottage or palace was introduced by a polite physit'ian,
and left behind him a smooth- voiced family lawyer and
LAND AND W A i E R
January 6, 1916.
An obsequious undertaker to make everything as easy and
cheerful as possible. Now we see Death as India knows
liim to bo, a bloodj'-jawed maniac snapping at any one
within reach, careless of age or sex, and never attempting
to conceal or to ease the honid wounds which he leaves
behind him.
In' the Preface quoted above reference is made to
" my friend the late Robert Hanna Wick." The story
in which he figures is called " Only a Subaltern " and at
its head stands this extract from the Bengal Army Regu-
lations :— " Not only to enforce by command but to encourage
bv example the energetic discharge of dutv and the steady
endurance of the difficulties and privations inseparable
from Militarv Service." We know now how great and
noble is the company of Bobby Wicks who in their life-
time were only subalterns, they who knew no fear either
of the disease that walketh at noon-tide or of the flying
bullet or bursting shell. It is the same honest workman
who gave us this pathetic picture of a subaltern which
as everyone is only too well aware to-day. is absolutely
true to life, who also drew the "Soldiers Three." The
first time the famous Three were introduced was " in the.
I'mballa Refreshment Room while we were waiting for an
lip train. I supplied the beer. The tale was cheap at ;i
gallon and a half." And the story ends in this fashion ;
" Young man, what's t' notebook for ? " said Learoyd.
" Let be," said Afulvaney ; " this time next month we're
in the ^herapis. 'Tis immortial. lame the gentleman's goin'
to give us. But kape it dhark till we're out av the range av
me little frind Bobs Bahadur."
Antl I have obeyed Mulvancy's order.
This first experiment was too successful to end here.
No more was heard of the Sherapis and the Three have
passed into " immortial fame." though their glory will
ever be greater among those who realise that they stand
less for the rank and file of the British Army than for the
rank and file of that unenlisted Grand Army who, not-
withstanding faults and failings, despite excesses and
distresses, and in the face of errors and perplexities, have
linked Hindustan to the British Empire and given new
values to the old Anglo-Saxon ideals of courage, tenacity,
truth and justice. The author never made any pretence
that the Three were those creatures of flesh and blood
which many of his critics assume them to be just to puU
them to pieces. This is how he wrote of them in his
Dedication to the original volume :
Lo, I have wrought in common clay
Rude figures of a rough hewn race.
Since pearls strew not the market place
In this my town of banishment,
Where with the shifting dust I play
And eat the bread of discontent.
Yet is there life in that I make
O thou who knowest. turn and see —
As thou hast power over me
So have I power over these,
Because I wrought them for thy sake,
And breathe in them my agonies.
What some of these agonies may have been, we may
learn from " The Madness of Private Ortheris " : " I'm
sick for London again ; sick for the soimds of 'er an ' the
sights of 'er and the stinks of 'er ; orange-peel an<l
hasphalte and gas coming in over Vaux'all Bridge."
Were this not sufficient evidence of the pains of exile which
gat hold of Kipling as they have got hold of soniany of
his fellow-countrymen, are there not the poems "Christmas
in India " (that originally appeared m print over the
nom de plume of " A Dyspeptic") and " In Spring Time,"
— " Give me back one" day in England for it's Spring
in England now."
It is a strange commentary on the ways of critics —
even Mr. Hopkins misses it— that scarcely one of them
pays heed to this cry, which is the very voice of Anglo-
India, wrung from the heart of her by the bitterness of
failure and death, in the weariness and torment of " a
toil that knows no breaking." " He jests at scars that
never felt a wound," and this wound of home sickness is
mere phantasy to those who have not suffered it. But
it is the true, minted stamp of honest workmanship in the
eyes of all who have lived the life.
Do you remember how " With the Main Guard "
ends— that night of terrible heat in the Lahore Fort,
when Learoyd came near to dying of apoplexy, and
Mulvaney kept him going with his talk ? One cannot
forbear recalling it now when the pitiless day again breaks
for the splendid writer of the story and for so many other
over-burdened souls, whom he has ever honestly and to
the full height of his genius striven to strengthen, hearten
and console :
'■ Oh, Terence ! " I said, dropping into Mulvaney's
speech when we were alone. " It's you that have the
Tongue ! "
He looked at me wearily ; his eyes were sunk in his
liead and his face was drawn and white. " Eyah ! " said he.
" I've blandandhered thim through the night somehow,
but can thim that helps others help themselves ? Answer me
that, Sorr ! "
And over the bastion ol J*ort .^mara broke the pitiless
dav.
" With Our Indiuns at Marseilles." By Magsia Bibikoff. (Smith,
Elder and Co.; 5s. net.
The enthusiasm of this young Russian artist, a pupil of
Detaille, led her to view e%erything an couleur de rose, and her
written impressions of the Indian camps at Marseilles may be
gatiiered from her anticipation of an interview with Maharajah
Sher Singh. " 1 am going to see tlie Ix-ing wiio thrilled in\-
childish imagination," she writes, " and appeared in my earliest
dream> amid the flash of jewels that scintillated with every
colour. With sucii expectations, it is little wonder that she
founl in the Indian contingents much to admire. Tlie book
is an appreciation, not a criticism, and even when the Indians
threw away the food on which her shadow had fallen she
accepted the fact without comment.
Her sketches are gossamer things, confessedly the work
of five or ten minutes each, and bearing the mark of impres-
sionism, not of detailed work. Text and sketches together give
a good idea of the Marseilles camps, and though the book is
exceeclingly slight it will assist in giving an idea of what the
Marseilles camps were really like. The brief introduction by
-Maurice Barres marks, not only his appreciation of the
artist's work, but also of the Indians in France.
" The Furniture Collector.'
Jenkins.)
By Edward W. Gregory. (Herbert
Mr. Edward W.
Gregory ts a writer on
domestic architecture,
decoration and furni-
ture, very favourably
known both here and in
the United States. He
has. a most pleasant
style, is singularly well-
informed, and without
ever posing as infallible,
lias come to be accepted
with good reason as a
reliable authority on
these subjects.
This volume is an
introduction to the
study of English styles
of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries,
and contains illustra-
tions of typical pieces
of furniture from public
and private collections.
It includes no doubt
some information which
is already known to
professional collectors, but to amateurs, whose name is
legion, the book will be a sheer dehght, for it holds so
many little bits of side knowledge, and sheds new light on
trophies of the sales-rooms or heirlooms handed down for
generations, which are the special pride of many homes.
There is an interesting account of the furnishing of a
house of a prosperous farmer or yeoman in the time of Mary
Tudor. .\n inventory of the " best chamber " in Eliza-
beth's reign is given. A chaj>ter all to itself is devoted to
the old Windsor chair and well it deserves it. Chippendale,
Heppelwhite, Sheraton have also their own chapters, and
some very practical advice is given on the vexed question of
" Buying and Selling." Mr. Gregoiy has laid all furniture
collectors vmder a big debt of gratitude ; this volume will be
one of standard reference for the periods to which it refers.
RARE TYPE OF WINDSOR
CHAIR.
Dr. .Maria Montessori's International Training Course,
announced for January 15th, has been postponed to Fehrttary
i^tk owing to the stidden death of the Dottoressa's father.
Chevalier Alexandre Montessori. It will last three months.
Jaiiuary 6, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
One Second
before leaving for
the trenches is not
too late to discover
that your pen is
,|-._^ empty if it is an
^ Onoto.
In less time than it takes to tell, the
Onoto fills itself from any ink supply and
cleans the nib while filling.
The Perfect pen for soldiers, it needs
no filler.
Onoto
Needs
no
Fib
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667
LAND A N I) W A T E R
January 6, i^ib.
^
The King and Queen have been at York Cottage through the
holidays; H s Majesty coming up to town on busine-s for
a day. The weather was very bad, but this does not
affect His Majesty, who, if anything, rather hkes it.
In these days when economy is on everybody's Ups,
it may be pointed out that there is probably no
household in the kingdom where truer economy and
simpler living is practised than at York Cottage, which
is certainly the humblest home any King and Emperor
(Kcupies. " But their Majesties thoroughly enjoy that
absence of State possible at their quiet Norfolk home.
Lord Dalkeith who came of age on December 30th, bore the
courtesy title of Lord Whitchester until his father suc-
ceeded to the Dukedom of Buccleuch. a little over a
year ago. Like his father before him, Lord Dalkeith
is one of eight children, but the present Duke has three
sons and five daughters, while his father had six sons
and two daughters. Large famihcs and long Ufe have
always been characteristic of the Scotts. Though the
Dukedom was created over two hundred and fifty years
ago and has been uninterruptedly enjoyed, the present
peer is only the seventh to hold it. I believe this wonder-
ful record of longevity to be entirely unrivalled.
The Duke of Buccleuch sits in the House of Lords as Earl
of Doncaster, which is one of the finest sounding titles
on the Roll of the Lords Temporal.
There are eighty-three ^'iscounties in the peerage of the
United Kingdom, and Sir John French will therefore
make the round seven dozen. This honour has been
conferred more freely in recent years, nine new Viscounts
having been created since 1910. Territorial titles have
not always been chosen, preference being shewn, especially
by poUticians, to cling to the family name, e.g., Viscounts
Morley. Gladstone, Haldane, Bryce, and Buxton.
H«w many people are aware that Canada has a peerage of her
own. It is not a large one, for it consists of a single
dignity — the feudal barony of de Longueuil in the
province of Quebec. This was conferred by Louis XIV
on Charles le Moyne, for distinguished services in 1700,
with inheritance to his descendants, male and female.
This barony has been held continuously since those
times, three of the Barons having been Governors of
Montreal, and it was officially recognised by the British
Government in 1889. Grant is the surname of the
prjsent and eighth Baron de Longueuil.
This very interesting piece of news has been sent to me from
Fishmongers' Hall : — " Oysters are in excellent condition,
better than for many years. Supplies are ample, prices
most reasonable and the dietetic value of oysters excep-
tionally high." But why, if prices are so reasonable,
are oysters as costly as ever at all places where men and
women do congregate to satisfy their hunger ^
Thirty years back London's restaurants were few and far
between, and even fifteen years ago they were looked on
as pale imitations of their Paris confreres. Now, however,
they have come into their own and these holidays they
have fully justified their existence. It might have been
thought that the liquor restrictions would have sounded
their knell, but so far from this being the case, never have
they been more greatly patronised. At the Carlton, for
instance, the difficulty is to find room for all who would
lunch or dine there ; on Christmas Day and again on
New Year's Eve people had to be turned away.
The London restaurant to-day attracts all classes ; one sits
cheek by jowl with Bishops and Abbots, Cabinet Ministers
and Diplomatists to say nothing of actors and actresses,
authors, journalists and politicians. It makes no
difference whether spirituous beverages are or are not
available. People don't go to restaurants to drink
but to eat their food amid pleasant and exhilarating
surroundings, and there seems no reason why thi.s
gregarious custom should not spread to all classes.
It is therefore very disappointing to find how little publicans
have adapted themselves to the changed conditions.
It was hoped that by now serious attempts would have
been made to convert the corner pub into a cheerful
cafe ; the old ground-glass windows removed, partitions
abolished and everything done to encourage people to
enter by giving a new air of brightness, spaciousness,
and cleanliness to the old surroundings. Public-houses
have for the most part excellent frontages, and though
such changes would have cost money the outlay surely
would have been cheaper than by practically putting up
the shutters for the greater part of the day.
Stag hunting is in full swing in Somersetshire and Devonshire,
and there have been some fine runs and gooi sport
lately. Many officers home from the front on a few
days' leave have seized their opportunity and run down
to Exmoor for a day with the stag-hounds, thcugh the
weither for the most part has not Iseen good.
" Martin Ross," the very clever Irish writer whose death
occurred last month was in private life Miss Violet Martin,
the eleventh and youngest child of Mr. James Martin,
of Ross. Her eldest brother was the well-known " Bob "
Martin, the writer of " Ballyhooly." " Killaloe." etc.
But all the Martins could write. There was another
brother, Mr. Charles Martin, who won a commission in
the Connaught Rangers through the ranks of the 12th
Lancers, and was kUled by a fall from his horse in Perak.
He was a brilliant journalist, verse, short stories,
epigrams, and leaders coming with equal readiness from
his pen. The Martins of Ross derive descent from a
crusader under Richard Coeur-de-Lion.
German supremacy is to be overthrown in every field of life,
even in places where sausages are made. This Christmas
the French chef of the Piccadilly hotel compounded a
liver sausage which was far better than any of Teutonic
origin. There is no real reason why German sausages
should ever come from Germany ; it would be far better
in the future for many reasons that they did not.
That exacting critic, the Young Person, speaks warmly in
praise of Mr. Algernon Blackwood's " The Starlight
Express," which Miss Lena .\shwell has produced at the
Kingsway Theatre. This fairyland play strikes much
the same note as we had in- the " Blue Bird " ;. it>
characters are symbols. The scenery and the music, by
Sir Edward Elgar, are beautiful, especially the singing
of Mr. Charles Mctt. Miss Elsie Hall as Monkey, and
Master Ronald Hammond as Jimbo (our old friend,
Jimbo) are excellent little players. The " Starlight
Express " is a train de luxe, which carries the children
rapidly through an enchanted land.
Miss Zoe Windley, who is playing the leading part in the
Odds on Revue at the Oxford, is an English singer of
exceptional talent, as well as being a very clever actress.
Miss Windley has a comely presence, and she is
mainly responsible for the success of the revue.
Christmas at Harefield Park, which is now turned into a
hospital for Australian wounded, was celebrated in
traditional manner, but instead of the Australians being
entertained by the village, the village was entertained
by the AustraUans. All the children were invited to a
monster Christmas Tree at the hospital. Huts have been
put up in the Park Grounds in order to provide sufficient
accommodation, and have been made into wards. All
the wards were decorated with holly, mistletoe, etc., and
on Christmas Day itself, prizes we're given for the best
decorated wards by the hospital staff. Hermes.
66b
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THE SINKING OF THE ^'PERSIA."
The New Year's Feast of Kultur.
LA^D AND WATER
January 13, iqi6.
Dunlop : I can't ofTer you a drink in
these teetotal days, but I can
offer you some advice.
The Youngster : What's that ?
Dunlop : Believe in other people's
experience occasionally instead
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fi85>
January 13. iQiG. L A N D \ X D W A T E R .
THE APPROACHES TO EGYPT.
6y HILAIRE BELLOC.
NOTE.— This Article has been submitted to the Press Bureau, which d02S not object to ihe publication as censored, and takes 00
responsibility for the correctness of the statements.
',In aoc9rdanc2 with the requirements of the Press Bureiu, the pasitions of troops on Plans Illustrating this Article must only be
regarded as approximate, and no definite strength at any point is indicated.
THE activity upon the Southern Russian
front continues, and our ally claims an
advance in the districts of the centre
and the left, that is, upon the middle
Strypa and in the Bukowina, of about two miles
a day. On the extreme right, south of the Pripet
marshes, where the railway crosses the Styr at
Tchartoriisk, the line fluctuates with very little
variation west or cast. But the passage of the
river and the ruined village itself, which forms a
bridgehead for the Russians, remains at the
moment of writing in Russian hands.
The meaning of these three developments
put together, the uncertain lighting in the north
with the taking and retaking of Tchartoriisk,
the clearing of the eastern bank of the middle
Strypa and the occupation of the heights five miles
east of Czernowitz, is what was pointed out last
week in these columns. Our allies are putting all
the strength of their new attack into the centre and
the left — that is, on the Strypa and in front of
Czernowitz. The Austro-Germans are countering
by a corresponding pressure in the north at
Tchartoriisk, where the Kovel railway crosses
the Styr.
Neither party has achieved any appreciable
advance as yet. It is not probable that either
party will achieve such an advance just now, and
the reasons for that judgment are as follows :
The Hne between the Pripet marshes and the
frontier of Roumania, though not a continuous
line of trenches like that upon the western front,
is, in direct distance, not much over two hundred
miles and, with all the sinuosities of the front,
certainly less than 300. The enemy can con-
centrate upon that front, counting all local
reserves at least 3,000 men a mile : the Russians
say 5,000 men a mile. He has behind him,
in the southern part of it especially, good roads.
There are continual gaps across which no good
defensive organisation can be made, but also
across which no offensive is possible on account
of the nature of the ground at this season ; there-
fore the real line to be held is shorter than that
on the map. It is therefore, though not a con-
tinuously entrenched line, yet for the purposes of
this winter fighting a line which can only be
broken or shifted by a success against the specially
entrenched sections.
Now we know from all the experience 01 tnis
war that such a success is only achieved by the use
of heavy artillery. We further know that the
successful use of heavy artillery depends upon
motor traction, and we know, again, that the
condition of the ground in Volhynia and the Buko-
wina at this season hampers such traction in the
highest possible degree. It is hardly conceivable,
therefore, that a really successful offensive on a
large scale should develop against the Austro-
German trenches between the Pripet marshes and
the Roumanian frontier at this moment.
{Copyright in America by " The New York American."] Egypt.
What tlie new Russian ettort has done is in
the first place to concentrate great numbers of
the enemy's effectives upon this line.
Secondly, a political result, to affect ttie
impression on neutrals in the East and to weaken
the legend which Germany in particular had
industriously spread, that no Russian offensive,
even a local one, could be undertaken for many
months — if then.
Thirdly, the new Russian offensive must have
some effect upon domestic opinion in Germany
and Austro-Hungary, which was no more than
three months ago persuaded that the power of the
Russian armies to undertake a new offensive was
finally broken.
that the hurried concentration of the enemy's
men north of the Roumanian frontier has had some
effect on the Balkan situation cannot be denied.
But it would be foolish to exaggerate that effect.
The delay of the enemy before Salonika, apart
from political considerations which do not concern
these articles, is mainly due to the necessity of
repairing the railway' thoroughly before any
advance can be undertaken. The munitionment
of the heavy pieces, with which alone an attack
can be undertaken, depends entirely upon un-
interrupted railway commincation to the ad-
vanced rail-heads whence the big shell are distri-
buted to the batteries. Now in the case of the
attack on Salonika there is but one such rail-head
—that of the Vardar railwa\\ The fine was
wrecked by the Serbians and French ; and even
in peace there is at the best only one single line,
and a single line which, lunning as it docs often
through gorges and upon ledges of rock, could
only be doubled at a very great expense of time.
The bridge over the Save in front of Belgrade
has been repaired. (The roUing stock, I believe,
already crosses it.) But the line along the Upper
Maritza and down the Upper Vardar has not been
completely repaired as yet, and even when it
furnishes 'a through communication it will take
some time before a large accumulation of heavy
shell at the advance base of the enemy in front of
Salonika, will be possible,
CONDITIONS OF AN ADVANCE
ON EGYPT.
The value of Salonika as a base for Allied
offensive action is the academic question of greatesi
interest in anv discussion of the strategics of tht
Near East. But it remains an academic question
only until we have seen what effort the enemy car
make against that fortified base, for until he has
failed in his attempt to reduce the port of entry
upon his flank there can be no use made by the
.\llies of Salonika for a forward movement. And
for that attempt we are still waiting.
Meanwhile the position of Salonika and of
the control by the Allies of the Eastern :\Iediter-
ranean, is bound up with the enemy's menace to
LAND AND ^V A T E R
January 13, 101^
The Allies, possessing as they do . the comniiiisd '
of niarino comiminicatinn, arc licre upon interior
lines. That is, tiiey can transfer troops across
from one point to another upon the shores of the
Levant (e.g., Salonika- to the Gallipoli Penin-
sula-: Alexandria to Salonika ; Salonika to the
Gulf of Alexandretta, etc., far more rapidly than
the enemy, even with the new railways, can
transport them by land round from one point to
another. That is the capital strategic factor of
the whole situation. Rut if the rnmiy develops
'.as he threatens to do, a serious advance against
the Suez Canal, it would mean that Salonika
:Could -only be held defensively during such a
period, and that the mass of the Alliecl, or cer-
tainly of the British, troops in the whole region
.would be employed to counter the threat against
Egypt.
The moment is therefore suitable for some
examination of the conditions governing the ene-
my's menace to Egypt 'and of the Canal.
• The military and political conditions — that
is, the objects and methods of an enemy advance
against Egypt, are better known than those upon
any other frontier except the Western. This is
due to the comparative simplicitj- of the problem
to be, solved.
Politically, the object is self-evident. It is
threefold and aimed entirely at this country.
First, it aims at alarming and confusing
general opinion in England in the highest degree —
that is the general moral object of the enemy in
all he does and has done for months past, for he
believes that he can thus best shake the Alliance.
Secondly, it proposes the more concrete and
tangible object of cutting off the canal route to
the East, thereby rendering communications with
India difficult or more tardy,, and affecting to
that extent the political position of Great Britain
in her great Dependency — perhaps also affecting
the whole world of Islam.
Thirdly : It proposes the putting of a very
heavy economic strain iipon the Alliance and par-
ticularly upon England by compelling a certain
considerable proportion of seaborne material from
the East to come round by the Cape route.
It is important that these three objects should
be kept clearly in mind — and particularh' the
fact that the Canal is the objective — because, as
we shall see in a moment, they will profoundly
affect the strategics of the campaign which would
present very different military problems if the
Canal were not there, or if the conquest of Egypt
itself were the main objective.
The methods wherewith these objects may be
attempted are equally obvious. They consist in
.'the use of a large force recruited from the recruiting
held of the Turkish Empire, organised by the aid
of Austro-Gernians," possibly but not probably,
including a small proportion of German infantry,
but certainly including and depending upon a
et>ntihgent of Austro-German heavy artillery and
0f A«stro-German engineers. The provocation
of unrest in Egypt itself is a subsidiary method
that will also be employed to the best of the
enemy's ability.
I'pon such a general presentation of the case
we are able to build an analysis of its strategics.
The first point to note is that the army to
be directed against the canal, though it must be
large, need not be of that immense size which
sdirle students of the war have presupposed. It
must be large because the forces which this country
"can draw up in Egypt arfi very considerable in
number, and were they opposed by a force much
smaller than their own they could organise any
action at leisure; prt^pared even with suitable
material for pusliing- forward water supply, to
take an offensive in the Desert itself. Only
against forces superior in number would our forces
be compelled to a defensi\e, and even so, that
defensive, against anything but considerably su-
perior numbers could be organised beyond the
Canal. On the other hand, very greatly superior
numbers are not demanded by the strategics of
the main objective which, .be it remembered, is
not necessarily, or as a minimum the occupation
of fertile Egypt, but the interruption of the use of
the Canal. A serious effort cannot be made with
less than a third of a million men. That it need
be made with much over half a million may be
doubted.
These figures, of course, are of the broadest
and roughest kind. They would be immediately
subject to moditication if the situation changed.
For instance, an attack upon the enemy's lines of
communication would affect them at once and so
would any one of half a dozen other contingencies,
but I am taking the situation as it stands.
AVAILABLE MATERIAL.
The opportunities for ultimately raising such
a force are ample because the margin of recruit-
ment present in the recruiting field of the Turkish
hZmpire is more than eufticient for such an ex-
pedition, most of the units of which are already in
existence. How far or at what rate these can be
equipped we do not know. Such equipment
would very largely depend upon the manufacturing
capacity of Austria-Germany. Partial equipment,
of course, already exists. But generally speaking
there is no reason to believe that such a force could
not be equipped in tinie for an advance before the
beginning of the summer. The munitionment of
such a ,force with shell, especially heavy shell,
would be almost entirely dependent upon Austro-
German industry, as would its provision with the
special machinery necessary to such a campaign,
notably the machinery for providing water during
the last portion of the advance.
So far all the main elements of the problem are
plain sailing. The Central Empires have an open
road by the Danube and Bulgaria to the Turkish
Empire. They will in a few weeks have through
railway communication as well. The interest pf
the problem rather begins with the question of the
communications of such a force from its ultimate
base upon the Bosphorus. What those com-
munications are, and will be, is fairly well known,
and what we have to examine is their capacity
and vulnerabTlify. ^
The main avenue of such communications is,
of course, the so-called " Bagdad Railway." This
railway, German in direction, has for its main line
a trace followirig the immemorial road which
crosses Asia Minor from the Bosphorus to the
Gulf of Alexandi^f'ttci, the road of the First Crusade.
It serves Iconium (Konieh), and Adana, receiving
two main branches from the east and the west,
the former coming in from Angora, the latter from
Smyrna.
But before reaching Adana there is a gap of
20 miles still unfinished, where the railway has to
pass through the Taurus mountains ; a gap
including several tunnels, viaducts and one
January 13, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
[Cluuige of Gauge)
J -Jerasa
Vi- Hebron
'S>=ieers/ieda
particularly long tunnel, which is far from
completion. This gap I have marked in Sketch I
by the letter A. There is a second gap over the
mountain range coincident, with the Gulf of
Alexandretta, marked B upon Sketch I.
But both these gaps, although they involve
a transhipment of munitions and men, are
bridged by roads which have been improved since the
outbreak of the war, and are said to be in good
condition. The gaps will cause delay, but not of
themselves any interruption., in supply. From
Aleppo onwards the main line to Bagdad is not
yet completed. A branch line strikes southward
from Aleppo to Damascus and then follows along
the old pilgrim track upon the barren tableland
east of Jordan, proceeding towards the western
Arabian littoral and serving Mecca. South of
Damascus, at Deraa, a branch line has loqg been
constructed leading to the sea. But for tjip pur-
pose of an advance on Egypt our interest, lies in
the construction, undertaken in the course of the
war, of a new line marked C C upon the map and
leading through the Holy Land past Jerusalem
at J, Hebron at H, to Beersheba at B.
It is with the direct object of menacing the
Suez Canal and Egypt that this further branch line
has been under construction from the junction
at Deraa, just south of Da;nascus down through
the Holy Land to the last considerable inhabited
point of that country, the Well of (the) Seba, Bir-cs-
L A X D A N D W A T E R .
January 13, 1916.
Seba, which is the Beersheba of the Bible. It is
the extreme southern limit of the habitable land,
and is upon the last continuous source of super-
ficial water supply, the Wady-es-Seba. Southward
and eaiitward from the mouth of the valley on
which Beersheba stands opens that desert region,
Et-tih, or the Sinaitic Desert, which has through-
out human history formed the principal obstacle
to an invasion of Egyi)t.
The water supply therein is exceedingly
scanty. Upon an organisation and proper use of
it has dejjendod throughout history the advance
of armies from lCg\pt into Asia or Asia into Egj'pt.
Apart from this difficulty of water supply there
arises as Egypt is approached a difficulty of
ground. The Eastern portion of the. Desert is for
the greater part hard. Good going is not so much
cut up by differences of level as to pre\'ent roads
"being engineered without too much difficulty,
but the belt near the sea, and so round by the west
to the Isthmus of Suez e\'ery where along the east
of the Canal itself, is a surface formation of drift
sand which is, after marsh, the worst obstacle to
modern construction. This is particularly the case
with the belt, a\eraging o\er thirty miles wide,
which lies immediately to the east of the Canal
from Kantara (the bridge) right down to Suez itself.
Tlie railway through Palestine is, we believe,
completed as far as Beersheba. at which point has
already begun the accumulation of stores which
will make it the base of any campaign directed
against the Canal. To this I shall return in a
moment.
DIGRESSION ON A FUNCTION
OF THE CENSORSHIP.
My readers will, I hope, permit me at this
point to digress for a moment upon an aspect of
the censorship which has been greatly misunder-
stood. It is frequently said that we should only
keep silent upon points which might inform the
enemv and that there is no sense in forbidding the
])ublication of matter on which he is alread\'
informed. But this is an error. It is often just
as important to prevent the enemy knowing how
much you know about his plans as it is to prevent
his knowing things which he as vet ignores about
yourself.
To take a simple tactical ni^tance. The
enemy in an attempt to outflank you detaches a
certain body from his force and sends it round the
end of your line to catch you unawares. While
his force is on the march it is, if the flanking
movement be a wide one, in peril of being cut off
bv vou should you liave wind of the movement.
Should he know that you have heard of his de-
taching this force, should he become aware of
your being informed while he still had time to go
back, he would, of course, go back ; becau-;e to go
forward under such circumstances would mean
the cutting of his detachment's communciations
and its destruction. So long as he thinks you
ignorant of his movement and of the road it has
taken, so long he believes himself in safety.
If, as a fact, you are aware all the time of that
movement and of the road it has taken, every
day that he advances and every moment of his
advance puts him into greater peril and gives you
an increasing chance of cutting him off. Under
such circumstances it is clearly imperative for
the' commander upon your side to prevent any
news being jniblished of the enemy's flanking
movement, not because it would inform the cnemv
with regard to that movement, which he knows
in far greater detail than you can, but because if
he learns in time that you do know it he can save
himself from destruction, whereas if he cannot
measure the weight of your information he may
very well walk into the trap and be destroyed.
The whole of war is full of opportunities of
this kind in which it is just as essential to keep
one's information upon the enemy private as
it is necessary to prevent the ei'.emy having
information upon one's own movements. The
authorities are therefore amply justified in keeping
silence as they have done so far upon the extent
and nature of the enemy's preparations in Palestine
and beyond, and it must be clearly understood
that such remarks as those of this week in this
place are either based upon what has already
been admitted to publication in the foreign or
British Press or to conjectures only, based upon
such publication.
To continue the examination of the Desert
conditions :
THREE MAIN APPROACHES.
One may state without indiscretion this
much, which is common knowledge :
The railway has reached Beersheba and this
point already serves as a base for any force con-
templating an attack upon Egypt.
From Beersheba to the canal is, as the crow
flies, 175 miles, and the first 40 miles or so of these
are through territory technically Turkish by
international agreement, up to tlae point of El
Aigua, or Audja, just beyond which runs the
abritrary line established a little while Itelore the
war in that desert country as the last frontier
. between Egypt and Syria.
From Beersheba to El Audja it would seem
that the line is not only surveyed, but its embank-
ments, culverts, etc., prepared, onlv the rails not
yet laid down.
It is to be remarked that the provision of
water for these 30 to 40 miles (nearer 50 as the
turns of the railway will make it) is a problem
that has to be surmounted and that this will
necessarily delay the completion of the railway
even to that point.
From the Egyptian frontier, as established
before the war by Treaty between the Egyptian
Ciovernment and the Porte, there are three main
approaches to Egypt on the Suez Canal, that is
to the Isthmus of Suez.
The first is the immemonal caravan route,
(marked upon Sketch II i, 1), upon the coast line
of the Mediterranean. It is the best watered of all
(though the water supply is very scanty, the wells
far between and often brackish) ; it is in touch
with the sea for succour or for supply, and it is
the shortest direct line from fertile land in the
Philistine Plain to fertile land in the Delta of
the Nile. It has a starting place at Rafa, a point
already well within the Desert region, and strikes
the Canal at the point where there used to be a
bridge across the last arm of the lagoon. It was
this bridge which gave the name Kantara to this
point, which is now a station upon the railway,
and the Canal, about 37 miles south of Port Said.
From Rafa to Kantara, is, as the crow flies,
rather less than 150 miles, and by the track about
160, but the edge of the really habitable land near
Gaza is at least another day's march behind Rafa.
The second line of advance is that central
one marked in Sketch II by the figures 2, 2, 2.
January 13, 1916.
LAND A N D W A T E R
whicli was taken by the Turkish Army in their
first abortive attempt against the Canal last
February. It is towards this line that the railwa>!
is now making for El Audja. The trail thence
makes its way fairly directly from well to well
until it comes at about X to the edge of the drift
sand region and the end of the mountain groups,
Maghara and Yelleg, between which it has passed.
This edge of the drift sand region is here not
30 miles from the Bitter Lakes — the nearest
jioint of the Canal — and is not 40 from the most
vulnerable points in the neighbourhood of Ismailia
where the chief blow was delivered last February.
Tlie water supply upon this central route remained
throughout history until modern times of the very
scantiest, the wells far apart and often unservice-
able. In one place there was at least "50 miles
without any trace of water, in another over 40, and
such water as could be fcund on the rare spots
marked as wells was quite innufficient for an}-
considerable force. It was clearly not to the
advantage of anyone possessing Egypt to improve
that supply by using the methods of modern
science.
The third line of advance from i^sia to the
Isthmus of Suez was described in some detail in
Land and Water a year ago. It has been used
for centuries by the Egyptian Pilgrimage " to
Mecca and has in some ways an advantage over
the main caravan route along the coast, so far as
mere going is concerned, thoiagh the water supply
is much worse and the road leads nowhere except
to the Arabian Desert. It starts from the Head of
the Gulf of Akaba and the fortified point of the
same name, climbs up a precipitous escarpment
and makes for the central point of Nakhl (line
3. 3, 3 on Sketch II), the Well of the Palm Tree,
about half way across the desert, and rather more
than 100 miles from Akaba.
At Nakhl are cisterns of water, but the road
from the Gulf to Nakhl is >very ill supplied.
Proceeding westward from Nakhl you have the
same desert condition until the wells within a
day's march of Suez are reached, but the point of
this road is that it has the best surface of any
trajectory across the Desert Peninsula. It runs
over a fairly broad plateau of hard ground with
only two difficult portions, the first the steep
climb up of several thousand feet from the Gulf of
Akaba, the second the descent down to, and the
crossing of, the drift sand near the Suez Canal ; the
belt of which drift st\nd is, however, at this place
not more than a day's march across.
Between the second and the third of these
three roads, the Wady-el-Arish, a depression
lunning across tlie Desert from south to north,
furnishes a convenient junction ;but it is upon the
surface almost ent'ixely waterless.
Along what line the enemy will push his main
communication an d therefore the extension of his
railway we have ao public information. But it
seems most proba.blc that it will be along the
second of the thre« roads (2, 2, 2), which would
leave him at a coi avenient distance from the sea
and danger therefrom, and which would put his
main force in position for an attack upon the
central portion of the Canal which, as we have
already said, is the' Jiiost vulnerable.
The sea route he certainly cannot take for all
the first part of it is exposed to fire from a Fleet,
and if lie ran his 1 .-aihvay further inland he would
have difficulty with the natvuc of the ground.
Both along the cc ast and further inland this way
has to deal main' iy with drift sand, that capital
obstacle to railwa y construction in desert regions ;
it has for a deca ide held iip the French railway
extension southw rard from the Algerian border.
It is unlikely tha t he would divert his line up the
L AND AND NN' A T 1- R
JaniKin- 13, Jf)iC).
Wady-el-Arish to Xakhl and so westward, for
that "would simplv mean the extending of the
mileage with at "least double the difficulty in
obtaining water supply. It would come out, it
■ is true, at a point where the belt of drift sand
which strategically protects the canal is narrowest,
but not at that central point where a blow would
have the greatest effect.
Again, whate\Tr road the enemy chooses for
his main advance will be largely governed by the
existing wells ; and t4ie best line of these, short
of the seacoast, is that of the second road.
He will not be so led by the fact that he will
use the existing wells— they are far too insuflicient
for his purposes — but they guide him to points
where, with modern' methods and deep boring
he can hope to obtain a fuller supply, and they
give him a trajectory which, thoiigh not surveyed,
is already familiar to enemy informants and would
save thegreat expense of time and energy required
in plotting out a new trace. It has also been
rumoured that he proposes a pipe line to be laid
along the railway, but in connection with that
lumcu' several things must be remembered :
First, that there is a very small supply of
water even at the habitable base from which he
starts, Beersheba ; secondly, that a line at euch
different levels would Require extensive pumping
arrangements to maintain a pipe line ; and
thirdly, that the distance of something over 200
miles is a v-ery serious consideration, to which
may be added the fact that complete dependence
upon a single line of this sort would spell immediate
disaster if it were tampered with or broke down
accidentally. Such a line may be laid as an
auxiliary, but the main advance would surely
depend upon large stores of water locally collected
and presumably upon new wells.
Now upon the hypothesis that the line is laid
and that a large force with heavy guns and ample
munitionment for the same can be produced a.ufi.
maintained on the edge of that belt of drift sand
which protects the Canal from the east, what
would be the eneiTiy's most obvious way of
achieving his object ?
Remember, that object is mainly the interrup-
tion of the use of the Canal and that the invasion
df Egypt itself is lubsidiary or posterior to that
main object.
It is clear that the attainment of this object
depends upon the successful or superior u^e of
heavy pieces.
What are the conditions of such a use of
heavy artillery ?
There is one fundamental necessity for this
arm, and that is, ample comm^anication behind it
for the supply of its heavy munitionment. That
means a railway.
Now the problem of the railway is fourfold.
First, the capacity of any r ailway for supply.
Secondly, the continuity of its line.
Thirdly^ the vulnerability of points upon the
line to hostile attack (for a line once interrupted
anywhere by an enemy force as useless) and
Fourthly, the opportunities for extension.
To take these points in th eir order.
Given a railway to exist continuously from
the arsenals, depots and base;'> of the enemy to
the front against the Suez Canal— at but a few
thousand yards from that water «-way — its capacity
for delivery depends mainly rrpon rolling stock.
Wliat the rolling stock availal )le may be we do
aot know. It can be supplem<mted rapidly now
that there is a clear road for the enemy to the
Bosphorus and beyond.
As to the ■second point, the continuity of the
railwa\\
We have seen that there are two interrup-
tions at the mountain ranges in the south-east of
Asia Minor. But they are interruptions covered
by newly engineered good roads invohnng in
transhipment and unloading and re-loading of
munitions and supply a delay of less than a week
for both gaps combined. There is a break of gauge
in the railway through Syria, I believe at Aleppo.
This, again, is a thing remediable with time.
But more important is the amount of rolling-
stock available on the narrower gauge ; for
though the main line down as far as a point
North of Adana can be supplied with new rolling-
stock from Europe, the Syrian line can hardly
be so supplied. There will presumably be another
break of gauge, for the extension which will be
attempted across the Sinai peninsula desert west-
ward of El Audja can hardly be other than a
light railway.
it would be impossible to build a full double-
track railway across that desert within the time
during which alone an attack on the canal will be
of service. For we must always remember that
the enemy is as keenly alive' to his rate of wastage
as are our own higher commands, and is calcu-
lating time far more closely than the general opinion
of the West as yet comprehends.
There will be, then, three gauges, three sets
of rails, between the Bosphorus and the objective
of the expedition, and with regard to the first,
two breaks in the continuity of the rail.
In the matter of rolling-stork we know
nothing.
As to the vulnerabihty ot the line. All
observers have been struck by the proximity of its
trajectory to the sea in the neighbourhood of the
Gulf of Alexandrctta or Aleppo. But iMs vulner-
able section is a fairly short one. There has been
ample time to protect it from an offensive based
on the sea. Moreover, the whole of that question
of where the line may most easily be cut by an
allied offensive is unfit for public discussion. It
may well prove that the most vulnerable sector
may not be the mountainous stretch in the south-
east corner of Turkey-in-A?ia, but at any rate
it is clear that the line lies open to seme strong
offensive from the sea during nearly its whole
course, as well north of Adana as in the neigh-
bourhood of Aleppo, and probably again in its
trajectory through Palestine.
" )The last point — the power of continuing the
line is worthy of especial observation. As we have
seen, the line is already completed with a double
track as far as Beersheba, at which point we may
conceive that large stores of munitions are already
beginning to accumulate.
From Beersheba to the frontier at El Audja.
as we have also seen, the line is surveyed and the
road-bed made, but the rails not laid down, nor,
presumably, water supply yet arranged for.
Now what arc the opportunities for continuing
the supply of railway acioss the desert of the
])eninsula towards the Suez Canal ? The mere
trace is not too difficult. There arc no very abrupt
slopes along the middle of the three lines (2, 2, 2
upon Sketch II), which we have presumed to be
the probable trajectory of the light railway.
The Wady-el-Arish is a shallow depression, the
descent into it and the' rise from it easy. At
January 13, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
the point of crossing where the track passes
between the two mountain masses, marked A and
B on Sketch II (the Maghara and the Yelleg)
there is perhaps some difficulty from the drifting
sand. But the latter hardly extends to the
southern edge of A along which the old track, and
presumably the light railway would run. The
summit, at C on Sketch II, is little more than
1,300 feet above the sea and is approached so
gradually that the elevation is insignhcant to
railway construction, especially of the light kind ;
though |the descent upon the western side is some-
what more abrupt. The real difficulty begins at
about the point X on Sketch II, where the hard
surface, which the light railway would hitherto
have been able to use, is exchanged for the drift-
ing sand. All that region is also very broken,
even before the drifting sand and its dunes are
reached. Its contours would demand many turns
and lengthenings of a rapidly laid light railway
line. But that is nothing comparable in diffi-
culty to the dealing with drifting sand in the last
two or three days' march east of the canal.
The defences undertaken by the Allied, and
particularly by the British forces, for preventing
the emplacement of heavy guns within range of
the Canal, are not a matter for public discussion.
But the other side of the (luestion, the problem
presented to the enemy upon the same ground is
open to examination, and has an interest of its
own. And it is probably the presence of this
formation of loose and shifting sandhills for so
considerable a distance east of the railway that
will most heavily handicap the enemy when his
advance is thus far prepared
In this connection there must also be remem-
bered what was said above, that he is calculating
time very closely. The season for such an
advance is limited within no very broad space of
time — it is generally believed that the month of
IVIarch will be his best opportunity. Though in
the main a Turkish adventure, its fortunes will
necessarily depend ultimately upon the state of
affairs in Europe where alone the campaign as a
whole can be decided, and the state of affairs in
Europe depends in its turn upon the rate of Austro-
German wastage: so rapid, and- already proceeded
50 far, that every subsidiary campaign is subject to
that factor.
For the attack upon Egypt, however largely
it develops, or with whatever energy it is pursued,
must (and it is exceedingly important to remember
this) remain subsidiary to the campaign as a whole.
I have seen printed in more than one paper,
what the Government should never have allowed
to have been printed— the statement that a
successful enemy invasion of Egypt would niean
to this country the loss of the war. It would mean
nothing of the sort. Even a disaster of this kind,
powerfully as it would affect. public imagination in
this country, and certainly as it would be used to
our detriment by the sensational Press, could
have no final effect upon the fortunes of Germany
in Europe, and therefore oa^the whole campaign.
That vast campaign was probably determined at
the battle of the Marne. It will in any case
certainly be determined upon the gi:eat eastern
or western fronts in Russia, or in France, and,
much the most probably upon the latter.
H. Belloc.
RAEMAEKERS' CARTOON.
We know that, ivhen the " Lusitania " was
sunk by a German submarine, and 1,134 P^ysons
■perished, including women and children, schools in
Germany were given a public holiday and the event
was celebrated as a great victory. Since then public
acclamation in Germany of these wholesale murders
at sea has been modified for reasons of Stale, but
only this week the civilised world learned, definitely
through the correspondence that passed between the
Foreign Office and the American Ambassador over
the expatriation of Austrian xvomen and children
from India, that this inhuman form of warfare is
part of the settled and premeditated policy of the
German and Austrian Governments.
Well may Mr. Louis Raemaekers speak of the
loss of the P. and 0. Mail Steamer, " Persia," as
"The Neia Year's Feast of Kultur." Forty-nine
women and twelve children perished, when the vessel
sank within five minutes of being struck by the
torpedo. The cartoon is a terrible one but it repro-
duces not only vividly but with truth the full horror
of the crime. Who knows but that it may even
touch the conscience of the enemy.
A GERMAN APPRECIATION.
THE anonymous " postcard from Torquay, a.
facsimile of which we published last week;
which was signed " Jolui Bull " and expressed
strong objection to L.-vnd and Water piib-;
lishing " the coarse and vulgar Cartoons by Kae-
mackcr," has caused no little amusement to our readers,
many of whom have written pointing out other evidences
of its Teuton origin. Moreover, the Fine Art Society
of 148, New Bond Street, where the exhibition of Rae-
maekers' cartoons is being held, has informed us that an
almost identical postcard was. received by them ; the
writer of it stated that owing to the exhibition ", your
Business is being materially damaged in the eyes of
many of your Customers at Torquay." Notice how
the Teuton mind only recognises material interests.
Another anonymous letter has reached Land and
W.-VTER Office, objecting to l^aemaekers' work and on
this ground : " While the conception and. ideals of these
cartoons are excellent, the crudeness of the execution
does most certainly not appeal to me." The letter
from Bristol is signed " John Bull No. 2." There are
evidently plenty of John Bulls in inverted commas— the
equivalent of hyphenated Americans — at large in this
country, and this little incident should open the eyes of
the authorities to the'underground way in which they work
to the detriment of the Allied cause and for the, advan-
tage of Germany.
These letters refer to the postcard of last week.:
SiR^ — I think you are probably right in thinking tlic
postcard was from a Teuton. In German substantives aje
spelt with a capital. And you will notice that all the sub-
stantives in the postcard are spelt with a big capital.
United University Club, H. A. Hadden.
Pall Mall East.
The photograph of Mr. Louis Raemaekfei'sl which appeared in
Land anu Watkr of Ueccniber ,',oth, is the oopyright-of Miss Compton
Collier of 7b, Hcrvey Way. Church End.' Fiuchlev.
Sir,— If you look closely at the Torquay postcard you
will see that the letter S whenever it occurs is not written
by an Englishman. With the possible exception of the s
in 1^'riend's the rest are German. ' And why the apostrophe
in Friends ? Edw.\kd Hill.
The Engineers' Club, .Manchester.
SiR_ — In the 5th line of the Torquay postcard the use
of "shall " for " will " points to a Hunnish origin, this being
a common error of the Hun communis.
19, Ewer Street, S.E., Charles Silcock.
Sir, — No doubt you have noticed that your anonymous
postcard writer has i misspelt " Raemacker." This is a
(lUrman name, whereas " Raemaekers " is unmistakably
Dutch. J- G. RcssELL Harvey.
Ardmore, Leigh WoodS; Chfton.
LAND AND ^V A T E R
January ij, KjiO.
THE FLEET AT WAR.
By ARTHUR POLLEN.
ON Friday of last week, I had the liuuoui
of accompanying a party of journalists
on a visit to one of the minor naval
bases, the headquarters of certain
squadions and flotillas of light cruisers,
destroyers, and submarines. There is something
extraordinarily stirring in seeing such craft and
r^ien as we saw and met on the occasion. Sub-
marines, destroyers, cruisers, — they were all just
in from sea, just on the point of going out again.
We caught them, as it were, on one of their all
too short rests from toil and danger. The ships
and men bore ample exidence of both. Some
like Arethiisa were badly battle-scarred from
stem to stern ; on others the cicatrices of the sea
had hardly healed. Cheery and brave hearted in
speech and bearing as were all we met, there was,
to the discerning eye, a certain gravity behind
their pleasant civilities that enhanced the dignity
that always seems either innate or acquired by
sailors. To converse with them, fresh from their
work, the honours of war upon them, makes one
long for a fuller record of the daily doings of the
comrades the world over. What would one not
give for a full account of the tales of the Kingani
on Lake Tanganyika, of the naval brigades in the
Cameroons, of the river boats on the Tigris ?
How real are the dangers of the sea, quite apart
from action, might have been brought home to us
from the fact that Arethusa had lost her Gunnery
Lieutenant— washed overboard — in the course of
the last trip. One of the submarines, just like
those we saw, had been driven on to the beach in
Holland during the week. Almost while we were
there King Edward VII. had gone down all
standing — fortunately without loss of life, a
triumph of good discipline and seamanship. It
was barely a week since the Naial had blown up
with all on board. The sea hardly really needs
war to make it terrible ; and warships carry
their perils with them.
GERMANY AND AMERICA.
Telegrams from Washington assure us that
the trouble between the German and the American
Government is about to be terminated in a manner
satisfactory to both sides. We have heard the
story of this impending settlement so often —
the words of Germany's undertaking seem to be
singularly like those gi\en in August — that it is as
well to reserve judgment as to the character of the
solution until the fact that there is a solution is
officially announced. But the defiance of Wash-
ington could not continue indehnitely. President
Wilson, after all, sent Berlin an ultimatum in
the month of July, and to that iiltimatum there
has as yet been no answer whatever. America
has taught us so many new lessons in the art of
trying to remain dignified under sustained injury
and inJ'alt, that it may seem rash to say that
there was any obvious limit to what she could
endure at Berlin's hands. Still, appearances
notwithstanding, I have, as my readers perhaps
weariedly remember, insisted throughout that
either Germany would surrender, or America
would light. It was not the second of these two
ihiags that was most likely to happen. It will
therefore be no surprise to me if in the end
Germany's surrender is in such terms, and accom-
panied by such substantial cash compensation
and such solemn promises as to future conduct,
as would actually set the question of the past
murders at rest, and apparently set the whole
future conduct of submarine war upon a new and
more civilised basis.
The first thing to strike the detached observer
of these events is that, knowing Germany's
record from August, 1914, to the present time, the
American Government should find it possible to
accept Germany's word as to her future conduct.
It cannot be given more solemnly to the United
States than it was given to Belgium. A signature
to an understanding made in Washington is surely
no more sacred than one made at the Hague,
yet it was here that Germany bound herself
not to sink a Prize without securing the safety
of all persons on hoard the Prize; nor to
scatter loose mines upon trade routes ; nor to sink
vessels of fishers and other poor men of the sea.
However, it is for America to judge the value
of German paper. If memory serves me right,
seven liners have been sunk since Mr. Wilson
stated that a single instance of such conduct
would be regarded as " deliberately unfriendly."
Will he take Berlin's word to mean peace, when
he does not take her acts to mean war ?
A SETTLEMENT ALTERS NOTHING.
What cQncerns us more nearly is, the effect
such a settlement, if it is arrived at, will have
upon the war. Very few people in this country
suppose that the interests either of Great Britain
particularly, or of the Allies generally, have been
at all gravely prejudiced by the submarine
campaign. Our feelings have been harrowed, and
our indignation inflamed by the murders it has
involved. But they have not deterred our mer-
chant seamen from going to sea. Judging by the
'Note verbale Germans and Austrians are far
more frightened of submarines than we.
Grievous as our losses in brave, innocent
and valuable lives have been, they have not
affected our capacity to subdue our enemy by
battle and siege. Our losses in material have
been high too, but not high relatively to what we
have suffered in previous wars — certainly not
high relatively to the total of national merchant
shipping. They are inconsiderable compared with
the total of national wealth, and the national
economic sacrifices that we have to endure whether
the submarine campaign exists or not. And it
follows that if the campaign does not hurt us,
it cannot help Germany. If then the American
settlement were to end the submarine attacks
altogether - and this, be it remembered, was the
l)osition President Wilson took in his first Notes
on this subject — it would not affect the war un-
favourably to Germany, or favourabty to the
Allied cause in any material manner whatever.
But the converse of course, is not true. Were
America to decide that the militarism of which
the German Government is the expression is the
Januarj- 13. 19 16,
LAND AND WATER
avowed enemy of human libeity and rights, and
that to remain at peace with so diabohcal a thing
was altogether inconsistent witli the hberal and
noble traditions of a self-governing people, if,
while Christian Europe was fighting to save public
faith, it seemed intolerable that America should
not resent the murders of which her own people
have been victims, but stand idly by exchanging
smug courtesies with the assassins — why, then, the
course of the war might be altered decisively
indeed. It is already a mere matter of time
before right is vindicated and Germany beaten
to her knees. Were the United States to join
in that vindication the time might be made very
short. But we do not ask, nor need, America's
active alliance.
If America will not help the Allies, will she
help the enemy ? Many and specious efforts will
be made to get this help. There are three forms
of action which can give it most effectually. If
Congress forbids merchant ships from arming
in self-defence, the power of submarines will be
enormously enhanced. It is to be presumed
that no settlement will be made that does not
stop submarines from sinking at sight. But if
many merchant ships are armed, submarines will
not dare to approach any on the surface. If,
then, they are cut off from sinking at sight, their
occupation will be largely gone. Next, Congress
mav forbid the export of munitions. But in this
matter the Allies have the commercial interests
of the ordnance makers as a strong bulwark
against a pro-German policy. Finally, America,
having refused to condemn the lawless actions
of Germany in Europe or to help Christendom
in its new Crusade, may be urged to show its
impartiality by trying to relieve Germany of the
burden of our sea siege ! Already we have received
Notes from the Secretary's Department couched
in language far more brusque than any addressed
to Germany. Doubtless if the letter of the law
is more important than its spirit, the new con-
ditions of modern sea hostilities leave much
of our action unprovided for by international
precedent. Should America hrmk down our siege,
she will be doing as much, and more, for Germany
than if she forbade the export of rifles, guns and
shells. She would be assisting her in point of
fact to escape from a form of military pressure
from which her own mihtary and naval forces are
inadequate to relieve her.
ORDER IN COUNCIL OR BLOCKADE?
We must, I fear, be prepared for new efforts
of this kind from Washington. It would be as
well if, before these efforts are made, our siege
were put upon a better regulated basis. It has for
long seemed an error in policy to base these pro-
.ceedings on the Order in Council of last March.
Until the German submarine blockade had shown
its true character, there was some sense in relying
upon this Order. But since we borrowed a leaf
from the German book and sent our submarines to
the Baltic, our embargo on shipping has been
more effective than any blockade recorded in
history. A very small understanding of the
American character should make it clear that if
President Wilson's Government intervenes to
relieve Germany from our sea pressure, it does so
not from sympathy with Germany, but in a sort of
blind obedience to the counsels of lawyers. If
we can regulate our legal position, we shall be
safe from American interference. Now Americans
have no very great respect for British Orders in
Council. They savour a little too much of events
that led to the Colonies throwing off their allegiance
to the British Crown. But Blockade is a different
matter altogether. It arouses no memories but
those of her own exploits in the Civil War. It
would seem then that our controversial case would
be made far stronger if the Allies proclaimed a
joint blockade of Germany, and our proceedings
at sea no longer appealed for justification to a
British Order in Council. The Arnerican doctrine
of a blockade, joined with the equally American
doctrine of continuous voyage, could, I should
think, be made to justify legally all the proceed-
ings necessary to making our siege of Germany
effective.
SUCCESSFUL END OF A FAILURE.
The first paper I wrote for Land and Water
dealt with the early and fragmentary accounts of
how the men had been put ashore at Cape Hellas.
" It will probably be found," I said, " when the
full details of the great landing at the Gallipoli
peninsula are published, that the most remarkable
combined naval and military operation in face of
strong opposition has been accomplished." All
we have learned since confirms tlie truth of these
words. I little expected that within six months
I should be commenting on operations still more
singular and extraordinary, namely the with-
drawal of two armies landed in circumstances of
such furious opposition having been withdrawn
without any opposition at all ! It was marvellous
enough that Anzac and Suvla Bay should have
been evacuated without the enemy being aware
that the e\'acuation was going forward. That the
thing should have been repeated at Cape Hellas
is almost a miracle. We have learned something
of the ruses that enabled the first withdrawal to
be made. For the second, an entirely new system
of deceiving the enemy must have been adopted.
In each case the service of mere transportation,
that is the purely naval service, must have been a
marvel of efficient organisation and of perfectly
incredible work.
The thing, indeed, could not have been a
more complete success if the enemy, instead of
being deceived, had been a party to the proceed-
ings. It is right that the Admirals and other
officers concerned should be honoured for so un-
precedented a feat.
The lay reader of military and naval history
dwells for preference on the purple patches of
victory. But it is a mere comfnonplace to say that
the deeper student reserves his soberer enthusiasm
for the retreats, the withdrawals, the leading of
lost causes, for, by a curious fatality, it is often
enough in these that the highest genius is shown.
Until the full history of this extraordinary adven-
ture is told it will be impossible to guess what the
final verdict of history on it will be.. But it seems
certain that, but for the strange idea that the
battleships could for themselves force a passage
through the Dardanelles, there would have been no
mihtary force sent to Gallipoli at all. The ex-
pedition seems to have been an afterthought, not
because it was thought that the battleships could
fail, but because it was hoped that the soldiers
would make their success more rapid and more
complete. It seems to have been entirely over-
looked that the unsuccessful early efforts of the
ships ensured the soldiers' task being made im-
possii^le. As the battleships' task was impossible
LAND A N D W A 1 1'. R
January 13, 1916,
Irom the beginning, it was, from tlie standpoint of
national strategy, a sorr\- nndertaking from first to
last, redeemed only by brilliant generalship, by
heroic fighting and by the amazing service by the
seamen.
A PERSONAL NOTE.
It was only the other day that I heard the
news of a naval ofticer being killed in Ciallipoli,
Commander George Gipps, who was associated
with me in my work from 1910 till 191 2.
Shortly after he rejoined he was sent to China
as second in command of Newcastle. When war
broke out he was detailed for special work in the
far East. Triumph, not at that time com-
missioned, was at once liastily got ready for sea,
and Gipps joined as Senior Lieutenant Com-
mander. He served through all the operations
of the attack on Tsing Tau, and was constantly
in action. In February Triumph joined up with
Sir Sackville ("arden's fleet off Gallipoli. How
often she was in action altogether I do not know,
but it must have been nearer thirty than twenty
times. In all these affairs Gipps distinguished
himself greatly. His knowledge of gunnery was
almost unique, and the new problems of fire control
which bombardments presented, insoluble as they
actually were, came as near being solved by him
as they could be. He was in Triumph when she
went down, and the small loss of hfe was a proof
of how thorough had been his work as an executive
officer. When he had lost his shiphcvelunteered
to build and equip a heavy battery for. Hellcs,
and remained in command of it for some time.
The battery was then turned over to the army
and Gipps was detailed to prepare a naval siege
train, a business which entailed much preparation
in Egypt. The failure at Suvla left the siege train
without an object and Gipps became N.T.O. at
Anzac. He was one of the few who was present
first at the landing and then at the evacuation of
that much-contested area.
There have been few men of more brilliant
promise. He got every first that a sub-lieutenant
could get and won the earliest possible promotion
to lieutenant's rank. When he specialised in
gunnery at Whale Island he passed so brilliantly
that he was selected tor the special course at"
Greenwich, and got an easy first in one of the,
most . exacting mathematical ordeals there is.
But no one who knew him, either in his pro-
fessional work or in private life, would have taken
him primarily for a student. Brimful of energy,
activity, enterprise and initiative, he was crazily
fond of sport, rode to hounds with the hardest
and was a lirst-class slujt, and in working for a
private firm was as indefatigable as he had been
when gunnery lieutenant of a battleship. Gipps
had a kind of fury for getting things done in the
way they should be done, and his friends in the
Navy — and no man had more— sometimes wondered
whether what seemed a sort of ungovernable im-
patience with those who were slower witted,
slower footed, slower handed than himself, could
ever be sufficiently got under to make him a
real leader. No man is a great leader unless he
has the gift of making all those around him work
towards his aim as a single whole-hearted unit.
Organisation is after all only a long word for the
art of making others understand what we want,
training them how to do it, arid making them wish
to do it in our way. You cannot attain these
objects unless you win their affection as well as
their respect and admiration, and affection is not
won unless you are tender to all faults that are not
those of heart and spirit. Nelson, the greatest
of all organisers, owed his success to the recognition
of these simple truths.
His friends, I say, sometimes wondered
whether George would ever learn the " long-
suflering " essential to such success, but I take
it from Ins ' admirable war record and its recog-
nition in the promotions last July, that, once
faced with the real thing, he learned this lesson
just as easily ias he learned every other. If he was
sometimes impatient and rough spoken to sub-
ordinates, the least cjuick witted must have recog-
nised the generosity of his spirit, and that, after
all, in nothing was he so exacting as in his example.
Death has taken him as I think he would have
preferred to die, and once more it is his example
that is his sternest legacy to those that follow him.
God rest his gallant soul.
ARTHUR POLLEN.
A PLAYER IN THE GREAT GAME.
By Lewis R. Freeman.
{All who- have read " Kim " will remember
Mr. Kipling's description of the Great Game.
Persons unacquainted 'with India sometimes deem
it mere fiction, tut this account from the pen of an
American journalist will show how the Great Game
was played in Mesopotamia only three years ago.]
I had noted on several occasions tlie surprising
amount of detailed information concerning
.\rabia and the Lower Tigro-Euphrates Valley
displayed by certain Anglo-Indian militarv
uHicers whom I encountered at Peshawar, Quetta and
other points along the North-Western Border during my
visit of 1911-12, b\it no adequate e.xplanation of how
they came to be so informed was vouchsafed until my
friend. Captain Landers' (I will call him by that nam'j
because it carries no suggestion of his real one) succumbed
to the influence of the seductive atmosphere that broods
on spring nights over the storied " Iran's Sea," lifted the
mask of his reserve and took me into his confidence for
one memorable and magic half hour.
1 had played through a Bengal tennis tournament
with L^nd' rs, followed the cheetah and shot panther with
him in Jammu, and circled in his company the big bend
of the Upper Indus ; but never until the "night that our
old British India Coaster lay oft the Shat-cl-.Arab bar
waiting for the turn of the tide to run up to Basra, did
1 hear him speak of the things that were really next hii-
heart. .\ lounging chair, a pipe and a tropical sea are
conducive, to confidences the world over, but the com-
bination is niver so compelling as on the deck of a Persian
(iulf Mail Packet, with a crisp slice of new moon setting
behind the date palms, the waves lip-lapping under the
stern, the whine of Arab pipes welling up from the waist,
and the half-guessed odours of goats, camels, musk and
rugs mingling intlu^ mjlk-warm off-shore breeze. At any
rate. Landers yielded' to the.intluence, and I, as a conse-
quence, w^ds granted 'transient vision of the outer strands
of the previsionai-y weh Britain was weaving beyond the
marches of India against the menace to come.
" For the best part of the last live years," he began
suddenly after a long spell of silence, "I have been coming
to Arabia and ^lesopptamia on ' language study.' In all
that time I haVe no^ been back to England, and I am
almost a straixger to the officers of my own regiment.
-My speech. arid liientgir processes are alreadv more those
of the Arab than the white man, and, what with sunlight
January 13, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
and dirt that have gone so deep under my epidermis that
they will never come out, I shall shortly have the appear-
ance of an Arab. Perhaps in time— you'd never believe
the appeal of the Koran till you've bowed toward Mecca,
with a Bedouin on either side of you, morning and evening
for six months at a stretch — I shall pray like an Arab.
I have had small-pox, dysentery — which has become
practically chronic — and a dozen varieties of skin diseases,
and I'm mottled from head to foot with ' Aleppo Button '
scars, two of which have never healed. I've been alone
so much that I talk to myself even in Calcutta and Simla.
The Persians in this region distrust me ; the Russians and
Germans hate me, and the Turks are perfectly frank in
saying that they, will send me on ' the long pilgrimage '
if ever a fair chance offers.
"AH that my Government does is to allow my pav
to go on and provide me with a passport that will land
:rie at Koweit, Basra, or Bagdad. If I get into trouble
they will not— cannot, in fact — do as much for me as they
would for a spindle-legged Hindu coolie. And all this
on the chance that sometime before I am retired for old
age or invalided home, the Russian Bear nosing after
warm water, or the Prussian Eagle scratching after ' places
in the sun,' may take it into their heads to wander this
way. In either of these contingencies, of course, there is
no denying the fact that I shall be very much in demand,
especially if operations are carried on in my own ' sphere,'
that of North-Eastern Arabia, and Lower Mesopotamia
up to about a line drawn from Bagdad to Hitt.
"Afoot, or by horse or camel, I have traversed
almost every square mile of this region. There is not
a bazaar from Kerbela to Koweit in which, disguised, I
cannot mingle unsusjiected in the throng, or, in case of
need, call upon friends who will do anything from giving
me a "cigarette or a handful of dates to risking their lives
to save my own. i
Blood Brotherhood.
" I also know every one of tlie greater, as well as most
of the lesser. Bedouin sheikhs whose peoples roam the
deserts between Basra and Damascus ; and with one of
the most powerful of these — his camels and "goats are
numbered in hundreds of thousands — I have gone'through
the ' blood brotherhood ' ceremony. The blood of our
arms has actually mingled, and each is pledged to stop at
no act to serve the other. My friends, I need hardly say,
are all Arabs, Chaldeans, Syrians, Armenians, Jews, or
people of one of the other subject races of t|iis region ;
totheTurk, courteous as he is to mc socially in Bagdad and
Basra, my name is anathema.
" A week hence, for instance, I shall exchange
Oriental amenities with the Vali of Bagdad in his garden
on the bank of the Tigris. He will toast me in scented
coffee and drink to the success of my visit ; and all the
while a double guard of ' zaptichs' or mounted police will
be watching the gates to prevent my getting away to the
desert and my Arab friends. Personally, I kno^v it would
pain him immensely if I were to be shot in the 'dark for —
' let us say — refusing to answer a sentry's challenge : but
Dflicially he is dead keen that something of the kind may
;ventuate, and there is no doubt that it would do him a
lot of good in Stamboul, where he is not in verv high
favour at present.
" The whole thing, when all is said and done, resolves
itself down to about this :. If a war involving operations in
this ' sphere ' comes within the next twenty years, I — •
and several other chaps who are doing the same sort of
work — provided I do not lose my life, or my health, or the
best of my faculties in the interim, \<i]l probably break all
records outside of a Central American revolution for
quick promotion. I might easily be a. brigadier-general at
forty, with ten or a dozen letters after rny name. But if,
as is overwhelmingly likely, there' is ho war, I shall
probably continue these little jaunt^'intp the desert until
my health gives out, when, at, best, ^ shall be invalided
home on the half pay of a ci;iptain or major. At the
worst — well, since some of the best (yes, aiidthe happiest,
too) years of my life will have been spent out here. I
should probably sleep better under six fe^l of desert soil
than in the family vault. ;', .,'.,«,,
" So you see," Landers concluded wi'th a whimsical
smile, " my future depends entirely upon whether or not
some of our neighbours, or would-be .neiglibours, see fit
to start somethintr in this littlq neck of Central Asia
within the next decade or two. And now that wc arc in the
Entente with Russia, and acting entirely in concert with
her in Persia. I'm very much afraid that it's going to be
a case of the ' hope deferred making the heart sick.' "
In Bagdad.
The following day we caught the river steamer at
Basra, and four days later arrived at Bagdad, Landers
putting up at the grim brown fort which housed the British
Consulate, post-office and telegraph station. I saw him
on and off for a week, usually at tiffins or dinners given
for him by some of his British friends. At other times
he was not to be found. " Landers Sahib gone to bazaar,"
his Pathan bearer invariably answered my enquiries ;
and Landers himself volunteered no more than that he
was spending a good deal of time " renewing old ac-
quaintances." Then, at the end of about ten days,
without a good-bye to anybody, so far as I could learn,
he dropped from sight.
" Landers is off again to his Arabs," said his friends,
but all, knowing that the Turks had been watching him
like cats, were more or less worried until the Vali, with a
wry smile, admitted to the British Consul one day that
" the bird had slipped through his nets."
" I am much reheved," the Consul admitted to me
that afternoon. " They hung on him like leeches this
time, but Landers finally got away by togging up as an
Armenian stage-coach driver when they were expecting
him as an Arab. The iVrmenian came to a native house
which Landers had taken, went inside for a few minutes, '
presently to reappear, climb into his arabanah (stage-
coach) and drive off with a load of passengers to Kerbela.
In reality this was Landers, who had stained his face
and put on the Armenian's clothes. The Turks nabbed
the latter when he finally ventured out to the street, but
got little out of him, and I don't think they know j'et
exactly what happened.
" Landers is undoubtedly far into the desert by this
time, and the Turks know the futility of going after him
among the Bt^douins. We shall probably not hear of him
again for six or eight months. Either he will come back, or he
will not come back ; and if he does come, what he has to ,
report will go to Indian Army Headquarters at Simla,
not to me. Captain X , who is working in the same
' sphere ' as Landers — and whom you may have heard
of as having been awarded high honours by the Royal
Geographical Society for the most important work of the i
year in exploration, was in North-Central Arabia for:
something like eight or ten months without a word coming
out from him. When he finally did slip into Bagdad, he
was so burned and dirty, and his English was so halting
from long disuse, that the Sikh sentry at the gate of the
Consular compound would not pass him in. Landers
himself, in fact, returned from his last jaunt in such a
condition that he refused to Approach within ten yards of
any of us until he had had a bath.
"It's a queer game, isn't it ? And all against a
contingency which maj' never materialize — at least not
for years."
German Activities.
This happened in 1912, and at that time no one that I
met — least of all Landers, who had the most to gain by
such an event — appeared to dream tliat the blood-
drenched plains of ancient Babylonia and Assyria were
likely to echo for many years to the tramp of hostile
armies. The broad scope of Germany's activities, ex-
tending far beyond the mere construction of the Bagdad
Railway, was -evident to everyone; that the Germans had
ambitious plans for controlling the incalculably rich
Tigro-Euphrates Valley no one doubted, but that German
influence should prevail over that of Great Britain and
Russia in Constantinople appeared not to be dreamed ol
in Mesopotamia, even by the Turks themselves.
The page or two which I have been able to give
from my friend Landers' life is probably as far as it would
be proper to go at this time in discussing certain of the
ways in which knowledge of the country and its peoples
have been gained. It is an interesting commentary on
the cfficency of the system employed that the region
most thoroughly " worked " — Lower Mesopotamia — was
also the one in which the Expeditionary Force carried oq
all its operations with scarcely a hitch
LAND AND W A T E R
January, 13, 1916.
THE BATTLE OF CTESIPHON.
Bv Sir Thomas Holdich.
0\ the I2th November General Townshends
force was encamped at Lajj, about seven
miles from the Turkish position which covered
the village and ruins of Ctesiphon and the road
to Bagdad. On the night of the 21st to 22nd. under a
clear, bright moon the force marched out in three
columns for attack at early dawn.
Column A consisted of six battalions and two batteries
and moved out about seven miles to the north. Column
B had ID miles of marching "to reach their position, and
the cavalry about twelve, extending northward be-
yond A, Column C remained between A and the base
camp. All of them reached the fronts determined without
cUfticulty and " dug in " till daylight. At sunrise many
of the enemy were obserx-ed retiring northward. It
appeared as if Nasr-i-din Pasha had decided to retire on
Dialah (nearer Bagdad) and await reinforcements. Column
B and the cavalry at once attacked the retreating 'lurks
and found themselves faced with a force of abo\it twice
their number.
This time, however, the Turks who had learned their
lesson at Kiit, did not break but put up a strong resistance.
Meanwhil:^ Column .\ advanced to the attack of th-
Turkish position at V which they carried ;.ftcr a fierce
fight involving considerable loss. Four battalions were
then sent northward to help Column B which was having
a hot time of it, as the Turks not only refused to run
but were gaining ground. They succeeded in stopping
the advance of the lurks and took eight guns. The
other two battalions of Column A (Delamain's Brigade)
were sent to the assistance of Column C whicli liad ad-
vanced later against the Turkish position at X, the two
batteries remaining with Pelamain and his staff at V.
Then followed some hours of lighting.
The first advance was made at 8.45. V was taken
at II, and X was linally captured about 1.30, the whole
of the first Turkish p(isition thus falling into our hands.
Meanwhile a strong column of Turks was observed ad-
vancing against V, where there was practically no in-
fantry defence. It was a case of collecting all the details
possible for defence (numbering about 100 men in all),
and holding on at all costs. It was an anxious time, but
t'lc Turks were repulsed, and when their position was
occupied at X matters improved.
The fight north of V was still raging so Delamain
recovered his battalions from X (the hard tried Dorsets,
Mahrattas, and ^4th Punjab Infantry) and started to the
assistance of B about 3 p.m. Column C followed and co-
operated, so that the whole force was together to meet what
was evidently the main body of the Turkish army. The
Turks counter-attacked with great determination, and in
tlie evening succeeded in forcing back our troops into
tlic first line of trenches. They recovered their guns.
Column A, however, occupied the village of Sulman Pak ;
whilst the rest were sheltered in the first Turkish position.
The Turks had had enough for the time being and the
opposing forces passed a quiet night.
On the 22nd the Turks attacked again in great force,
and about 3 p.m. made a desperate attempt to recapture
the trenches. The attack failed, and by 6 p.m. all was
quiet. The Turks dug themselves in about a mile from
the British position. During the night they made three
more attacks which were easily repulsed with but few
casualties. Then the Turks withdrew their guns before
following themselves. There is no doubt that they put
up a very gallant fight. They lost 1,500 prisoners and
(according to the latest estimate) 10,000 in killed and
wounded. They stood up to the bayonet charge and
counter-attacked no less than five times. Their losses
(if the estimate is correct) nearly equalled the whole
strengtli of Townshend's force.
On the other hand our losses were very heavy,
particularly in officers, including the staff, and tlie divi-
sion at the end of the battle was minus one-third of its
strength. Eventually it was withdrawn to Kut as we
know. The wounded reached Kut on the 27th. On the
28th a band of Arabs held the river between Kut and
.■\mara and were dislodged with some difficulty with the
help of a gunboat, bcforccommunicationwith Amara was
icstored. This may account for the Turkish report that
conmiunications had been destroyed between Kut and
Amara — a rumour which has never been either confirmed
or denied othcially, and which would have been most
serious news if it had been true.
A word or two about the Turk from a very competent
authority may be of interest. The Turk is noi effete, or
half-trained, or mutinous, or neglected. On the contrary,
he is as well equipped as the British soldier, and better
than the Indian. The Turks possess tons of ammunition
and do not hesitate to abandon it if there is any difficulty
in carrj'uig it away. The nearer they are to Bagdad the
better arc they supported and supplied. In short the
Turk is a formidable nut to crack in Mesopotamia, and it
is simple folly to tackle him with insufficient force.
[Since fill's article icas written ur. hare learnt definitely
that tlic position at Kut has been isolated .—Emiou.]
THE CULT OF KIPLING.
To the Editor of Land and Water.
Sir,— Every lover of Kipling will thank you for vour
article in L.\.\t) and Water, and especially for your verdict
that no writer is more free from the deadly sin of literary
vanity. I met Mr. Kipling on board a home-bound African
steamer, and after telling him a story of adventure that I ha<i
gathered " half told " from a South African, I expressed a
wish that he would tell some of these tales, " because," I
said, " they are such dumb dogs ; they can't tell a story."
" Of course they can't," he retorted, " if they could talk
about the thing, they wouldn't do it. You want a fellow like
me to tell the story."
If I ever had doubted his greatness I should have, known
it tlien ; it is the third-rate scribbler who thinks that " the
sun has risen to hear him crow." To Mr. Kipling deeds are
far above words ; his one aim and object is to shew us the
deeds and sufferings Of the men on whose bones " the English
Hag is stayed," and it is this utter singleness of pur^iosejthat
gives his stories their dramatic force and their marvellous
vitality. His worship of " that great idol Pax Britannica that
dwells between the Himalayas and Cape Comorin " links him
to all who die m her service, and if he sometimes shews a seamy
side of their lives, he does them splendid justice in " The White
Man's Burden," and " The Galley Slaves."
And our Laureate is a Mr. Robert Bridges, whose poems
arc about as inspiring as a rice-pudding !— Yours gratefullv,
KiRBY Stephen-. I C S
January 13, 19 iG.
LAND AND WATER
THE FORUM.
A Commentary on Present-day Problems.
DETACHMENT is an admirable quality
but it may be carried to extreme
limits. It is being so carried by a
number of admirable people, who while
claiming, not always with complete candour, not
to be averse from the effective prosecution of the
war, are engaged in presenting so coldly balanced
a case that plain folk, anxious to be fair-minded
and immeasurably saddened by the tragic slaughter
and intolerable delays of the War are apt to be a
little bewildered. An air of sweet reasonableness
which is the weapon of the detached is always a most
persuasive thing. And there are singularly few,
if any, cases so good that a skilful intellectualist,
taking advantage of partial flaws inevitable in
human affairs, cannot contrive to give them an
appearance of weakness.
Let us suppose a man brought up on a charge of
robbing a traveller in circumstances of exceptional
brutality and violence. Suppose the facts attested
on unbiassed evidence. It would be perfectly
possible for a magistrate to point out that the
world was in fact arranged on a very inequitable
plan. The traveller was rich, and in a perfectly,
ordered state there would be no such inequalities
to excite the passion of envy. There would
clearly have been no assault if the traveller had
been poor. Moreover it was clear that the traveller
when attacked had struck at his assailant, so that
obviously he could not honestly raise the point
that violence was criminal. It was the fact that
the rich man, though he bore a good character
in general, had in the past sanctioned some lesser
transaction that was not strictly honest. It was
reasonably certain that his ancestors had been
rascals. We were all extraordinarily imperfect
and it was not for so essentially frail a mortal as
himself to judge between plaintiff and defendant.
The assailant could not reasonably be expected
to restore the money because he held the unusual
but apparently perfectly sincere view that the
rich man had no right to it. Moreover he had
spent it and they were therefore both equally
deprived of it. And as for punishment that was a
sterile thing. Beings gifted as the defendant
was with the high endowment of human reason
were more susceptible to argument than to force
which never yet solved any difficulty. The de-
fendant was the victim of an opportunity ; of a
system. It was our duty to set to work to alter
the system. The case would be accordingly
dismissed.
That is admirable as an exercise in philosophic
detachment, but it is poor administration of the
law. It meets no difficulties of the situation. It
provides no guarantee that the defendant will not
fall upon the plaintiff as he leaves the court and
relieve him of his replenished purse ; nor that the
loafers in the gallery will not proceed to follow his
example. .Such mischief indeed will be done long
before "the system is altered." And the magis-
trate unless protected by stout minions of the law
will share the traveller's fate.
Nor is this by any means so malicious or ex-
travagant a travesty of the trend of speech and
writing of many of our detached intellectuals.
Is such detachment human ? Is it not
essentially the reverse, too cold, too dispassionate
and disembodied ? We live under a human law,
man-made, administered by men for men. Divine
sanctions there may be, not less real because
veiled, but no divine interferences. Man in his
upward progress or (to beg no question) in his
complex development has elaborated a mode of
living ; he laboriously builds order out of chaos by
a series of agreed codes without which a stable life
is impossible ; in commerce, honest currency and
fulfilment of obligations ; in marriage, fidelity ;
in professional counsel, secrecy ; in friendship,
truth ; in international relations, faith in treaties ;
in sport, fair play ; even in war, agreed and
definite mitigations of its worst horrors.
The embodiment of all these elaborate codes
ot greater and less essential significance is law.
Its ultimate sanction may be force or the threat
of force ; but its daily operation is the result of
united good-will and a higher human faith and
honour in which force has no part. To break
down this faith and honour is the greatest of crimes
against humanity. It is of the essence of the
German crime. We may be all guilty of this war,
which is the first premiss of our detached ones (just
as our judge assumed we were all guilty of the
system under which our traveller was robbed),
but that is ah abstract and academic guilt com-
pared with the red guilt of action.
Can anyone seriously maintain that that guilt
was ours ? Assume Germany ringed round with
enemies Was that ring forged in aggression 01
defence ? In the light of the after German con-
duct, of hymns of hate, of the sickening iteration
" England" is the enemy," "England planned the
war " can we on the analogy of normal life draw
no true deduction favourable to ourselves ? Does
not our almost fatuous innocence cry to heaven
for recognition ? In the days of our unchallenged
supremacy what right was denied her, what
pathway to her ships, what privileges to her
trade or her subjects ? Does no one remember
when in the first decade of this century a very
few truculent spirits of the extreme blue water
school murmured in their clubs and at their
dinner tables that Germany meant us ill (as in fact
she did) and that we had best strike at her when
we could break her, did any among us pay the
very slightest attention to them ? There is more
support for our cause in the significant impotence
of those few truculents than in reams of document-
ary evidence. Who supposes that -a war could
have ever been made acceptable to us as a nation
on grounds like these.
Could the German challenge when it did
come have been in honour . refused ? Such
grossly obvious questions must be asked to
straighten out this all important matter, for
on the answer depends the answer to further
question which may at any time be pressed
LAND AND WATER
January 13, 1916.
by a certain section among us, namely : Are we
justilied in weakening in our resolution, surfeited
with horror and tired of a iob that is tougher than
it seemed ?
Could England, refusing the challenge
have ever held up her head again among the
nations ? That may seem an unimportant thing
to the sublimely detached. Is it so unimportant
to men of llesh and blood by whom the round world
is peopled ? Is the betrayal of nations a lesser
crime than the betrayal of friends ? We have
seized or had thrust upon us, it does not matter
which for the moment, responsibilities of over-
lordship. Is the German record such as to suggest
she would make a better guide for subject races
than ourselves ? We remember Denshawi and
most of us are ashamed of it. Does it go near
the immeasurable infamy of the starvation of the
rebellious Herreroi? ?
If Germany, the ringcd-in one, had indeed no
other purpose but to break the ring, if her own
conscience did in fact seem clear to her in shoulder-
ing the immense responsibility of war, could not
a campaign, prepared as it unquestionably was, re-
sourceful as it proved itself , if waged, not without
horror and destruction, for that indeed is impossible,
but with an honourable clemency, have gone far
to prove the reality of her innocence and the
greatness of her spirit ? If it had been waged as,
for instance, Russia and Japan waged their bitter,
but (on the testimony of our military attaches)
essentially chivalrous war ? Could anything worse
have been done than what in fact has been done
by her to the people and places in her power ?
Has anything worse ever been practised on the
weak since Alva's infamies in the Low Countries ?
Could any charges to prove the essential wrong-
ness of her aims have been devised by calumny
more damning than afe written in the authentic
liistory of these scxenteen months ?
These things should not be forgotten. And it
is by no means so easy to remember — with con-
viction. The human mind is a strangely con-
stituted thing. All our values alter as the tragedy
of the war drags on. We are surfeited with
horrors on paper — and paper horrors have a way of
losing weight by repetition. But we are sheltered
from actual contact with them and that makes
possible the detachment of our philosophers.
These things should not be forgotten. Not
that hate may be nourished, which leads to excess
and is a futile and degrading passion, but to keep
alive that anger in us which is a righteous thing.
After all there is a right and a tvrong in the matter.
Put aside, for sake of argument, every individual
outrag(! of lust or blood ; admit the doul)tful plea
that all the vandalism, asat Louvain and Kheinis,
was dictated by real military necessity ; distrust
all testimony even at first hand of terrified
folk and take only the accredited evidence
substantiated by neutrals or by the admissions
and justifications of the enemy. Yet you must
remember the machine-gun massacres of civilians
at Dinant and Tamines, 400 at Tamines,
700 at Dinant ; the lesser but still considerable
slaughter at Aerschot and Termonde, all carried
out under disciplined orders. Put aside the
repeated charges of the use of civilian screens,
because it is not always easy in the confusion of
battle to distinguish between fugitives flying and
captives deliberaU*ly driven. Biit credit the boast
of a Bavarian lieutenant in a Munich Newspaper
that he had " the excellent idea " of seating
three civilians in chairs in the middle of a street.
" The fire directed at our men diminished and
my men were the masters of the principal street.
... As I learned later the Bavarian Reserve
Regiment . . . made a similar experiment.
Four civilians whom they also placed in chairs
in the middle of the street, wore killed by French
bullets. I saw them myself King in the middle
of the street near the hospital." Is it likely that
all the other charges as to the use of human
screens are false ?
Receive with great reserve the stories of
mutilations, but give credit to the American
journalist PowixL who said in an interview with
GiiNEKAL VON BoLiiN, " I mvself have seen the
mutilated bodies. . . . "How about the
women I saw with their hands and their feet cut
off ? How about the little girl two years old,
shot in her mother's arms ? How about the old
man hung from the rafters of his house and roasted
to death by a bonfire built under him ? " Is it
really well to forget or to forgive such things ?
Or the gas at the second battle of Ypres,
causing such agonies that doctors and nurses
accustomed to every sort of horror could not do
their work for tears ; or the liquid fire at Hooge ?
Or Falaba, Amiral Ganteaume, Lusitania,
Arabic, A ncona, Persia, and the attempted hospital
ship Asturias ? Or the shelling of the defenceless
E 13 in Danish territorial waters, its crew ranged
on Its deck with folded arms ? We have the
Baralong case against us, but the submarine crew
were fresh from their murders of the Arabic.
Witli what face could they claim, even if — it is
driving h'uman nature hard — we should have
given ([uarter ?
IJo our, detached ones tell us that there is
no difference between replying in kind to out-
rages and initiating them ? Is a duellist fighting
with swords still to use his sword only if his
adversary draws a pistol on him ? Does not the
breach of honour in the one make the other's
similar action no least breach of honour at all ?
These things would not be worth the saying
were it not that our philosophers do in fact put
forward these pallid suggestions. They are wont
now to speak as if it were an academic point to
demand from the enemy recognition of defeat.
The. recognition of the full defeat of their
purpose by the German leaders is worth any sacri-
fice we can make. We write these words with the
fullest recognition of the solemn responsibiUty
which rests upon non-combatant penmen. To
demand less is to betray our belief in human i"ight,
to deny our hope of a cleaner world. It is to
make vain tlic sacrifices of oiu" splendid dead —
an intolerable apostasy. What each man and
woman of us needs is to make or renew a sacred
decision from the standpoint of there being in
human affairs judge by human standards a right
and a wrong. Substantially we stand for that
right. Our judged who with an elaborate assump-
tion of philosophic calm escapes the agony of
decision and ridesoff on phrases about the common
weakness of plaintiff and defendant is simply an
unjust judge. Tlie issue is as clear as eny that
has ever been stated in a human quarrel, and de-
mands a definite judgment. That judgment needs
adequate sanction. That sanction is — victory.
January 13, 1916.
I^AND AND WATER
A SONG OF THE GUNS.
By gilbert FRANKAU.
3.-GUN - TEAMS.
Their rugs are sodden, their heads are down, their tails are turned to the storm.
(Would you know them, you that groomed them, in the sleek fat days of peace,
^^■hen the tiles rang to their pawings in the lighted stalls and warm.
Now the foul clay cakes on britching strap and clogs the quick-release ? )
The lilown rain stings, there is never a star, the tracks arc nvcrs of slime,
(Vou must harness-up by guesswork with a failing torch for light,
[nstcp-dcep in unmade standings ; for it's active-service time ,
And our resting weeks are over, and we move the guns to-night.)
The iron tyres slither, the traces sag, their blind hooves stumble and slide ;
They are war-worn, they are weary, soaked with sweat and sopped with rain.
(You must hold them, you must help them, swing your lead and centre wide
\\'hcre the greasy granite pave peters out to squelching drain.)
There is shrapnel bursting a mile in front on the road that the gims must take :
(You are nervous, you are thoughtful, you are shifting in your scat.
As you watch the ragged feathers flicker orange, flame and break)
But the teams are pulling steady down the battered village street.
You have shod them cold, and their coats are long, and their bellies gray with the mud :
They have done with gloss and polish, but the fighting heart's unbroke :
We, who saw them hobbling after us down white roads flecked with blood,
Tatient, wondering why we' left them, till we lost them in the smoke ;
Who have felt them shiver between our knees, when the shells rain black from the skies
When the bursting terrors find us and the lines stampede as one ;
Who have watched the pierced hmbs quiver and the pain in stricken eyes —
Know the worth of humble servants, foolish-faithful to their gun.
N.B. — A Song of the Guns will be continued in our next issue.
INTERNED IN HOLLAND.
By a Prisoner of War.
THESE notes are written from a forgotten
backwater imtouciied by the hurricane of war
that is rending the world. Hardly had we
entered the fringe of the storm than we were
swept as it were by an eddy into this quiet place. A
backwater L have called it. Water still and placid lies
all around us, with clustering reeds on the banks and in
the summer great water lilies white and yellow lying
lazily upon the surface. It is in a I^utch fortress that
we are confined. A moated fortress, very old and so ill-
designed that after one short campaign it was declared
obsolete and since then has been used only a's a small
depot for munitions. It was hastily ronstructed to form
part of the defences against the invading army of Louis
XIV., but it bore an inglorious part, being betrayed by its
own commandant almost before a shot was lired.
Now elm trees, seventy feet high, dark and slender,
grow on the sunken earth ramparts. They are grouped in
clusters on the rhomboid bastions which guarded the
corners' of the fort. They line the banks which form a
courtyard containing the barn-like -ijiagazines where the
garrison is housed. Outside this courtyard, surrounded
by a double fence of barbed wire, ^\c rough one-storied
barracks which have been turned"'ihto our quarters.
They arc comfortable enough 'how,' yet woefully inade-
quate when first we arrived on' a wet day in mid-winter.
It is not good for men to be shut off from- the world.
The universe shrinks to the tiny island, with its barbed
wire fences, its lights, its sentries, all ratlier, incongruous
amid this peaceful fertile country, and eveain.the over-
grown forsaken fortress. The mpadows with their
clusters of puny trees, poplar, willow dhd elm,' which form
an uneven fringe around the hdrizbri,^ sfeerA'fo us remote
as the stars, though in measure of space only fifty yards
of water divide them from us.
It is a somnolent land where work proceeds method-
ically and leisurely. It is strange to see a brown sail
rise up apparently from the midst of the fields, for the
canals have low banks which slope by an imperceptible
gradient from the level of the pasture. Like the roads,
the banks of the larger canals are often lined with trees
whose foliage envelops all but the topmost rigging of
the barges. The country is very flat, as though at some
])eriod a smooth and mountainous glacier had passed
over it, sweeping away in its course even the smallest
hillocks. There are few hedges, but the meadows arc
divided by waterways or large ditches. There is no
land within view under plough. It is all pasture, and
everywhere are herds of black and white cattle. In the
evening it can become very still ; still as the depths of a
great forest, and in certain lights the trees frown upon
us like giants awakened and displeased.
. The effects upon one are curiously paradoxical.
They are both narrowing and broadening. Narrowing
because a small community can be shaken to the founda-
tions by incidents that would pass unnoticed in the
world beyond. One is apt to fall into the smallness, the
fiissiness, the exaggerated self-consciousness of dwellers
in islands and small countries which hold hard to their
peculiar characteristics. Yet it is broadening, for the
mind becomes contemplative, as the mind of an Oriental
to whom time is nothing, to whom it matters not whether
a problem be solved in a year, a week or a day. Here
one ponders over past experience and the jumbled,
unorganised store of knowledge can be set straight. The
vital can be separated from the trivial. One can learn
I"?
Land a X d \\- A T E R .
January 13, iQiG.
to recognise root principles. Reading and experiences ;
they clashed in chaos. It was all disopdercd. The world
knew no laws, oxporiment led to no conclusions. I", very-
thing seemed haphazard. The atmosphere, damp and
heavy ; the surroiuidings, the circumstances ; throw
npon us a cloak of apathy enveloping and stifling. Life
passes monotonously ; there is little to distinguisii one
day from another. p:vcr>onc has sunk into his own
groove, getting up at the same hour, eating the same
food, playing tennis with tlie same people. It is wonder-
ful how closely each one knows the habits of the other.
I suppose our conversation is only so much repetition.
There are plans of escape ever being discussed.
During the simimer ten aviators who had been at Gronin-
gen, where the men of our luckless brigade are interned,
gave in their parole and were sent here. It was amusing,
though at the same time rather pathetic to hear them
turn over and discuss, at first with confidence which
soon melted away, plans that we had thrashed out and
rejected long ago". The desire to escape expresses itself
in very varj-ing degree of intensi"t\'. NVTiile most are ever
ready to seize or to make opportunities, they do not allow
the subject to be for ever in their minds and on their lips :
with a few it has become almost an obsession. Two of
our number, aided by some luck, managed to get away,
but since then several weak points have been rendered
impregnable. There was great activity for some days,
more lights, more barbed wire, possible cover cut away
and a doubled patrol on the other side of the moat.
Schemes of Escape.
Then a scheme of escape, conceived soon after our
arrival but abandoned after two abortive attempts, was
revived and begun on more thorough and better
organised lines. A tunnel was projected from one of the
sleeping rooms, under a brick patii outside, through the
earth rampart to the moat-. \\c dug out a large hole,
running the whole length of the room, packing the earth
in a space nine inches high, between the floor and the
concrete foundation. Into this reser\-oir, we stored the
earth from the tunnel proper. We picked through the
brick wall of the foundation and mined six feet deep
below the path. Lower we could not go for already the
earth was wet. We had cut nearly half fray through the
rampart, before by merest chance a Dutch servant dis-
covered the trap door under the linoleum and found what
lay beneath. The work in the narrow stuffy tunnel had
become so hard that no one dug for longer than fifteen
minutes at a time. The air was so bad that no candle
would stay ahght and we worked by the light of an electric
torch. There could be no darkness more blinding and
more intense, than of that long hole, so narrow that
one could hardly turn from side to side. There was no
light from the entrance for we had curved the passage
to avoid the roots of a tree. The tunnel had meant more
to us, even than the path to freedom. In a life of idle-
ness or at the best, of work which could be done when and
how we wished, this was a definite task, regular and
insistent. When it was discovered pur one occupation
was gone. We had only old amusements and hobbies
to fail back on.
In the winter we play football in a disused magazme
with boarded floor. It is a fast, exciting game, in which
shoes are worn, and the doors at each end are the goals.
In the spring two cement tennis courts were laid down,
and they have pro\aded the staple amusement and
exercise "ever since. Three times a week there are short
route marches under heavy guard. Occasional leave
on parole is granted. At "first it was f(»r one day once
in about six weeks, for it was granted only to one officer
at a time. Then the Dutch authorities grew gradually
more generous, and now three days a month are allowed.
Those days away from the fort', usually spent at the
Hague, halve the irksomeness of our prison.
The newspapers arrive every morning, only a day
late. Monday, when there are no papers, J^undays and
Tuesdays with no Knglish mail, produce a faint irritation,
and remind us that all days are not the same. There are
plenty of books but very little serious reading is done.
Almost every profession, and more than a dozen public
schools have contributed to our number. The majority
has been at one time or another in the Army or Navy
(chiefly the latter) for we are nominally a naval brigade.
The dominant characteristic of the group is the diversity
of the units. The days do not vary and nothing happens.
It is lucky that among individuals is variety of outlook,
interests, experience and temperament. A few senior
officers have their own rooms, but for most there is no
privacy possible, except in summer, or at least when it
is fine — on most days it rains— when one can find a
sheltered comer of the ramparts.
Loss of Liberty.
One feels the loss of liberty when at sunset, or in
summer time at seven o'clock, the Dutch soldiers, search-
ing every nook and. cranny, sweep us inside the barbed
wire fences which enclose our quarters. Ne\er before
has the shortening of the days meant so much. No one
realised how rapidly the days of autumn draw in. The
lights are lit at su'ndown ; their strong rays shining on
the clustering trees, turn the leaves almost to snow* white,
and the effect is strangely picturesque. Tor miles round
can be seen the glare of the blaze of light.
It is pleasant on warm days to lie on the bank almost
on a level with tlie moat. A dense forest of marine weed
grows in the clear water and .shoals of small fish thread
their way through the dark vegetation. Further out the
water is "blue as the sky. To the south lie the spires and
chimneys of Gondar, rising above trees transmuted by
distance from green to misty grey. To the north there
is a meadow of vivid pasture, bounded by a bank of silver
willows and deep coloured poplars. It appears like a
jagged bar of green shades, light and dark, suspended
between the blue of water and sky. In April and Ma>
the flowers turned the fields to sheets of vivid yellow
and delicate white, covering the green like a thin veil ;
the orchards in the farms near the fort were a cloud
of pink blossom. How keenly we enjoyed the first days
of spring, even in March it was often warm enough to
lie in the sun, looking forward in expectation of summer.
Even this life has certain compensations. One can
wear what one likes ; usually flannels and an old coat
in the day time and uniform in tht- evening. The absence
of women and the peculiar frankness of the gun-rooms
where most of us have served, enables candid and out-
spoken discussion. It is a Bohemian society, in spite of
several restraints, some obviously necessary, others
rather needless, imposed by the Dutch commandant.
Such long and intimate association is a hard tc'-ting.
Rumble of Distant Guns.
It is strange that in this old fort amid peaceful
meadows, we can hear on still days, faint in the distance,
the rumble of guns. Very plain was this shadow of
reality during the great actions of the war ; at the times
of Neuve Chapelle, the attack on Hill 60 and the advance
in October. It is little more than a long-drawn murmur,
a sound which one feels rather than hears, and that only
when the wind is still. Now winter is again upon us,
and the days are very short. The leaves fell rapidly in
the first days of November. They lay all around, wet,
hectic and battered ; too sodden to be stirred into motion ^
by the wind. For long, thin yellow foliage clung to the »
poplars and elms, but the chestnuts which bloomed early
in the spring were in autumn withered and bare before
their time. Sometimes the da\s were brilliantly fine
and the sun was hot. Then the trees with their golder
colouring were half-hidden by shimmering mists. Now
gales of wind and rain sweep for days over the open
country. It is a drenching rain. The ditches and canals
rise till they are on a level with tlieir banks. The meadows
are marshy, the roads rutted and impassable ; the path
round the ramparts is drenched and slippery. Some-
times the wind is still and the sky is grey and lowering.
The sun cannot shine and the horizon is obscured by low
banks of fog.
There is a single railway line between Utrecht and
J.eyden which passes quite close to the fort. The trains
rattle by every day, well up to time, an irritating reminder
of the world from which we are shut off. Some of us
would rather there were in view no roads, no railway, nc
houses, but only a sweeping expanse of deserted meadow.
Yet perhaps these things arc good, lest we resign ourselves
more and more to this tiny island which for the time
constitutes our world. 1
Printed bv J. G Hammond & Co., Limitkd, 32 36, Fleet I.,anc. Loiuton. E.C.
January 13, igi6.
BRITISH
RED CROSS,
The Society which
brings comfort and
healing to our gillant
soldiers, is in urgent
need of funds. Send
whatever you ca
spare to —
The Briti h Red
Cross, Room 99,
83PallMalI.S.W.
LAND AND WATER.
TIELOCKEN
BURBERRY
Selected by LORD KITCHENER as the
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of other models; and worn during his
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THE TIELOCKEN Patent
coat has overlapping fronts
which completely cover the
most vulnerable parts of the
body, providing, from the
throat to the knees, a double
safeguard of the greatest value
during prolonged exposure to
heavy rain or biting wind.
£ASY ADJUSTMENT is
assured by doing away with
the usual buttons and replacing
them with a single strap-and-
buckle, which enables the coat
to be fastened or taken off
with the utmost expedition.
THE SKIRTS are so arranged
that it is impossible for the
legs to be exposed, thus ob-
viating the difficulty of keeping
the lower part of the body dry
in stormy weather.
Tielocken coats provide double protection
over the vital parts of the body where it is
most needed. The overlapping fronts keeping
the chest and legs safeguarded against bitingly
cold winds or driving rain. There is no pos-
sibility of these fronts blowing open and letting
in unwelcome draughts and damp, and so the
Tielocken models are the most perfectlvprotective
wraps imaginable or . b/ainablc."
—BADMINTON MAGAZINE.
Burberry War Kit
Including The Burherry, Inrantry or Cavalry
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BURBERRYS
HAYMARKET S.W. LONDON
Bd. Malesherbes PARIS & Provincial Agents
68^
LAND AND W A T E R .
January 13, 1916.
The Prince of Wales came home on a few days' leave last
week, Prince Albert having come up to Buckingham
Palace to meet him in London. The appointment of
H.R.H. to the Chairmanship of the Committee of War
Pensions is in every way an excellent one. The Prince
while in France has gained the confidence of all ranks,
and the fact that he will be at the head of this difficult
and onerous work will be taken as a guarantee of straight-
forward and generous dealing. Pensions Committees
in the past have not altogether enjoyed a good reputation,
the tendency having been to allow the duties to fall into
the hands of one or two individuals, who have often
been of the cast-iron red-tape type.
Lady Dorothy Bhgli, whose marriage with Mr. D. S. Peploe,
loth Hussars, will' shortly be celebrated, is the only
daughter of the Earl and Countess of Darnley. Cobham
Hall, the family seat near Gravesend, is one of the most
beautiful places within easy reach of London. In a
favourable summer the rhododendrons, when in full
blossom, are a sight once seen never to be forgotten.
Lady Dorothy's first cousin is Baroness Clifton of
Leighton Bromswold, in her own right, while her elder
brother is Lord Clifton of Rathmore, for the Blighs
enjoyed two baronies of CUfton, one inherited by marriage
in 1713 and the other conferred in 1721.
The rescue of Lord Montagu of Beaulieu was miraculous, and
it is to be hoped that he will be able to shake off the effects
of the severe fatigue and shock through which he has
passed. Like Clivc, he must feel himself reserved for
great things, and he will be encouraged thereto by the
tributes of affection which were written in several papers
and by more than one friend. In some of these it struck
one that unnecessary emphasis was laid on his receiving
the Kaiser at Beaulieu as an English gentleman should
do. After all it was only what one might e.xpect from
a descendant of the " bold Buccleuch," who, according
to tradition, put Queen Bess in her place — a much more
ditticult job one would think.
It was the father of the "bold Buccleuch, " also Walter
Scott, who won the reputation of being " a man of rare
qualities, wise/true, stout and modest "— qualities and
attributes which are evidently in the blood.
Sir Alexander Henderson, by assuming the title of Lord
Faringdon, is laying up trouble for his correspondents,
many of whom will invariably spell it with two " r's "
Farringdon Street being so much more familiar Not
far from Farringdon Street is the home of that famous
great daily, the Standard, the full control of which Sir
Alexander took over only a few months ago, after it
had passed through troublous times. Already it has
responded to the new and healthier influences, for on
all sides one hears good spoken of it, so it should only
be a matter of time for its old cjlories to be restored.
Six new peerages were created on the first of this month
During the last fifteen years, since the death of Queen
Victoria, 117 peerages have been made. Had this rate
of creation been maintained say since James I. came to
the Throne, the Roll of the Lords Temporal would have
included about 2,500 names instead of 700 as at present.
The bumper crop of new coronets occurred in 1906, when
the total reached 17, in 1905 and again in 1910 there
were 14, and in 191 1 13. As against these figures
it is interesting to notice that in the Diamond Jubilee
year there were only six new peers. ,
In that year of Jubilee twenty-one baronetcies and 218 knight-
hoods were conferred, but in 1911 the accolade was
bestowed on 351 worthy men, whereas the record year
for baronetcies was 1905, when eight and twenty gentlemen
were granted hereditary honours. During the fifteen
years since 1901 the number of new baronets has been
273 and of new .knights 2,723. For these remarkable
figures I am indebted to Debrett's peerage.
The baronetcy of Wake, which has just passed from father
to son, stands eighteenth on the Official Roll, having
been bestowed on December 5th, 1621 ; the premier
baronetcy, that of Sir Hickman Bacon, was founded
just ten years previously -in i6ti. It is accepted that
the Wakes of Courteenhall derive descent from the
Last of the Saxons, though it was only in comparatively
recent times that the famous baptismal name of Herewald
was revived, Charles and William having for
generations been the favourite first name. In the
seventeenth century there was an Isaac Wake, which
sounds incongruous,, and the sixth baronet was Sir
Charles Wake- Jones, a Miss Jones having brought
to the family as her dowry the manor of Courteenhall,
among other possessions.
It really seems as if London has at last reached the limit of
war restrictions ; the streets can hardly be darker at
night and unless all alcohol is to be stopped because,
broadly speaking, one per 10,000 of its inhahitants is un-
able to keep sober, notwithstanding the present obstacles
between drinker and drink, it looks as if there can be no
further interference in this direction. The restaurants
continue to be better patronised than ever ; Prince's
which is in Piccadilly, and therefore right in the very
heart of things, seems always full. There is no pleasanter
place for a quiet luncheon than its grill room.
Sarah Bernhardt is receiving her usual great welcome in
London, Oueen Alexandra and Queen Amehe being
present on her opening day. Besides the huge audience
inside the Coliseum, a crowd of equally devoted admirers
waited patiently for the great actress outside to see her
arrive. Mme. ISernhardt presented I.es Cathedrales, by
M. Eugene Moraud, with music by Gabriel Pierno, ht'r
own part being the masterpiece. The singing of the
Marseillaise at the end rose into a regular ovation.
I am told by one who was present that New Year's Eve at
the Piccadilly Hotel was a wonderful sight. Casali
had some delightful table decorations in the shape of
china British bull dogs guarding Union Jacks which
fetched everybody. These were delightful.
The National Portrait Society will hold an exhibition at the
Grosvenor Gallery about the middle of February, and
arrangements are already in progress to secure it its
full meed of success. Even in war time it is an event
which an increasing number of people would be sorry
to lose, and the opening day is always an interesting
and amusing occasion.
Sidmouth is among the first favourites of South Coast watering
places this winter. There is a charm about the place
which draws back people year after year. Tucked
away in the beautiful Vale of" the Sid it is sheltered and
warm, and now that it has excellent hotels, the number
of its annual visitors has increased greatly. Among the
hotels the Fortfield occupies the front rank for it is so
comfortable and delightfully situat(>d. It overlooks
the sea from which it is only separated by the famous
cricket ground, one of the most picturesque in England.
The hotel is as it were the Society hub of the town, for
its guests find that every place 'they visit is in close
proximity to it. Sidmouth this winter has done better
than ever, though, it always regards the early spring as
its peculiar season. "Hermes.
NEW LIGHTING REGULATIONS.— Motorist.s, whose cars are
fitted with C.A.V. Side lamps, models, " E.S.," " G.S.," " E.S.,"
or " B.S.," should write for a pair of perforated discs to'c. A. Van-
dervell and Co. (Ltd.), Electrical Engineers, Acton, London W
THE CAR LIGHTING SPECI.\LISTS.— (Advt.)
684
TannsDAT, Janpary 20, 1916.
LAND & ^?C^ATER
K:>^!^^:.':rt»v.*r
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Bg Louis Raemaekeri.
Drawn e.>
for "Land and Water."
AHASUERUS RETURNS.
Once I drove the Christ out of my door ; now I am doomed to walk from the Northern seas to the
Southern, from the Western shores to the Eastern mountains asking for Peace, and none will give it
to me.— Prom the Legend of "The Waaderiag Jew."
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January 20, 1916.
LAND AND WATliR
CONTROL OF THE LEVANT.
By HILAIRE BELLOC.
THE mere strategics of war are often
compared by a very loose simile to
chess. Indeed the simile is so loose
that it is exceedingly misleading, and
has caused too many students of military history
to state in merely mathematical term 5 problems
which are essentially organic and human.
But there is at least this great point in com-
mon .between the strategics of a widely-developed
campaign and a game of chess ; that not the best
player in the world can see more than a few moves
ahead. In other words, there is in both forms of
effort the factor which may be called " uncon-
trolled " development. In both things one may
say that the development of each situation in turn
is ultimately controlled, because each is ultimately
created by the human will acting upon certain
known materials. But everybody knows that
when you play chess you arrive at one situation
after another, which is the product of two opposing
wills and never, or hardly ever, entirely foreseen
by either of those wills.
Now there has arisen in the mere strategics
of the Levant (I mean by "mere" stategics the
strategic problems there presented as distinct
from the political problems intermixed with them)
a situation which many are beginning to realise,
but which certainly neither the enemy nor the
Allies intended a short while ago. Briefly, this
situation may be deiined as " the control of the
Levant through the possession by the Allies of
interior lines."
It is an exceedingly important point in the
mere theory of this war. It may well become in
the next few weeks a capital point in the practice
of the war.
Not that the great war can possibly be
decided south of the Danube or east of the Adriatic,
but that subsidiary operations morally damaging
to the enemy or to ourselves, and certainly creat-
ing for either party a drain in men and material,
may develop here in such a fashion as to affect all
the rest of the war ; just as the Peninsula frorn
1808 onwards affected the fortune of Napoleon,
though that fortune was not decided until Leipsic,
nor e\'en given a downward direction until the
Russian blunder of 1812.
In order to appreciate what is meant by this
formula " the strategic control of the Levant by
the Allies through their possession of interior lines,"
I will, with my readers' leave, begin at the begin-
ning. For though everybody knows the elements
of so simple a statement, the more fundamental
one's origins in a description the clearer the
result.
To " possess interior lines " means to be so
situated that one can concentrate upon a suc-
cession of decisive points more rapidly than one's
opponent.
The crudest and simplest example of course, is
the position of forces within an ample semicircle,
the communications within which are of the same
type and number as the communications outside.
Supposing there is a man commanding a force
from the Centre A and he has to deal with an
[Copyright in America by " The New York American."]
enemy in equal numbers who must attack him at
some point of the half-circle B C D, it is clear that
the Genetal Officer in command at A will be able
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to concentrate against such an attack more rapidly
than his enemy will ; supposing always that his
.enemy and he have the same sort of communica-
tions at their disposal — equally good roads and
railways, equally ample rolling stock and all the
rest of it.
Any movement that the enemy with, let us sa}',
his headquarters at E, makes against the semi-
circle lines BCD involves greater distances and
therefore presumably a greater expenditure of
time than is the case with his opponent at A.
The General Officer in command at E is manoeuv-
ring to attack A somewhere along the line BCD.
He can only send his forces from place to place by
following the outer lines parallel to the semicircle
BCD. He sends orders for instance, to his force
at e, e, e to concentrate at F and .there deliver their
attack upon A's force within the semicircle. A can
gather a similar force in much shorter time, getting
his men from a, a, a. Because, in a number of
concentric or parallel curves the inner ones will
always be shortei' than the outer ones. Con-
versely, if A takes the initiative he can gather
his men to surprise E at such a point as F more
rapidly than E can gather his men to meet that
surprise. And, in general, any'. Commander
possesses essentially interior lines when he has
the advantage of rapidity in concentration against
any threatened point over his opponent.
Therefore the above rule of thumb text-book
type of diagram to explain what is meant by
" interior lines " requii-es a modification, par-
ticularh' important in modern times.
We take it for granted in that elementary
sketch that time can be measured by distance.
But, as a matter of fact, this never has been quite
accurately the case, and in modern times with
the use of the railway and of the steamship it is
hardlv ever the case. In the old days wheu men
marched bv roads, when good roads were few
LAND AND WAT E R
Janj'ary 20, 1916
and when most nations had the same advantages in
them, when transport by sea was precarious and
dependent upon tlie wind, it was legitimate, as a
rough rule of thumb, to measure the distance by
the land map and call that man the possessor of'
interior linos whose conmiunirations to the various-
parts ot his front were the shorter in mere miles.
it is the method Napier uses in his diagrams. It
was the ob\'ious one for his time. To-day this
is not the case. Districts differ widely in the
amount of railway Accommodation they have-and '
a railway has many-fold the capacity of a road.
They also differ very widely even in road accommo-
dation. Again, railway's having grown' ixp mainly
on commercial lines and not for strategic reasons
have very different strategic' values." Again,
the amount of rolling stock, lacking which mobility
is at once affected — is an important element in
the problem. Since the possession of interior
lines and all the multiplications of power given by
such a possession lies in the factor of time, and
not of distance, it very often happens under
modern conditions that one party to a struggle
possesses interior lines although on the map they
seem to be exterior. We have had a tremendous
instance of this on a large scale in the great Polish
salient originally in "the hands of the Russian
armies.
you saw along the Austro-German lines a whole
railway system as in Sketch III, whereby the
great trunk lines A A A could bring up troops
and materials from the bases within Austria
and Gerpiany to the front. While all along
'then- positions at that front a lateral line B B B
with feeders at C C C" going out from it, per-
il yoii merely drew the position of the
Russian armies on the map in the earlier phase
of the war you saw them occupying a great bow
from East iPrussia to the Carpathians, as on the
line A A A on Sketch II, and faced b\' German
and Austrian forces as along the line B B B ; the
situation nearly, but not exactly, corresponding to
the old political frontier which bulged out between
Russian Poland and the German and Austrian
Empire. But the Russians did not possess
" interior lines " at all, as they appeared to
do upon the map, because their communications
were so unsuited to concentration. If, instead
of considering the curve of the forces, \ou were
to consider the nature of the communications.
mitted a very rapid concentration at any desitea
point. The Russians on the other side Had
only three divergent railways in the fashion
of the arrows D D D to help them and no trans-
verse hues at all, such as the dotted line e e repre-
sents. They could not concentrate upon any
one point without either going right back to dis>'
tant raiKvay centres where the lines converged, or
marching their msn across country. Therefor^
when you represent the problem in terms of time the
Austro-Germans could always concentrate such
and such a number of men at such and such a
point upon the front in much less time than the
Russians. Therefore, in spite of the fact that on
the map the Austro-Germans held the outside of a
semicircle, they were, in fact, " possessed of
interior lines."
When we have once grasped the truth that
the possession of interior lines is an advantage
measured in terms of time, and is an advantage in
mobility alone, we can appreciate in how very
high- a degree the present phase of the war in the
Levant, properly handled, favours the Allies.
The Allies at this moment possess in that field
of action (defining the Levant as the countries
bordering the Eastern Mediterranean) three
formidable elements of advantage in mobility,
each one of which gives them the possession of
interior Hues : that is, the power of concentrating
at any point of action with greater mobility than
the enemy.
These three factors arc : —
(i) Conhguration of the coast.
(2) The monopoly of sea communication.
(3) The lack of homogeneity and the lack of
good communications upon the enemy's exterior
lines. '"''■
The following Sketch IV will show what I
mean.
(i) A mere glance at the outline of the Eastern
Mediterranean sliows that if that Sea from the
Straits of Otranto to the shores of Syria be
January 20, 1916.
LAND AND WA T E R
regarded as the field of operations of the Allies ;
whale all; the shaded portion up to the Suez Canal
be regarded as the enemy field of operation, the
Allies possess in mere geographical outline a very
high example of interior lines. If we appreciate
that action between the two opponents must
develop near the sea-coast (where it is emphasised
by: a thicker line) we see at once the relatively
short distances through which an Allied con-
centration must, pass compared' with those
through which an enemy concentration must
pass. An enemy going right round by land to
attempt an attack upon the Suez Canal, for
instance, or, profiting by the British concen-
1 ration against such an attack, attempting
another . surprise movement elsewhere, has the
immensely long exterior lines through the shaded
portion alone open to him. , The Allies have the far
shorter. lines across the. sea from coast to coast.
(2) If there were no more than , this element
it would already' be a serious advantage. But
there is again the. fact that these interior com-
munications are communications //y6-e«.
There are indeed modern conditions under which
a communication by sea, in spite of the great
tonnage of modern shipping and the certitude of
arrival within fairly exact limits of delay, is inferior
in mobility to communications by land. Where
there is poor wharfage accommodation at few
ports, and on the land ample railway siding
accommodation, ample rolling stock and a great
number of double lines, there land communication
has superior mobility over sea communication,
even for great masses of troops. This is un-
doubtedly the case, for mstance, -vvitli the shores
of Belgium and Picardy.. From tiie nioutli of the
Scheldt to the mouth of the Seine armies operating
by land could concentrate their men and Xheu
material more rapidly from one point to anothe
than armies with communications entirely con"
fined to the sea. But such conditions are rare-
They are only found, in places where the portions
of the land near the sea are part of a high civilisa-
tion.
The Levant is a very conspicuous instance to
the contrary. Hardly any good metalled roads,
only one trunk line of railway, stand upon the one
side, opposed to the indefinite power of expansion
of sea communication upon the other.
From the Straits of Otranto to the Suez Canal
oy sea is for any individual transport at a moderate
speed a matter of a hundred hours. Transport by
rail and road from the same neighbourhood to the
neighbourhood of the Suez Canal-^even were a
railway built from Palestine to the confines o(
Egypt — would be a matter not of a hundred hours,
but of anything you Hke : double or treble 01
tenfold that time.
And as against a single railway line supple-
mented by no proper trunk roads, you have ar
indefinite amount of shipping at your disposal for
the sea routes.
A force concentrating on the southern shores
of Asia Minor, say near Adana, with the object
of striking at the one railway the enemy possesses
for his exterior communications round the Eastern
Mediterranean, is, in time, only 40 hours by trans-
port at moderate speed from the shores of Egypt
The force to be marched in opposition to it drawr
round by land is four, five or six times that number
of hours distant.
The same is true of an attack at any other
\ita] point, such a? the concentration of forces
against the Gulf of Alexandretta. where the rail-
way line approaches the sea. It is perhaps 50
hours from Egypt, perhaps 15c from the Adriatic,
LAND AND WATER
January 20, 1916.
about 100 from Salonika. And all these routes
of concentration by sea are far more rapid in mere
time apart from the actual conditions of land
transport in that region. That is, even if the rail-
way were of the best equality, even if the land were
well supplied with petrol vehicles and rolling
stock upon the railways, the sea would still have
the advantage.
(3) This leads me to my third point. As a
matter of fact, !and communication in the Levant
is quite peculiarly handicapped.
There is, what we have already remarked,
the handicap of only one railway. That railway
is not continuous. Further, it is broken in gauge
at one point, though this may be remedied later,
(iood roads are very nearly absent, and on the
top of all this you have the lack of homogeneitjan
the ground. All the North-western part at A- -
the Balkans— is a mass of mountains. Communi-
cations over the plateau (B) of Asia Minor is
easier, but there are the great mountain ranges at
C and C. There is the desert at D
Put together all these points and it is clear
that the situation of the Allies in the Near I^ast,
that is upon the coast of the Levant, presents a
case of possession of interior lines almost unique
in military history.
RELATIVE STRENGTHS.
But having reached that conclusion, certain
other considerations arise which must be carefully
noted, if wc are neither to overestimate the
advantage here described nor to misunderstand it.
In the first place, while the field of operations
is for the Allies essentially subsidiary, it is for one
of the parties to the enemy group of primary
importance. It is of primary importance to the
Turkish Empire. To which fact must be added
the further fact that the .Allies, though now
superior in men and in munitions to the enemy,
particularly upon the main western front, have
no indefinitely large margin of men to spare for
s^ubsidiary operations. In other words, the pos-
session of interior lines in this region, which
would be of importance if it were the only theatre
of war and if the two forces were there numerically
equal, is modified by the fact that the enemy will
in this region almost certainly have for months
to come a numerical superiority, and that his forces
there engaged will not be called elsewhere.
The Bulgarian and Turkish bodies combined,
even with but . small Austro-German additions,
working all around the Plastern Mediterranean
upon such a point as the front before Salonika to
such a point as the front of the Suez Canal, though
immensely handicapped by their exterior position
will, when their equipment is complete, count more
presumably in men and in material than will the
Allies (as at present acting) in the same field.
It may further be noted, though it is not a
point to insist upon too heavily, that of the allies
one only, Great Britain, is here seriously menaced.
I sa^'^ it is not a point to insist upon too much
because the cause of the Allies is manifestly one,
and a heavy blow delivered at this country would
be equally delivered at the resisting power of
France, Italy and Kussia.
Another point to be remembered is that
though we do possess the great advantage of
interior lines in the Levant our ultimate bases, our
manufactories and our accumulated stores are
very far distant. They are, for our own forces,
more than a fortnight away, taking the average of
steam, and that Power which is most immediately
concerned with security in the Levant, Great
Britain, is also that one of the Allies most distant
from the scene of operations. .
Another modification of the position is the
presence of the submarine in Levantine waters.
That is a point which I must leave to my colleague
who deals with naval matters in this paper, but
the experience which has been before everyone in
the last few weeks is sufficient to show that this
factor is not decisive. Ships and stores have been
lost through submarine activity, but in so small a
proportion compared with the vast amount of
coming and going in men and materials, that it
has not, hitherto, at least, seriously modified the
control of sea communications upon which all this
argument is foimded.
One last consideration seems to me of especial
moment. It is obvious enough and has been
mentioned (a little timidly perhaps) in various
sections of the Allied press. It will bear repetition.
Any strategic position wherein fate has given
the advantage of mobility to one side is only of
value if a moral element Idc present for the use of
this mobility. And that moral element is Unity
Of Command. It is no good having three days'
advantage over my enemy in the capacity of
rapidly concentrating troops upon a particular
point if I am condemned to spend a week in
arguing the matter before starting. It is even
true that mobility is a snare rather than an
aid when unity of command is lacking. The
very fact that you know that you can in the last
resort move more quickly than your enemy,
tempts you to negotiation and delays if unity of
command be lacking. Just as an undecided ancl
unpunctual person is more likely to miss his traiiy
if he has a motor car to a distant station than if
he is compelled to walk — because he has always at
the back of his mind the idea that a very rapid
move at the last moment is open to him— so a
higher command which knows that in the last
resort it has rapid means of communication open
to it, will, if divided, only the more tend to delay.
To say that unity of command is vital does
not mean that its absence necessarily connotes
disagreement, but what it does ahcays and
necessarily connote is difficulty and therefore
delay in co-ordination. Even if no time is lost in
discussion from lack of unity of command, time
is lost from the necessity of co-ordinating the
plans of A with the plans of B, when A and B
have an equal authority.
In plain English the advantage now enjoyed
by the Allies in the Levant, and it is for the moment
very considerable, is directly conditioned upoii
the control of that advantage lying in one will.
Lacking this all the advantage is thrown away.
THE SIX FRONTS.
Of the six fronts, actual or threatened, upon
which the great war for the moment turns (i) (the
French, (2) the Italian and the (3) Russian, the
(4) Balkan, the (5) Syrian and the (6) Meso-
potamian) only one has in the news of the last
week shown any movement worth recording.
One has produced a pohtical result (that of the
Balkan in the matter of Montenegro) : one has
been the scene of very great activity (the Southern
Russian front) but without anv corresponding
fluctuations of line. Only the last, the Mesopo-
tamian which, for all the exiguity of the forces
January 20, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
engaged is of high interest, has shown some
development. It may be weU to sinnmarise the
news of the various fronts, conchiding with this
last one upon the Tigris.
(1) THE WESTERN FRONT DURING
THE WEEK.
Upon the Western front there has been
nc" "change. The only remarkable feature in the
week's communiques being the long range firing
of the heavy artillery on the Allied side. This
practice has done some damage in the French
town of Lens behind the German lines and shells
have also been dropped at long range on to
Lille. The enemy has given out in his official
communiques that the shells killed and wounded
such and such a number of civilians. It is remark-
able that the authorities in this country have
not explained to the public the meaning of this
long-distance fire ; its contrast with recent enemy
long-distance fire and the reason that the enemy
emphasises the loss (if they are telling the truth)
of French civilian life.
The enemy some months ago against Dun-
kirk and the other day against Nancy has delivered
shell at extreme ranges, unaimed and designed
only for moral effect upon the civilian population.
In each of these cases he has emplaced a gun very
securely with apparently no freedom of movement
and aimed to drop a shell somewhere in a dense
centre of population. In each case his gun thus used
after a fashion really puerile, has been discovered
and destroyed. The enemy apparently imagines
that a few large shells dropped indiscriminately
in a considerable town will coerce the French or
the English towards peace. It is a complete
misunderstanding of the nature of this war. It
i§;6h a par with the silly air raids upon London,
\i'hich do not advance the enemy's military
objects by the smallest fraction.
The Allied long-distance fire is obviously
not designed to terrorise the friendly population
of a French town. It is designed to interfere
i&ith enemy communications. It does interfere
with enemy communications badly. Hence the
enemy's official news about unfortunate wounded
civihans. It is directed to destroy depots, rail-
way junctions and sidings. It is not delivered
at random at extreme range by fixed guns, but
with calculation at a particular range and aimed.
The more the enemy tells us that it is hurting our
friends the more may we be certain that we are
interfering with his transport.
For the rest the only other news upon the
Western front has been the check of an enemy
attack in the open Champagne country east of
Rheims and west of Argonne. It was delivered
with about three divisions and was checked with
very heavy loss because it exposed itself at one
critical moment to the full sweep of the French
field artillery. It cannot have been intended for
anything but a local offensive of the sort to which
the enemy is compelled if he is to maintain his
lines in spite of his anxiety for men. He lost a
considerable number of prisoners — how many the
French have not told us — and he did nothing.
That it was the beginning of any offensive on a
large scale is not credible. Such an experiment
in the West may come from the enemy before the
end of the winter. It is more likely to come later.
(2) THE ITALIAN FRONT.
Upon this front the only event of.thepast week
hasbeen the re-occupation of the trenches just out-
side Oslavia by our Allies. The position has nothing
determining about it at all, as would have, for
instance, a similar short advance upon the Podgora
ridge, but it has shown the incapacity here of the
enemy to hold even a short captured section for
more than a day or two against a counter-offensive.
Along all this front Austria is hanging on with just a
minimum of troops. They are very good troops,
carefully chosen ; the best she has. It is,
paradoxically enough, an expensive policy in men
for it puts your Hne to a heavy strain. It is a
gamble upon the war's not lasting more than three
or four months more, for we know that Austria is
drafting in continually numbers out of proportion
to her permanent strength upon this front. Her
very high proportion of loss here is due to the
weight, number and excellence in handling of the
Italian heavy artillery, which stands very high
indeed as an arm, and behind which is all the
intensive mechanical power of modern Lombardy
directed against a front, the Izonzo front, even
shorter than the British front in Flanders.
(3) THE RUSSIAN FRONT.
Upon the Russian front the cessation of
our Ally's advance which was taken for granted in
these columns last week and the week before, was
clearly marked in the present week. It is due, as
was pointed out in these columns, to the fact that
upon a front of less than 300 miles, with many
interruptions due to the nature of the ground,
the enemy has men sufficient to hold a line of
trenches which, though not actually continuous,
forms a virtually continuous defence. To force such
a line we know from the whole experience of this
war that nothing will suffice, save a concentration
of heavy artillery and its extremely immobile
munitionment. Now such a concentration in a
period of alternate frost and thaw and over a
country without hard roads is impossible, for it
depends nowadays upon motor traction. What the
Russian effort "has done has been strategically
and generally to compel a concentration of enemy
forces just when the enemy most wanted to spare
men for the Balkans. It has had a political effect
within the enemy's territory and perhaps upon the
politicians of Roumania. Tactically and locally
it has cleared the enemy from the eastern bank of
the Strypa, it has established a firm bridgehead at
Chartoriysk, and it has occupied the heights which
overlook Czernowitz from a few miles eastward.
It has thus established a straight line north and
south from the Pripet marshes to the Roumanian
frontier, and there it has halted.
(4) THE BALKAN FRONT.
Upon the Balkan front nothing strategical
has developed during the week. Politically we
have had the arranged surrender of official
Montenegro to the enemy. Strategically this
means nothing whatsoever, beyond what we knew
last week, that with the capture of Lovtchen
Montenegro was overrun. Such of its few thou-
sands as are free to join the remnant of the Serbian
• Army towards the sea will join it. The event is oi
no importance to the campaign as a whole.
(5) THE SYRIAN FRONT.
From what may be called the Syrian front,
which is as yet potential, that is, the menace tc
Egypt, nothing has been reported. Air recon-
naissance informs us that no railway work has
^•et been even begun or apparently so much as
LAND AND WATER
January 20, 1916.
surv'oyca m tiio desert of Et-tih—and we are
already nearing the'end of January ! 1
(6) THE MESOPOTAMIAN FRONT.
The Mesopotamian front. liiough con-
rerned with very small numbers, is of acute
interest in this country, has a considerable political
signilicance in the East, and therefore deserves a
fairly full analysis.
A British Expeditionary force, which may be
called a division in strength, but which was sup-
jiorted by auxiliaries, after advancing to the
neighbourhood of Bagdad up the Tigris and
lighting successfully at Ctesiphon, found itself in
the presence of \ery large forces, and fell back a
week's march down the Tigris to the point where
the Shatt-al-Gharaf comes in to the main river.
Thisjunction is called the" Kut,"or fort, of Amara.
The British force here entrenched itself on the
northern or left bank of the Tigris, controlling
also the further southern bank. The Turks cut
it 'off upstream (as along the line B on Sketch V)
and downstream (as along the line C) and the
original British Expeditionary Force against
Bagdad was thus isolated. A relieving force was
meanwhile coming up the river Tigris from the
Sea. On the 7th of this montli it fought a success-
fill action at the point of Sheik Sa-ad, between
25 and 30 miles east of the beleagured position
of Kut El-Amara, and, down stream, perhaps
something under 50 miles. It must clearly be
understood that the Turkish forces thus beaten
and forced back along the Tigris by the relieving
force were only screens thrown out (as along the
lines I, 2, and 3 upon Sketch V.) to fall back to some
main position where the real test would come.
Their retirement has nothing decisive about it
and is no definite point in our favour. The
Turkish bodies hitherto met are, at such a distance
from their main business (the containment of the
British force at Kut) only bodies of observation.
In the following week, that is, up to the last
icw days, the relieving British force advanced
along the river as far as the point G, which is
marked b}' the ruins of Orah. There it dispersed
yet another stand made by the Turkish army of
observation, and it has in the last few days ad-
vanced up to the Wady, or watercourse (a gully in
the dry season, marked upon Sketch V by the
letter F). Meanwhile the Turkish army of obser-
vation, which in retirement lost prisoners and
guns, has fallen back to the main position.
jThere lies north of the river Tigris at this point,
and. between it and the frontier mountains^ ot
Persia, a vast expanse of salt marsh, impassable in
this wet.seaijon, and in the dry season a huge flat
of salt. It is in shape a wedge, the apex of
which comes down to the Tigris. It is marked
upon Sketch V with the letter E.
Now here is a position. From the marsh
there flows towards the Tigris a stream, its line is
continued by the bend of the ri\'er. Beyond the
river to the south are certain mounds. From the
marsh, therefore, southward, there is a continuous
line (marked upon sketch V with the letters DD D)
which may be held against the force advancing
from the east. This is that position upon which
the main Turkish army has now retired, and there
it is awaiting the advance of the British relieving
force still advancing up river. The relieving force
is a small one. It, has a numerically superior
enemy in. front of it. It has the advantage that
it comes up the river fully equipped, especially- with
bridging, materials which the enemy lacks. Tlif
British can operate. on either bank of the stream.
The Turks arc under difficulties in crossing from
the northern bank. The old l^ridgt? of boats
which once existed at the point X on Sketch V has
been removed by the British at Kut-el- Amara.
The passage of the Tigris, rapid at this season a|Kl
broad at this lower portion of its course, is. thus , a
capital element in the situation, and the power 'of '
the British relieving force to .fight on either sjcl^
of th,e obstacle at will is an advantage. But t^ic
advantage in numbers is, as I have said, upon tK^
other side.
We shall be assured in the next few da,ys
of the effort of this relieving force coming up the
Tigris to force the main Turkish position along
D DD and to relieve the original British force
which lies cut off at A.
H. Beli.cc.
V
■ ■ ■
JFMies
January 20, igi6.
LAND AND WATER
NAVAL DIPLOMACY.
By ARTHUR POLLEN.
^^HE contents of the von Papen papers
have very obvious lessons for America.
Their seizure has no less obvious lessons
for us. We can leave it to our cousins
across the water to draw their own inferences
from events which are no longer novel, but of
which we have now supplied them with further
and quite convincing proof. It is not for us to
tell them what to do in such a situation. But we
shall be fools if we do not see and learn our own
lesson from this event.
For a second time in the siege of Germany
we have completely outwitted the enemy — and
outwitted him not in war, but in diplomacy. He
asked for a safe conduct for an emissary already
unwelcome in America and he got it. But he
did not ask for a safe conduct for the emissary's
letters and passbooks, and he is furious that he has
not been given what he omitted to beg. Readers
of the White Paper published a few weeks ago will
remember that prominent amongst the measures
that enabled us to get neutral shipping companies
to observe our Umits on neutral imports, was mak-
ing the use of our world-wide coaling stations by
such companies dependent upon their compliance
with our wishes. Now, neither this measure nor
the seizure of poor von Papen's cheque-book, were
combative acts of the ordinary kind. ' They were
mere examples of intelligence in perceiving our
advantages and of resolution in using them to the
lifmost in negotiation. They are examples of a
kind of skill we should more often expect amongst
barristers, solicitors and diplomatists than amongst
soldiers and sailors. V/hat is significant is this :
The credit of both of these acts is due to naval
officers.' Their minds were stimulated by war-
sense to perceive the importance of things the
civilian diplomatist might have overlooked.
Incidentally they show hov/ many sided is
naval training, how varied the attainments and
proficiencies which the seaman, in the ordinary
course of his very exacting profession, acquires.
What is more to the point at the moment is
this. I fear I have for many weeks now wearied
my readers by reiterating that the siege of Germany
is the principal naval operation of the moment.
A sea siege obviously cannot be carried on with-
out touching, if not on the rights, at any rate on
the convenience of neutrals. And dealing with
neutrals in matters of this kind^ is, in -times of
peace, a purely diplomatic affair. - Where we have
gone altogether wrong ove/ out siege is that because
it incidentally involved dealing diplomatically
with neutrals, and consequently correspondence
and negotiation, which as a matter of form, must
go through the Foreign Office, we have treated
the whole siege as'if it were a diplomatic , and not
a war measure. ■ This is the initial mistake of
' the whole thing, and I recall it to the reader's
attention now, primarily to remind him that,
looking at the thing purely diplomatically, our
two greatest diplomatic siege successes have been
originated and engineered by naval officers.
Does this not rather encourage one to suppose
that the thing would gain in vigour and efiiciency —
' and consequently accelerate tlie effect so impatient-
ly awaited— if \vc - pushed the principle a httle
further and reversed the roles which the Admiralty
and Foreign Office are now playing ? The siege
is admittedly an operation of war, and necessarily
involves diplomacy. But the diplomacy is a
secondary matter. Why should not the siege, be
in Admiralty hands and the diplomats be subor-
dinate to the seamen ? A much respected corres-
pondent reproaches me that in this matter I ani
agitating to inflict a humiliation upon Sir Edward
Grey! Sir Edward, he points out to me, is the
one statesman in Europe whose clearness of view
from the beginning, and integrity of conduct
throughout, have ensured the moral judgment of
the world being on the Allied side. We must,
he reminds me, look on present events as con-
tinuous with what has gone before, and as con-
tinuous with what will follow after. It will be
no gain to us in the end to finish the war more
swiftly if it means any weakening of that reputation
for high principle and honour which we have
successfully maintained so far. To inflict a
pubhc snub upon our Foreign Secretary, undoubt-
edly the most eminent and most honoured of the
Allied Ministers, would go far towards suggesting
that Great Britain was contemplating a moral
plane below that which to-day she occupies.
A FALLACIOUS ARGUMENT.
Now, with great respect, the whole of this
argument seems to me to be nonsense. Let , us
assume in the first place that my correspondent is
rigiit, and that to take the siege out of the hands of
the Foreign Office will, as a matter of fact, inflict
a serious snub upon the one public man who has
not lost in reputation in the last eighteen months.
If by so doing we could secure an end to the war
— of course, without the adoption of barbarous
and inhumane methods — then certainly it would be
our duty not only to ourselves but to our Allies
to make this sacrifice. The last man in the world
to object to this sacrifice would be Sir Edward Grey
himself.
But of course no humiliation of any kind
to the Foreign Secretary, and no derogation of
principle would be involved in the proposal at all.
The thing would not be without precedent — and
that a recent one. Lord Kitchener and the War
Council have had the entire provision of munitions
and army supplies taken out of their hands. Why
was this done ? Eighteen months ago there was
machinery at the War Office for dealing with these
matters — a machinery which was adequate in the
numbers of its personnel for the supply of the
army of its then dimensions, and adequately
trained to deal with the industrial conditions that
then prevailed. So long as' for every army con-
tract there were ten competing manufacturers,
the procedure of 'running army supplies was simple
enough. But when the demands of the army out-
ran the manufacturing capacity of the country,
the problem of supply changed altogether. It wa?
no longer a matter of taking the cheapest tender,
but demanded state production on a scale of
unprecedented magnitude. A vast experiment
in state socialism had to be made, and to
make this experiment an entirely new depart-
ment had to be created. To the credit of all
LAND AND WATER.
January 20, 1916.
concerned, practically every man oLexperiencp in
production was willing to serve in this department
regardless of his personal interest, and from those
willing a selection of men of ability has given
most amazing results. Has this recognition of
entirely new conditions inflicted any humiliation
on J.ord Kitchener of Khartoum on the Army
Council, or upon the very able and devoted public
servants who have jjut in years of excellent ser\ice
at the W ar Office ? What was in point of fact
an activity in which only civilians could possibly
excel seemed to be imposed by necessity on the
War OfBce which had no training and no aptitude
for it. The anomaly was frankly recognised,
and simply remedied. The matter was taken
from soldiers' and officials' hands and put into
professional and commercial hands.
SIEGE BY SEA.
It is the reverse process that we want with
regard to the siege to-da}'. The siege is in the
hands of diplomatists and lawyers — probably the
best diplomatists and the best lawyers in the
world. But diplomatists and lawyers are not men
of war and the siege is a work of war. Their share
in the siege is real but incidental. It is vitally
important, but it is subordinate. The poHcy of
the siege should be settled by the Cabinet, and
its conduct decided by the Navy. Of course
the Navy will need the help of the diplomatists
and the lawyers in the framing of their measures,
and in the conduct of negotiations.
Throughout this difiicult business — and it
would be the blackest ingratitude to the Foreign
(3fiice not to recognise the enormous extent to
which the skill of its diplomacy has reduced the
difficulties, narrowed the field of controversy and
introduced an enormously higher efftciency into.the
siege — it certainly looks as if the main strength of
the Allied position had hardly been used to the full.
This main strength, of course, is that vis a vis both
to America and the other neutrals, the moral posi-
tion of the Allies is unassailable, and the moral posi-
tion of Germany indefensible.' Germany's crimes
against America call to Heaven, if not to Washing-
ton, for vengeance. To murder American citizens
upon the high seas was bad enough. To do it in face
first of American protest, then of American prayers,
and finally of American threats, was to add the most
humiliating kind of insults to the most monstrous
kind of injury. To intrigue against the sover-
reignty of the American Government by stirring
up disorder, organising the slaughter of peaceful
citizens by explosions, and wrecking bridges and
waterworks — surely these would have been bad
enough if they had been conducted by secret
agents of Berlin, whose crimes at any rate could
have been decently disowned. But to do these
things by the representatives accredited by the
Emperor to the President of the United States,
was surely to show a cynicism of contempt un-
paralleled since Gondomar terrified James I. into
cutting off Sir Walter Raleigh's head ! For
reasons which .seemed good to the American
Government, it has submitted— not without a
murmur but without a blow to this treatment.
What apparently our Government fail to realise
is that this submission makes it quite impossible
for America actively to resent it, if we take the
punishment of Germany into our own hands. Such
indirect injury as we have done to American trade
by a logical enforcement of the siege is relati\ely
trivial. It is not as if American trade in bulk bad
diminished. It has grown vastly. And remem-
ber that this trade has been protected the world
over, not by the American, but by the British Fleet.
There is but one weakness in our position.
This is, that the siege of Germany is carried out,
not by the Allies as a bod^^ but by Great Britain
alone, and not under a blockade, but under an
Order in Council, the legal validity of which can
manifestly be questioned. Surely it should not
need much resolution to take the requisite steps
for putting the whole thing on to an impregnable
basis. Let me tabulate once more what these
steps seem to be.
(i) The siege of Germany must be by block-
ade and not under an Order in Council.
(2) It must be a blockade proclaimed jointly
by all the Allies.
(3) The main conduct of the siege should be
in the hands of the British Admiralty, as agent
of the Allies.
(4) The Board must be strengthened by the
addition of war-trained officers from the fleet, so
that the best naval brains may be available for
this work.
(5) So far as the, siege involves the necessary
negotiations or communication with neutrals, the
Foreign Office and diplomatists should conduct these
negotiations, but acting on Admiralty instructions.
(6) The import of ALL goods beyond the
average consumption of the neutral countries
in previous years, or. not intended for our AlUes,
should be prohibited absolutely.
MOUNT LOVTCHEN.
The Italians, and particularly the Italian.,
seamen, have been somewhat severely criticised. 1
for allowing Mount Lovtchen to fall, initq!.'
the hands of Austria. The unconditional sur-;
render of Montenegro is the dramatic, sequel
to this victory. It is clear that the strategic,
importance of the stronghold in question
was not exaggerated. But with great, respect, ;
the defence of Mount Lovtchen does not seem
to me to be primarily a naval question at all.
We do not know the details of the operation by
which it was captured, but I should think it exceed-
ingly doubtful that the Austrian Dreadnoughts
were of material assistance., At any rate it was
quite certain that, as far as this capture was due
to artillery, the heavy Austrian howitzers could
have done the work' just as well as the naval guns.
Even if the artillery of the Viribus Unitis, of the
Prince Eugen, or the Tegethof helped materially, it
was doubtful if such help was in any case necessary.
If .we assume that it >vas necessary, and there-
fore it was a matter vital to the safety of Monte-
negro that the Austrian Dreadnoughts should have
been prevented .from taking part in this operation,
there were clearly but two ways open. One was
to prevent this squadron entering the Bocche
di Cattaro, the other tp destroy them when they
were inside. But the whple Dalmatian coast
from Pola almost to Cattaro is veiled by a strung-
out archipelago of islands, so that of the three
hundred mile journey there is nowhere more than
fifty miles- at the outside three hours' steaming
that need be done in open water. To have
prevented the Austrian Dreadnoughts from reach-
ing Cattaro then, the Italian Navy would have
been compelled eitjher to hold the whole series
of passages between these. islands in force, or to
have maintained a close blockade of the mouth
January 20, 1916.
LAND ' AND WATER
of the Cattaro harbour. Neither of these opera-
tions is exceedingly simple. Indeed the problems
presented are far more serious than those which
the Grand Fleet would have to face if told to make
it impossible for the German Fleet to indulge in
their rare but quite safe little outings in the North
Sea. Once past the entrance, and anchored oppo-
site the town of Cattaro in the inner harbour, the
Austrian Fleet would be at least 11,000 yards
away in a direct line from the nearest point of the
coast. To bombard them would present problems
of almost incredible difficulty. Nothing in our
experience of the Dardanelles justifies us in the
hope that this bombardment could have been
made effective. I am saying this without having
verified the actual heights of the intervening hills.
I leave out of account altogether the third course,
that the Italians might have seized Cattaro by
destroying the forts and forcing an entrance.
Agam nothing in our own experience in the bom-
barding or amphibious line justifies us in supposing
that this was a feasible operation.
HONOURS TO SEAMEN.
Perhaps it is late to comment on the Honours
List, but there were reasons for postponing its
discussion. It is, of course, quite without pre-
cedent that 44 naval officers should be decorated
all at one time, and I think I am right in adding,
that never before has a large number of honours
gone' simultaneously to the Navy in this way,
unless the services all arose from the same and
those recent events. In this instance many old
debts have been paid off. Lord Charles Beres-
ford's peerage is a belated acknowledgment that
on many points of naval pohcy he had warned us
m 'Vain for years, and had to wait for war to
vindicate the Tightness of his foresight. All ranks
of the Navy, and the service as a whole, lose by
this elevation their only spokesman in the House
of Commons. It certainly wiU be a most for-
tunate matter if Sir Hedworth Meux succeeds
him at Portsmouth. When Prince Louis retired
frona the Board in November last, a very large
section of the Navy hoped, but without expecting,
that Admiral Meux would succeed him. He is
one of the few men whom everyone in the Navy
would accept as the best possible exemplar of a
service in v/hich two principles compete—
thoroughness in the mastery of professional
accomplishments and knowledge, and an ardent
—and almost sentimental— regard for the loftiest
principles of conduct.
Admiral Sturdee's baronetcy comes 14
months late. It is a gracious reminder of his
great services at the Falkland Islands. Would
it not have been more gracious had it followed
hot foot on that faultlessly conducted engagement ?
Sir Reginald Bacon's K.C.B. preceded the publi-
cation of his most interesting despatch— a de-
scription of the work of his fleet of monitors.
Fourteen naval officers, one marine ofiicer and
two naval surgeons have received knight com-
panionships in the Orders of the Bath and of St.
Michael and St. George. Seventeen Rear Ad-
mirals and post captains, one acting commander,
two marine officers, three engineer officers, one
fleet surgeon and one Captain R.N R. receive
companionships in these two orders. Some of the
admissions and promotions to the Bath and all,
except one, of those to St. Michael and St. George,
are for services in the Mediterranean, the excep-
tion being that given to Captain Gaunt, whose
RAEMAEKERS' CARTOON.
To understand Mr. Louis Raemaekers haunt-
ing picture of the Kaiser, one must know the legend
of " The Wandering Jew." The traditional episode
on which it is based may be thus briefly related : —
Now ivhen Jesus passed from the hall of
fudgment, He paused in the porch and imuld
have rested. But Cartaphilus, the doorkeeper,
mocked and smote him, saying " Thou shall
not rest here. Hasten on. This is no place
for Thee to stay." And Jesus, turning, looked
on him and said : " Presently I shall rest and
have peace, but thou shall ever wander on
and never find peace."
There are variations of this version but this
is the oldest. " The Wandering Jew " has
been familiar in all countries of Christendom ; he
came into prominence in England in the thirteenth
century, when he bore the name of Joseph. We
next hear of him in Germany in the sixteenth century.
He appeared then at Hamburg, and had assumed
the name of Ahasuerus. This is the Ahasuerus
ivhose return Raemaekers depicts. The West Indies,
Italy, Belgium, Spain and France are other
countries that have known him, and strange to
relate in Picardy untirquite recent times {possibly
the saying persists even noiv) when a very violent
storm broke over that country, the peasants would
remark : " C'est le juif errant qui passe."
Germany now realises the effect which Rae-
maekers' cartoons are exercising on the mind and
soul of civilisation, and as is natural' she bullies
and threatens. The " Cologne Gazette," in a
leading article on Holland writes : — " After the
war we will settle our accounts with you (Holland).
For each calumny, for each cartoon of Raemaekers.
for each insult, J or each cinematograph film, for
each theatrical performance which is offensive to
us, we shall demand payment with the interest
that is due to us."
work as naval attache in America has been of
almost unparalleled skill, tact and efficiency.
What is peculiar about this hst is, that in no
single instance are the services rewarded specified.
In certain cases, as for instance those of Sir
Michael de Robeck, Sir Sackville Garden, Sir
Arthur Limpus, Sir Henry Oliver, Sir Reginald
Bacon, Rear- Admiral Singer and Commodores
and Captains Keyes, Hope and Greatorex, the
field and manner of the services which have won
honour are known to the public. As to the
employment of the rest, the Navy hst has long been
silent ; so that three-quarters of those who are
selected for honours are without other pubHc
fame except such as being honoured confers !
Could anything testify more eloquently to the
secrecy with which the Navy must do its work ?
And this is a secrecy into which the public will do
well not to pry. One comment seems permissible
and it arises as much from the promotion list,
which again is exceptionally large, as from the
honours list. We all recognise that we cannot
have from Sir John Jellicoe and the other Com-
manders-in-Chief, anything approaching to the
very full, and in some cases very brilliant dis-
patches, as those in which the Field Marshal and
Generals on land have described the operations
in Flanders, France, Gallipoli and elsewhere^
But clearly their full dispatches on all the
LAND AND WATER.
January 20, igi6.
operations all over the world must exist, and asirfthe
case of the land dispatches, these must have been
accompanied by very full lists of the officers* whose
services have been conspicuously meritorious both
in naval actions, in amphibious operations, and
what is certainly not less important than either,
in the maintenance of the efficiency and readiness
of their squadrons, their ships and of special
departments of their ships.- Now in the case of
land operations, not only are the dispatches
published, but also the full list of those so men-
tioned. We have had either three or four such
lists from Lord French and Sir Ian Hamilton,
and the numbers of officers and men already
selected for the distinction of " mentioned " runs
to a great man}' thousands. Is there any reason
\\ hy the much smaller lists of naval officers and
men selected for praise by their Commanders
should not be published ? Large as is the number
of naval honours conferred, it is exceedingly un-
likely that once you have got past the highest
ranks, one honour is given for every ten officers
recommended. When you are dealing with pro-
motions from Commander to Captain' and from
Lieutenants to Commander, it is again probable
that at ' least three officers are recommended
for every one that is fortunate enough to meet
with selection. Is not the reputation these officers
and men would get by the publication of their
praise, theirs by right ? If it is why should it be
withheld? Such pubHcation involves no evasion of
the secrecy which we all admit to be necessarv to
naval operations.
That Torty-four naval names should be in-
cluded in one honours' list is, as I have said, un-
precedented, and the comment has been made
that it is a large crop of honours for a relatively
small amount of actual fighting. It is pointed
out that, if military officers are to be rewarded
on the same scale the number of knights would
be legion. But this is surely a very illogical way
of looking at things. Naval actions have a way
of being decisive ; in all wars the proportion of sea
to land fighting is and must be small. In normal
times the Army necessarily sees more actual service
than the Navy, and for generations has had ten
knight companionships to the Navy's one. The
Navy's service must be looked on as a whole, and
it must be realised that the number of naval
officers eligible for the highest decorations is ex-
ceedingly small. Note also that these are the
first titles conferred on naval officers since the war
began. There is indeed one exception. Rear
Admiral Sir Archibald Moore was gazetted to
K.C.B. in August, 1914. But the honour was
conferred not for his work as second in command
to Sir David Beatty, but for long service at the
Admiralty. Here- except for six months as flag
captain in the Dreadnought , and another six months
as Captain of the Fleet — he served, I believe, con-
tinuously from i()07 to T014, successively as naval
assistant to the First Sea Lord, as Director of Naval
Ordnance, as Controller and as Third Sea Lord.
Indeed, far from the Navy's receiving too
many honours, it is obvious that it receives far too
few. and partly because the flow of honours is
arbitrarily restricted by the rule that no officer
of the rank of post captain can receive a knight
companionship. Now there are only 94 officers
on the active list above the rank of captain, and
of these, the three Admirals of the Fleet are seldom
if ever employed, and even in time of war a large
proportion of the full, Vice, and Rear Admirals
have to ,bt without posts. For obvious reasons
many coni^mands which are of equal importance
to many Rear Admirals' commands, are given
to Officers of junior rank because of their proved
ability and genius for leadership. The greater
part of the operations of the Heligoland Bight
for instance, were under the personal command
of Captain Reginald Tyrwhitt serving as Com-
modore in command of light cruisers and des-
troyers. In the fifth and last of his engagements
on that historic day he was relieved of the atten-
tions of the German cruiser Mainz by another light
cruiser squadron commanded by another post
captain, Commodore (ioodenough. Again keep-
ing to this operation only, remember that it was
only made possible by the extensive and very
astonishing reconnaissance which the submarines
had carried' but, and they too had been under the
command of a third post Captain, Commodore
Roger Keyes. It would be easy to multiply th-o
instances in which captains have acted on their own
as senior naval officers, either of considerable
bodies of ships or in command of extensive opera-
tions. The case of Captain Cyril Fuller on the
African Coast is an obvious instance. Nor should
the vast^y responsible staff work at Whitehall,
now carried on by Captains be forgotten. What-
ever the' table of relative military and naval
precedeirce may say, not only is work of this kind
far more comparable to that which in the Army
is discharged by men whose rank entitles them to
knight companionships, but it is really open to
question whether the colossal multiplication. , of
responsibility which the increase in size and
power of 'the modern battleship has brought
about does not, rightly considered, put the Captains
of all the latest capital ships on a level at whicb it
is absurd to deny them the right to a title for q^ip-
spicuously. meritorious service. And this sugg^sJfs
a further refiection. ' ..-
A man who serves his country 20 years, io
the volunteer force is entitled to a long service
decoration, a distinction which is no doubt
thoroughly earned. But a man may serve 40 years
with credit, in the Navy and letire as Captain or
Rear Admiral with no honorr of any kind what-
ever. The honours fall to those who by good
fortune or superior merit have exceptional oppor-
tunities, and to those whose agreeable personal
qualities make them acceptable to the distinguished
civilians who from time to time govern the Navy.
But remember that no man can be prom.oted from
lieutenant to commander and from commander to
Captain and serve his due time at sea, without
rendering to his country a service with w hich
20 years in the volunteer force cannot be com-
pared at all. RejTiember that he has carried his
own life^ and the life of hundreds in his hands 'ji
years. He has been responsible for ships whose
value may come to n;illions. It is true he may
retire with the title of Captain, but a few years
service in. the Army has entitled thousands ol
young men to" such distinction as this title gives
Is it not time to recognise that, merely to read
captain's rank argues a debt from the country that
should be recognised by some mark that will dis-
tinguish a man from 'his neighbours on public
occasions ? The Imperial Service Order is already
conferred for years of meritorious work in the
different civilian services. Service in the Navy is
conspicuously imperial. Wh\' should not every
Captain receive this order on retirement ?
ARTHUR POLLEN
January 20, 1916.
LAND AND, WATER
THE FORUM.
A Commentary on Present-day Problems.
IN The Forum of the issue before last, the
present writer dealt in the manner of a
devil's ad\'ocate with some British charac-
teristics tending to hamper the '■■ effective-
ness of British work. That informal commentary
has brought, among other documents,- two of
exceptional interest : the one a letter of protest
against the doctrine of" finishing the screw-driver,"
thr" other a fantastic little book, beautifully
printed and boldly illustrated, with the. title of
The Devil's Devices* sent by its author. It is
not likely to be a coincidence that the writer of
the letter is the illustrator of the book. But
though it may be prudent to be on one's guard
against such amiable little conspiracies in the
future, and to beware of establishing awkward
precedents, the writer of these comments gladly
confesses that he would have been sorry to have
missed the wit and wisdom of The Devil's Devices,
and is happy to have the opportunity of introduc-
ing it to readers of this page.
The burden of both letter and book is that
efficiency and organisation are — the Devil. The
assumption of both correspondents was that
''eflficiency and organisation " were tlie, chief and
only gods set up for worship in the commentary
under discussion. . .; , .
--Says the writer of the letter : — "May I point
olit' that there Vs ' a real case against finishing the
sci'c\'v-driver ' as ahycae who has used Specialised
td61s Well knows: \\'hatever may be the state of
.aifairs in factories (the further extension of the
methods suitable to which wouldbfe a doubtful
j:;;ood), the tool which will do only one job and
that only in one Way is a nuisance' and an ex-
fi-dvagant nuisance." But can this position be>
reasonably'maintained ? Is it not really, the result
of the craftsman's bias against any threatening of
the liand-worker's primitive processes? Such a
bids is eminently justifiable in the case of such
monstrosities as machine carving and the various
fakements and imitations to which the machine
is prostituted in modern production. But a
very clear distinction needs drawing between work
which the machine does as well as or better than
the man, and that which the man does'better than
the machine. '■ •
To return to screw-driving. After all the
screw is itself a machine. EVen^ the most
primitive screw-driver must be a tool tnore or less
specially adapted for the purpose of drivnng screws,
and can only have a quite secondary, and as one is
inclined to think, misapplied usefulness dn opening
packing-cases or as a weapon of offence. ' Indeed,
this plea against specialised tools' is hard" to under-
stand. No craftsman does, ill actual fact, use a
chisel for screw-driving, nor does one cut the pages
of a book with one's razor. If the ratcheted, semi-
automatic screw-driver does intact drive screws as
well as the primitive tool, who or what in the world
is the worse if it drives them quicker ? If the
improved angle of its blades drives them better,
• •■The Devil's Pevicps," or " Control vcrsu.s Service," by
Pnuglas Pepler, with woodcut.^ by Eric Gill.' Published at the Hamp-
shire House workshops. Hammersmith. I9'5'
is there anything but gain ? Indeed, if an absolutely
automatic screw-driving ni<u.?hine were economic-
ally profitable, there could be no possible objec-
tion to its adoption, or at any rate no pssible way
of preventing its adoption. There is no logical
position save that of going back to the wc-^den
dowel — if that indeed be logical ! ;
For what the writer of the letter really means
is that he regrets the whole development of the
machine era. But no solution of our problems
can ever be sound which ignores the facts of our
actual environment. We are. not, nor are likely
ever to find ourselves in reformed Ercwhon where
the . wise folk, . seeing the mastery which the
machines threatened to acquire over men, broke
them all and made it a crime to invent one. Only
such a solution as accepts the. actual, substantial
and irrevocable facts of our day, which tries to
eradicate certain obvious weaknesses and make
certain practicable improvements within the
general lines of what we had best call our develop-
ment rather than our progress, is worthy of atten-
tion. The rest is crying for the moon.
It does indeed seem a much more reasonable
because a more practicable proposition to hold
that a machine should be contrived, to do everv-
thing that . it can do better and quicker than a
man, and that the fine of advance of the man should
be to provide himself with the leisure and the educa^
tion andto develop the healthful energy necessary, to
create those things which it is certain that the
machine can never create. Such things, for in-
stance, as. works of art,, which only the unreflective
consider to be of secondary importance in life. .
To a certain extent the artist can and should
even capture and control the machine. This is quite
obvious, for instance, in the case of printing. It still
remains true that the more closely the craftsman
is in touch with the machine and the more direct
the process, the more personality can be got into
the reproduced picture. For instance, hand-inked
and hand-pulled lithographs are of a finer artistic
quality than any printed on the most accurate
machine with mechanically distributed ink and
perfect impression. . But very tolerable results
are produced by purely mechanical printing pro-
cesses. The lithograph remains a good example
because there does not arise the controversial
question as to the iniquity or otherwise of photo-
mechanical engraving. If the original lithograph
be beautiful in design and rich in colour, all but
those most subtle nuances, which rightly have
value for the instructed connoisseur, will be
retained by skilled mechanical printing.
The application of this can be made very
obviously to extend to furniture. If a table is
rightly planned, machine sawing, planing and
mortising, with only the final fitting and finishing
performed by the craftsman, will produce more
quickly and more economically a thing as useful,
and all but as beautiful as one that is worked
throughout by hand. This matter is more signi-
ficant than might at first appear. It is unques-
tionable that the English craftsman of the later
decades of the nineteenth century, who inspired
TT
LAND AND WATER
January 20, 1916.
the crafts revival in America and German\', always
committed the fault of holding aloof fpom the
machine. They always assumed that the machine-
made article was radicalh^ bad ; when the fact is
that it may be either good or bad. It is the
planning and the treatment that matter. When
they might have designed, advised, controlled,
our craftsmen maintained a detached superiority.
They might have saved our manufacturers from
producing shopfuls of " artistic" horrors.
Which leads me to the second indictment of
my correspondent— perhaps I may be allowed for
the occasion to put aside the formal solemnity of
impersonality — namely that I claim that the
(iermans have honoured the prophets of our house-
hold whom we ha\'e preferred to leave unrecog-
nised. Well, it is simply true. The doctrine
preached by Morris and developed by Professor
Lethabv of honest intention in manufacture,
has been seized upon in Germany and put to
excellent use. Perhaps I may be allowed in
explanation to quote what I have written else-
where. This doctrine "steers us'past alfsuch mistakes
as making wall-paper to represent tiles, or linoleum
to simulate parquet work ; plaster pilasters or
iron mantel-shelves to look like marble ; deal doors
grained like — well, like nothing actually on earth,
but alleged to be like oak ; transparent paper to
imitate stained glass, and a score of other such
imbecihties.
" If you want a biscuit box yott really ought
not to make it look like a bag of golf clubs, or six
volumes of Shakespeare, or a Chippendale cabinet
— all current examples. vSuch monstrosities make
thoroughly bad boxes. Design your box frankly
for what it is meant to be, a receptacle to hold
sweets or biscuits ; decorate it gaily with an
amusing pattern, bold or delicate as your fancy
dictates, and your biscuit box may become really
a thing of beauty, and long after its contents are
consumed may serve as a work-box or tea-caddy
that a princess might be content to use. You will
find, as is common in such returns to sanity, you
have also decreased the cost of manufacture."
The Germans have had the imagination to
apply on these lines the admirable maxims which
were made in England by the Arts and Crafts fellow-
ship. On the other hand, as I wrote. " the history of
modem British commerce is largely the history of
lost opportunity and lack of imagination." To make
his point that the German passion for organisation
and efficiency has run amok with disastrous
re.sults, my correspondent has added the gloss of
" and art " after the word " commerce." But I
deliberately refrained in this connection from
speaking of art, that desperately controversial
thing. Art certainly cannot be organised ! But
I see no serious danger in a wide application or
adaptation of tW principles of honest crafts-
manship to manufacture.
" The history of modern German commerce
and art is largely the history of opportunities
seized and exploited with an even greater lack of
imagination," retorts the critic. Yet I think we
need to concern ourselves less with these Teutonic
excesses than with our own defects in this matter.
It may show lack of imagination to run the whole
business to death by the feverish application of
principles, but it surely shows less to make no
attempt to apply them at all.
But let me be fair to my critic, who is not :i
mere iminstructed grumbler, but a recognised
authority in his craft. " Itis one of the greatest
difficulties — -the difficulty of contending with those
who imagine that because the Germans take up
everything with such astonishing voracity and
thoroughness, that therefore they do it well.
Now the particular case of Morris and the
English attempt to revive good printing and calli-
graphy is an excellent example to the contrary.
The Germans' exploitation of the distinguished
scribe to whom your contributor refers, their
translations of his books, *the institution of classes
for the study and imitation of his ' style,' the
foundation of factories for the production of
special pens to make special lettering (just like
the American screw-driver) — all these have re-
sulted in a flood of the most abominable, sham-
artistic, quasi-mediaeval and utterly German letter-
ing, which no one but a modest English journalist
viewing it with eyes blurred by tears and com-
paring it with the smaller and wavering stream of
English work, could regard as anything but a
nightmare."
As, to which it seems pertinent to distin-
guish as follows : If the books are well-written
the translation can be no. crime; if the classes
are less for the study of the calligrapher's
style than for the study of his craft through
examples, which surely is a reading the facts
will bear, that is well enough ; if, in fact,
the chief discovery of the modern English calli-
graphers was the old method of working with a
blunt " point," and getting thicks and thins by
a turn of the pen, not by pressure, then I see no
fault in the manufacture of special pens capable
of being used in that effective way. Nor is this
of course in the very least degree ' like the Ameri-
can screw-driver ! ' From my own observation in
this field, I can assert that far from merely imitating,
these aggressive German traders had produced, to-
gether with much that was good, a good deal more
of the rather deplorable, clumsy, "utterly German"
lettering. But let me repeat, we need not be
concerned with their failures. Their general atti-
tude shows a willingness to learn, to exploit if
you will. If my eyes are blurred by tears, it if^
because (in general, and) in particular with regard
to the honourable craft of printing, with which I
have some special acquaintance, it is rare in
England to find a master printer who knows ov
cares an^'thing about the history or high tradition
of his manufacture, which is still so nearly a craft.
Natm-a,lly all this has more significance
to those practical men who are quite reasonably
intent upon " capturing German trade "
than to artist-craftsmen, whose detachment is, as
one is glad to cotifess with respect, one of their
fine qualities. But I will hazard this conclusion :
avoid the German excesses in this matter ; recog-
nise that there are limits to the exploitation of
craftsmen in manufacture: but recognise also
that there is a distinct and important function
that they should be allowed or induced to fulfil,
and that there are definite principles by which
the course of manufacture, the reproduction of
articles in bulk according to pattern, should be
controlled. In general the English craftsmen ha\-e
failed by undue. detachment as the manufacturers
have failed, by indifference. The matter of the
Devil's Devices, and tiie more general case against
efficiency and organisation must be held over
til! the next issue.
Tanuary 20, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
CAPTURING GERMAN TRADE.
ByTArthur Kitson.
MUCH time, energy and money are being ex-
ix'nded in the laudable endeavour to get our
merchants and manufacturers to realise the
unique opportunity presented by the War for
capturing much of the trade hitherto enjoyed by our
Enemy. The Board of Trade has opened a department
for furnishing useful information regarding foreign
markets, our Consuls are beginning to send reports of
foreign wants and conditions.
The British manufacturer has been severely lectured
and criticised for his lack of enterprise, for his refusal to
adopt new methods, his conservatism and, general thick-
headedness. No doubt much of this is well deserved.
The foreign agent, anxious to supply British goods, has
shed many a bitter tear over the stupidity of the Briton
who argues that because his manufactures are recognised
as satisfactory in his own country, they should therefore
be good enough for the foreigner. His refusal to under-
stand or to try to understand the foreign want has cost
this country dearly. But when all this is admitted there
remains much that requires further elucidation.
Great Britain in the past has been easily the first
and leading industrial power. Her early inventors, the
enterprise of her capitalists and merchants; the skill and
perseverance oi her artisans made this land- the world's
home of industry. For over a century we reigned supreme
in the Industrial World until we began to find ourselves
challenged first by the United States and then by Ger-
many.
New Competition.
The advent of American and German competition has
however/entirely changed the character and methods of
trade.' Since the days when Richard Cobden preached his
gosjiel of the civilising and pacific influences :of trade, trade
methods have undergone a complete revolution. Far
ffoni being pacific, modern trade involves a merciless
system of warfare. It is war to the knife, in which the
financially weak must succumb to the financially strong.
Nowadays business success requires something more than
brains and more than skill. Success is usually on the
side of the big bank account. Finance has become
more and more the dominating factor in the international
trade warfare which has been waged with such deter-
mination and ruthlessness during the past thirty-five
or forty years. And it is this particular factor which is
never referred to in all the literature which the authorities
are distributing so generously.
A comparison of the methods by which the Germans
have captured so much of the world's trade, with our own
will throw a flood of light on this subject. For the past
fifteen or twenty years Cierman trade with Russia and
Turkey, for example, has increased at an enormous rate.
Notwithstanding the Germans are and have been personally
disliked by the people of both countries — owing to their
insolence, coarseness and trickiness — the Turks and
Russians have found that their wants have been better
supplied on more reasonaole terms than by those of any
other nation. The Russian dealer likes long-time credit.
The German firm gives him all he demands. I have seen
German bills drawn against Russian .firms for terms of
three, four and even five years.
Again, the German merchant not only learns and
speaks the language of the country he wishes to trade
with, but prints all his catalogues and price lists in the
same language, and adopts the same monetary, weight,
and measure units. His prices usually include delivery
to tile customers' doors. He distributes samples of his
goods freely. He measures the character of those he
deals with, and acts accordingly. He has no scruples.
No Oriental politician can rival the smart Teut-on sales-
man in matters pertaining to bribery and corruption
But behind all this stands the German Government
in the persons of the German Ambassadors and Consuls,
whose duty it is to assist in every possible way the intro-
duction and extension of German trade. No German
prince, not even the Kaiser himself, has ever considered
it beneath his dignity to solicit favours and privileges from
foreign Rulers on behalf of German merchants. Much
of the loyalty and patriotism of the average German is
directly attributable to the belief that his King and
Government are interested in his particular welfare and
make it ore of their duties to support him in his efforts
to secure success. But the chief factor in Germany's
industrial success is undoubtedly its banking system.
German Bankers.
Tiie German banker understands that his chief and
most important client is his own countryman, and he stands
ready to assist him to the best of his abihty. The German
manufacturer, inventor, merchant, tradesman, agri-
culturist and producer generally, have little difficulty in
securing whatever financial support they require, provided,
of course, they can satisfy their banker of their ability
to produce and sell goods at a reasonable profit. The
German banker shares in the profits of the industry he
supports, and hence the holders of his bank shares do
not depend upon the mere interest charges on loans.
German. banks are therefore part and parcel of (Jerman
industries, aiding and supporting them, ready to assist
in every emergency and in every industrial development
which promises success.
Now, contrast all this with our British methods.
The average Briton knows no language but his own^-
and that often imperfectly. He produces only the goods
he has been accustomed to all his life and makes littl^
or no effort to improve his methods or understand the
wants of foreigners. He sends his English catalogues
abroad and quotes in English currency, F.O.B. London,
Liverpool, Hull, Glasgow, or some other British port.'
His terms are cash against documents, or so many days
after receipt of invoice. There are of course, many
exceptions, but I am referring to the avcraf^e British
firm. And unhke the German, he meets with little or
no support from his own Government. Neither his
Ambassador nor his Consul will, as a rule, move a finger
to help him sscure a contract or develop his foreign
business. He stands absolutely alone ! Not only so.
Very frequently he will find his Consul addressing him in
Teutonic accents. For some inscrutable reason, the
British Foreign Office has, for the last half-century or
more, considered that British interests in foreign ports
were as safe or safer in the hands of Germans as in those
of the British themselves.
British Consular Service.
In an article entitled " Consular Service Reform,"
published in the Open Kevieiv (July. 1909), Mr. Percy
F. Martin, F.R.G.S., says : " From a long and intimate
acquaintance with the methods of modern Consular
Service, gathered, I may add, in every part of the world,
I am firmly convinced" that a more \lumsily conceived
or a more indifferently conducted system of Consular
representation does not exist than that of Great Britain
. . . Many persons who occupy the position of
British Consul are ' British ' neither by birth nor sentiment
nor in method. ... It was proved that throughout
the great Empire (Germany), which is opposed so much
to British trade and commerce, and between whose com-
mercial representatives and ourselves has so long existed
and must ever exist the keenest rivalry, nine- tenths of the
Vice-Consuls are of German birth and origin." This
was written, bear in mind, just five years before the
war.
In addition to all these disadvantages, the British
manufacturer and merchant reap no financial benefit
at the hands of their banker by reason of their being
British citizens. The English banking system has been
extolled — mostly by the monevlendiiig classes and
foreigners— throughout the world. Viewed from the
standpoint of the foreigner, there is no question that it
is a wonderful institution. For it collects the savings
and earnings of the British people and distributes them
with the utmost impartiality to the highest bidder
whether British or foreign, all over the world. TheLondoc
LAND A M J:> W a T E R
January zo, 1916.
Danker is essentially an internationalist. .Hip , regards
all nations with an entiiely' impartial eye. He is
swayed by one motive only — namely, the detern'.ination
to win big dividends with the least possible risk. If
the foreign competitor requires financial accommoda-
tion and is willing to pay a higher rate of interest than
the British producer (with the same security) tiie foreigner
win^ There are dozens of (ierman industries nourishing
to-dav. built up and supported by British capital.
It has long been the cry of English lirms that their banks
offer them little or no support in the development of
their businesses.
The Two Banking Systems.
Tile broad distinction between the British and
(ierman Banking System is that whilst the former
deiJv-nds for its rewards upon what the ancients termed
usurv (that is, ))ayment for use), the latter depends upon
production. .\nd between these two systems a great gulf
i< fi.ved. For the one is less concerned with the industrial
success of its own country than the other. It is not of
such serious moment to" the London banker whether
British trade is dull as the decline of (kunian trade is to
the German banker, for the London banker regards the
world as his oyster. If the British ]>roduccr tinds trade
too dull to employ the bank funds profitably, there are
others. The (ierman. or American, the Canadian or
Argentine merchant will be glad to employ them. Hence
the dividends of our banking companies show com-
paratively little variation regardless of our trade con-
ditions. But industrial depression of the Fatherland
nuans financial depression for the German banks, and
'i>icc-vcrsa. Hence it is entirely to the advantage of the
German banker to assist to the best of his ability in
stimulating the industrial prosperity of his own people.
Our ban'rcing system deserves a chapter to itself. As a
safe system for earning steady dividends for bank share-
holders it stands almost unrivalled. For, as was, demon-
strated in August, i()i4,in times of crisis it has the credit
of the nation behind it without having any well-defined
responsibilities thru .t upon it, so that whilst the banks
are allowed to reap all the profits, the nation is compelled
to take the risks. There are no obligations on the part
jf anv of our banks to render aid or facilities to any British
industries whatsoever. Such help is purely optional.
As a national institution, our banking system is one
of the most expensive and harassing that could possibly
be devised. It taxes the British producer for the benefit
of the foreigner. It compels him to provide at all times
a free gold market and a fixed level for gold, chiefly for
the benefit of foreign merchants. It subjects him to the
most variable bank rate in the world ! ! It has been
variously estimated that every advance of i per cent.
ill the bank rate costs this country from £50,000 to
£100,000 per week !
In addition to all the advantages enumerated and
possessed by the German producer, there is the further
one that he is protected to a large extent from foreign
competition in his home market. Every Government
dejwrtment in the Fatherland is forbidden to order goods
from foreign firms where similar goods are purchasable
in Germany. On the other hand, it has long since been
the settled policy of our own Governments, Railway
Companies, Municipalities and (Corporations generally,
to buv in the cheapest market, regardless of consetjuences.
Wlicil f>ossib!c chance lhcH\is there lor British firms to
capture Germun trade ? The ansivcr is that there is no
chance unless the conditions are completely changed. ■ \
Before the War.
Prior to the war. the man or firm who made such an
ittempl. soon discovered that he was fighting not
merely a (ierman competitor but — the entire (ierman
nation. .\nd just as many of the small shopkeeper-
have been driven out by the great departmental stores,
just as the small producer has been wiped out by the
Trust and Combine, so many of our manufacturer* alid
merchants have found successful competition with
(jerman houses — backed as they are by all the strengtl;
of the Gennan Government — impossible I Since the war
started, many instances have come tt) our knowledge
of enemy firms having been guaranteed certain dividend-
by their Government, provided they used e\ery etlorl
to o\ist jival nations from loreign markets. These finrii
were even advised to offer goods below cost, until all
competitors were driven out, such losses being made
good by the State.
Again, the interest of the (ierman authorities in
every branch of industry is illustrated by their policy of
furnishing 'gratuitious help to (ierman inventors andjdis-
coverers. Take, for example, the glass industry. Heat-
resisting glass is a comparati\ely modern discovery, and
was practically a German monopoly when the w-aj- started,
'i'he story of the rise of this industry was told me by a
(ierman professor of Jena some years ago. Two pro-
fessors of the' University of that town stumbled upon a
method of manufacturing glass which could withstand
both high and low temperatures without breaking.
Recognising the value of their discovery they applied to
the (iovernment for financial assistance, and it is said
the (iov.erument immediately responded with a gift of
.500,000 marks for the purpose of lompleting their experi-
ments and starting the industrj^ This industry employed
at the outbreak of the war many thousands of people,
and represented some millions of pounds of revenue to
the German nation.
Again, compare the German Government's attitude
towards their dyi: industry, which has become another
vast monopoly, to the treatment accorded this industry
by our own. Here was an original British invention made
the basis for a German monopoly I Is it not a fact that
hundreds of British inventors have had to go abroad or
sell their inventions to foreigners in order to get them
taken up? Have not many of our progressive manu-
facturers been compelled to import German chemists
and scientists to assist them in the development of their
manufactures ? Can we possibly wonder at the enor-
mously greater progress of (ierman industries when we
contrast the entirely different attitudes of the two races
and their Governments ?
Business Patriotism.
What advantage — economically speaking — has it
been to an inventor or manufacturer or business man
generally speaking, to belong to the British nation?
What privilege or advantage has his British birth and
citizenship conferred upon him which the foreigner is not
equally entitled to ? Except for the purpose of taxing
him or soliMting his vote, w'hat evidence is there that our
Governments have been actively interested in the
success of the average Briton ?
In conclusion, (German trade can be captured only
by the nation that can emulate (iermany in her enter-
prise, her knowledge, her organisation (where the (iovern-
ment lends its wholehearted support to its producing
classes), and. finally, in her banking methods, where the
banks recogr^ise their chief functions to be the support
and development of this nation's trade and industries.
The lesson of business patriotism has yet to be learned
both by our (iovernment and j)eople. No German could
have written such a letter as that recently published by a
well-known Earl, who asked if it was conceivable that the
British jiublic would stand being compelled after the war
to pay more for certain goods instead of buying them from
(iermany ? If' we are to win in our future trade w-arfare,
we must pj-esent a solid front to the enemy. We must
mobilise all our forcesi of production. We must con-
solidate our credit. The (iovernment and people mu-^t
unite to support aiid help each other. Our Ambassadors
and Consuls must all be British to the core. They should
, be conversant with trad(^ and commerce in all its branches,
and constidite the advance guards for opening up new
fields for conquest by our merchants and manufacturers.
The Government should nationalise our banking system
and plaice 'bJiAiking facilities on easy terms within the
reach of all classes. Inventors, discoverers and scientists
should obtain social -^ recognition . proportional to, their
attainmcnts,;and<the conferring of titles on men of wealth
regardless pf the means by which their wealth has been
acquired should cease.
In s'plte' of our many shortcomings, this nation
possesses" alh'tlie'Hfaterial and resources for leading the
world industrially, -intellectually and spiritually, to greater
heights -than. ha,vc^cvtr,y4it been foreshadowed. For the
accomplishp\t;nt of, this, all we need are leaders who have
t!)c knowlc'dgc. the wilT and the ability to organise and
develop these resources.
I
I
January 20, 1916. LAND AND WATER.
A SONG OF THE GUNS.
By gilbert FRANKAU.
4.-EYES IN THE AIR.
Our guns arc a league behind us, our target a mile below.
And there's never a cloud to Wind us from the haunts of our lurking fo^-
Sunk pit whence his shra|mertore us, support-trench cresf-roncealed.
As clear as the charts before us, his ramparts lie revealed.
His panicked watchers spy us, a droning threat in the void.
Their whistling shells outfly lis— puff upon puff, deployed
Across the green beneath,. us. .across the flanking gray.
In fume and fire to sheath' us and baulk us of our prev.
Below, beyond, above her
Their iron web* is spun:
Flicked butunsnared we hover.
Edged ■ planes against the sun :
Eyes in the air above his lair.
The hawks that guide the gun !
No word from earth may, r(;ach us save, white against th3 ground,
The strips outspread to teaoh us whose ears are deaf to sound :
But down the winds that sear us, athwart our engine's shriek,
We send — and know they hear us, the ranging guns we speak.
Our visored eyeballs show uS; their answering pennant, broke
Eight thousand feet below us, a whorl of flame-stabbed smoke—
Tne burst that hangs to ^uide us, while numbed gloved fingers tap
From wireless key beside us the circles of the map.
, , Line — target — short or over —
--ijil- . . ,• ....
fcfff <:t?'>.r;' ■ ' Come, .plain as clock hands nm,
iwiifiv Words from the birds that hover,
Unblinded, tail to sun :
Word out of air to range them fair.
From hawks that guide the gun !
Your (lying shells have failed you, your landward guns are dumb :
Since earth hath naught availed you, these skies b3 open ! Come
Where, wild to meet and mate you, flame in their beaks for breath.
Black doves ! the white hawks wait you on the wind-tossed bouglis of death.
These boughs be cold without you, our hearts are hot for this ;
Our wings shall beat aboiit^ yOu, our scorching breath shall kiss :
Till, fraught with that we gave you, fulfilled of our desire.
You bank — too late to sav:; you from bitincr beaks of fire-
Turn sideways from your lover.
Shudder and swerve and run.
Tilt ; stagger ; and plunge over
Ablaze . against the sun :
Doves dead in air, who clomb to dare
The hawks that guide the gun I
;:i, ,U
N.B.— A Song of the Guns will be contf iued in our next issue.
SPENCER PRYSE'S WAR LITHOGRAPHS.
We publish to-day the first of a series of War Lithographs, which iVir. Spencer Pryse drew at the
beginning of the war. He was the first English Artist to find himself within sound of the guns.
Events in those days moved quickly, and he covered numberless miles in order to see all there was
to be seen, passing from Antwerp to Bordeaux, through Belgium and France, and again along the
French trenches in Artois and Champagne. His views of the Western Front are unrivalled and have
acquir J strong histoi^ical interest. Many of them ware drawn direct on the stone, and so they have
an actuality which is uncommon in lithographs. Mr. Spencer Pryse's work is too well known in this
country to need any commendation from us: he stands on an eminence by himself.
15
LAND AND WATER.
January 20, 1916,
FRENCH WAR BOOKS^
By F. Y, Eccles.
THE publishing house of Larousse, ^^"^"^ f "
over the world for the enterprise with which
it disseminates useful knowledge in popular
forms, has begun to issue a series of selections
from French war literature for circulation in neutral ana
allied Countries. 1 think it was well worth doing, ton-
verts to our cause are hardly to be gained at this time
3f day by anv arguments short of evident successes in
the field • bift something may be done to conhrm the
timid s\nnpathies of neutrals by the mere echo of a
reasoned confidence and determination which have hitherto
perhaps been most effectively expressed in the brencn
language. It is. however, among the allies of France
that such a scries is likely to be most useful ; for/" .the
sphere of opinion our service de liaison is still flet^ctwe.
and from dav to day misapprehensions are bred by the
debauch of idle or interested rumour It is real'y im-
portant to realise what Frenchmen believe that they
and we are out to destrov. and why compromise is in-
coaceivable to them ; and the best way is to read the
authors whose credit with their countrymen stood high
before the war and has risen with their utterances since
The union of the national intelligence with the national
will has never been so intimate as now.
The series begins with MM. Maurice Barres and
Emile Boutroux. Each author is introduced by a short
appreciation of his whole work. The excellent account
of Maurice Barres is from the pen of a fellow \osgian,
M Fernand Baldensperger, the distinguished professor
at the Sorbonne, who is serving at the front M.
Boutroux is introduced bv a philosopher M. Marcel
Drouin I do not quite understand how it happens that
the introductions are printed in English as well as in
French while the text itself is not translated.
The selections from Barres consist of articles contri-
buted to the Echo dc Paris. Many of these p(g;-s
choisics formed part of a volume already noticed m
these columns, and the rest are no doubt reappearing in
its sequel, which is just announced under the title ot
" Les Saints de France." It is probably superfluous to
recommend these admirable writings, in which there
is not a word which does not tend to action, and at the
same time to illustrate that reflective and rehgious
quality which reinforces the instinctive patriotism
of the humblest as of the most cultivated Frenchman.
M. Emile Boutroux. the philosopher— more exactly
the critic and historian of philosophy— has a universal
reputation as a representative of the speculative French
intellect of to-dav. His superior eclecticism supposes a
rare familiarity with (ierman thought, and his articles
and lectures on subjects connected with the war are a
solid contribution to the knowledge of the German soul.
Even in France, where Teutomania never flourished
there must be thinkers who have felt latterly obliged
to vindicate their patriotism at the expensfe of their
penetration or their consistency, or who have only
avoided a rather ridiculous retractation by fostering the
legend of ■■ the two (iermanies " M. Boutroux, who has
lived in Germany before 1870 and since, who has an
immense respect for Leibniz, knows Fnuslhy heart, and is
not disposed to underrate the positive achievements
of German science and erudition, has nothing to retract
He is not one of those who explain the aggression of
IQ14 as the effect of a sudden or at least a recent aberration
on the part of the rulers of Germany. He knows that
the firing of Louvain. the horror of Gcrbevillcr, and the
sinking of the Lusitania are consistent with theories
which' it is not at all fantastic to trace back to certain
illustrious German metaphysicians. They are justified
by that divinisation of " Deutschtum " which is at least
as old as Fichtc. and is by no means unconnected with
what philosophers call subjective idealism.
•The ego, says Fichte, is effort • thus it implies
something to resistit, namely, that which we call matter.
The master-people commands : there must iherefori' bo
nations made to obey it. Indeed, those jiations. which
"" t K^vaiiis^ Fiutnais pendant la Onme. i. Wdtarice Barris
(pages f hoisies). 2, Kmile B.jutroux (pages choisies). Pans : I.ihra.ne
Larousse, 1915.
are to the master-people what the non-ego is to the ego
must resist the action of the superior nation For that
resistance is necessary, in order that the latter may
develop and utilise its' strength and become itself in the
fullest sense "
But the close and lucid reasoning of the atticle on
"Germany and War." and of the lecture on The
Development of German Thought," do not lend themselves
readily to quotation. M. Boutroux heard Treitschke
lecture against the French, and was scandahsed when
Zeller (whose History of Greek Phi^losophy he was
after%vards to translate), opened a lecture ^vlth this
announcement : •' To-day I propose to construct God.
The next volume of these " Ecnvains Francjais
pendant la Guerre," will contain selections from the
veteran historian Ernest Lwisse.
.'HJUlr.- Belloc, The Man and His W.rk." By_G. Gr.iiihton
Mlndell and Edward Shanks, with an mtroduct.on by G. K.
Cheslerton. (Methuen and Go.) 2s. fid.
Readers of L.\Nn .\nd W.^ter wlio have come to regard
Mr Hilaire Belloc as the lucid expositor o the progress and
events of the Great War, the student of military history, who
interprets for them the significance of strategy and actics as
they are unfolded week bv week, are inclined to overlook that
he is also one of the most charming hving essayists in the
Fngiish language, a writer of "nonsense verses which aie
aSv Clares and a man who has earned the fine art of
travel'to as high a level as it has ever attained.
In this little book these truths are well set out. and not
the least part of its value lies in the numerous citations from
his works which are for the most part excellently chosen^
Mr Belloc has run a tilt against many of the worst abuses of
Party Government, and has stripped the tinsel and gaudy
deceits from that old idol, whose worship so many Knglish-
men find it^ hard to abandon, even in these hours of eartli-
Se and whirlwind. But in this direction his work ma
Se said to be only at its beginning, and we b^heve he m11
accomplish much more in the years to come than anyth ng
he Ims achieved hitherto. Though Mr. Belloc has writ en
1 ttle poetry, the most of it is of the highest order, and has
alreadv been the begetter of rhyme. It is mentioned
in these pages that Rupert Brooke acknowledged his indebted-
ness to Hilaire Belloc. and the extraordinary resemblance
be ween Brooke's well-known sonnet "The Soldier. and
one of Belloc's poems in " The Four Men is too close to be
accidental. The first two verses of Belloc s poem run .
He does not die that can bequeath
Some influence to the land he knows,
Or dares, persistent, interwrcath
Love permanent with tlic wild hedgerows :
He does not die but still remains
Substantiate with his darlihg plains.
The spring's superb adventure calls
His dust athwart the woods to flame ;
His boundary river's secret falls
Peri)Ptuate and repeat his name.
He rides his loud October sky ;
He does not die. He docs not die.
Leaving aside his writings on war, it is as a traveller that
Hilaire Belloc has won the affections of so many readers, and
tirciapter in this volume on this part of us literary career
seems to the reviewer to he inadequate In one paragraph
he is unjustly praised for committing thehcmous sm of 1 im
Writing'" Belloc is much too great an artist to be guil v of
dtler •' Fine Writing," or " Superfine Writing." But where-
eve'he wanders he ttkes us by L hand, and ^howY^/" ^ha
is visible to himself. That is the true spirit of he lionest
lover of Earth, the mother of us all. We are aU children to-
gether and but he has the longer sight, and lus delight is
to disclose for others all he himself sees. And nothing better on
travel has been written than these few sentences from Belloc s
pen, with which we will end this brief review :—
1.00k you, good people all, in V""' little passage through the dayligM
get to see as many hills and buildings and rivers, ^f '!«• '>"°«^'
men, horses, ships and precious stones as you can possibly manage^
Or else slay in .ine village and marry in it and <lie tber'-- I-or one
of these two fates is the best fate for every man. luther to Le
what i have been, a wanderer with all t"t bitterness of . or to
stay af Home and to hear in one's garden the voice of Cod.
Me-,srs. George Allen and Unwin. Ltd.. announce
new editions of " The Autobiography of Frnebel and
Pestaloz/.i's famous svork, " How Gertrude- Teaches Her
Children \" _
January 20, igi6.
LAND AND WATER
ARTISTS IN PEACE AND WAR.
By a Correspondent.
THERE has been opened at the Leicester
Galleries, Leicester Square, an exhibition of
paintings and etchings by the members " of
that famous corps, the Artist Rifles The
first impression which a walk round the galleries creates
is the singularly high general standard oTm;n -every fn The^fedment No" IsfT^'"'
picture has individuaHtv. and it .x,o„iri k. ^;«;„.,i. Z \. ^"^ regiment. No. 68, a drinkin
picture has individuahty, and it would be difficult to
bring together a collection so exempt from- poor work-
manship. ^
Artists evidently soldier as well as they paint • so we
can readily understand the tribute of praise ' which
General Viscount French of Ypres paid to them on his
departure from France— a tribute of which the regiment
IS naturally proud. " Officers and Men." he said " it is
Eolm' SlTne."^"''''" "'"' " ^^ Lance-Corporal
In the Reynold's Room where the paintings are
hung one meets again with pleasure the Egyptian
paintings of Mr. Lance Thackeray, now a Lance-Corporal
angularly appropriate
and. nothing could give
me greater pleasure
than that your regi-
ment, the Artists'
Rifles, should be the
last British troops that
I shall see in France.
You have done wonder-
ful work since you came
out. You have fur-
nished some of the
finest leaders of the
army from your ranks,
and in doing so you
have suffered perhaps
greater losses than any
other regiment out
here. You have done
great work, and I have
no doubt that you will
continue to do so till the
«nd of the campaign.
I am very pleased that
the Guard of Honour
on my leaving France
should be supplied by
the Artists' Rifles. I
wish you good-bye and
good luck."
This exhibition is
not by any means a
war exhibition, much
of the work was done
previous to August,
1914, and in some in-
stances this very fact
gives a new significance
to the exhibit ; thus
No. 49 shows us
" Ypres, April 1914,"
by Private Eric Sharpe.
This must be among
one of the last pictures
to be made of the old
capital of Flanders
before the Hun fury
f^.
^
^
A*-
P.
uM-
^A^
1 '
~:
HIGH BEACH: SEPTEMBER 1915.
By Lance-Corporal James Thorpe.
TTr^r^or- T? ^^ :-:-• *•"• ^ — " -wMiig pkcc at Dicrout,
Upper Egypt, is a perfect example of his exceptional
power in reproducing the atmosphere of the desert
Corporal Gerald Ackermann shows two excellent pictures'
one of_^ Corfe Castle" and the other of "Richmond
Lastle, and there, is a touch of the Futurist that is
very pleasing in Private Paul Nash's "Tree-Tops"
(83) and Summer Garden " (91). Breadth of vision
and treatment characterises Captain Gerard Chowne's
" The Chff " (66) ;
Sergeant C. Maresco
Pearce's " Mentone " is
a splendid presentation
o f Italian domestic
architecture, and Lieu-
tenant W. Lee ^an-
key's " France in 1914-
1915 " (74 and 78) are
admirably expressed.
" Somewhere in
France " (93), by Ser-
geant E. Handley
Read, is a vigorous
painting of a typical
willow-avenued road
flooded with rain ; and
2nd Lieutenant Adrian
Klein (we notice from
the catalogue that he
has been given a com-
mission .since he gave
up etching and took
to painting, although
whether on account of
it or not is not men-
tioned), has a pathetic
painting of the " Flem-
ish Mill, Ypres."
Other contributors
to this admirable ex-
hibition are Colonel
Walter C. Horsley,
Captain Charles J.
Blomfield, Captain
Hall, Second Lieu-
tenant A. E. Cooper.
Corporal Montague
Smyth, Lance-Corporal
Dobson, and Private
W. H. Fisher. Glanc-
ing through the names
and at the work on the
walls of which these
men are capable, the
thought very naturally
arises what will be the
.*^*c
--ili^
broke against it and battered it into a mass of ruin, result of actual experiences in thTfidd'' undent J'oDiS
^?f, '1 gams new deep pathos. Next to it is an etching conditions, on the future output of these artists Thev
of ;• The Belfry, Bruges," by and Lieut. W: I-e Hai^ey ^^fPv^^^''^;:^^^'^ :Snr:S%^
' t'l'±.JlZrtl!'T. e„M„^^„^..!T;-- ^°.«-^ f^^"- and it seems ob'vioS
which IS a very fine piece ^. ...... .... .,.(,'- — " ^^ icei me emouons to tne lull, and it seems obviou'«
Belgium, reproduced on the opposite page, is by the that the new life in which some of them are even Z-
same artist. Lance-Corporal E. L. Pattison has a engaged will cut deep into their work^ SrSneZr
stnking etching of "Magdalen Tower, Oxford." Ser- Pryse, whose hthographs enjoy a urque reputa^En fn
geant Garrard's lithograph "The Port of London," is a the world of art, has already showZT ho7deeply no^
hne study Something which is out of the common, and only the sadness, but the sliarp contrasts that iro in
Which will necessarily command attention in that it evitable in war-time impress him One could not wi^h
shows how intertwined in these bloodstained days are for a better example of this than the litho"ranh that
peace and war, is the sketch of the proposed " Govern- appears in the present issue British Artillerv af T ^.
ment Bmldmg " at Ottawa, by 2nd Lieutenant T. H. Mans-English guns resting under the shelter of the oM
Hughes. "St. Omer from the Abbey" by Cadet Adrian French Cathedral. The scene at first Xnce at ' ^^^^
B. Klein, is sure to arrest many a Staff Officer from by its incongruity, but in its dramatic power lies the auiet
l-orcl brench downwards. It woidd be difficult to give strength of the glorious building and the restless activitv
a better idea of the beauty of this part of the exhibition of the gunners and their battery. It seems to shadow
than by a glance at the bottom picture on the opposite forth the quiet potency and immutability of religion
699
LAND AND WATER
January 20, 1916.
and tnc petty unrest and activity of human hatred and
destructiveness. , j fu^* th^
At one time there was an idea abroad that the
artist was the stormy petrel of humanity ; that he tclt
instinctively the coming storm before its approach was
reahscd by the rest of mankind, and that all the revolt
against conventions which found its loudest expressions
in the Futurist Exhibitions (the Futurist often being
only a man who was
trying to revive all
that was best in the
Primitive and to be
finished with Artili-
ciality), was merely a
symptom of the politi-
cal and social cata
clysm which has now
engulfed Europe. It
is more than doubtful
whether this idea can
hold water, especially
when we remember
the particular school
was but a small one,
but what it does prove
is that before the war
there was a strong
movement in existence
for greater sincerity in
life. Nor wts it only
confined to art circles.
The war naturally has
ijuickened this move-
ment and imparted to
it intense vitahty.
None the less, conven-
tionality and insincerity
REVIEWS OF BOOKS.
M. Atkinson
•• Me-nolrs of M. Thiers, 1870.1873.'' Translated by F.
{George Allen and Unwin, Ltd. J
These Memoirs of M. Thiers, covering tne penod l.om
September 1870, when the great French ^tatesiuan started
on hTrtour o^f he European capitals on behal of Prance
until May 24th, 1873, when he resigned the I^resKlency of the
l^l..Jafler'his^ifeat in the ^^^/^^t:^^.
tune moment. In read-
ing them through one
often finds it hard to
realise that forty-five
years have elapsed be-
tween then and now,
so naturally do present
events appear as the
corollary of the happen-
ings of those days.
How many people are
aware that but. for the
firmness of M. Thiers
Belfort would have been
a German town. On
this point he was adam-
ant, and finally France
had to choose between
the humiUation of the
German triumphal march
through Paris or the
cession of Belfort. She
unhesitatingly cliose the
former. Very different
might have been the
story of this war had
she, to escape the tem-
porary degradation, let
go her permanent hold
on Belfort.
THE FLIGHT FROM BELGIUM.
By 2nd Liculenant W. Lee Haokey.
We strongly recommend a perusal of this book to all
who take an interest in the political complicities which he
behind and follow on a great war. History repeats itself with
surprising exactitude in this respect.
By Moore Ritchie. (Longmans Green
the Field.'
28. 6d. net.
With Botha
and Co.) --
Little has been written on the campaigns in South Africa,
"' — - "o--- , talent among men wno are lu^u- Little has been written on tae Ltuupug..:, "'■:;: ""■7-
there is ^{^3^^"^^"'!^°; duty to Their country, and have ^j^ich rank among the most notable successes of the war .for
fully discharging their duty to tn y ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^ .^1 ^^^1^^^^ ^U3t ^ bestowed on this book.
aSS'^lar^^e L^^h a;;! palette to go forth
and defend the right.
Pnhlished in aid of the BelgkiT Red Cross and other
Bel/an c larfti s, Bekian Art in Exile (Colour Publishing
Co 5 net) is on; of the most sumptuously produced volume
thai the war has called forth, and is one which will appeal to all
lovers ofTrl Nearly a hundred Belgian artists and sculptors
are represented in the volume ; many of these men are m
England at the
present time, others
are prisoners in Ger-
many, and vet others
are with the Belgian
army. The best of
Belgian art is repre-
sented, and the col-
lection is sufficiently
complete to give even
an amateur a com-
prehensive idea of the
range of colour and
form in the work of
Belgian painters and
sculptors. Apart
from the aims which
the book is intended
to further, it is a work
of permanent interest
from the artistic point
of view, while literary
SSand Mau&aeterlinck add to its national value
An echo of Rupert Brooke's work is to be found in The
Volunl^er and other Poem., by Herbert Asquith (Sidgwnck
and Jackson, is. net). This is specially notable in The
^~"" ■"Ind'thoTe.'who come this way in days hereafter.
Will know that here a boy for England fell.
The rest o" the poems are characterised by a similar note.
It is good verse of the Oxford order.
this reason a special welcome must be bestowed on this book.
Mr Moore Ritchie was a member of General Botha s Body-
guard, and took part both in the suppression of the rebellion
and in the conquest of Damaraland. ,
The author makes no attempt to go into strategical ques-
tions or political problems ; he gives us a vivid picture of the
hardships which the troops had to endure, and endured wilhngly^
under General Botha, whom theyidohsed. He never spared
himself or them, and their marches across the desert will rank
liigh as a military
achievement. This
book is the more in-
teresting in that it is
copiously illustrated
with photographs.
.\nd when the
lighting was over
and the victory won,
kindliness was shown
to the conquered
Germans. " The con-
duct of the South
.\frican troops," writes
Mr. Ritchie, " should
assuredly be noted.
The very confidence
of these German
townspeople that they
had nothing to fear
from the hated troops
CHiNON CASTLE. of the British Union
By L.nce-Corpor.1 M.lcolm CHborne. of South Africa WaS
eloauent The thing stood out, a piece of bitterest irony in
connect on with a people whose kindred across the seas were
mrking civilisation shudder at their atrocities afloat and
^hore General Botha's forces had crossed a desert th rough
;tch it was the open boast of the enemy that it was strewn
with mines and with every well Pl"^""':'^- . ^^^^ t"^ !
defenceless citi7,en of Windhuk or Karibib the wor,e for it
aaer the occupation? Not one. It was magnanimous
ft was magnificent. But I wonder if the chivalrous Teuton
would caU it war I " We also wonder.
700
TlIOIlSDAy, J IM'ARY 27, 1916.
LAND & ^VC^ATER
'^- • iniiiitrriniiiiiiinii mnnriM
|M|t5«l(diMiaRHU^*>aeiSB««Kan)iwKmC8^^
"T'Tii ilr'"n — r-inini 1 r n r ji' — ^
iuoMii faclujico/j/ /or ■/.and and Water."
PRIVATE JOSEPH WALKER.
No. 16,0!»2 BEDFORDSHIRE REGIMENT.
On September 9, 1914, Joseph Walker enlisted in the Bedfordshire regiment for the duration of the war;
on January 11, 1916, the sea gave up the body of No. 16,09 i Private Joseph Walker, Bedfordshire regiment,
on the dyke at West Capelle in Holland. And the kindly Dutchmen, as a last tribute to the British soldier,
sent for an English clergyman, and v^ith the Union Jack as his pall and the prayers ot his Church
read over the coffin, his body was laid to rest in consecrated ground. The full story is told on page 9.
OS
January 27, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
MR. TENNANT'S FIGURES.
By HILAIRE BELLOC.
PUBLIC opinion in the present phase of
the war hesitates in judgment much
more than it did in the earlier phases.
That hesitation may turn ill. It may
produce weariness or an unreasonable depression
or perhaps, what is worst of all, confusion.
Against such a danger there is a preventive
to hand, which I will take the liberty of suggesting
to those in authority at this moment. It is
possible for them to undertake a policy which
would, I am convinced, be of the greatest value in
strengthening and moderating that general civilian
judgment upon which ultimately all governments
at war depend, and which, therefore, in the last
resort, decides the fate of the armies themselves.
This policy consists in the official publication
at fairly regular and jairly short intervals of state-
ments upon the general position — e.g. : upon the
enemy's presumed condition of supply, wastage
and recruitment ; upon the nature of the ground
in this or that field of action ; summaries of the
results of special actions, criticisms of enemy
statements, etc.
It may be of value to give first the arguments
in favour of such a policy before proceeding to
examples which show what follows in its absence.
The public now receives its information upon
the war in the following form : —
1. Oihcial Communiques, very brief and un-
digested, issued daily by the various belligerent
Powers. The average educated and intelligent
man who is concerned to understand the course of
the war (and therefore his own fate !) reads daily
half a dozen things like this : "On the Strypa
near Zudka-Gora we occupied yesterday 2 kilo-
metres of the enemy's trenches and successfully
repelled three important counter-attacks. In the
region of Chartoriysk we have maintained all our
positions."
To aid his assimilation of such a statement
there is nothing : no map, no recapitulation of
the past, no commentary.
2. He further receives (what is more valuable
to him) expanded descriptions from the pens of
accredited correspondents, a very few of whom are
permitted to visit the actual fronts. These give
him pictures often enough vivid and always
interesting. They are written by men of abihty
and not infrequently they convey a real military
lesson. But they are not consecutive. They are
even highly sporadic. Piece together all such
description provided in our Press during the year
1915 and you obtain no more view of the war than
does a traveller on the railway along the Ligurian
Coast obtain an impression of the general landscape
from the brief gUmpses of sea that he gets between
the tunnels.
3. You have further the expansion, explana-
tion and commentary upon all the information
that reaches us written by writers who collect it
here and whose business it is to put it into a general
and comprehensible form. Such work is being
done, for instance, upon the Manchester Guardian,
by that very excellent writer who signs himself
" A Student of the War " and by the " military
correspondents " of all the great dailies and
weeklies. • The Monthly reviews also publish such
summaries ; as does this paper. This form of
information is that upon which the public as a
whole most relies. But it suffers from two
disabilities. First that, as it represents the judg-
ment of varying men, it is not homogeneous :
Secondly that, in a campaign where the necessity
for secrecy has been so thoroughly realised it is not
" official " and does not carry to the public that
hall-mark it'hich, under present circumstances, is
of the highest possible value.
This leads me to the next category of informa-
tion : —
4. Brief statements — often mere sentences —
are given from time to time, irregularly, and
often at very great intervals, either in reply to
questions in Parliament or by men holding public
authority and speaking from the platform. These,
being official, are in spite of their rarity and
incompleteness universally believed and always
produce a deep effect. It is this category in
particular for the expansion and regularising of
which I am pleading. At present it is of all forms
of information at once the most accepted and the
rarest — as also the least regularly supplied.
5. Lastly, there is the flood of suggestion and
" tendency writing " with which the Press is
filled and which whether it is calculated to depress
our spirits unduly or to raise them unduly is
almost equally pernicious. It takes the form
chiefly of headlines — that is, its efifect of suggestion
upon the mind is principally an affair of head-lines
— and it only too frequently represents individual
and personal policy, the desire to influence the
public for such and such private ends. This last
element of information has but little weight in
contrast to official pronouncement when the one
can be set against the other. But for one official
statement there are hundreds or thousands of
such unofficial suggestions and their effect upon
public opinion is unfortunately profound. It
would, in the face of regular official information,
disappear.
These various sources of information stand
in the proportion described above so far as this
country is concerned. The proportion is far
different in other belligerent countries. The
French Government has, wisely I think, added
largely to expanded official statement and has at
the same time, by a strict Censorship, curtailed the
bad influence of mere political suggestion. The
German and Austrian governments have virtually
reduced all information to official information or
comment agreeable to the official point of view.
That is an extreme we are not likely to follow,
and it is, further, a policy which has, on the side
of the enemy, been abused, though the abuse is
not yet fully apparent because the time for
liquidating the moral debt it implies has not yet
come. Other belligerent governments have in
other different proportions combined correspond-
ence at the front, domestic commentary and
oificial statement. In this country alone has the
Matter been almost negligible in amount.
Now, having put the arguments in favour of
such a policy as briefly as possible, let me proceed
[Copyright in America by " The New York Atnerican."]
LAND AND WATER
January 27, 1916.
by way of example to show what results from its
absence.
I will take for this object-lesson two things ;
one positive, one negative. The first is a case of
insufficient official pronouncement upon a funda-
mental matter guiding all our judgment ; the other
an actual omission to provide official information
in a matter where that information abundantly
e.xists and where its public statement would have
been of the highest value.
The first of these examples consists in the
figures twice read out recently to the House of
C'ommons by the Under-Secretary of War, Mr.
Tennant, upon German losses ; the second consists
in the analysis of enemy casualties and enemy
statements in connection with the great offensive
of last September.
GERMAN CASUALTIES.
On Tuesday, the 21st of last December, Mr.
Tennant, in answer to a question put him by Lord
Kerry, quoted the following figures for the German
casualties published in all the lists for the Land
Forces of the German Empire up to the 30th of
November, 1915 :
He gave the total of those casualty lists at
2,524,460.
He further told us that of this total 484,218
represented killed or died of wounds, 384,198
represented the severely wounded, 27,674 repre-
sented those who had died from disease, 381,149
represented the missing.
It would, I think, astonish the authorities
were they able to see the mass of correspondence
and private calculation which followed imme-
diately upon this very imperfect official statement.
Because it was official the great mass of opinion
seized upon it, took it for a complete and exact
piece of evidence, and drew conclusions accord-
ingly-
It drew, especially, the utterly false conclusion
that these figures represented the Official British
view of the total German losses up to the end of
November — that is, during sixteen full months of
fighting. The figures so given — because they
were officiallj' given — formed the basis of innum-
erable private calculations, the general conclusion
of which was that as, of the total a certain balance
not named presumably represented light cases of
wounded, most of whom would return to the
front, the dead loss of the German forces in the
first sixteen months of fighting was a little over a
million and a quarter men I
Now, the War Office never intended so farcical
a result. It was not giving its own calculation.
It was merely giving the German official total.
It knew that this official German total of November
30th referred to a date many weeks earlier. It
knew that the lists even so were incomplete. It
knew that the only doubt about total German
dead loss up to the end of November is whether
it is about 3! millions or about 3f millions — the
only real discussion in the matter is on the margin
of the quarter million. The War Office also knew
that not a man in Europe who is following these
things with attention (out of the hundreds of
men so engaged) would put the absolute losses in
the first sixteen months of the war at less than
3,200,000, while very few would put them as
high as four million — though the French General
Staff, in its detailed and exhaustive calculations,
based upon the widest possible range of evidence,
is not short of that fieure.
We all know then that Mr. Tennant did not
intend to convey by that answer the astonish-
ing conclusions to which his hearers none
the less came — that German losses were about
one-third of the truth. We all know that the
highly-trained and competent permanent officials
who furnished him with those ligures were npt
within a thousand miles of such an intention.
All those figures meant was that the enemy's
own ofticial total of killed and wounded only
(not sick) — which happened to be dated the 30tli
of November, and referred to early October — was
2. I milhon odd, divided as wc have seen, into
killed, missing, etc. The enemy's own authorities
would be the first to admit themselves the two
great modifications : First, that the lists are
belated, secondly, that they leave out all cases
of sickness (except deaths from sickness). Every
single observer in Europe could further prove
that the lists were incomplete — for there is
abundant evidence of this — and that in particular
the category " Deaths from Disease " was so falsely
stated as to be unworthy of notice.
For all this of course neither Mr. Tennant
nor the Permanent Officials who supplied the
figures are in any way to blame. They were asked
to say how the German totals stood, and they
replied accurateh* : " The German totals published
on the 30th of November give such and such
figures."
So far so good — or so bad. The meaning and
extent of an official statement had been wholly
misunderstood by the public not because the
statement was slipshod or false, but because it
was so unexpanded that the misunderstanding
was almost bound to occur.
But something was to follow much worse
even than this misunderstanding due to incom-
plete statement.
Exactly four weeks later on Wednesday,
January 19th, Mr. Tennant again read out in the
House of Commons in answer to a question, a new
set of " revised " figures which were obviously at
variance with his first. This new set of figures
referred to totals later arrived at here by a careful
revision of the individual German lists up to some
date before the end of the year.
But all the public could grasp in so brief and
incomplete a statement was the idea that this
second set of figures was again the official view of
our Government of the German losses up to
December 31st, supplementary to the one given
" up to November 30th." In other words they
imagined that our Government had given them
its official and considered view of the total Germ.iii
losses during December.
The result was startling.
• This second set of figures was as follows : —
The dead now came to 588,986 ; the wounded
to 1,566,549. The dead from disease to 24,08c
and the missing to 356,153.
That general instructed public which had
taken such a hold upon the first set of figures
immediately began to analyse this second set and
was very naturally bewildered. They noticed the
following points : —
I. That apparently in this one month of
December, when there had been the least fighting
of all, the 17th month of the war, 104,768 Germans
had been killed !
In other words the Germans during that
astonishing month had been killed off more than
twice as fast as they had during the heavy fighting
of the summer and autumn I
January 27, 1916.
LAND A N D WA T E R .
Of the wounded about 60,000 had become
unwonnded — time and space and the four rules of
arithmetic had abdicated during this month of
miracle !
In the same apocalyptic lour weeks 3,594
of the Germans " dead from disease " had come
to life again !
Lastly, 24,996 of the missing Germans had
turned up again safe and sound without a scratch !
It is no wonder that after this second set of
figures the calculating public was in despair.
One military writer of high competence and
deservedly influencing a great number of readers
gravely remarked in a great London daily that
" there was little more than 11,000 difference
between the two total figures, surely far too low a
figure for the average monthly loss." He said
nothing of the resurrection of the dead, nor of the
sudden and appalling mortality, he only wrote
that one sarcastic sentence. For 11,000 German
losses in a month is indeed too low ! It is at least
i9/20ths too low !
Well, all this confusion and all this mis-
understanding would have been saved and the
public solidly informed upon the most fundamental
element of all in our judgment of the war if, instead
of two brief answers in Parliament, the Press
Bureau had issued some such statement as
follows : —
" The official figures given by the German
Government of losses in their casualty lists up to
and including those of the ;^oth of November, but
excluding the losses at sea, give a total of just over
tivo and a half fnillions : 2,524,460. These lists
do not include losses from disease (save deaths
from disease) ; they do not refer, upon the average,
to a later date than the early days of October and
certain features in them also point to their incom-
pleteness. For instance, the small proportion of
ivoimded compared with the dead clearly indicates
the omission of many light cases. Again, the
figures set down for deaths from disease are mani-
festly misleading. They can only refer to some
particular category, such as deaths in the base
hospitals, or deaths from a particular set of diseases.
We knoiv that this is the case because the figures
given are actually less than half the death rate from
disease of men of military age in time of peace.
The number of German prisoners in the hands of
the various Allies further proves that the figures
for the missing are insufficient, allowing as we must
a considerable margin foi^ the missing who are not
prisoners hut deserters or dead. The total losses
of the German Empire alone up to the date in question,
November ;^oth (and not the early days oj October
to which at latest the official German figures refer) ,
are, upon every line of evidence, somew'hat over four
million. Of these, however, close upon a million
must have returned to service after recovery from
wounds or sickness, and we may set the total loss
of fighting men from the forces of the German Empire
up to November ^oth at not less than 3I mJllion,
more probably 2 2 or even over."
Such a statement issued by the Press Bureau
officially would at once have raised the value of
official pronouncements — for every competent
observer would have endorsed it — and would
have been a most salutary piece of food for the
public. It would have had an utterly different
effect from the short, hurried and misleading state-
ment made in Parliament just before Christmas.
The Permanent Officials who gave those totals
would have been particularly pleased to have told
the whole truth and, necessary as a rigid censorship
is in time of war, there was nothing here that
could have benefited the enemy.
Then when the time came for the second
statement, made the other day, the Press Bureau
might have issued something like this : —
" Since the estimate issued last month upon
German losses giving the official German totals
and showing how false and misleading these were,
the lists have been carefully revised in this country
and the totals so arrived at are of even greater
significance. • Thus we find that in the individual
lists over 600,000 are- accounted for as dead ; the
official German totals give barely more than 500,000.
We further fi.nd that the- proportion of wounded to
dead is still lower than that originally given ; there-
fore even more certainly false. While the number
appearing in the individual lists as "deaths from
disease " is lower again : a point which conclusively
proves that the enemy delays or suppresses portions
of this item in the individual lists. The Press
Bureau will issue from time to time statements
contrasting German official totals with the results
arrived at by our own analysis of his individual
lists and will continue to show how these mislead
neutral opinion by the belittling of the real German
losses."
Were our authorities to act in this fashion,
apart from the moral effect which it would produce
upon opinion, one of two other results would also
certainly follow. Either the enemy would be
driven to draw up really full up-to-date lists
(inevitably thereby betraying himself to our
advantage) or he would continue his old method.
In this — as our permanent officials are well aware
— a greater and a greater difference would appear
between his statement and the obvious truth, and
his official presentation of his case to neutrals would
be more and more weakened.
I can see no reason why a policy of this kind
should not be adopted. As things are, those who
know the truth talk and discuss among themselves
in a tone quite different from that which the
meagre public pronouncements would warrant.
They leave the public ignorant of the evidence
most in favour of the Allies, and they leave the
field free for the dissemination of false suggestion
and, on occasion, panic.
So much for the principal example which I
proposed to give.
THE GERMAN LOSSES DURING
THE GREAT OFFENSIVE.
The second one though of less extent in
application is perhaps no less significant.
The great offensive delivered by the British
at Loos and the French in Champagne three
months ago produced a certain set of casualties
in the German ranks which the French estimated
at the time as equivalent to about six army corps
at full strength, or say about 240,000 men.
Since that date everyone in Europe who is
observing and following the figures has been
concerned to establish the real damage the
Germans suffered. The Germans themselves
issued an official communique in which they
said that the main shock in the Champagne had
been resisted by a single division ! They flooded
the American press with a statement that the
Allied losses were quite three times their own or
more, their own being therefore presumably about
50,000 men. (We may remark in passing that that
is, to begin with, more than two divisions in losses
LAND AND WATER
, January 27, 1916*
alone ; but the original statement about one
division was so grotesque that no one beHeved it.)
Now evidence of the minimum German loss
— the loss admitted by the enemy — began to
dribble in with the third week of October. It was
then (October 17th, i8th, 19th) that we began
to see in the German lists the casualties referring
to units we know to have been engaged against
the great Allied offensive of last September.
The big lists of prisoners were already noticeable
in the lists of October 29th. These items extended
on week after week (so belated are the German
returns), until after a full three months only does
one begin to appreciate in round numbers what the
(iermans themselves admit in the hsts to have been
their losses on that occasion.
These lists give us not much less than 300,000
men. By the end of November they had provided
us with the names of 266,752 of whom about
24,000 were prisoners, about 44,000 killed and
rather more than 198,000 wounded. But all
during November more names kept on appearing
in the belated lists — 12,000 for the Infantry alone—
and, on the analogy of German lists in the past,
yet more names will continue to appear dtiring
January. The total must be already, as I have
said, close on 300,000. It will probably pass that
figure even in the German official lists, incomplete
as they are, before the whole tale is told; and even
this enormous total makes no mention of the men
suffering from shock and of all the other casualties
apart from wounds — the sick list consequent upon
a strain of that kind.
I say this work has been done very thoroughly
and completely by numerous observers — by none
better than the neutral (by no means adverse to
the enemy) who carries the greatest authority
at the present moment in Europe — Colonel Feyler.
I am sure that work on much the same lines has
been done by our own officials in this country.
Would it not be of real advantage to opinion
and to the judgment of the public if our govern-
ment were to issue from the Press Bureau with
regard to this one item of news some such state-
ment as the following ? —
" The Press Bureau authorises the following
statement : It is now, after a delay of more than
three months, possible to establish from the German
casualty lists themselves the extent of the catas-
trophes suffered by the German armies during the
great blows delivered upon them in the British
offensive at Loos and the French contemporary
offensive in Champagne, at the end of last September.
It will be remembered that the enemy put forward
the obviously untenable claim that the main shock
of this offensive was met in Champagne by no more
than a division, say in full strength 20,000 men.
This statement carried no weight and has deservedly
been forgotten, but it is remarkable how much greater
Ms losses were even than ivas at the moment the
Allied estimate of them. The highest stich estimate
hitherto made by the victors upon that occasion put
the enemy losses at some 240,000 men. So far
we can already discover from the German lists alone
a loss of close on 300,000 men, excluding all- ca.';es
of shock, sickness, etc., necessarily arising in large
numbers from so intense an action.
" We must further remark upon the delays in the
publication of the German lists and their consequent
incompleteness. Even during the third month after
the action, the Infantry lists alone included 12,000
names checked and admitted after so great a lapse of
time, and this fourth month after the action, January,
is still providing us with new names in the lists.
It will probably be found when the history of the
war is written that counting all casualties, the enemy
suffered no less than 350,000 of loss and certainly
more than a third of a million in those memorable
days."
I say that a statement made in those terms
officially (and it would be strictly accurate) would
be of immense advantage and I say that a policy
of issuing such statements sometimes for the
sobering of opinion, sometimes for the enlightening
and heartening of it, has become an immediate
duty of those in authority.
THE FRONTS.
In the six main areas of the war there is no
news of movement save in connection with the
threats made by the Allies against Bagdad and
the Mesopotamian communications of the
Turkish " Caucasian " army. Of these that of
most interest to this country is o'^ course the
advance of the British up the Tigris in their
attempt to relieve the force belcagured at Kut-el-
Amara.
WESTERN FRONT.
On the western front the only point of interest
has been yet another of these curious little local
offensives, in which the enemy is now perhaps
compelled to indulge. This week the attacks were
delivered first in the neighbourhood of Arras,
later about 100 miles off on the extreme north of
the line, and then again near Arras. In both
cases there was the usual intense, but short bom-
bardment against a very short sector of front
(about a mile), followed by an attack with con-
siderable bodies of men. In two cases this attack
set foot in the French trenches for a moment, in
the other case it did not even succeed to that
extent. In both cases the compara'ivelv small
local offensive broke down. It is not too much to
say that in all these cases it was expected to break
down — the talk of the sensational newspapers
about an attempted piercing of the Allied lines —
" A bid for Calais " — in such manceuvres is, of
course, nonsense. When the enemy shall try to
break the western line he will not proceed in this
fashion, but in a fashion ve y different indeed.
It will not be a matter of a few thousand shells,
but of a few million ; not of a brigade or two, but
of massed armies ; and not of a kilometre or two,
but of a twenty-mile front at the least.
If we ask ourselves why the enemy is perhaps
compelled to indulge in these local attacks, which
are very expensive to him and which have abso-
lutely no permanent result, the best answer is by
a metaphor.
If you are trying to hold a door against
pressure from without and you are already in a
state when you find it difficult to hold that door,
you will almost inevitably be led to a succession
of sudden jerks against your opponents, each
destined to give you something of a breathing
space. This necessity is not only a material, but
a moral one. Little local offensives of this kind,
even when you only get a few yards of ground
and a handful of prisoners for your money,
hearten troops. They are probably valuable
when new drafts have reached the front. They
also test troops. But they are not the tactics
of a defensive line which feels itself immovable.
In neither case was the attack delivered against
anything of even local importance. It was not
January 27, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
meant for the seizure of a good observation point
or of a knot in local communications, or for
anything definable at all except the general
necessity of keeping up such local offensives as
part of the enemy's defensive policy in the West.
\ITALIAN, BALKAN AND
RUSSIAN FRONTS.
On the Italian front there has been even less
movement ; before Salonika nothing but the great
French air raid agains'; Monastir ; and on the
Russian front only further details — of the greatest
interest, hower-or — upon the nature of the recent
hghting in Volhynia. There came through in the
course of the week a most vivid description of the
way in which this almost immobile lighting on the
300 miles south of the Pinsk marshes inflicts waste
upon the enemy.
We have had, in some detail and most vividly
related to us, the crossing of the frozen Strypa
by one Austrian division at the moment when, a
fortnight ago, the Russians cleared the Austro-
(iermans off all the eastern bank of the river. The
single wooden bridge was destroyed. The troops
could only cross through slushy water more than
ankle deep, covering the rotten ice. This ice
had not the strength to bear wagons, and though
it appears that the artillery had already been
withdrawn over the bridge before, a considerable
mass of the wheeled material must have fallen
into Russian hands. The crossing had hardly
begun before it was subjected to the fire of the
Russian field artillery and before it was concluded
great numbers of the unfortunate division had
been drowned where the ice had proved treacher-
ous or been shot down or destroyed by the breaking
of the ice in which it was fired. Many more had
been left behind upon the eastern bank, wounded
or stragglers, and, in thg result of this particular
unit perhaps one-third reached the western bank,
of whom we know not what proportion, but some
fragment or other, may still be fit for service.
It would be of the utmost value if pictures
of this kind could be multiplied, and if we in the
west could actually visualise, as we can now only
occasionally do from inteUigently described
glimpses of this kind, what the Polish campaign
has come to mean for the enemy. To most of us
in the west that campaign is but a series of un-
pronounceable names. Even to a close daily
student of the war it is but an unmoving line
across a map, to which may be added by those
who know how to reason upon such affairs, cer-
tain rates of wastage. But the reality which would
make us understand how the Austro-German forces
will lie when the ordeal is over, what the strain is,
and what this winter is costing in general health
and nerve as well, to great numbers of the enemy,
are only got by such very rare examples as that
which i have quoted.
THREE MOVEMENTS IN ASIA.
The Asiatic movements are, as I have said, the
most arresting to us in this country.
There arc at present in the Asiatic field of the
war three movements. Their unity is recognised
by the general, if imperfect, term " Caucasian ''
invented by the enemy and particularly by the
German General Staff, to designate the forces
operating in this field.
There is in the first place the Russian army of
the Caucasus proper at A, A, of what strength we
do not know, but operating, perhaps, against four
Turkish corps, or perhaps five. These forces have
defeated the Turks thoroughly in the last few days
and are now holding various points in the rough
mountain land between Lake Van and the Black
Sea, but their main advance has been up the
only road worth calling a road in the whole dis-
trict : To wit, the road leading from the Russian
railhead to Erzerum. ,
The Russians have pushed along this road,
captured numerous Turkish prisoners and guns
and are now in touch with the outer forts of
Erzerum, which they have already begun to shell :
— though we may be quite certain that they have
not there at present any heavy siege train. ,
I
O SO iOO 20PMl^S
'Mocm^zuwus //
jjunfrif &US
LAND AND WATER.
January 27, 1916.
^o^
t^ nowjulbj /hodec{ )
II
O I 2 3 4- S
t— I — I I i__i
I?Mc^s
The second movement is of the Russians in
Persia at B B.
They have advanced also along the only road
to be discovered for many days' marching in those
regions, the road from Teheran to Bagdad. They
have tiken the town of Hamadan, crossed the
mountain ridge called the Alvvan and come down
to the plain of Kangawar upon the further side.
A German wireless affirms that the Turks have
retaken the town of Kangawar itself and pushed
up to the roots of the Alwan mountains, retaking,
for instance, the village of Assadabad immediately
at their feet. At any rate, the limits of the
Russian attack, so far, is marked roughly by this
short and steep Alwan mountain range.
Finally, there is, of course, south of Bagdad,
the British force coming up the Tigris with the
object of relieving the original Expedition now
encircled by the Turks at Kut-el-Amara.
Now the nerve of all this business, the
channel of communications which, if it be main-
tained, certainly gives the enemy a superiority
in Mesopotamia both in numbers and munitions
against anything that is likely to come against it,
is the so-called Bagdad railwaj'.
We must estimate the value of any move-
ment made, whether by the Russians or by our-
selves in terms of that avenue of communication.
Let us first of all see how the Bagdad railway
at present stands.
We have, of course, no public information
upon the limits it has reached at this moment,
but it is to be presumed that the rail stands much
as is suggested upon Sketch II.
The railway was, at the moment when the war
broke out, in process of completion by work done
from both ends. It has been pushed forward
from the Aleppo end eastward and also northward
and westward from the Bagdad end. It had from
the Aleppo end reached and passed the river
Euphrates and was being pushed eastward. We
may well imagine that in the long interval of time
since war broke out everything has been done to
extend it. It is almost certainly workable as far
as Raslain and quite possibly as far as Nisi bin.
At the other end it extends up to the Tigris,
at least as far as Samarra, probably to Tekrit,
and may even possibly have already reached
the point above Shoreimieh, where the Tigris
passes through narrows between higher ground
upon either side. The extension, however, up
the river is not here so \-ery important because,
especially at this season, the river itself is an
excellent avenue of communicat'on. The real
breach in continuity to the Turkish armies in
Mesopotamia at this moment is between Ras-el-Ain
(or possibly Nisibin) and Mosul. Along that
stretch a road is already in existence which has
been undoubtedly of importance to the enemy
in the last few months.
There are no very appreciable difficulties, no
sharp contours and no peculiarities of soil that would
interfere with its rapid construction and main-
tenance. And the whole distance is no more than
200 miles at the most, at the least 130 to 140
miles, say three weeks to a fortnight's marching,
with the exception of certain very heavy munition-
ment. The gap is not so serious as comment in
this country sometimes regards it. And we may
take it that the Turkish armies, whose main
business it is to maintain a position in Mesopo-
tamia, and particularly Bagdad, are in fairly
rapid touch with their distant bases.
Now the threat to that central nerve upon
which the whole depends is extremely remote.
The Russians advancing upon Krzerum are 20c
miles away with the enormous mass of the
Armenian Taurus between them. The Russians
ou Lake Van are much nearer, but with the very
worst of the mountains in front of them, and no
sort of good road whereby they can advance.
The Russians on the Persian side are com-
paratively few in number. There is here again at
least 200 miles between their present ])osition
and Bagdad. And, moreover, the whole tangle
of mountains, the escarpment which has from
tmie immemorial politically separated the plateau
of Persia from the Plains of Mesopotamia, the
heights to which Persia owes its national existence
and history, stand between.
January 27, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
There is no real threat to the communications
of the Turkish Army at Bagdad, still less a threat
to the city itself until the alHcd troops are on the
further side of this Persian escarpment on the
east and with the Armenian Taurus on the
north.
We shall be most unwise if we regard either of
those events as probable in the near future.
Our forces, which are now attempting to
relieve the original expeditionary force beleagured
at Kut-el-Amara, will not enjoy the effect of any
appreciable pressure exercised upon, the enemy
elsewhere.
What 1he position now is in this critical spot
(it is critical for us, small as are the forces engaged
compared with the total forces of the Allies) the
despatches read in the House of Commons last
Monday sufhciently explain.
The reheving force has, as we said in these
columns last week it was bound to do, come into
contact with and taken its shock against the main
Turkish positions, which lie a couple of hours'
march east of Kut-el-Amara. Those positions it
has been imable to force. The advance of the
relieving force up to the river Tigris and the
retreat of the Turks before it at Sheik Said first,
and then at Orah, were but a preliminary to this
main action, the first phase of which we have
just seen to end without any success to the
relieving expedition.
There has been very heavy loss upon both
sides, but it is to be feared that that loss can be
better replaced by the far more numerous enemy
than by ourselves.
The Tigris, for some days past bank-high,
nas flooded the low-lying regions : an impedi-
ment to either party, but obviously more of an
advantage to the defence and of disadvantage to
the attack. And there the matter stands. The
only refreshing element in the news from this
quarter, and that unfortunately not a permanent
element, is the information that the force con-
tained at Kut-el-Amara is still well supplied.
GERMAN POLICY OF SHELLING
OPEN TOWNS.
Certain correspondents of mine have asked
for proof of the statement that the enemy policy
of bombarding distant open towns differed from
the allied policy of long range fire against special
points in the same.
The proof of that contention lies in measure-
ments upon the map first, and secondly, in the
nature of the raids affected and the damage
done.
In order to appreciate how strong is the con-
trast between the two policies, how truly the allied
policy is mihtary and the German policy in this
respect political, consider the following points.
The enemy in the past shelled no open French
towns except" Dunkirk in this fashion. They
dropped very large shell into Dunkirk at a range
of 30,000 yards or thereabouts. At such a range,
with the calibre of the piece employed, there was
no question of aiming at a particular mark. So
long as the shell fell somewhere within the inhabited
area of Dunkirk all that was desired was achieved.
You cannot at these extreme ranges take an aimed
shot. Moreover, when the French discovered
the piece and destroyed it, they found it not em-
placed, but set perrrianently at its angle of maxi-
mum range and incapable of changes of elevation
^Continued on page 10.)
RAEMAEKERS' CARTOON.
The nation's debt of gratitude to the rank and
file of the British Army can never he fully repaid,
it is as a small tribute to these brave men that L.\nd
AND Water publishes to-day as its frontispiece
in the place of the usual cartoon, Raentaekers'
illustration of a pathetic incident K'hich occurred
in Holland earlier in the month. The report of
this incident ithich icas published at the time in the
Amsterdam " Telegraaf," is translated below.
* * *
" The burial will take place at once ; the
clergyman is only waiting for the Vice-Consul who
has just arrived by tram from Flushing." So spoke
to me the policeman at West Capelle.
. I 'walked past West Capelle's big light house — -
past the church tower of trhich the church itself
had disappeared, and I stood before the chapel in
the churchyard. Through the open door I saw
on -.a bier the white ze'ooden coffin in which rested
the body of Private Joseph Walker, an English
soldier of the Bedfordshire Regiment, regimental
number, 16,092.
On September gth, 1914, Joseph Walker enlisted
for the duration of the ~war ; on January nth, 1916,
the sea bore his dead body to the dyke at West Capelle.
Usually, a body washed ashore in this neigh-
bourhood is buried at the foot of the dunes, without
coffin, ifithout ceremony. But not this time.
This afternoon at i p.m. while the north-west wind
whistled over Watcher en, the English soldier was
buried in the churchyard of West Capelle. Behind
the icalls of the tower where "we sought protection from
the gale the Burial Service was read.
First the Vice-Consul in the name of Eftgland
spread the British flag over him who for England
had sacrificed his young life. Four men of West
Capelle carried the coffin outside and placed it at
the foot of the tower, that old grey giant, which has
witnessed so much world's woe, here opposite the
sea. The Reverend Mr. Eraser, the English clergy-
man at Kortryk, himself an exile, said we were
gathered to pay the last homage to a Briton who
had died for his country. It was a simple, but
touching ceremony.
" Man that is born of a woman hath but a
short time to live. . , . He cometh forth like a
floicer and is cut doivn." Thus spoke the voice of
the minister and the wind carried his words, and
the wind played with the flag of England, the flag
that flies over all seas, in Flanders, in France, in
the Balkans, in Egypt, as the symbol of threatened
freedom — the flag whose folds here covered a fallen
warrior. Deeply were we moved, when the clergy-
man in his prayer asked for a " message of comfort
to his home."
Who, tell me, oh silent field.
Who lies buried here ? Here ?
Yes, who is Walker, No. 16092, Private Joseph
Walker, Bedfordshire regiment ? Who, in loving
thoughts, thinks of him zciih hope even now zehen xve,
strangers to them, stand near to him in death P Where
is his home ? We knoiv it not, but in our inmost
hearts it'e pray for a " message of comfort and
consolation " for his people.
And in the roaring storm we went our zi>ay.
There le-as he carried, the soldier come to rest, and
the flag fluttered in the -wind and wrapped itself round
that son of England. Then the coffin sank into
the ground and the hearts of us, the departing iint-
nesses, were sore. Earth fell on it, and the
preacher said : " Earth to earth, dust to dust."
LAND AND WA T E R
Jarrnar}' 27, 1916.
such as would have been necessary to the correction
of fire had an aimed shot (impossible as that was)
been intended.
Now it is perfectly clear that when you drop
big shell thus into an open town (full of hospitals,
by the way) your only object can be to terrorise.
It is a strictly political object, and on a par with
very much else that the enemy has done.
But more than this, you have the fact that
the enemy had been acting in precisely the same
way in his raids upon England. He had not
struck at points of military importance upon the
coast. He bombarded Scarborough, a watering-
place. He had, in dropping bombs, dropped
them mainly upon places where he thought they
would have an effect upon civilians. In thus
dropping very large shell at extreme ranges— that
is, at random — upon Dunkirk, he was also aiming
at affecting British civilian opinion, both because
Dunkirk was the nearest point upon the Continent
to England which he could reach, even at extreme
range, by the use of his artillery, and also because
it was packed full of English wounded and con-
tained a considerable number of English civilians
at the time. After an interval of many months
he begins exactly the same trick against the
French open town of Nancy. He has got it into
his head that the French will be more willing to
spare their enemy if he destroys some architectural
monument or a certain number of civilian lives
by such bombardment. Here also he aims at no
restricted area of military importance for the
simple reason that he is not aiming at all. He is
dropping shells at extreme range with the know-
ledge that they will fall somewhere within a very
large inhabited district, and that is all his concern.
We know perfectly well, from his first experiment
against Dunkirk and indeed from the nature of
the case, that when the gun is found by the French
and duly destroyed, it will be found emplaced in
such a fashion that it is incapable of movement.
Another characteristic of this kind of action
and a proof that the enemy believes it to be of
great value, is the enormous expenditure con-
nected with it. When he loses one of these guns he
loses a very large sum of money. He similarly
risks very large sums, and by their occasional loss
loses those sums, in the Zeppelin raids upon
England, the military effects of which are insignifi-
cant and are not intended to be significant.
If one were to prove the thesis on more general
lines one would only have to consider the Prussian
attitude during peace towards a population be-
lieved to be hostile. The only method ever
attempted is the method of terror. It requires no
subtlety of suggestion or comprehension, it is
suited to the most base and mechanical type of
brain, it is first cousin to " efficiency and organ-
isation," and it is the only method known against
the Poles or the natives of Alsace Lorraine. Since
the war you have had exactly the same thing in
Belgium and in Serbia. You will have the same
thing wherever the Prussian goes, because he is
incapable of pennanent organic work in political
matters. He cannot govern. This policy of
terrorising civiUans in order to get better terms
when he is losing is all of a piece with that very
simple cast of mind which surely by this time is
sufficiently famihar even to his admirers.
Note at the same time that the German
aeroplanes never carry out long air reconnais-
sances behind the Allied lines, very rarely attempt
to attack railway junctions or stores behind those
lines, and have not risked a single Zeppelin for
mihtary purposes of this ?ort.
Now contrast with such a policy what the
Allies have done and at once you perceive that while
the Prussian policy is pivoting upon the political
motive, the Allied policy is pivoting upon a
military one. The shells dropped on Lille were
dropped upon two very important specified res-
tricted areas of military value, and only of
military value. They were dropped at ranges of
16,000 to 18,000 yards— that is, ranges sus-
ceptible of correction and of aimed fire. This is
still more true of the shells dropped on the railway
junction at Lens, which is. of course, at a much •
shorter range from the Allied heavy batteries
behind the lines. The same is conspicuously
true of the French heavy gun work in Alsace. The
shells are aimed at the railways, particularly the
railway junctions, at the enemy's barracks, at his
sidings and at his stores of goods and material.
They are never delivered at extreme ranges, but
always at objects susceptible to correct and
particular aim from comparatively short distances.
Let me give an example with which I have
personal acquaintance. The Germans dropped
a shell into St. Die in the Vosges a little while
before I visited that place. The shell was sent
from extreme range, aimed at nothing in par-
ticular save the general area of the town, fell in an
outlying street and killed a child. The French, by
way of reprisal, dropped an aimed shell into the gas
works of St. Marie on the other side of the moun-
tains and blew them up. They desired to attain
a particular object and they attained it. They
threw all those arrangements which depended
upon a gas supply into disorder. If any civilian
life was lost it was incidental to a purelv military
operation.
Again the allied air work is constantly pene-
trating to great distances behind the German lines
and undertakes reconnaissances pushed as far as
possible eastward, and with very few exceptions
never drops bombs with the mere object of terror-
ising civilian populations. Those very few excep-
tions, of which Freiburg was one, were strictly
reprisals. The enemy was warned that on account
of his contempt for his engagements and his breach
of the conventions hitherto obtaining between
belligerent white naf.ons, he. would be made to
suffer in the same way that he had made others
; uffer, and only after such warning was the punish-
ment of the civilian populations in one or two
towns upon the Rhine undertaken. It wa suc-
cessfu' and for some time after obviously affected
his policy. It may be necessary to undertake these
repr sals again, and so it is to be hoped that they
will be as thorough and decisive as possible. But
it will still be t ue that the allied policy as a whole
pivots upon purely mi itary considerations in w rk
of this kind and the Prussian policy does not. And
anyone who doubts this has only to measure ranges
and to note the objects upon which the Allied borribs
fall as compared with the enemy's bombs.
When the Zeppelins reached the London
area they knew perfectly well that they could
not effect any milita y result there. They were
not intending any military result. What they
wanted was to get up a clamour against the
authorities. They knew how weak the authorities
had been in failing to suppress treasonable journal-
ism and they hoped to add to our domestic con-
fusion by some lucky shot.
H. Belloc.
January 2"], iqtG.
LAND AND W A T It R
BLOCKADE AND RUMOURS.
By ARTHUR POLLEN.
WITHOUT doubt the most urgent question
of the day for us is to lind out if the
siege of Germany can be made effective
and to make it so if it can be. The past
week has revealed gratifying advances in public
opinion, not only in this country, but in America,
on this question. There is now a practical unani-
mity that the siege should be proclaimed to be,
and in fact become, the common work of all the
Allies, whether the lion's sh -.re in actually en-
forcing it continues to fall to (ireat Britain or not.
There is next an increasing opinion in favour of
proceeding by a regular blockade instead of
pleading the sanction of an Order in Council,
whose legality seems dubious to American jurists,
and there is a marked advance towards agree-
nient that we shall be more likely to find — and
certainly more' prompt in adopting — means to
make the siege a reality, if its conduct is more
under naval than diplomatic authority. So far
there is legitimate ground for a very genuine
satisfaction on the part of those \vho, for the
last six months, have been urging these three
points on public attention.
Finally, there have been published in New
"V'ork the returns of the quantities and destina- •
tions of American exports during part of the ye^x
1915. These have been largely reprinted in the
London Press, and though accurate and well-
informed analysis will greatly alter their apparent
meaning, there can be little doubt that those
who during the previous half-year have main-
tained that our methods of carrying out Mr.
Asquith's threat to prevent " all commodities from
entering or leaving Germany," have been so far
fruitless as to rob our siege of its war value, are
substantially right. For to subject a civil popula-
tion of a country to inconvenience is only irritating,
while to subject it to real privation and famine
is to reduce its army to impotence.
But the past week has also brought us evidence
of another result of this campai^^n of education
by no means as satisfactory. There has
appeared in the Daily Telegraph an article, signed
by Mr. Archibald Hurd, which emphasised the
incalculable degree to which the fortune of the
Allies is bound up with the right use of the British
Navy. Mr. Hurd draws two lessons from the
Napoleonic War. The parallels of 1805 and
1812 are, he tells us, an illumination and a warning
as to what we should do now and why we should
do it. We need at the helm the firm and ex-
perienced hand of such a master of sea war as
was Lord Barham ; if the Navy is to do its work
the " Nelson touch " must be restored to the
Admiralty; if trouble with America is to be
avoided we shall need statesmanship at Whitehall
as well as consummate professional ability ; if
public confidence is to be maintained, we need a head
of the navy whose authority is unquestioned and
unquestionable. The application of these lessons
is obvious. Lord Fisher, he urges, is the man and
must replace Mr. Balfour at the Admiralty.
It is then a sort of summary of the position to
say that there is absolute unanimity as to the
importance of making the siege a reality ; a
general unanimity that this must be an Allied and
not a British operation ; a growing inclination
towards procedure by blockade ; a growing dis-
satisfaction with the authorities so far responsible
for the siege — a dissatisfaction that has resulted
in thinking that it would be better run if it were
in naval hands. But it is also recognised that this
cannot be done without changes at the Admiralty ;
and the fact that such changes may be desirable
re-opens the (juestion " How is the capacity of
Whitehall to run the naval war to be increased ? "
Is it best to look to the Fleet itself, for new blood,
and choose new advisers from those who have
had eighteen months' experience of the real
thing ? Or is it better once more to place our
confidence in so old and distinguished a public
servant as Lord Fisher ? As it is folly not to
recognise that all these questions are inter-
dependent, and, as the successful termination of
the wa:r depends upon the right course being taken
in each particular, let us briefly look at the
various questions in detail.
SHOULD THE SIEGE BE ALLIED
OR BRITISH ?
There are two reasons why it should be
allied. First, Grea Britain is taking great
responsibilities vis-a-vis with America and other
neutral Powers, by acting solely in this matter.
It is not fair that this should fall solely upon us.
Secondly, the fundamental difficulty of the sea
position is to reconcile neutrals to the course which
the Allies require to be adopted. The most
important of the neutrals in America, and for a
hundred reasons the public of the United States —
to whom Mr. Wilson professedly looks for guid-
ance as to his conduct towards ihe belhgerents —
would regard controversy with the Allied Powers
as something different altogether from a con-
troversy with (ireat Britain alone. But as on
this point there is virtual unanimity no more on it
need now be said.
(2) ORDER IN COUNCIL VERSUS
BLOCKADE.
The argument in favour of proceeding by
blockade is twofold. The neutrals question the
validity of the Order in Council. The legality
of a blockade seems easier of estabhshment.
If the validity of the blockade can be legally
maintained, the blockading powers have the right
to confiscate not contraband goods onl}', but both
goods and the ships car ying them when they
attempt to break throxigh the blockade. It is
then a more efficient process. If the supplies
entering Germany have to be carried by ships
that must insure against the risks the blockade
runner has to face, two results would follow.
Only a very small proportion of ship owners would
face the risk, and supplies would not only auto-
matically become less in bulk, but enormously
more costly. It might be thought, if the United
States has protested so vigorously against our
proceedings in the matter of contraband, that they
would protest still more vigorously if we adopted
LAND AND WATER.
January 27, 1916.
the infinitely more drastic measure of blockade.
If the hanging up of American ships seemed a
hardship would not the confiscation or destruction
ol the chartered ships seem intolerable ? As to
this we have something to guide us in the character
of the Notes which the United States have
addressed to the Cierman (iovernment. Omitting
the case of the William P. Frye, a grain ship
destroyed by a German cruiser after the cargo had
been removed, there is not amongst Mr. \\'ilson's
published notes to Germany a single word
of jirotest against the destruction — without
legal trial or any prize court procedure —
of a single capture made by the Germans
either by surface ships or by submarines.
So far as we know the whole of the Washington-
Berlin correspondence is concerned with the
inhumanity and injustice only of the German pro-
ceedings. Indeed, there seems no other inter-
pretation that can be put upon the third Lusitania
note, than that Mr. Wilson accepts, as a necessary
development of modern naval war, that prizes
should be destroyed on the high seas. He is only
conceinvxl that if this destruction is carried out by
subi^iai ines, the safety of the non-combatant
passengers and crews should be properly secured.
If then a plausible legal argument can be made
out for the blockade, it is unlikely that the
Americans, having waived the right to trial, will
raise against our proceedings objections they have
not raised against Germany's.
IS A LEGAL BLOCKADE POSSIBLE?
The main question is, can the legality of a
blockade of Germany be sustained ? The prin-
ciple of naval law is, that no blockade is valid
unless it is effective. Those that have advocated
the blockade of Germany have had to meet this
objection, " How can you blockade Germany,
when the w'hole Baltic coast is open to Danish and
Swedish trade coming from ports East of the
Sound, and when you have no hold over any
capture that you allow to enter 'the Sound
when bound for any neutral port beyond it ? "
There are two main lines on which these objections
can be met.
In the first place, from the date of the third
Lusitam'a note, when Mr. Wilson gave his sanction
to the summary destruction of prizes, it became
obvious that the most powerful of the neutrals
would oppose no obstacle to our carrying out
through submarines those privileges of the sea
that hitherto have been limited to the Power that
has general command of the sea by surface boats.
Although Mr. Wilson finally adopted this attitude
in July last, it was not until October that we
availed ourselves of the liberty which it mani-
estly gave us. But since October we have main-
tained a submarine force in the Baltic, the efficiency
of which in preventing trade between Sweden,
l^enmark and Germany, has no doubt varied ;
but, allowance for all such variations being made,
it has imposed an obstacle quite as effective as
that which in pre\-ious cases has been held suffi-
cient to maintain the legality of the blockading
operations.
The second point is this. The Baltic is an
niland sea which can be approached only through
narrow and territorial waters. The conditions of
modern warfare oppose, to the passage of narrow
waters by a surface fleet considerable enough to
seize and hold the command of the Baltic, ob-
stacles of a kind which are insuperable.
Mines and the employment of torpedoes by
submarines and destroyers have admittedly intro-
duced new factors into naval war. These must
be taken into account in all their bearings.
Amongst the new effects must be recognised that
of converting inland waters as the Baltic and
the Sea of Marmora, into closed seas to surface
ships. Suppose the United States to be at war
with say Germany and Japan, and Germany to
be blockading the Atlantic coast and Japan
to be blockading the Pacific, and both blockades
to be generally effective, could it be pretended
that any court in the world would deny the
legality of either on the ground that neutral ships
could communicate freely with Milwaukee
Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland and Buffalo ?
Similarly it could not be held that Germany had
allowed the blockade to become ineffective if it
permitted British ships to enter the St. Lawrence
with goods on board whose destination it was
sworn was wholly neutral. The Baltic is a parallel
case to the (ircat Lakes. It can then, it would
seem, be convincingly maintained, that to blockade
the Sound is to blockade the German coast beyond
it, and that to permit neutral ships with cargoes
of a neutral destination to pass the Sound would
not necessarily invalidate the blockade at all.
Again, although the blockade can be pro-
claimed and will be valid, there still remains the
same problem that faces the allies to-day, namely
how to deal with neutral ports on both this and
on the other side of the Sound itself. Frankly
there is no other way of tackling this problem
except pushing the doctrine of " continuous
voyage" to its logical hmit, and rationing the
neutral countries. 'I he dependence on agreements
with bodies of* private traders is, on the face of
it, worthless. There is no other alternative to
making the business an affair between the
neutral and belligerent governments.
IS THERE TO BE A LORD HIGH
ADMIRAL:
It goes very much against the grain with me
to deal contro\crsially with the name of anj' sea-
man. It is doubly so when that seaman is so old
a public servant, so widely and so rightly honoured
in the Navj-, so gratefully and even affectionately
looked upon by his countrymen. But if Mr.
Hurd is free to advocate the supercession of
Mr. Balfour by Lord Fisher, those who disagree are
compelled to e.xercise an equal frankness in stating
their case. The situation is altogether too serious
for false delicacy. Mr. Hurd is conjuring with
the magic of a great name. His own reputation
for cool judgment and wide and unusual know-
ledge of the profession which he interprets so
clearly, stands very high indeed. And in this
matter he speaks not only for himself, but for
a jourral which throughout the war has been
distinguished by a patriotism as sane as it has
been ardent. Mr. Hurd's advocacy then is not
a thing that can be ignored, and it would be no
comphment to his hero to do so.
His argument is briefly as follows. The
fortunes of the Allied cause depend upon the British
Fleet. The Fleet depends upon the men at White-
hall. There supreme power is vested in Mr.
Balfour, and Mr. Balfour knows nothing of sea
force. He has as counsellors men whose names are
utterly unknown, and he is not even bound to ac-
cept their uncon\incing ad\ice. These are not
January 27, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
reflections on the First Lord and his colleagues.
" They are merely facts which no one would deny."
His predecessor illustrated his rashness and faulty
judgment by ignoring the seamen, and we have
the Dardanelles fiasco as a consequence. Mr.
Balfour may not be rash, but he too may fail through
being too cautious or too indolent. When Pitt saw
the Navy at a standstill in 1805, he chose Lord
Barham, a full admiral and eighty years of age,
as First Lord of the Admiralty, and in six months
got the reward of his foresight in the Battle of
Trafalgar. Once more sea supremacy is vital
and has yet to be won. Lord Fisher is the creator
of the Navy on whose power to win supremacy we
rely. The Battle of the Falkland Islands, our
success in crushing the submarine piracy — these
are samples of the work he has already done. We
have not exhausted German naval plans for our
discomfiture. Plans to counter them must be
prepared. Is it not obvious that we must have a
sailor answerable for sea policy and a sailor who
enjoys the full confidence of the nation ? It must
be a sailor, for with his naval colleagues on the
Board he must carry on the Blockade and make
the war his care. He must have seniority, wide ex-
perience, and a long and honourable career behind
him, or he will not carry conviction with the public
and reassure us, as he should, from his place in
the House of Lords. Lord Fisher, in short, must
go to the Admiralty because he is our only em-
bodiment of the Barham traditions and " the
Nelson touch." These are Mr. Hurd's arguments.
AN ELOQUENT PLEA.
It is an eloquent and sincere plea. But I
submit that we need hardly go beyond the principles
Mr. Hurd lays down, to find its refutation. The ideal
First Lord must be a sailor whose professional
attainments and knowledge are such as to secure
infallibihty ; he, " with his naval colleagues on
the Board " are carrying on the administration of
the Navy. Now Lord Fisher was from November
till May, First Sea Lord of the Adrniralty. He was
principal naval adviser when the Dardanelles
project was first proposed, and, he signed every
order necessary for carrying on the naval operations
there until he went out of office. Mr. Hurd tells
us that this fiasco was due to the faulty judgment
and to the rashness of the admiralty's lay chief. We
know from Mr. Churchill's own, words that he was
misled by the analogy of the fate of Liege, Namur
and Maubeuge into thinking that naval 12-inch
and 15-inch guns could repeat on the Dardanelles
forts the work which the Austrian howitzers had
done on land. Once seized with this delusion, he
planned to send pre-Dreadnoughts and the
Queen Elizabeth to carry out an operation which
seemed to him to be manifestly within their power.
Lord Fisher seems throughout to have been
haunted with vague misgivings that the business
was unwise. But, he aas never aware that, from
the first, success was impossible. Had his ac-
quaintance with modern gunnery practice been
either intimate or recent, he would have realised
that all the pre-Dreadnoughts in the world and all
the Queen Elizabeths that could be built, could
never, unless aided by land forces victoriously
occupying the heights above them, destroy the
Turkish forts of the Narrows by gun fire. Had his
professional grasp of this elementary technical
truth been of that infallible character so necessary
to the desired new chief at Whitehall, he could have
nipped the whole Churchill project in the bud
by forbidding it on technical grounds. These not
even Mr. Churchill could have questioned.
Taking then the first of Mr. Hurd's points, it
would seem that the moral is this. To use the
modern navy with effect, it must be in hands that
in technical matters are guided by exact knowledge
of, and familiarity with, the limitations in the
use of naval force. The unhappy history of the
Dardanelles adventure shows that we did wrong
to rely for this knowledge on anyone, however
eminent, whose sea experience ended long before
the development of modern methods began.
Now let us take Mr. Hurd's second point.
The ideal First Lord "is to act with his naval
colleagues." When Lord Fisher returned to the
Admiralty in November, 1914, he found the
administration of the Navy as he had left it in
1910 with one somewhat startling difference.
Lord Cawdor, Lord Tweedmouth and Mr. Mac-
Kenna had adopted the principle that having
chosen Lord Fisher as their principal adviser, it
was both logical and loyal to give him a free hand.
So from the autumn of 1904 till Christmas, 1910,
while the supreme authority at Whitehall was
nominally lay, it was actually naval and was in
fact in Lord Fisher's hands alone. Mr. Churchill
revived the principal of autocracy, but he made
it his own and not a professional autocracy. It
was a state of affairs which everyone familiar with
the course of naval events, since the beginning of
the war, had recognised as a growing danger.
Had Lord Fisher recognised this danger ; had he
realised that the remedy was that which Mr.
Hurd suggests, viz., the co-operation of the seamen
on the Board, Lord Fisher could have averted
not only the disaster of the Dardanelles but a
great many other very undesirable things that
happened. And with regard to the Dardanelles
question, let this too be added. We have seen
that Lord Fisher did not perceive the primary
fallacy that inspired that operation. He had
misgivings and doubts as to its wisdom, but they
were apparently not doubts for which he could
give any cogent reasons. • But it is characteristic
of Lord Fisher to have brilliant inspirations.
Many of his most valuable naval reforms have
arisen from an instinct for the right thing. The
value of the reforms has had to be realised by the
work of others. If these instincts and intuitions are
to be of value they must be subjected to naval
criticism. If, in those eventful days of January
and February last year, he had put his doubts
befoi-e his naval colleagues and insisted upon the
question of the Dardanelles being made a Board
question, it is certain that no more would have
been heard of that unhappy project.
Taking then Mr. Hurd's own principles, it is
not necessary for us to argue whether Lord Fisher's
very wonderful record as aj^peace administrator
encourages us to entrust him in war with the
sole control of the Navy. For it is clear that on
the two points vital to success, he has already
been tested and found wanting. And, again to
quote Mr. Hurd, in pointing these things out, lam
not reflecting on a famous man whom an unfor-
tunate loyalty has placed in a false position, but
merely recording facts " which no one would
deny." ARTHUR POLLEN.
P.S. — The above was written be/ore the War Trade
Departments analysis of the recent figures oj
neutral imports was published.
LAND AND WATER
January 27, 191G1
POLICY OF THE BLOCKADE.
IT is clear that the Government uf this countr\"
stands at the present moment at a turning
point in the policy of the blockade.
We need waste not a moment o' our
readers' time nor the least o our own space in
ridiculing the violent nonsense that has been talked
\ipon one side in fa\our of a sort of revolution in
policN' probably involving a universal war or in de-
nouncing upon the other the muddle headed and
contemptible rubbish about " sparing" the civilian
population the impossibility of crushing a nation
of such and such a number of million men or the
" claims o humanity " against the power which
is not only determined to destroy this country but
lias tortured and burnt without mercy wherever
it has passed. Those who arc in authority at the
-present moment are necessarily concerned to win
the war. They are concerned in this to an extent
far greater thun any other men with the exception
of the soldiers in the held.
Being in touch with the million details of
affairs so enormously complex they must neces-
sarily avoid extremes, and were one to put sud-
denly in place of any one of these men any one
of those who have been clamouring for extremes
the new comer would either evoke a disaster or,
much more probably, break down under the
weight of his new responsibility.
In the maze of detail, every item of which
has to be weighed and balanced, two great
groups have necessarily presented themselves to
the Government in the past year.
The first of these groups was the mass of
neutral interests closely interlocked not only with
our own commercial interest but with our own
power of obtaining essential supplies for the
campaign. The second group was the simpler
group of aggressive policies open to the power
which commanded the sea : the group of actions
which in various ways would solate the enemy
and check his power for production (especially
in material for war), cut off his food as far as
po sible (a most legitimate operation based upon
his own precedents and pohcy) and in general
establish the strictest possible blockade.
To arrive at a working compromise between
these two motives neither of which could be
neglected without peril of disaster— has been the
anxious business of all departments but especially
of the Treasury, tlie Admiralty, the Board of
Trade, and the Foreign Office.
It is possible that a determined policy of
maximum blockade declared immediately upon
the outbreak of the war would, in the shock of the
moment, ha\e been possible without the challeng-
ing of neutrals to arms or even interfering with
our own supply from neutrals. It would have been
an extremel\- risky gamble at ^^ery great odds and,
r. member, with I aly and the Mediterranean then
involved. At any rate the discussion of this is
merely academ c to-day for, like universal service
and many other dra~.tic po'icies that one psycho-
logical moment was essential to such a move, and
once the moment had passed every succeeding
week made it more and more difficult The way
in which the Government actually attempted to
reconcile the weighty opposing motives acting
upon them was to exercise an increasing pressure- -
a pressure increasing s owly but none the less
increas'ng to wait the entry of Italy into the
A liance before making cotton, for instance, con-
traband of war (for how could we prevent a
potential ally from obtaining what might be and
in the end proved to be material for our own
explosives ?). to treat the small North Sea nations,
in separate categories, favouring the more friendly,
and in the result to establish a curve of gradually
increasing strictness in the starvation of the Austro-
Germans and the Turks in the matter of essentials
not only for war but for civilian hfe.
That policy has now reached a certain critical
state in which for the first time it is useful and
legitimate for pubhc criticism to be directed upon
it. It will in the immediate future be of some
consequence both to the support the Govern-
ment shall receive at home — a matter of very
great mihtary importance — and to the successful
prosecution of the war that henceforward, of the
two motives present that of the blockade shall
more and more outweigh the other.
The reasons for this conclusion are already
apparent to most men of sober judgment and are
beginning to find expression in quarters which
deserve and obtain the attention of the Cabinet.
The first and main reason is one even better known
to the authorities than to even the best instructed
portion of the public ; it is the fact that the block-
ade has at last begun to tell very seriously upon
the enemy. Now it is a maxim in every kind of
struggle that in such critical moments you must
exercise a novel and peculiar pressure. To tighten
the screw just when there is a touch of panic or
breakdown is the essential of every sound pohcy
of success in every form of combat. The chief
Prussian bombardment of Paris coincided with
the first sharp rise in the death rate, especially of
children, and with the serious pinch of famine.
Next we have the fact that after a year's
careful observation and a very methodical and
thorough tracing of that curve of increase of pres-
sure of which we have spoken, our Government
and tiiose of the neutrals can establish a close
estimate of what imports, and in what quantities,
are necessary for the maintenance of neutral pro-
duction and trade, and what margin may be
fraudulently going to the enemy.
In the third place we have aiTived at a point
where we are far more independent than we have
been in the past of external material from neutrals.
All these things combined do mean not that
this is the moment for any revolution in policy, or
for any violent departure ; but for the transference
of weight as it were from the consideration of
foreign complexities to the consideration of the;
enemy's really acute need. A man stands on two
legs but in action, in fencing or 'n boxing, he is
depending mon- upoji one than upon the other
according to the work of the moment. His weight
reposes upon one or upon the other. It is easy to
understand how during all the anxious middle part
of the past year and even late on into the autumn
the weight lay upon the " leg " so to speak
represented by the careful and singularly success-
ful work of the Foreign Office in handling the
complex problem of the neutrals, in safeguarding
at lea t one of the few routes into Russia and in
increas ng our own suppHes. But the time would
se m to have come when there shou'd be an abso-
lute transference of that weight to the other
''leg" of the Navy. F'or at last we have
many essential supplies of the enemy in our
power.
January 27, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
BRITAIN'S BANKING SYSTEM.- 1.
By Arthur Kitson.
IN his remarkable book " Germany and the next
War," Bernhardt mentions the following as
one of the many advantages gained by war : —
" All the sham reputations which a long spell of
peace nndoubtedly fosters, are unmasked." The pre-
sent war has undoubtedly " tmmasked " the " sham
reputations ' ' of several of our most venerable— and
hitherto admired — institutions — both politico! and
economic. Among these may be mentioned the doctrine
of " laissez faire " which has long been the accredited
gospel of our Governing classes. Free trade appears
also to have fallen from its lofty pedestal during the past
few months, judging from the recent parliamentary
debates and editorials in certain Liberal journals. But
our one idol that is at present in the greatest disrepute
is Britain's banking system.
Scathing Criticisms.
Nowadays, it is almost impossible to peruse either a
trade journal or newspaper without noticing some scathing
criticism of the system which has hitherto been hekl
up as a shining example of iinancial strength and efficiency.
The Daily News, which prior to the war never expressed
anything but blind and absolute faith in this national
idol, publishes an article (January 15th) by the Kditor,
entitled " Monej' for all," in which he says :—
When the war came, the false bottom fell out of our banking
system and we made a ' startling discovery. We found
that the banks were an imposing fair weather structure
which tottered like a house of cards when the storm came
and only survived because in one swift hour Mr. Lloyd
George gave them the security of the nation. It was
discovered that behind all the appearances of strength,
the banks woie a fiction and the reality on which they
traded was the credit of tlie State, yours and mine and
everybody's. Gold disappeared from circulation and
there flowed forth a torrent of notes issued by the
Treasury and represented nothing but the credit of the
Nation.
Writer Besant once said tliat " the art of banking was to
get otiicr people's money and use it for your own ad-
vantage." There has been no more illuminating revelation
during the war, and the question for us to ask is whether
this private monopoly of the national credit can be per-
mitted to continue ? Can we start the future with a
" corner " in money? Or must we not see that money
like political power must be democratised ? If money is
only a symbol representing the whole credit of the com-
munity why should that symbol not be at the command
of +Vif w'hnip ^oi-r-rviii-itv whose credit it represents ? "
Now the remarkable thing about this article is not
that it should be written at this time when " sham repu-
tations " are falling in all directions, but that the writer
did not make these discoveries and disclosures sooner.
During the past forty years quite a library of publications
have appeared, exposing the rotten foimdation of Britain's
financial system and predicting a collapse sooner or later.
This danger has been the subject of many discussions and
resolutions at various meetings of our Trade bodies and
Chambers of Commerce all over the United Kingdom
for the last thirty-five years. Some of the most ^•igorous
criticisms have been written by members of the banking
profession themselves, such as Sir William Holden, and
by financial writers like Walter Bagehot, and on one or
two occasions no less an authority than the late Lord
Goschen (when Chancellor of the Exchequer) uttered
words of warning about the volcano upon which we were
living. But like the warnings of the late Lord Salisbury,
Frederick Harrison, Lord Roberts, and a host of others
to prepare for the war in which we are now engaged, these
utterances fell on deaf ears. For it has been the policy of
the Press, with a few exceptions, to refuse a hearing to
prophets who foretell danger or evil.
Now that the murder is out, it will be instructive and
interesting to examine the wonderful financial edifice —
the sham Gibraltar— which collapsed days before even
hostilities had begun or a single shot had been iired.
In his well-known work, " Lombard Street," Walter
Bagehot wrote : — " The peculiar essence of our banking
system is an unprecedented trust between man and
man, and when that trust is much weakened by hidden
causes, a small accident may greatly hurt it, and a
great accident for a moment may almost destroy it,"
Inherently Weak.
To an outsider who for the first time learns IKj
true nature of banking, it will appear amazing that in-
telligent men shoiild de\'isc a system so inherently weak
and seriously regard it as a basis for a great nation's
trade and industry ! That it has lasted so long speaks
volumes for the honesty and faith of the British people —
the most trusting people in the world. That the system
should have been facetiously termed "The Great Confi-
dence Game " is not surprising, for it is apparent that
the basis of our banking business is public confidence.
It is.however.only fair to say that the ])resent system was
neither designed nor foreseen by its founders as we now
know it. It is a development, a sort of monstrosity—
an abnormal growth— like a man's body attached to an
infant's feet and legs.
In 184.4 Sir Robert Peel, a well meaning but narrow-
minded statesman, placed British banking in a pair of
iron boots. The foundation of the system was rigid and
narrow. Little or no provision was made for the future
development of commerce. Th(> only question that
appears to have been considered by Sir Robert Peel was
how to conserve the value of the sovereign. The develop-
ment of industry and its needs was quite a side issue,
indeed, it seems hardly to have received any considera-
tion. Consequently as the banking needs of the nation
increased, accommodation had to be provided by enlarg-
ing the superstructure without any attempt to enlarge
the foundation to a corresponding extent. The system,
therefore, came to be likened to an inverted pyrainid.
The system is briefly as follows :— The ^ Bank of
England (which by the way is a private stock bank
and is not in any way a national institution so fir as its
control and management are concerned) is the financial
rock upon which all other British banks and financial
firms and institutions repose. It is known as the Bank
of the Bankers. " All our credit system depends upon
the Bank of England for its security " says Walter
Bagehot ; "on the wisdom of the Directors of that one
Joint Stock Company, it depends whether England shall
be solvent or insolvent. This may seem too strong, but
it is not. All banks depend on the Bank of England, all
merchants depend upon some banker."
Banking Laws.
Our financial system is the result of certain Acts of
Parliament such as our Legal Tender laws, and the
Bank Charter Act. The former defines specifically the
manner and form in which debts must be paid. The
latter defines restrictions imder which the Banks arc
permitted to supply the public demand for the debt-pay-
ing commodity. And although the one created the neces-
sity for an ever increasing supply of legal tender, the
Bank Act not only made no provision for such a
supply, it even made such provision both difficult ancl
expensive. So that it became more profitable for
the banks to find a substitute for legal tender— thereby
increasing the public risks. Hence the invention
of the cheque system. Debts beyond forty shillings,
both public and private, were made specifically payable in
gold on demand. The mints were opened to the coinage of
gold in unlimited amounts at the fixed rate of £3 17s. 10 Jd.
per ounce. The Bank of England was allowed the
privilege of issuing notes to the extent of whatever gold
it possessed, at the above rate. An additional issue
of what has been termed " inconvertible " notes was
allowed against securities and the National Debt to the
bank (£11,000,000) at present amoimting altogether to
about' £1^,500,000. Subsidiary coinage was also pro-
vided for. But the main fact in the Bank Charter Act,
ivhich constitutes the inherent weakness of the 'whole svslem
was that the amount of legal tender available for carrving on
the nation's trade and commerce depended not on our
domestic needs hut upon the conditions of the tnoney markets
LAND AND WATER.
January 27, 1916.
^OW~W
ah/oad ! If, for c\anii)li\ a trade boom in Germany or
America created an urgent demand for gold, the only
method the Bank of England possessed for retaining its
reser\'es was to raise the Bank Rate. Whilst this, tended
to cut off some of the foreign demand it also jvnalised
our own people by taxing their banking facilities. It
became a double-edged sword tiiat cut both ways, and
althougli it has proved a wonderful instrument for booming
the value of bank shares, it has proved a dead-weight
upon the backs of our producing classes and a serious
brake upon the wheels of industry.
Our economic system has been ingeniously illustrated
by this inverted pyramid. It is supported upon its gold
apex, which carries all
the credit of the coun-
try. Upon this we have
reared all our trade,
manufactures and busi-
ness generally. The
amount of gold has
been a very varying
quantity — but in any
case it has represented
an extremely insignifi-
cant sum in proportion to the load it has had to
:arry. Just prior to the war the total amount of gold
available throughout the country was estimated
at less thnn £"60,000,000. The volume of credit resting
upon this ran into hundreds of millions. The bank
deposits alone— subject to withdrawal at sight — was at
least ten times all the gold available. It is safe to say
that altogether, the volume of credit redeemable in gold
on demand on August ist, iqi4, was more than 25 times
all the gold that the bankers could possibly scrape
together ! The truth is, that ever since the passing of the
Bank Charter Act, every bank in this country has been
doing business on a margin of bankruptcy !
The engineer who constructs a bridge or machine,
estimates the sizes and chooses his material on the basis
of a margin of safety. He first calculates the maximum
strains to which the bridge or machine will be subjected.
He then multiplies this by two or three and builds accord-
ingly. The Bank Charter Act compelled our bankers
to adopt a margin of risk. No provision was made for
any extraordinary event, such as war or panic. The one
door of safety was— suspending the Act. This was actu-
ally done on three different occasions during the life of
its' famous author, with the result that the nation was
saved from bankruptcy on each occasion. Imagine a
Government passing an Act ostensibly for the protection
of the public, which has to be suspended periodically to
rave the nation from its disastrous effects !
But the danger to which this Act exposed the country
was not merely apparent in times of war crises. It
was liable to arise at any moment through foreign events
which otherwise would "have been of little or no conse-
quence to us. The removal of the cotton crops in Egypt
or in the United States, the speculations of financial
" plungers " in New York, Chicago or San Francisco, the
decision of a Board of Railroad Directors in Argentina
to extend their system, a presidential election in the
United States, and'hundreds of similar events which have
little or no direct relation to our home trade — any one of
these was sufficient to affect our bank-rate by causing
withdrawals of gold from the Bank of England and to
influence our commerce disastrously. So sensitive is our
money market, in consequence of this stupid Bank Act,
that we actually experience greater and more acute
financial disturbances on account of foreign events than
is experienced in the countries themselves in which these
events are happening.
When the Germans were beseiging Paris m 1870. our
bank-rate stood at 10 per cent., whilst the rate of the Bank
of l'"rance was only 7 per cent. The German Minister of
I'i nance has boasted that no such panic occurred in
Brrlin when war was declared in August, 1014. as that
which was experienced in London at the same time. The
wond<r is not so much that our banks collapsed at the
more rumour of war. but that they have been enabled to
( ontinue so successfully for so long on so unstable at
foimdation. Can we" wonder that foreigners have
christoned the British banking ' system, the " Grent
Confidence Game " ?
iro li( coniinued.)
BRITAIN'S FIGHTING FORGES.
Military brevity', wliidi characterises right from be-
ginning to" end. Field-Marslial Sir Evelyn Wood's new
work (Our Fighting Services. Cassell and Co., 21s. nei).
is rendered absolutely necessary by the magnitude ol
the subject, for the' book is no less than a history
of the Navy and Army- especially the Army— of Britain
from the Norman Conquest to the end of the South African
War. Since the book concerns tlie way in which the " fightmg
forces " made tiie Empire, reference to the present war is
ver>' wisely omitted, for in the first place this present war
has" little connection with Empire-making, and in the second
place it is impossible to write history without historical
perspective, either in sevenpenny parts or in volume form.
To many readers the first part, dealing with the rise of
the Navy and Army from the time of the Conquest to the end
of the Tudor period, will prove the most interesting, though
Hastings and Crecv are dismissed in brief paragraphs. The
author has been at pains to trace the tactical developments of
each period, and to show the modifications of method arising
out of the changes in armament. On the framework of
history he has built up a book essentially militarj^ in form
and principle. He has not, however, neglected the romance
of military histor\-, and- its stirring incidents. Beside the
story of the death" of Wolfe is set the equally pathetic story
of the death of Montcalm ; the anti-chmax to the stor^' of
Hawke's daring naval strategy is given in a few lines that
relate how in London the great commander's effig>' was being
burnt in the belief that he had failed in his duty. One of the
chief features of the book is the way in which the salient
features of each event are seized on and presented, giving the
reader adequate grasp on each phase of the great stor>'.
In the chapters devoted to the oft-described Waterloo
campaign, the events leading up to the great battle are given
their due prominence, making of the campaign a coherent
whole, and this is characteristic of the whole work. It is the
strategist, as well as the historian, who writes, omitting
irrelevant detail, and careful that no operation with a direct
bearing on the historic sequence shall lack its due place.
Thus the whole of the Marlborough campaigns do not occupy
half the space given to the Peninsular War, for the former
were barren of result, while the latter had direct bearing on
the downfall of Napoleon and the re-making of Europe.
Sound military judgment is united with conscientious accuracy
in the compilation of this story of the fighting services, and
the comprehensive bibliography gi\cn at the end of the book
shows that it is intended as an introduction to the study of
military' history, a purpose which it worthily fulfils.
Expressions of personal opinion are few in these pages ;
the bare story is given, and the reader may form his own
opinion, for the book is a record of duty done, not a critical
study. In this, as in tha end which such a book serves, more
especially among the younger generation, it is consonant with
its author's career.
The Machine-Gunners' Pocket Book, by " An M.G.O*
in Flanders " (Graham and Lathom, is. 6d. net), is an
encyclopsedia of the Vickers or Maxim machine-gun. In
addition to instructions on fire direction and control, the
book gives full details of the mechanism of the gun, and of
the action of the mechanism, with causes of stoppage of fire
and the method of remedying them. It forms a handy little
training manual for machine-gun officers, and is one that
every officer or N.C.O. on machine-gun work ought to possess.
A cheap edition of The Grenadiers of Potsdam, by J. R.
Hutchinson, issued by Messrs. Sampson, Low and Co., at is.
net, provides evidence of the fact that the Prussian bully
is not, as is sometimes alleged, a growth of the last forty
years, but has been evolving since the time of the first
Frederick William of Prussia. The way in which the giant
grenadiers were crimped and kidnapped makes interesting
reading, and the story of the regiment, fully told in this book,
forms a good commentary on Prussian methods, especially
when it is remembered that the book was written before the
war, and thus is without the prejudice the war has caused tc
appoar in the work of many writers.
Published at 2s. net by Messrs. Holden and Hardingham,
Biggs and Potter, by J. Beard Francis, provides the class of
light comedy that would make the book a welcome one in a
ho.^pital ward, or for any occasion on which the object is to
divert the mind of the reader rather than to instruct him.
The doings of Higgs — and Potter — at their seaside boarding
house are decidedly amusing, and the obvious garrulousness
of the author, a sort of free and easy method of writing that
brings in a multitude of side issues, adds to the humour of the
work. Both Higgs and Potter are worth knowing— in print-
January 27, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
THE SIGNALLERS.
By Boyd Cable.
" It is reported that . . . " — Extract from
OiiiciAL Despatch.
THE " it" and the " that" which were reported,
and which the despatch related in another three
or four Hnes, concerned the position of a forward
line of battle, but have really nothirig to do
with this account, which aims only at relating something
of the method b}/ which " it was reported" and the men
whose particular work was concerned only with the report
as a report, a string of words, a jumble of letters, a huddle
of morse dots and dashes.
The Signalhng Company in the forward lines wa-;
situated in a very damp and very cold cellar of a half
destroyed house. In it were two or three tables com-
mandeered from upstairs or from some houses around.
That the one was a rough deal kitchen table and that
another was of polished wood, with beautiful inlaid work,
and artistic curved and carven legs, the spoils of some
drawing-room apparently, was a matter without the
faintest interest to the signallers who used them. To
them a table was a table, no more and no less, a thing to
hold a litter of papers, message forms, telephone gear, and
a candle stuck in a bottle. If they had stopped to consider
the matter, and had been asked, they would probably have
given a dozen of the delicate inlaid tables for one of the
rough strong kitchen ones. There were three or four chairs
about the place, just as miscellaneous in their appearance
as the tables. But beyond the tables and chairs, there
was no furniture whatever, unless a scanty heap of wet
straw in one corner counts as furniture, which indeed it
might well do since it counted as a bed.
Towards Midnight.
There were fully a dozen men in the room, most
of them orderlies for the carrying of messages to and from
the telephonists. These men came and went continually.
Outside it had been raining hard for the greater part of the
day and now, getting on towards midnight, the drizzle
stiil held and the trenches and fields about the signallers'
quarters were running wet, churned into a mass of gluey
chalk-and-clay mud. The orderlies coming in with
messages were daubed thick with the wet mud from
boot-soles to shoulders, often with their puttees and
knees and thighs dripping and running water as if they
had just waded through a stream. Those who by the
carrying of a message had just completed a turn of duty
reported themselves, handed over a message perhaps,
slouched wearily over to the wall furthest from the door,
dropped on the stone floor, bundled up a pack or a haver- ■
sack, or anything else convenient for a pillow, lay down
and spread a wet macintosh over them, wriggled and
composed their bodies into the most comfortable, or
rather the least uncomfortable possible position, and in a
few minutes were dead asleep.
It was nothing to them that every now and again the
house above them shook and quivered to the shock of a
heavy shell exploding somewhere on the ground round the
house, that the rattle of rifle fire dwindled away at times
to separate and scattered shots, brisked up again and rose
to a long roll, the devil's tattoo of the machine guns
rattling through it with exactly the sound a boy makes
running a stick rapidly along a raihng. The bursting
shells and scourging rifle fire, sweeping machine guns,
banging grenades and bombs were all affairs with whicli
the Signalling Company in the cellar had no connection.
For the time being, the men in a row along the wall
were as unconcerned in the progress of the battle as if
they were safely and comfortably asleep in London.
Presently any or all of them might be waked and sent
out into the flying death and dangers of the battlefield,
but in the meantime their immediate and only interest
was in getting what sleep they could. Every once in a
while tiie signallers' Sergeant would shout for a man,
go across to the line and rouse one of the sleepers ; then
the awakened man would sit up and blink, rise and listen
to his instructions, nod and say " Yes, Sergeant ! All
right, Sergeant ! " when these were completed, pouch his
message, hitch his damp macintosh about him and button
it close, drag heavily across the stone floor and vanislj
into the darkness of the stone staired passage.
A Journey in Darkness.
His journey might be a long or a short one, he might
only have to find a company commander in the trenches
one or two hundred yards away, he might on the otiier
hand have a several hours' long trudge ahead of him, a
bewildering way to pick through the darkness across a
maze of fields and a net-work of trenches, over and be-
tween the rubble heaps that represented the remains of a
village, along roads pitted with all sorts of blind traps in
the way of shell holes, strings of barbed wire, overturned
carts, broken branches of trees, flung stones and beams ;
and always, whether his j ourney was a short one or a long , he
would move in an atmosphere of risk, with sudden death
or searing pain passing him by at every step, and waiting
for him, as he well knew, at the next step and the next
and every other one to his journey's end.
Each man who took his instructions and pocketed his
message and walked up the cellar steps, knew that he
might never walk down them again, that he might not
take a dozen paces from them before the bullet found liiin.
He knew that its finding might come in black dark and
in the middle of an open field, that it might drop him
there and leave him for the stretcher bearers to find some
time, or for the burying party to lift any time. Each
man who carried out a message was aware that he might
never deliver it, that when some other hand did so, and
the message was being read, he might be past all naessagcs,
lying stark and cold in the mud and filth with the rain
beating on his grey unheeding face ; or on the other hand
that he might be lying warm and comfortable in the
soothing ease of a bed in the hospital train, swaying gently
and hilled by the song of the flying wheels, the rock and
roll of the long compartment, swinging at top speed
down the line to the base and the hospital ship and
home. An infinity of possibilities lay between the two
extremes. They were undoubtedly the two extremes,
the death that each man hoped to evade, the wound whose
painful prospect held no slightest terror but only rather
the deep satisfaction of a task performed, of an escape
from death at the cheap price of a few days or weeks
pain, or even a crippled limb or a broken body.
A man forgot all these things when he came down
the cellar steps and crept to a corner to snatch what sleep
he could, but remembered them again only when he was
wakened and sent out into their midst, and into all the
toils and terrors the others had passed, or were to go into
or even then were meeting.
Hardly More than Shadows.
The signallers at the instruments, the sergeants who
gathered them in and sent them forth, gave little or no
thought to the orderlies. These men were hardly more
than shadows, things which brought them long screeds
to be translated to the tapping keys, hands which would
stretch into the candle-light and lift the messages that had
just " buzzed " in over their wires. The sergeant thought
of them mostly as a list of names to be ticked off one by
one in a careful roster as each man did hjs turn of duty,
went out, or came back and reported in. And the man
who sent messages these men bore may never have
given a thought to the hands that would carry them, unless
perhaps to wonder vaguely whether the message could
get through from so and so to such and such, from this
map square to that, and if the chance of the messages
getting through — the message you will note, not the
messenger — seemed extra doubtful, orders might be given
to send it in duplicate or triplicate, to double or treble
the chances of its arriving.
The night wore on, the orderlies !:lept and woke,
stumbled in and out ; the telephonists clroned out in
monotonous voices to the telephone, or " buzzed " even
more monotonous strings of longs and shorts on the
" buzzer," And in the open about them, and all
LAND AND WATER
January 27, 1916-
unheeded by them, men fought, and suffered wounds and
died, or fought on in the scarce lesser sutlenng of cold and
wet and hunger.
Fluctuations of the Fight.
In the signallers' room all the fluctuations of the
fight were translated from the pulsing fever, the human
living tragedies and heroisms, the violent liopes and
f^ars^nd Lxieties of the battle line, to curt cold words
to scribbled letters on a message form. At tunes these
messages were almost meaningless to them or at least
their red tragedy was unheeded. Their hrst thought
when a message was handed in for transmission usually
Their tirst question when the signaller at the other end
called to take a message, was whether the message vvas
a long one or a short one. One telephonist was handed
au ui^-ent message to send oft, saying that bombs were
running short in the fonvard line and that further s^uppies
were reciuired at the earliest possible moment, that he
line was being severely bombed and unless they had the
means to reply must be driven out or destroyed Ihc
signaller took 'that message and sent it through but his
instrument was not working very clearly and he was a
^uod deal more concerned and his mind was much more
fully taken up with the exasperating difticulty of making
the signaller at the other end catch word or letter correctly
than it was ^nth all the close packed volume of ineamng
it contained. It was not that he did "ot understand
the meaning ; he himself had known a line bombed out
before now, the trenches rent and torn apart, the
shattered limbs and broken bodies of the defenders, the
horrible ripping .rash of the bombs, the blinding tlaim
the .umbing shock, the smoke and reek and noise of the
explosions; but though all these things were known to
also that fairly heavy fire was being maintained on the
open ground. After that there was silence.
When the signaller had time to look about him. to
light a cigarette and to listen to the uproar of battlc
that filtered down the cellar steps and through the closed
door, he spoke to the sergeant about the nf/f^ /^"^ the
sergeant agreed with him that it was getttmg louder,
whkh meant either that the fight was getting hotter
or coming closer. The answer to their doubts came
swiftly to their hands in the shape of a note from the O.t.
wUh a message borne by the orderly that it was to be sent
through anyhow or somehow, but at once.
Now the O.C. be it noted, had already had a report
that the telephone wire was cut ; but he still scribbled liis
note, sent his message and thereafter P^t the matter out
of h s mind. He did not know how or m what fashion
the 1^- sage would be sent ; but he did know the Signalling
Company^nd that was sufficient for hmi. In this he was
doing nothing out of the usual. There are many com-
manders who do the same thing, and this, if you read
it aright, is a compliment to the signalling companies bt-
Void all the praise, of General Orders or the sweet flattery
of the G O.C despatch— the men who sent the messages
put them out of their mind as soon as they were written
and handed to an orderly with a curt order, bignalhng
company to scn^^^ s.^.^ ^^.^ ^ ^^^^^^ .^^^ ^^^^ ^.jj^^ ^
consider it, allowing due time for its journey, as good
as delivered at the other end ; by so doing you pay an
unconscious compliment to all manners and grades ot
men, from high salaried managers down to humble
Vjorters and postmen. But the somewhat similar com-
pliment that is paid by the men who send messages across
The battlefield ^s paid in the buk to one little sdc
explosions; but though all these things were l^n'^^ " to ^JJ- ^-^-^ ^^ ^^^f^^^^l ^rawn and blood, the spiritual
him, the words " bombed out " meant no mo e now than arc e ^ t ^^^ ^^^ ^^^.^^ ^^^ ^ 1^
nine letters of the alphabet and t^he "^^ddenuig^s^tuF^^^^^ ^^^^ perseverance, the endurance, the grit and the deter-
mination of the Signalling Companies.
Very Urgent.
. ^t and the maddenhig stupidity ^^^^^:''^ ^^^ ^e grit and the deter-
o the man at the other end, who would misunderstand tlt^fJ^^'J^fZ^l^Mu,^ Companies.
the sound and meaning of " bombed and had to have
it in time-consuming letter by letter spellmg^
When he had sent that message, he took otf and wrote
down one or two others from the signalling station he was
in touch with. His own station it will be remembered
was close up to the for^vard firing line, a new firing line
which marked the limits of thg advance made that
morning. The station he was connected with was back
"n rear of what, previous to the attack, had been the
British forward line. Between the two the thin insignifi-
cant thread of the telephone wire ran twisting across the
iumble of the trenches of our old firing line, the neutral
ground that had lain between the trenches and the other
maze of trench, dug-out, and bomb-proof shelter P.its that
had been captured from the enemy. 1 hen in the middle of
sending a niessage, the wire went dead, gave no answer
o repeated calls on the " buzzer." Ihe sergeant, cal ed
to c<ksultation. helped to overlook and examine the
instrument. Nothing could be found wrong with it, but
to make quite sure tlie fault was not there, a spare instni-
ment was coupled on to a short length of wire between it
and the old one. They carried the message perfectly, so
and the old one. Ihev carnea tne message pciic^ui>, ^ ^^^-^^ instructions, drew tneir wet coaxs auuut w.... .
with curses of angry disgust, the wire was pronounced ■ shoulders, relieved their feelings in a few- growled
disconnected, or " disc " as the signaller called it. ,. ^^^ntences about the dog's Ufe a man led in that Con
and departed into the wet night
When the sergeant took his message and glanced
through it, he pursed his hps m a low whistle and asked
the signaller to copy while he went and roused thrc^
messengers. His quick glance through the note had to d
him, even without the O.C.'s message,that it w-as to the
last degree urgent that the message should go back and
be delivered at once and without fail ; therefore he sent
three messengers, simply because three men trebled the
chances of the message getting through without delay.
If one man dropped, there were two to go on ; if two tell
the third would still carry on ; if he fell-well, after that
the matter was beyond the sergeant's handling ; he must
leave it to the messenger to find another man or means
to carry on the message.
The telephonist had scribbled a copy of the note to
keep by him in case the wire was mended and the message
could be sent through after the messengers started anc
before they reached the other end. The three received
their instructions, drew their wet coats ^^^o^t |heir shivejj
Company.
Repairing a Break.
This meant (hat a man or men had to be sent out
along the line to find and repair the break, and that until
this were done, no telephone niessage could pass between
that portion of the forward fine and the headquarters m
the rear The situation was the more serious, inasmuch
as this was the only connecting line for a considerable
distance along the new front. A corporal and twcj men
took a spare instrument and a coil of wire, and set out on
their dangerous journey.
The break of course had been reported to the U.L.,
and after that there was nothing more for the signaller at
the dead instrument to do. except to listen for the buzz
that would come back from the repair party as they pro-
gressed along the line, tapping in occasionally to make
ture that they still had connection with the forward sta-
tion, their getting no reply at the same time from the
rear station, being of course sufficient proof that they had
not passed the break.
Twice the signaller gota message, the second one benig
from the forward side of the old neutral ground m what
had been the German front line trenclV; the report said
The sergeant came back, re-read the message and
discussed it with the signaller. It said : ' Heavy attacl
is developing and being pressed strongly on our centre
a-a-a.* Our losses have been heavy and line is con-
siderably weakened a-a-a WHll hold on here to the las
but urgently request that strong reinforcements be seni
up if the line is to be maintained a-a-a Additional artillery
support would be useful a-a-a." . , , .
"Sounds healthy, don't it?" said the sergeant
reflectively. The signaller nodded gloomily and listened
apprehensively to the growing sounds of battle. Jsow
that his mind was free from first thoughts of telephonic
worries, he had time to consider outside matters, i'oi
nearly ten minutes the two men hstened and talked
in short sentences, and listened again. 1 he rattle ot
rifle fire was sustained and unbroken, and punctuated
liberally at short intervals by the boom of exploding
grenades and bombs. Decidedly the whole action wa^
hea\ier— or coming back closer to them.
* lliic- us indicate a lull stop.
Tanuary 27 1916. LAND AND WATER.
A SONG OF THE GUNS.
By gilbert FRANKAU.
5.-SIGNALS.
The hot wax drips from the flares
On the scrawled pi^nk forms that Htter
The bench where he sits ; the ghtter
Of stars is framed by the sand-bags atop of the dug-out stairs.
.\nd the lagging watch hands creep ;
And his cloaked mates murmur in sleep —
Forms he can wake with a kick —
And he hears, as he plays with the pressel-switch, the strapped receiver click
On his ear that listens, Hstens ;
And the candle-flicker glistens
On the rounded brass of the switch-board where the red wires cluster thick.
Wires from the earth, from the air ;
Wires that whisper and chatter
At night, when the trench-rats patter
And nibble among the rations and scuttle back to their lair ;
Wires that are never at rest —
For the linesmen tap them and test,
And ever they tremble with tone :
And he knows from a hundred signals the buzzing call of his own.
The breaks and the vibrant stresses.
The Z, and the G, and the Esses,
That call his hand to the answering key and his mouth to the microphone.
For always the laid guns fret
On the words that his mouth shall utter,
When rifle and Maxim stutter '
And the rockets volley to starward from the spurtmg parapet ;
And always his ear must hark
To the voices out of the dark,
For the whisper over the wire,
From the bombed and the battered trenches where the wounded moan in the mire ;
For a sign to waken the thunder
Which shatters the night in sunder
With the flash of the leaping muzzles and the beat of battery-fire.
N.B. — A Song of the Guns will be continued in our next issue.
INCREMENT VALUE DUTY. 'ssued writs to enforce their claims. In Mr. Lumsden's case
they write that unless £22, the Duty demanded, and costs
To the Editor of Land and Water. amounting to £249 as. 4d. are paid, they wiU take legal
proceedmgs without further notice or delay.
Sir,— Although the Land Union is anxious to avoid The Land Union deplores this action as likely to provoke
anything in the nature of political controveisy at the present ill-feeling at the present time, and urges that either the
time, it nevertheless considers it a duty to draw attention to promised Bill should be passed without delay, or in the event
the following facts. of that being impossible, the Commissioners of Inland Revenue
Mr. Lloyd George recognised the unfairness of the claim should be instructed not to press their claims in these cases
•for Increment Value Duty in the Lumsden case. Wlien the until Parliament shall have had time to deal with the matter.
Revenue Bill was in Committee in the House of Commons on Yours obediently,
August 1st, I9r3, he stated that Clause 2 in that Bill Desborough,
was inserted " in order to protect people like Mr. Lumsden." Chairman of the Council, Land Union.
Unfortunately the Bill did not reach the Statute Book, and St. Stephen's House, Westminster,
the same fate befell the Bill of the following year into whicl January, 1916.
a similar Clause was introduced. Nevertheless, the Prime . _
Minister and the Secretary to the Treasury on July 23rd, In the Memoirs of M. Thiers, reviewed in these pages
19T4, undertook, on behalf of the Government, to intioduce last week, a remarkable passage occurs. The negotiations
a one-clause Bill to annul the effect of the Lumsden Judgment for an armistice were being discussed between M. Thiers
and to bring the assessment to Increment Value Duty into and Count Bismarck in November 1870, when the question of
harmony with the original proposals put forward when the the fleets of the two nations came up. M. Thiers proceeds:
Budget of 1909 was introduced into the House of Commons — " As to the German fleet, whose position Count Bismarck
namely, that there must be a rise in the value of the bare site did not know, it was agreed that it should stay wherever
Lefore Increment Value Duty is demandable. it was at the time. At this point Count Bismarck spoke to
War having broken out, the Land Union makes no com- me of the thirty-five merchant ships that we had taken, and
plaint that the Government has been unable to introduce whose captains had been made prisoners. That, he said,
this Bill, but it does complain that after the injustice suffered was an intolerable abuse of force. The Germans had there-
by Mr. Lumsden was fully recognised by the Government, fore taken in our towns forty citizens whom they were equally
the Commissioners of Inland Revenue continue to demand, holding as prisoners in Germany." Verily Germany has
under threat of legal proceedings. Increment Value Duty travelled a long distance backward since the mere imprison-
under the Lumsden Judgment when it is agreed that there ment of captains of mercharrt ships in time of war was con-
has been no rise in the value of the bare site, and have actually sidered " an intolerable abuse of force."
19
LAND AND W A T 1-: R .
January 27, igi6.
BOOKS THAT EXCEL.
SIR JOHN MOORE.
'The Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry." By Sir
Henry Newbolt. ("Country Life" Library). 6s. net.
For the earlier
chapters of this vol-
ume, the chapters
which concern the old
43rd and 52nd regi
ments of foot, tiu-
.lutiior has very evi-
dently relied mainly
on general history
more than on the
histories of the two
regiments, and he has
specialised on the 43rd
more than on the
52nd. Full promin-
ence is given to the
association of the 32nd with Sir John Moore, who was
colonel of the regiment, and made of it and of the 42nd
units in the famous light division which under Wellington
assisted so largely in the Peninsular struggle. Moore's
retreat to Corunna is graphically described, and these
earlier chapters, more especially those in which the taking
of Quebec and the American War of Independence are
detailed form the best part of the book.
The work of the two battalions in the Mutiny is very
briefly summarised, and their service in the East as a whole
is mentioned rather than described. The author has been at
some pains to trace the doings of the Oxford and Buckingham-
shire Light Infantry in the present war up to the first battle
of Ypres, and this part of the book is in keeping with the earlier
chapters. It is a stirring story rather than a regimental
record ; we look vainly for the point at which the regiment's
present title was conferred on it, for the author is concerned
more with action than with dry detail, and is, as every good
historian should be, thoroughly in love with his subject.
" The Balkan Peninsula." By Frank Fox. (A. and C. Black.)
7s. 6d. net.
The problems that have vexed the Balkan States for so
long arise, for the most part, out of the diversity of races
inhabiting the Peninsula, and in this book — or rather, in the
first part of it — an outline of the various races is given. The
later chapters are devoted to the experiences of the author
as a war correspondent during the Balkan War which preceded
the present great conflict — the book was written prior to the
outbreak of the European War. The historical sketch, out-
lining the rise and fall of Turkish power in the Balkans, forms
a concise and useful summary with regard to the causes of
Balkan unrest.
The later chapters extol the Balkan peasant and execrate
his rulers, for the most part ; there is little to choose, the
author says, between Turk and Christian. " Always Turks
and E.xarchate Christians and Patriarchate Christians are
plotting against one another new raids and murders," but " if
freed from the promptings of priests and politicians the Balkan
peasants of any race are quite decent folk." These conclusions
are based on experience of Balkan life, and mainly on life
among nations at war with each other.
The work is interesting throughout, and many of its
chapters form useful matter on which to form a judgment of
the various states described, but probably the author's estimate
of Bulgaria has been modified to a certain extent, since the
writing of the book, by recent disclosures and events.
"The Note Book of an Attache." By Erie Fisher Wood. (Grant
Richards). 6s. net.
As voluntary attach^ to the American Embassy at Paris
Mr. Wood saw the effect of the opening stages of the war on
the French capital, and lived through the breathless expect-
ancy that preceded the battle of the Marne, He visited the
Marne and Ai-ne battlefields, went to Berlin, to London,
to Berlin again, to Vienna, and to Buda Pesth. A shrewfi
observer, he made deductions from the facts that he saw, and
many of these deductions are distinctly unpleasant to any
reader of AlUed nationality — and even more unpleasant for
American readers. The book is an honest and unbiassed
rep)ort of things seen, and is also useful evidence of certain
phases of the first seven months of war.
It must be read, however, with a consciousness of later
happenings. Mr. Wood saw an undisturbed Germany, and
the German war machine was at its st ongest in the days
of which he writes. His conclusions, for instance, with regard
to the French medical services and the relative strengths of
aeroplane services, true in the time of which he writes, need
revision now. Still, the value of his work, due mainly to his
impartial honesty, remains, and the interest of his comment
on what is already matter of history is unquestionable.
" The Individual." By Muriel Hine. (John Lane.) 6s.
In spite of the difficulty of her subject, Miss Hine has
managed to make this new novel as attractive and as stimulat-
ing as those which ],vcreded it. The problem, in this case, is
the reconciliation of theory with life ; Tavcmer, successful
doctor and eugenist, was confronted by tlie problem of either
living up to his own theories with regard to the continuity
of the race, or tacitly admitting himself a renegade. The
way out that he chose was a selfish one, in that it affected his
wife more than himself — but in the end the problem was
solved for him, and tlie book thus becomes an illustration of
the fact that life solves its own problems. The title is merely
a compression of the statement that the individual should
be sacrificed to the community where the interests of individual
and community are at variance,
Taverner, sympathetically drawn, is interesting. Elisma,
his wife, is more harshly lined in, and we cannot help feeling
that her side of the case miglit have been more definitely
stated. In spite of this, however, there is no denying the
interest of the book as a whole, while the delicate problem
of which it treats is handled in a way that clears it of sugges-
tiveness and makes for success. In spite of traces of mid-
night oil, this is undoubtedly among the novels of the year
that count.
" Thornley Colton." By Clinton H. Stagg. (Simpkins, Marshall
and Co.) 6s.
The eight " problems " that are solved by Thornley
Colton in the pages of this book are of a nature to make even
the seasoned reader of detective stories forget about bed-time
and go on reading. Colton, in direct succession to Sherlock
Holmes in ingenuity, is a bhnd man, and his theory is that
sight is a drawback rather than an aid to the detection of
crime, since in seeing the obvious people miss tjie really
important things. The problems include such weird things
as a pistol, held by no human hand, shooting a man stone
dead, and a ruby vanishing in mist from the hand that held it.
How these things are accomplished is all explained by the
wonderful Colton, who, to tell the truth, is almost too wonder-
fxil for full credence— if the reader stops to think. The
power of the stories lies in the fact that the reader does not
stop to think, but is so engrossed in the mystery and its
solution that he reads on fo the end— and then begins another
problem. Dramatic situations abound, and in spite ol a
'certain reiteration of detail in some of the stories Thornley
Colton has few equals in detective fiction.
Lessons in Thrift, by G. C. Pringle (Teachers' War
Service Committee, Edinburgh, 3d. net) is a series of notes
on the subjects of thrift in general and thrift in time of war.
The writer has outlined in these notes a series of lectures
suited not only for use in schools and colleges, but also for
lecturers to adult audiences. The work is an admirable
summary of the doctrine and practice of thrift in war time
forming a brief but complete exposition of the subject in
outline. All proceeds of the sales of the book are devoted
to the Teachers' War Fund, but, apart from this, the circula-
tion of such a work should be furthered in every way, since
the work itself is of distinct service to the natiori in such
times as the present.
A complete and authoritative summary of the various
aspects of tlie great war is provided in The British Dominions
Year Book for 19T6, issued by the British Dominions General
Insurance Co., of Royal Exchange Avenue, London. The
compilers of the work have secured the work of specialists in
military and naval subjects, in finance, international law, and
other subjects bearing on the war, so that the book is of
definite historical and statistical value as a record of the
year 1915. In addition to war articles the book contains
much interesting and useful general information, and on the
whole .it must be regarded as one of the best of the
many annual handbooks issued.
The January number of the Asiatic Review provides an
exceptionally long and well-varied hst of contents. Note-
worthy articles are " Some Parallels of the Present Situation "
by a military correspondent, which deals with current fallacies
in comparing the present war with the Napoleonic campaigns,
and incidentally provides a summary of the mihtary situation ;
" Carmen Sylva," by Oliver Bainbridge, a sketch of the
Queen of Roumania, and a literary supplement which gives
special prominence to recent works on the Near and Far East
An article giving " Impressions " of Persia and Mesopotamia
will also be found of great interest at the present time.
20
Thohsday, February 3, 19W.
LAND & ^?C^AnrER
,.»i«*f> r i I ■>■; h^in^(^ m n «►(<« '^^ •
/!» tcwjs Kaemaekert.
Drawn ezcliuively tor "Land and Water."
*' Those shameless EngHsh ! They have now sacrificed their most sacred principle of
voluntary service ! The barbarians ! "
February 3, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
LAND & WATER
Empire House, Kingsway, London, W.C.
Telephone : H JLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1916.
OPTIMISM & PESSIMISM.
Two words wliich have come into constant use with
regard to the war are the words " optimism "
and " pessimism," nnd they are used to mean
statements or opinions supporting a hopehil
view for the Alhes, and statements or opinions support-
ing an unhopeful view.
We need not delay upon the misuse of terms which
properly only relate to systems of philosophy and
properly have no meaning in this connection. The word
" optimist " no more means a liopefiil man, or the word
" pessimist " a despairing man, with regard to a par-
ticular event than the word Cow means Mangel-wurzel.
But tliese journalistic expressions take root and wise
pe p 2 do not waste time in discussing their origins or
ultunate value. For the mass of linglish people to-day
these two words mean hopeful and unhopeful statements
of opinion with regard to the progress of the campaign.
Now there arises in this connection a curious and even
dangerous confusion of mind which must be carefully
guarded against by anyone who desires to preserve a
just view of the tremendous business upon which the whole
future of Europe and of this country turns.
From noting, ..s every sensible person must, that a
passing mood, quite apart from reason or from original
motive, will affect action, one passes to dishking bad news
or unpleasant but reasonable conclusions to thinking
such statements or judgments positively harmful to the
nation, and one may easily end by regarding them, how-
ever true, as treasonable if they are expressed.
On the other side, from fearing that neglect or
belittling of the war or of our peril may lead to slackness
in recruiting and in munitioning effort and the rest, and
thence to disaster, a man may very easily begin by
suspecting every favourable statement or hopeful judg-
ment, and soon end by regarding any such with anger and
aversion.
In the first case a man decries what he calls " pessim-
ism and the pessimists" and tries to counteract or to
deny every statement or judgment that would increase
his alarm ; in the second case he is compelled to the
exact opposite and is led to counteract or deny almost
every statement or judgment that would make him hope-
ful. The nation in a moment of highly anxious tension,
never relieved ard exasperated by the immobihty of
the great siege lines, gets divided into two groups. The
one suspecting or hating what it calls " optimism " ;
the other what it caUs " pessimism." Very much worse
than this the nation gets to swing, in the great mass of
its opinion, from one pole to the other. There will be
weeks (like those of last April) when warnings are disre-
garded and the chances of immediate victory are absurdly
exaggerated ; there will be months (like those of last
October and November) when the great bulk of men are
at the opposite extreme, will hardly believe the simplest
and most obvious truths that would make for their
heartening, and violently suspect all favourable conclu-
sions, however moderate and guarded, to be deliberately
misleading and ruinous to the national temper.
It will be clear to everyone who thinks over the
matter at leisure that both these moods are irrational.
But it is also common knowledge backed up by all human
experience that unreason — irrational moods — are the
very gravest peril any individual or society can run
when they are under a strain. Panic, which is the deadly
poison of an army, wild speculation, which is the ruin of
a man, proceed equally from the one mood or the other.
Everyone is agreed when the matter is soberly stated
that the chief requisite for action, especially in com-
petition or struggle against other human wills, is to keep
the whole problem quite steadily in view, playinsi one's
judgment upon it coolly and tenaciously as every new
development arises. That spirit is not one which gradu-
ally fades off into vaguer and less efficient moods ; it is
something very highly limited and rapidly dissolved.
When a man loses grip of reality under a strain, he tends
to lose it at once and altogether. The curve is very
steep from the moment that the process of a dissol'itio'
in judgment begins. But a short interval sepc.rate;, k.
times of great crisis, the solid use of reason from the folly
of rashness or despair. Experience tells us that this is
so, and we know that it must be so from the very na'ure
of things : since men in a great crisis are peculiarly
susceptible to nervous revolutions.
The moral would seem to be that we should, during
the progress of this awful task, constantly feed upon
reality.
In the question of numbers, for instance, we should
concern ourselves not with whether this or that state-
ment is depressing or the reverse, but rather with the
proofs attaching to it. In the matter of movements we
should not incline to the description of our own side or
our opponent's, we should weigh with as ample experi-
ments as possible the probable bases of either statement.
Your own side claims in a subsidiary local action in Alsace,
rather more thaii a thousand unwounded prisoners from
the enemy. The enemy in- another action on the Somme
claims a similar number. It is a simple matter but a
good test of mood, whether the little success i doubtt (.1
because it would lead to optimisrii and the little failure
accepted with exaggerated headlines because it is bad
news. Both attitudes are as foolish and dangerous as
would be the reverse, an exaggeration of the first, a
behttlement of the second. The sane man accepts both,
and sees that both are trilling.
Again, the whole of military history is there to tell
one the significance of the occupation of enemy territory
during the course of a war ; its political effect ; the
crucial matter of the extension of front it usually in-
volves ; the nature of communications to the occupied
territory ; the economic effect, and the effect upon
neutrals. You have a hundred campaigns in the past
to guide your judgment in such a matter. If you say
the occupation of enemy territory is negligible simply
because it solves no strategical problem you are mis-
taken. If you say that it is decisive and final — a test
of strategical success — you are making a far worse
mistake. Were the enemy to evacuate Brussels and
Lille to-morrow without great loss and, according to
his own plan and on his own initiative fall back upon a
shorter line, he would be stronger and his chances of pro-
longing the war would be greater. It would be im-
possible to avoid an immense wave of enthusiasm in the
Allied countries should that event take place, but the
wise man in judging that event would not yield to that
enthusaism.
The converse is equally true. It would be foolish to
say that the occupation of all Serbia and Montenegro
was not of high political effect in the Eastern theatre of
war, in spite of the fact that it perilously extends the
obligations of the half-exhausted enemy.
The whole matter may be summed up by saying that
those, though a minority, who are concerned only with
positive facts and reasonable deductions therefrom, will
be the best fitted to judge the future trend of the war.
They will by their sobriety probably profit as individuals.
That nation which most nearly reaches and maintains
such a stand will certainly profit most in the final settle-
ment. It is of good augury to note that of all the
belligerent nations, that one most hopslessly out of touch
with reality to-day is the mass (not the higher command)
of the German Empire.
The present war fully justifies the prediction made in
Among the Ruins, by Gomez Carillo (Heinemann, 3s. 6d. net)
to the effect that the complete disappearance of permanent
fortifications will be one of its results. M. Carillo's book is a
record of sightseeing among the wreckage of war, which he
visited after the battle of the Marne. His descriptions of
Epernay, Rheims, Clermont in Argonnc, etc.. form yet another
indictment of the infamous methods lof the Germans. One
of the most striking incidents in the book is the burning of
Auve, a village in which no act of war took place, but which
was utterly destroyed by the Germans as a sort of revenge
for their defeat on the Marne. Tragic though the book is in
character, it expresses the belief of the French people — as
distinct from the Army — in ultimate victory.
LAND AND WATER. February 3, 1916.
WAR SUMMARY OF THE WEEK.
In a message delivered upon Wednesday, January 26th, in London, news was received that the Turks
before Kut had been heavily reinforced and that the weather during the course of the day's fighting already reported
(which was five days before, upon Friday, January 21st) had been very bad, strong winds and heavy rain flooding
much of the ground and hampering operations.
The Turkish official message with regard to the same action describes the British attack as having taken place
under the protection of river gun boats and as having developed upon both banks of the Tigris. It claims that our
force retired some kilometres after attacks and counter-attacks lasting Six hours and that, after the British retire-
ment 3,003 dead were counted upon the field and mentions the granting of an armistice for the burial of the dead.
The same communique claims a check administered to another British column, with the loss of about 100 dead at
the junction of the Tigris and the Euphrates.
Upon the same day a message was received from General Townshend that his force contained by the enemy
at Kut el Amara was amply supplied.
On Tuesday, January 25th, two German aeroplanes dropped 15 bombs upon Dunkirk, killing five parsons and
wounding three, at about 6 in the morning. Two hours later a British machine off the coast to the North-East of that
town forced a German seaplane to descend upon the water. On the same day a German aeroplane squadron dropped
bombs upon Nancy.
On Wednesday the 26th, after a heavy artillery duel the French re-occupied the last of the crater the enemy's
min= explosions had formed near Neuville in Artois. The sameday a Zeppelin dropped some bombs on villages near
Ep^rnay, and there was heavy artillery work against the German positions on the Bois le Protein Lorraine.
Upon Thursday the 27th, news reached London of an action against the Senussi delivered by General Wallace's
force on the previous Sunday, the 23rd. The enemy was driven back in the course of the morning. His Camp was
occupied and about 80 tents burnt. The strength of the enemy is estimated at about 4,500 with three guns and
three or four machine guns, the Arabs evidently handled by trained soldiers.
On Friday, the 28th, a German local attack upon the British near Loos was repelled.
The German official report on the same day gave, since October 1st, the loss of 63 Allied aeroplanes as against 15
Germap. This statement can only be understood in connection with the fact that the Allies crossed the German lines
and proceeded far Eastward of them, the German machines very rarely crossing our lines. While the Allies, and espec-
ially the British, record more than four flights to the German one.
On the same day, Friday the 28th, a number of local attacks were delivered by the enemy in Artois, the object
of which it is not easy to decide. They were all repelled. As a reprisal for the Zeppelin raid of the previous Tuesday a
French dirigible balloon dropped in the night between Thursday and Friday, eighteen 6 inch and twenty 4 inch
bombs upon Freiburg, especially upon the station and the barracks.
On the British front there was another local attack near Loos, delivered by the enemy and repelled, and a certain
amount of mining work near Givenchy.
News was received the same day of considerable local Russian successes near Erzerum, notably just West
of Melazghert, north of Lake Van, where a large amount of arms and munitions were captured, many ammunition
carts and a certain number of prisoners. The town of Kynsskala was entered and held in the pursuit with many
munitions and a great amount of stores, the Turks retiring towards Mush. A similar success was obtained in Persia
ssuth of Lake Urmia ; while at the furthest southern point of the Russian line on the road from Hamadan to Bagdad
ths Russians further advanced. It is probable that the Russians in this move reached, or even passed, Kangawar,
where the Turks had recently counter-attacked with success.
On ( aturday, the 29th, a strong German attack against the French, on the Somme, resulted in a considerable
success for the enemy, 1,300 prisoners, and 13 machine guns taken from the French at Frise, south of the Somme,
and trenches of the first line over a space of some two miles. The French account shows that this action developed
over a muci wider front, and that the German attack was completely unsuccessful in all the Southern section, only
succeeding on the bank of the river itself.
On Sunday, the 30th, the first counter-attacks of the French had re-occupied portions of the lost ground.
On Saturday night, the 29th, in conjunction with this expensive, but successful, effort upon the enemy's
part at Frise, a Zeppelin dropped bombs over Paris, causing 53 casualties, nearly half of which were deaths.
On the following night, Sunday the 30th, a Zeppelin appeared again and dropped ten bombs, none of which took
effect. The airships were flying at some 11,000 feet, from which height it was impossible to take aim. The bombs
were dropped quite at random, and in the second case appear to have missed the city altogether and to have falUn
only upon waste land upon the outskirts.
In Alsace the French heavy artillery set fire on the same day to a munitions store east of Munster. News
renched London upon the same day (Saturday the 29th i, that upon Friday the 28th, the Greek fort of Karaburn, com-
manding th? entry to the Gulf of Salonika, had been occupied by the French, British, Russian and Italian Marines.
On Saturday, the 29th, St. Giovanni di Medua and Alessio, on the Adriatic, were occupied, according to the un-
contradicted Austrian Communique, by Austrian troops, representing an advance of about 20 miles from Scutari,
February 3, 1916.
LAND AND \\ A 1 E R .
GERMAN ACTIVITY IN THE WEST.
By Hilaire Belloc.
BY far the most important part of the war news is
tlic suddenly renewed activity of the Germans
upon the Western front.
Three or four strong local offensives ha\-e
been delivered between the end of the great Soissons
salient and the North Sea in the last few days. They
have been delivered over narrow fronts, but at the expense
of considerable mnnbers, and all have failed save one —
\\itli which we will deal in a moment.
The policy of these continued local attacks— which
are not aimed at breaking the line at all, being on far
too small a scale for that object' — has been already
described last week. It is the act of a man who, to keep
a door shut against the pressure of stronger forces outside,
jerks it forward at intervals. As the system develops
it has a further object (very often) of concentrating men
against particular parts of the line in the hope of weaken-
ing those parts elsewhere where a really strong attack is
later intended.
Whatever the policy, the enemy, at this very consider-
able expense in men, achieved, after nearly a fortnight
of such efforts, a marked success. It was of the following
nature.
►ALBERT
I
Zaft Torfion.
'Ruins of ViUnqe
of DcmpLfrrr
The Upper Somme betwcci Peronne and Bray is a
small, but not fordable, very sluggish stream, winding
through a belt, from three to si.x hundred yards wide,
or even more, of marshy ground impassable to troops.
It was this same belt of marsh which Henry V. crossed
with so much difificulty, in the great march to Agincourt,
using the remains of the Roman causeway some few miles
above the point we are here concerned with.
At a place where this belt of marsh with the small
and sluggish stream winding through it, makes a great
hook (the loop is cut off at its base by the lateral canal of
the Somme) stands the village of Frise — now of course in
ruins. Due south of it lies the village of Dompierre,
now also in ruins. North of the river the line runs directly
northwards, covering Albert.
It is in this region that the French and English lines
met for many months, although there has been a slight
extension of the English line since last autumn. There
was, at any rate, an English element present in the forces
at Frise, when the attack was delivered.
It will be seen that the forces at Frise and those in
the trenches just in front of that ruined \'illage had their
back to the marshy belt of the unfordable Somme, and
were at a disadvantage on that account if they were really
hard pressed. Disadvantageous as such a position is,
in the present war of trenches there is no great considera-
tion for such points. When lines have been once estab-
lished-— " crystallised " is the current phrase — pretty well
liaphazard in the last few days of mobile fighting, they
remain as the chance of that fighting has left them save
for an occasional advance and retirement by a few hundred
yards upon either side, the result of such episodes as the
one we are examining.
The German attack was preceded by a very \'iolent
bombardment over several miles of front from the
Somme southwards. There followed the attack of two
or three divisions. All that part of it which struck to
the south or right of the French at Dompierre was thrown
back with very heavy loss. In the loop of the ri\'er and
north of the "canal it was otherwise. The Germans, at
an expense estimated by the French at something ovei;
10,000 casualties, occupied the ruins of the \-illage of
]"-rise and the trenches there lining the river, claiming as
a result, probably justly, as many prisoners as the French
took the other day oil the Hartmansweilerkopf, about
1,300.
It does not seem that the enemy was able to advance
from the marshy belt, up to the edge of which he had
reached, or that he had any success north of the river.
It will be interesting to note from six weeks to two
months hence what losses are admitted in this action in
the enemy casualty lists, when we have ascertained the
units he was emploj'ing at this point.
Position in Mesopotamia. 1
There has been no change in the position of the
relieving forces held up by the Turks upon the Tigris
or, unfortunately, in that of (icneral Townshend's dixision,
which they are attempting to succour. The relieving
force has been unable to move since the heavy action of
a fortnight ago. The Turkish trenches up river to the
West, that is, those containing General Townshend's
force on the far side, have been moved a mile further up-
stream, presumably to avoid flooded ground; btit the
movement is of no effect upon the general situation.
Meanwhile an error, which should be noted by all
those who are following the war carefully, was committed
by the India Office in transmitting the first telegram.
To this error was due a corresponding error in the Sketch
Map published in these columns last week.
The first telegram described the shock between the
relieving force and the Turks as ha\'ing taken place on
the position of El-Essin, between six and seven miles
ea;st of Kut. This is the main Turkish position, and was
that upon which we were all prepared that the action
should take place.
A second telegram from the India Office corrected the
error of the first and told us that the action had as a fact
taken place between 23 and 25 miles east of Kut ; in other
words, upon the line of the Wady, or watercour.se, up to
which the relieving force reached at the end of its pursuit
of the retiring Turkish advanced bodies a month ago.
The Turks appear to have lain upon either side of the
Tigris and, upoft the left bank or north, were imme-
diately behind the Wadj'. Exceptional rains had filled
this watercourse and even flooded the neighbourhood, and
to this, as well as to the superiority in numbers of the
enemy, the check received by the British force must be
ascribed.
The difference between the first supposed position
of the action and the second position which we now know
it to be, is shown in the following sketch.
The error is not really a material one, for whether the
relieving forces were checked seven or twenty-five miles
from its object is of little ultimate consequence. The
real point is the power of resistance of the enemy, and this,
unfortunately, appears to be sufficient for its purpose.
The Italian Resume.
An exceedingly important document has been issued
this week in Rome. The public had it last Saturday.
It has been about three weeks preparing, and it is most
unfortunate that our Press — with the exception of the
Morning Post — has not given it more prominence.
This document is the official account under the
authority of the Italian Commander in Chief, General
Cadorna, of the results of the operations upon the Italian
■front up to the end of the year 1915.
With regard to the movement of the lines nothing
need be said because in the first place they have been
slight — involving not more than the complete security of
the Italian Plain from in\'asion at least with such forces
[Copyriglu tn America by " The Xac York American."!
LAND AND WATER.
February 3, 1916.
1
Shielc
Miles
as the Aiistrains could sparo ; in the second place because,
they are fairly familiar to all those who follow the war at
all carefulU'.
What is really important in this campaign of attrition
is the estimate our Allies make of the enemy forces the\'
have drawn to this front, and the figures of prisoners.
General Cadorna does not hesitate to give the total
Austrian forces between the Trentino and the Adriatic
at twelve corps. Opinion most favourable to Italy has not
hitherto mentioned anything like that figure. In the
columnsof Land AND W.\ti:r six have been suggested as a
minimum, and'just possibly ten as the very outside maxi-
mum. The general (and woithless) " conversational "
estimate — if 6ne may use the term — has put the Austrian
figures ridiculously low ; five corps or less.
General Cadorna's high estimate is to be accepted
with little reserve, for the Italian higher command is
alone in a position to judge the matter, and its accounts
have always been moderate and restrained after the
fashion happily set by all the Allies, perhaps better
followedbyltaly than by any other. But even if we do not
admit the full complement of the corps mentioned, we
are dealing with something not far short of 400,000 men.
And considering the excellence of the Italian heavy
artillery, the immense rate of munitionment which \tsS.y
(to the great increase of her prestige) has successfully
maintained, and the now notorious precision of Italian fire,
we can judge upon the analogy of all other fronts what
wastage in enemy strength these figures mean. The
Italian front has not cost Austria in the eight months less
than 200,000 men dead loss — probably more. The
number of prisoners alone in Italian hands is over ;50,ooo.
It will be no surprise when the official histor\- of the war
comes to be written from collattxl documents, if the total
enemy wastage due to Italian effort does not prove to
exceed a quarter of a million upon this front alone.
That is most admirable \\T»rk, and when we think of
quahty as well as quantity it means even more. All
these months, at any rate since July. Austria has been
able to send her best units to this South-Western front
of hers. It is these that have been bioken and harried
after such a fashion, and we must bear in mintl in leadint^
such figures what they mean for the future.
How will that front look when the opening year
permits more general offensives ? When the rearma-
ment of Russia is accomplished and when Austria-Hungarv
will be s)ibject to the imperative need of finding some men
from somewhere to fight uT>on two fronts at least and
more probaoly upon three ?
Of the really significant documents issued in the last
five months, this is perhaps the most significant.
I would refer my readers in particular to the full
account published in the Morning Post of Monday,
January ;ust, with its two excellent and detailed mai^s.
A Further Note upon Mr. Tennant's Figures.
My readers will remember that the figures gi\-en by
Mr. Tennant in Parliament — which were no more than
the German totals as given by the enemy himself — were
subject to very grave criticism and were, indeed, mani-
festly erroneous. In connection with this, of which the
analysis made will convince anyone who followed it,
there has appeared a new piece of evidence which is
conclusive ; though that really was hardly needed, for
probably no one took the original figures 'seriously.
It will be remembered that in Mr. Tennant's figures
the total gross losses (not net) of the Germans for the one
month of December (excluding sickness) were given at
about 11,000. It will also be remembered that the well-
deserved sarcasm of one of our principal military writers
was quoced in connection with that absurd figure.
The new piece of evidence to which I refer is the
evidence of the British losses during the same month.
They are now officially given as just short of double
the German losses ! Over 21,000.
One has but to mention so ridiculous a contrast to settle
the credibility of the first set of figures.
The British forces during the month of December
have no casualties in action of any appreciaolc size save
upon the French front. They have no fighting in
Salonika, none in GalHpoli, none in Egypt. Of all the
very large proportion of British forces in the East only
the quite small body in Mesopotamia was engaged af all.
The forces on the French front were engaged in no
considerable actions. The whole period was one of lull.
Those forces are mainly responsiole for the figure of total
casualties for December— which we know upon the Eng-
lish side to be very accurately kept and up to date.
"The German armies in the field were during the
same month continually engaged. There was some
lighting in the Balkans (on no very large scale it is true),
very heavy fighting indeed, with very high casualties,
on the southern part of the Russian front, and the usual
measure of activity upon the French front. The German
forces engaged during that same month and often engaged
in ver\' heavy and expensive operations, numbered some-
thing between four and five limes the British forces
engaged, and we are asked to believe that their total
losses were only half as many !
The thing is, of course, manifestly ridiculous, and
it is perhaps a waste of space to allude to it again, bin if
anyone is still in doubt as to the valuelessness of the
original figures given this argument should, I think,
convince such a one.
The total German losses during the month of Decem-
ber, counting the sick, permanent and temporary, may
have been a good deal below the usual average, for on the
whole it was a month of lull save for the rather heavy
i
February 3, 1916.
LAND AUD water
fighting on the Russian front, but the fantastic figure
pf 11,000 given in the House of Commons is negligible.
Reprissls.
In the present mood of the enemy it is exceedingly
important that opinion, in this country especially, should
be clear headed upon the question of reprisals.
Reprisals in war, which cannot be often repeated,
must have a military object, and a mihtary object alone.
In other words, if during war you forgot even for a moment
the prime object of war — if you turn to consider
revenge for mere " scoring " or occupation of territory, or
the discomtiture of important persons, you are not only
losing your own power but you are inevitably lowering
your general fighting strength.
Reprisals, then, are essentially political acts under-
taken with a political object, which political object is
expected to react upon the whole military situation.
Short of that they are worth nothing. If, for instance,
you are fighting an enemy who tortures his prisoners,
as savage tribes have done in warfare against Europeans,
there would be nothing but waste of energy and worse
in torturing the prisoners you took unless you thought
that such an action might weaken the moral of the
enemy. The punishment you propose to inflict upon an
imscrupulous, barbaric, or insane enemy, should in all
military common sense be postponed to the period of
execution which follows victory.
If we only keep this first principle steadily in mind,
it will be a sure guide to the actions wherewith we
should meet the enemy's consistent and increasing
tendency to savage or insane action in the present struggle.
It is always from the enemy's side that the first breaches
of common morals have come. They began with the
murder of innocent civilians, nuirders committed with the
object of striking terror and securing the passage of his
armies. They proceeded to indiscriminate murder at
sea, then to the use of poison gases on land, and to the
dropping of high explosives upon open towns. They
may perfectly well in the near future go on to the employ-
ment of poison in ordinary life, they may attempt to
taint the water supplies of our great cities ; they may
go from that to the massacre of prisoners. They have
no very clear object in what they are doing. Their
action is spasmodic and sometimes particularly exulted in
because they are inexcusable. Their general motive
is obvious enough. They propose to cause confusion
in the political organisation of the Alhes, dissatisfaction
of citizens with their Government, and weariness with
the war in general. As against these attempts we must
remember that the modern German is politically vulner-
able for reprisals for two reasons : first of all, he is ner-
vous in type, mainly a town dweller, and, as the whole
course of the war has proved, peculiarly unstable under
a nervous strain. He is, especially during this struggle,
in a mood of " exultation." Secondly, he has been almost
entirely immmie so far as his own soil and his own political
organisation are concerned.
The conclusion is that sharp reprisals undertaken
as soon as possible after eacla of his crimes would
be of real service, though reprisals should be thorough.,
but should occupy as little of the energy and the time
of the Allies as possible. And it is to be concluded
with fair certitude that if a few really vigorous examples
were made with certain of the Rhenish towns, for instance,
together with action against enemy property, it would
infiuence him in the immediate future. H, Belloc.
AN EVENTFUL WEEK.
By Arthur Pollen.
THE past week has been interesting for three
exceedingly important developments. In the
Blockade debate, the Government did not dis-
close either the character of the steps to make
the siege of Germany more strict, nor indeed that greater
stringency was to be enforced. Yet the debate as a
whole made this intention obvious. That the American
attitude towards the belligerents is on the verge of
dramatic change can hardly be questioned. On Thurs-
day, January, 27th, the summary of Mr. Lansing's new
note on submarine war and the arming of merchantmen,
was published, and it was followed immediately by a
series of speeches by Mr. Wilson, all couched in a tone
entirely new to that strong but singular man. It is
significant that the Note and the speeches coincided
with the stay in Berhn of Colonel House, reputed to be
Mr. Wilson's unofiicial emissary to Europe. Finally the
news that anchored German mines had been found oH
the Spanish coast and that ships had been lost by them,
indicate new and tragic departures by the enemy.
The Blockade Debate.
The case Sir Edward Grey had to meet in the debate
was, that the Government had not carried out Mr. Asquith's
threat that we would prevent commodities of any kind
from entering or leaving Germany. It was part of the
case that this failure could partly be explained by the
fact that we had proceeded by a method of
our own, under an Order in Council, instead of by strict
blockade, which the facts of the naval situation and a
reasonable interpretation of the American doctrine of
" continuous voyage " would have enabled us to do. It
is, of course, only by an appeal to this doctrine that we
establish our title to hit at Germany through the neutral
ports at all. A blockade, it was maintained, would add
nothing to the diplomatic difficulties of the position,
would indeed in some respects simplify it, by resting
our case on a better legal basis, and, if feasible, must
certainly be more effective. It was also urged that, in
proceeding against Germany at sea we should act as the
agent of all the Allies, and not as if the cause were our
own singly.
Such was the case put forward by Mr. Benn and Mr.
LesHe Scott, and it is substantially identical with the
suggestions put forward in these columns since September
last. On only one of the points raised did Sir Edward
Grey give any direct satisfaction to his critics. He inade
it clear that for the future all discussion with America is
to be carried on by Great Britain and France jointly.
I have urged this now for five months, and the concession
seems to me both useful and important. For the rest
Sir Edward Grey made no attempt to answer any of these
criticisms ; nor did he see his way to accept any other of
the suggestions made. Indeed he made light of his
opponents. A certain proportion of goods had no doubt
got past us to the enemy, but Lord Faringdon, who had
made special enquiries into the matter, was S itisfied that
much less had gone through " than could have been
expected " — a not very specific method of indicating the
success or failure of our efforts. The figures that had
recently been published had been subjected on the
j>revious day to a somewhat damaging criticism in a
White Paper issued by the War Trade Department.
Sir Edward pushed this form of criticism still further,
and repudiated with complete success the accusation that
the Foreign Office had interfered with the action of- the
Admiralty. He also asserted with great force and vigour
that if we attempted a strict blockade of all the neutrals
in Europe, we might indeed end the war more quickly,
but in a fashion disastrous to ourselves. Indeed nearly
ten out of the sixteen columns of Sir Edward Grey's speech
in Hansard are devoted to these three points, the mis-
leading figures of the American exports, the alleged
interference by the diplomatists with the navy, the folly
of threatening all Eiuope with a blockade for tlic sake ol
starving Germany. But no one in the House of Commons
had made himself responsible for any of these accusations
or proposals, so that Sir Edward was demolisliing critics
who hadn't appeared in the lists against him.
Up to this point it was as if he had said that the
blockade was so well managed that it could hardly be
LAND AND WATER.
February 3, iqiO.
improved, and except for the concession about co-opera-
tiiif,' with France, nowilHngness to adopt a more stringent
or a more forward poUcy was expressed. Why then m as
Sir Edward Grey's speech recei\ed with such universal
— and quite proper — satisfaction? It was because he
challenged all the neutral countries to question or oppose'
the AUies' right to use their sea power to the full. We
iiad no right he said, to deprive neutrals of goods genuinely
intended for their own use, but we could not give up our
right to interfere with enemy trade. The main question
for neutrals was tliis. Do they admit our rigiit to apply
the principles employed by the American (iovernments
in the war betewen North "and South ? In fairness they
are bound to admit it, and if they do, surely they should
assist — at least through corporations of private traders—
to make our exercise of that right as easy and as effective
as possible. But if any neutral takes upon himself to
deny that right, the Allies ulll regard siicli a cloiial as a
departure from netilralily. In saying this the Foreign
Secretary took the highest tone it was possible for him
to take, and he put the policy of this country and of its
Allies upon a foundation which it is impossible for any
neutral to misunderstand. Such plain speaking could
not have been necessary — except that the situation called
for new departures, and that new departures were coming.
If drastic step's for tightening the bonds on Germany
are in contemplation, the neutral powers have to be
prepared for their employment. And, as if to reconcile
them to this new and sterner policy. Sir Edward Grey
ended with an indictment of German conduct at sea that
left nothing to be desired in scathing vigour. Those of
us, then, who have been urging a stricter siege so
patiently, can, it seems to me, rest satisfied with the
situation.
Part of Sir Edward Grey's indictment of Germany's
sea policy was that she had continually sunk merchant
vessels w'ithout notice or warning or attempting to safe-
guard passengers and crews, and that she had done this,
not only by submarines, but by sowing the sea with
mines, by w-hich ships that were not even bound for any
port within the so-called war zone had been destroyed.
And he noted that no protest has been made by neutral
governments to Germany in this matter of the kind made
against our own quite civilised proceedings. Our action
could indeed be questioned on the grounds at law, but
it's illegality was, at its worst, doubtful. But German
action was not only obviously illegal, but scandalously
inhumane to boot. In emphasing this point. Sir Edward
was no doubt anticipating a part of the reply to Mr.
Lansing's latest proposals.
Reckless Mine laying.
The recent great and reckless extension of the
German mine-laying poHcy must also be taken into
account. The restrictions imposed upon mine-laying
by the Hague Conventions are well known. Germany
has never observed these restrictions and the develop-
ment of mine-laying submarines confers on her the
capacity to lay these mines where she will. It is obviously
impossible for any system of sweeping to keep the channels
leading, to all commercial ports constantly swept, and the
fact that mines are laid so far afield as the Spanish coast
is a final evidence that there is no pretence that they are
laid with anv military object, or so as to destroy belligerent
shipping only. Indeed, the fact that neutral vessels
mostly not bound for belligerent ports at all have been
sunk at the rate cf nearly eight a month since the war
began, is conclusive evidence of the character of (German
contempt for civilised opinion. Wc must, I fear, be
pripared for an increase in the loss of merchant shipping
both from this cause and from attacks— at least on our
own shipping — by submarines in areas in which these
boats have not hitherto operated. Nor can wi; reason-
ably hope very greatly to restrict the operations of sub-
marines in the open sea by the kind of counter-offensive
tiiat has been effective in home waters. The only effective
means of limiting their action would be by making the
>uppiy of oil and other necessaries to them impossible.
Bui w ithout the co-operation of powers now neutral, this
cutting off of supplies is exceedingly difiicuU. The only
limitation then to the destructive malignity of oiu-
•nemies will be the opportunity afforded to them,
and. for practical purposes, the only way of hmitm^-
their opportimities, is for all merchantmen to be
armed.
The New American Proposals.
When then we come to consider America's latest
proposals we must bear these two fundamental facts in
mind. First, Germany's breach of the canons of civilised
war is not limited to the sinking of merchantmen and
liners by submarines, but has, from the very outbreak of
hostilities, included the most dastardly of all crimes the
wholesale sowing of mines upon tlie sea, a policy which
the minelaying submarine now enables her to extend in-
definitely. And, secondly, the sole means of protecting
merchantmen and liners against submarines, outside of
home waters, is for the trading ship to carry guns. This
is so because, if the ship is defenceless, a modern sub-
marine can operate safely as a surface ship armed with
guns uverhaul and run down almost any ship afloat, thus
making every merchantman seen a certain victim unless
rescued by a patrol : whereas, if the submarine can only
mancEUvre to attack when submerged and is limited to
the use of the torpedo as a weapon, the number of her
victims is necessarily reduced to those ships that she has
been successful in waylaying. Such ships as she waylays
she will sink on sight,' and there will no doubt be a hcAvy
loss of life in each case. If no .ships arc armed three or
four times as many ships will be sunk, and the loss of life
will depend upon' the inclination or convenience of the
submarine commander who sinks them.
The official text of Mr. Lansing's proposal has not
been published, but the summaries, if correct, show that
America proposes to forbid the Allies to arm merchant-
men, and Germany to sink merchantmen without pro-
viding for the safety of those on board. If the AUies
decline this request,"^ their ships are to be forbidden the
use of American ports, except on warship terms. If
Germany declines, or having accepted breaks her word,
the penalties are not specified. What should our attitude
towards these proposals be ?
The two most obvious objections are these, .^s we
have seen, the disarmament of merchantmen makes the
destruction of our sea trade incalculably easier for the
submarine. Consequently to fall in with the proposal
would be to condemn our merchant shipping to far niore
serious losses than it has yet endured. The next objec-
tion is that we should get nothing for this sacrifice except
Germany's word that no sinkings at sight would take
place, nor any sinkings without passengers and crew being
secured. There are two difficulties in accepting Germany's
word in this matter. The first is that no one outside o f
(iermany believes that that country's plighted word will
ever be kept a moment longer than convenience dictates.
And they believe this because no one inside Germany
has ever professed any other doctrine. Our disinclination
to accept Germany's word then, is based not only on her
many and atrocious breaches of it, but more firmly on
the fact that she glories in her freedom to break it when
she needs to. But supposing this difficulty could be got
over, a large assumption, what is the worth of any under-
taking given by submarine captains that the safety of
those on board sunk merchantmen should be secured ?
There is only one method of providing for this safety. It
is to put passengers and crews into properly manned and
properly provided boats, and to turn them adrift to make
their best way to port. Whether this is virtual safety
v>r not depends upon a great number of things— the
distance from port, the weather, the currents to be encoun-
tered, the frequented or imfrequented state of the sea
neighbourhood amongst others. Is a code of rules to be
drawn up in these matters and to be accepted by the
Germans ? Can turning women and children adrift in
these circumstances more than, say, twelve hours from
port, in any circumstances be regarded as a civilised
proceeding ?
Nor is this all. The excuse given for sinking the
Arabic was that the submarine commander suspected her
intention to ram him. Disarming merchantmen will not
necessarily make submarines safe from merchantmen.
The submarine captain with guns and torpedoes at his
disposal must be left with a free hand to jtidge the military
necessity. Wiiat kind of guarantee can there be here that
life will be respected ? Merely on the merits of the pro-
posals, then, one sees certain objections almost impossible
{Conlinued on i>oge lu.)
February j, 1916 LAND AND WATER.
A SONG OF THE GUNS.
By Gilbert Frankau.
6.-THE OBSERVERS.
Eiv the last light that leaps the night has hung, and shone, and died,
While yet the breast-high fog of dawn is swathed about the plain,
By hedge and track our slave;; go back, ths waning stars for guide . . .
Eyes Oi our mouths, ths mists have cleared, the guns would speak again !
Faint on the ear that strains to hear, their orders trickle down :
" D.^grees— twelve— left of zero line— ::orrector one three eight—
Threa thousand "... Shift our trails and lift the muzzles that shall drod'u
The rifle's idle chatter when our sendings detonate.
Sending or still, these serve our will ; the hidden eyes that mark,
From gutted farm, from laddered tree that scans the furrowed slopj,
From coigns of slag whose pit-props sag on burrowed ways and dark.
In open trench where sandbags hold the steady periscope.
Waking, they know the instant foe, the bullets phutting by,.
The blurring lens, the sodden map, the wires that leak or break ;
Sleeping, they dream of shells that scream adown a sunless sky . . .
And the splinters patter round them in their dug-outs as they wake.
Not theirs, the wet glad bayonet, the red and racing hour,
The rush that clears the bombing-post with knife and hand-grenade ;
Not theirs the zest when, steel to breast, the last survivors cower . .
Yet can ye hold the ground ye won, save these be there to aid ?
Tn?se, that observe the shell's far swerve,, these of the quiet voice
That bids " go on," repeats the range, corrects for fuie or line . . .
Though dour the task their masters ask, what room for thought or choice ?
This is ours by right of service, heedless gift of youthful eyne !
Careless they give while yet they live ; the dead we tasked too sore
Bear witness we were naught begrudged of riches or of youth ;
Careless they gave, across their grave our calling salvoes roar.
And those we maimed come back to us in proof our dead speak truth !
7.-AMMUNITION COLUMN.
I am only a cog in a giant machine, a link of an endless chain :
Ani the rounds are drawn, and the rounds are fired, and ths empties return again ;
Railroad, lorry, and limber, battery, column, and park ;
To the shelf where the set fuze waits the breech, from the quay where the shells embark.
We have watered and fed, and eaten our beef : the long dull day drags by,
As I sit here watching our " Archibalds " strafing an empty sky :
Puff and flash on the far-off blue round the speck one guesses the plane —
Smoke and spark of the gun-machine that is fed by the endless chain.
I am only a cog in a giant machine, a little link of the chain.
Waiting a word from the wagon-lines that the guns are hungry again :
Column-wagon to battery-wagon, and battery-wagon to gun ;
To the loader kneeling 'twixt trail and -wheel from the shops where the steam-lathes run.
There's a lone mule braying against the line where the mud cakes fetlock-decp ;
There's a lone soul hurnming a hint of a song in the barn where the drivers sleep ;
And I hear the pash of the orderly's horse as he canters him down the hne —
Another cog in the gun-machine, a link in the self-same chain.
I am only a cog in a giant machine, but a vital link of the chain ;
And the Captain has sent from the wagon-line to fill his wagons again -.
From wagon-limber to gunpit dump ; from loader's forearm at breech.
To the working party that melts away lohen the shrapnel bullets screech.
So the restless section pulls out once more in column of route from the right.
At the tail of a blood-red afternoon ; so the flux of another night
Bears back the wagons we fill at dawn to the sleeping column again. ...
Cog on cog in the gun-machine, link on link in the chain !
N.B.— A Song of the Guns will be concluded in our next issue.
LAND AND WATER
February 3, 1916.
(Continued tram JWffr 8.)
to overcome. The final objection to the bargain is, as I
have said above, that added to all its disadvantages as a
bargain, it deals with one aspect of Germany's sea
criminalities onlv.
The Washington Government has access to naval
advice of the highest authority and skill. Its whole
conduct since the beginning of the war shows it to be
deeply concerned to maintain the claims of justice and
humanity. It is obvious then that the Cabinet must
thoroughly understand all the objections to its proposals
—a few of which I have just set out. What is its inten-
tion in putting these proposals forward ? In this matter
we can only guess at an explanation. Two are current.
The first is "that Mr. Wilson hopes, by the threat of closing
American ports to British traders, to force acceptance by
the Allies, and by the threat of war to force Germany's
compliance — if indeed (iermany would need any forcing
into the acceptance of a bargain so extremely favourable
to herself. Once the new arrangement came into work-
ing we should iind ourselves face to face with the helpless-
ness of our sea trade in the presence of German submarine
warfare. \\'ould not this be a favomable moment for
reopening that question of the freedom of the seas to
which Mr. \\'ils(>n has always ''been committed"; to
which Ormany — defeated at sea— is now so ardent a
convert ? So long as the siibmarine war was carried on
only in the war zone, the counter campaign could not
only keep it under, but make it far more costly to Ger-
many than to ourselves. Make the destruction of com-
merce on the high seas easy, put it out of the Allies'
power to defend their trading "ships, and then probably they
will prove amenable to American and German reason.
There is another view which is not untenable. It is
obvious that the United States community is gravitating
towards the view that the Administration's attitude
towards Germany 'has been entirely too long suffering.
The time has come when the Administration must take
some action. How could it take action which will carry
the anti-German sentiment with it without alienating
the pro-Germans too violently ? It can only do so by
appearing to impose its will upon both belligerents. Are
the Lansing proposals made with a view to ultimate
intervention on the Allies' side, but under the guise of an
impartial policy ? The Administration may think that
(iermany cannot act in good faith, and that a breach is
therefore inevitable. If, when the breach came, the
Administration could point to good faith on our side
and perfidy on the other, it might secure unanimity.
Whatever the intentions of the Administration are,
it seems to me highly improbable that events will afford
an opportunity of demonstrating them. In other words,
the Lansing proposals appear to me to be still born. No
suggestion for our acceptance of Germany's word can or
should receive consideration. And this after all is the
root of the matter.
The Renascence of the " Appam."
The Appam has reappeared, and startled the world
as if she had risen from the dead. The Germans have
scored grimly, but greatly, over the Navy. That it was
possible for an armed cruiser to break the Blockade out-
wards and get upon the trade routes, is a possibility which
naval o"fficers have always foreseen. If we arc astonished
it is not because of the difiliculty of the thing that has been
done, but largely because it has not been done sooner.
Manifestly it is hot a thing which can be done very often,
or on a large scale. It is impossible, for instance, to
suppose that warships could escape except by the merest
lluke. A tramp could conceivably be seen and not
pursued. Could a warshij-) be so disguised as to be seen
and escape detection ? It is unlikei> . The news arrives
too near the time for going tr) press for this incident to
be treated fully. The question which excites the greatest
curiosity at the moment is this. At the time of waiting
we only know the Appam has arrived at Norfolk with a
prize crew of twelve on board. This, of course, cannot be
the whole personnel of the -Mocier. There is no other
news of the Moewc. Is she still at large, or have her
oflicers and men been transferred to one of the captures,
and is the capture at large as a rover on the high seas ?
If she is, a pretty problem is propounded to the British
Navv What success will she have before- her inevitable
end ■? ■ ARTHUR POLLEN.
RATIONAL REFORM.
THERE has come by chance into the possession of
the writer a slim, brown-covered magazine, bearing
the title of The Trust. Review. Its name docs not
at first siglit reveal its purpose, so let me add
forthwith tliat it is " a quarterly review published
for promoting the principles of disinterested management
in the retail sale of alcoholic liquors in Great Britain." This
is its first number.
Time flies quickly and one hardly realises more than fifteen
3'ears have slipped by since Lord Grey founded the Home
Counties Public House Trust. Other and isolated efforts
were even then in progress to reform the ale-house and
liquor bar on sensible lines. The Trust, as Lord Lytton
remarks in the editorial cohimns of the Review, was founded
in the behef tliat in any community, whether village, town or
district of town, or even a club, public sentiment favours
temperance and abominates druniicnness. " Drunkenness
is a vice of the individual, not of the community." Will
anyone to-day question the absolute truth of this assertion ?
It is a httle difficult at the moment to realise fully the
extraordinary cliasm that divided total abstainers from even
the most moderate " drinkers " in the latter half of the Vic-
torian era. The Blue Ribbon army is apparently as dead as
a doornail, but at tlie end of the seventies and" in the early
eighties of last century, it was most vigorous, and every man
or boy who had signed " The Pledge " vaunted a bit of blue
ribbon in his buttonhole, one effect of which was to stimuate
the weaker brother to indulge in inebriation " just to prove his
independence." At that time, in a commercial establish-
ment of the City, it occurred to a wit, irritated by the flaunting
virtue tliat thrust bits of blue ribbons in his face, to carry the
war into the enemies' country, and ripping the red silk tape
with which it was then customary to keep cigars in their
place from an old cigar box, he divided them into short
lengths, distributing them among friends of like feeling witli
liimself. The idea promptly caught on ; the custom spread,
and thus came into existence the Red Ribbon army, the only
covenant of which consisted in its members being pledged to
indulge in at least one alcoholic drink a day. It was the
very last thing which the founders of the Blue Ribbon army
had in mind, but it is typical of the spirit which fanaticism
awakens among he peoples of this Realm.
Then in the last year of the nineteenth century came
Lord Grey, the Bishop of Rochester, the Bishop of Chester,
and two or three other common-sensible Englishmen, who had
faith in their fellows and honestly believed it were easier to
induce a stubborn Anglo-Saxon to adhere to the paths of
sobriety than to force him there under compulsion. And so
was born an enterprise which for years the writer has believed
and is more than ever convinced t )-day, is sooner or later to
solve a social problem which has h'therto defied both the most
sincere and the most strenuous efforts of reformers.
" Surely a time will come some day when the fact that
the working-classes must go into separate houses for food and
liquor will be a thing of the past." This from the Trust
Review. It is a point which the present 'writer has been
hammering at for a dozen years or more. Why should not the
working-classes be given the same facilities for alcoliol with
their food which are granted in every restaurant to the upper
and middle classes ?
But the Trust would proceed even beyond this and wisely
so. Says its Review : " We should have Uked to combine in
many places the provision of cheap meals with a little music,
but in the present =.tate of the law and practice this is con-
sidered a criminal offence, and those who attempt to carry out
the idea arc liable to be proceeded against for keeping a dis-
orderly house." Oh dear ! Oli dear ! How heavily do the
sins of our fathers and our fathers' fathers ride upon our
shoulders !
But all those who struggle for the cause of true temper-
ance may take heart of grace from Tli^ Trust Review. Lord
(irey contributes to it a series of verses which that rabid
teetotaller, l)ut perfect gentleman, tlie late Sir Wilfrid Lawson,
wrote on the movement at its inception. They are excellent
evidence of the advance in public opinion on this momentous
question. In fact, all the satire of Sir \\'ilfrid's lines has
entirely evaporated and to most of us it is a little difficult
to realise the uncompromising spirit, and, one must add, the
narrow-mindedness which gave them utterance.
Drunkenness nine times out of ton is not a vice but
a symptom, and if only we could rescue the State once
and for all from the mistaken and pernicious view of
regarding alcohol merely as a revenue-earning commodity,
the battle of temperance would be more than two-thirds won.
This is what Lord Grey's Trust is doing. The Trust Review
is a rallying point for all rational temperance reformers.
It may be obtained, post free, for sixpence, from The Editor,
Home" Counties P.H. Trust, J,td., Radlctt, Herts.
February 3, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
ENEMY PROPAGANDA IN THE
UNITED STATES.
OPINION in this country and elsewhere among
the Alhes has been somewhat exercised upon
the ([uestion whether the cause of European
civihsalion in this great struggle were being
properly represented to the greatest of the
neutral countries.
The enemy (or rather the Prussians, who are the
directing force of all the enemy's remaining power) had
])repared for their abominable aggression, as we know,
in every way that suggested itself to their mechanical
and limited minds.
There was the very elaborate spy system — almost
comically enormous in scale, not very efhcient, and
characteristically missing the most important point of
all, which was the probable action of the governing classes
in this country in case of a sudden war of aggression waged
by Prussia uj^on the Continent. Their spies seem to
have mixed with and tapped the opinion of every one in
England who didn't count.
There was the accumulation of material for war,
more successful, and yet so rigidly conceived that when
it was put to the test it broke down at the Marne against
forces little more than half those of the invasion.
There was the honeycombing of Russian administra-
tion-which was to have baulked the Russian mobihsation,
and later to have procured a separate peace.
There was not, indeed, any adequate preparation for
striking at the English Mercantile Marine on a large scale,
because that would have meant the entertainment by
Prussia of alternative plans ; and alternative plans involve
rapidity of judgment and elasticity of mind : Two things
incompatible with mere mechanical organisation.
There was, on the other hand, the highly successful
and long prepared raid upon the London markets which,
at the beginning of the war, was a very real asset to the
enemy.
A Minutely Organised Plan.
At the end of the list comes the expensive, mmutely
organised and very widely cast plan for the influencing of
American opinion. We know how America has been
deluged with pamphlets and magazine and newspaper
articles, her special correspondents from America have
been welcomed and methodically fed with just the state-
ments Prussia desired to be believed, and we know
how the most distinguished subjects of Prussia (to the
work of one of whom we will turn in a moment) has been
put to the task of aiding in this moral campaign.
All that has impressed, perhaps a little too much,
certain sections of opinion upon this side of the Atlantic.
But if we look closely at the affair we shall find that it
suffers from the same sort of faults as are to be discovered
in every other branch of the general aggressive effort
which Prussia had planned for so many years. It is not
finished work. It is extensive but clumsy. It carries
the stamp which the spy system in England also carried
of a vast amount of energy wasted and not properly
fitted to its aim.
Among the minor examples of this one may note the
apparent incapacity of the Germans to see that you will
moie easily persuade a man in his own tongue, orjn your
own, than in a mixture of both.
It may be unreasonable, but we arc all prejudiced
against the person who argues with us in a foreign accent.
It would liave been perfectly possible for the Ciermans to
get hold of any number of "people who could write idio-
matic English, or better still, English characterised by the
modern American idioms. These could have been em-
ployed to write the pamphlets, they could have trans-
lated some good German prose into equally good English
prose of the American model. Instead of that you have
continually appearing in the Propagandist literature
sent out by the enemy the most ridiculous slips in Englisli
idiom whiclt almost makes one feel as tliougii one were
li>tcning to a German barber talking to one after a few
vears residence in ICnglantl. We all remember, for in-
slanc'-, how a certain (iNfunl Dmi wlio liad the misfortune
to be inclined towards the enemy became the " so-learned
Professor Conybeare " ; occasionally one got the verb at
the end of the sentence, and peryjetually the characteristic'
use of German academic phrases which no Englishman or
American could conceivably write. Indeed, you will
hardly find one of these innumerable documents wliich is
not on the face of it a bad piece of English marred by
direct Teutonisms.
It was an error in the same field to print so mucli
of the matter in German type. Nothing affects the nfind
more comically, except perhaps a foreign accent, than the
sight of one's language printed in a foreign type. Nothing
would have been easier than for the Germans to have
printed their appeals to America in that country itself, or
at any rate with type of the American sort. They were
preparing this sort of thing for years, and it was really
inexcusable to overlook so simple a precaution.
The Intellectual Atmosphere.
But these and dozens of other similar little points,
though exceedingly significant, are negligible compared
with the general intellectual " atmosphere " of the thing.
Enghsh readers are already familiar with the mass of self-
contradiction and, not infrequent nonsense, which has
increasingly marred this German work in the United
States. Only the other day one of their correspondent'^,
describing in a very lengthy article the delights of life
in Belgium under Prussian rule, gave a touching picture
of the Picture Galleries in Brussels. These were alway-s
open, as in time of peace, and the visitor noted " German
private soldiers looking at the picture-, not with the
vacant stare of men of similar social rank in other coun-
tries, but with intelligence and appreciation ; some even
slopping to make sketches of the more important masters ! "
Another informed his compatriots in the United
States that German losses were about one-third those of
the Allies in proportion to their numbers. Nearly all
were concerned in the summer to expound the very simple
strategy of suddenly taking away the German armies from
Poland and using them somewhere else.
But the touchstone of the whole . business still is,
and will continue to be, the astonishing performances
of General Bernhardi.
One has a right to use that word " astonishing "
because it is really out of all ordinary experience to see a
man highly distinguished in one walk of life turned, by
the chunsiness of his superiors, on to work which he has
never studied and for which he is completely unfitted.
There is something almost indecent in having to
criticise the antics in one field of a man dignified and
respected in another. Bernhardi's studies of Modern
War have not perhaps carried the same weight as those of
Foch. The Fr.nch book is probably the better. But
at any rate he was one of the very few men whom all
other men in his own profession listened to with high
respect and read knowing that they should rise from their
reading informed. When he takes to journahsing he is
SORTES SHAKESPEARIAN^,
By SIR SIDNEY LEE.
THE CLOSING OF MUSEUMS.
Sweet recreation barred, what doth ensue.
But moody and dull melancholy.
Kinsman to grim and comfortless despair ?
COMEDY OV ERRORS, v. i., 78-80.
LAND AN D NN' A T E K .
February 3, 191G.
Contemptible. Ktail, lui ln^lalK^. the ejctraordinary
blulf ^\l^icll appeared in the New York Tribtmc over his
name, towards the end of the year : —
" It is rumoured that the ItaUan army is destined to
defend Egypt on behalf of the English."
" France and Russia have been so thoroughly beaten
that were they left to themselves thpy would renounce
all hope of victory."
" England sends countless legions into the field
against us."
(The total force voted so far by Great Britain is
about half the German mobihsed forces for the war, and
the numbers actually in the field against Germany proper
less than an eighth. This nonsensical sentence is speciti-
eally applied by Bernhardi not to the Allies in general,
regarded as the miserable servants of Britain, but to the
British and Colonial soldiers.)
" By the time these lines are read Roumania and
Greece will have definitely settled upon their line of
conduct."
Then, of the strokes in the Champagne and Loos,
vou have the following : — That they were " driven back
with heavy loss . . . " and that " the recapture of
such German positions as were lost is being actively pro-
ceeded with."
" The Russian armies were driven to a retreat \vith
the utmost precipitation " (just under one mile a day).
" The Russian offensive in (ialicia has exhausted
its strength. They have ceased their attacks and have
retreated." (This was on the eve of the recent vigorous
movement in Bessarabia.)
" The evacuation of Kiev has already begun." (!)
" It is in the cause of English and French financiers
that the present war is being waged " (which shows that
these gentlemen were able to command at will an ultima-
tum from Berlin to St. Petersburg and Paris !)
"The Itahans on the Isonzo front are ten times more
numerous than their adversaries." (That is, the Italians
on the Isonzo front have from three and a half million to
five milUon men.)
" The King of Italy is suffering from a complete
mental collapse."
Only Samples.
These are only samples of the sort of thing for which,
coming on the top of much else, a little less vague and
rhetorical, but increasingly unconvincing, the highest
name in German military hterature is made responsible
in the United States newspapers at this moment.
There is something more : There is something which
would be inconceivable from the hps or the pen of say
Joffre or Castelnau or Haig or Cadoma or Foch, to wit,
specific prophesy of the cheery detailed sort, surely never
written before except by quite irresponsible young journal-
ists who were not bound to sign their names.
Thus we are told that the Austro-Germans must
of course take Dvinsk and Rovno and that quite probably
all this will have been done " before the present article
appears in print."
The same jolly and really futile temper breaks out
about the Senussi. They are just going to bowl over the
English in Egypt. (This in November.) India, mean-
while, is about to break out into a " dangerous revolt."
(Also in November). The British in the Gallipoli Penin-
sula will not be able to get away, they will be destroyed by
the winter storms which will prevent their getting food.
And, in general, the German Army (not the Magyars, or
the Bulgarians, or the Austrians, or the unfortunate
Poles and Roumanians and Alsace-Lorrainers , and
Servians, pressed into the service) has already won the
war, and the reason of this now accomplished victory is
that the " mental and moral " value of the writer's
compatriots is so immensely superior to those of anybody
else. He writes thus knowing that half the German
effectives are lost for ever, that the whole policy of his
country is to save what can be saved, and that he is
consciously and deliberately making worthless rhetorical
and pohtical points, not only false in themselves, but not
within a thousand miles of sober military analysis.
The whole thing is pitifully weak and inefficient and
it may quite possibly be true that we gain more by lotting
Prussia thus make a fool of her principal men and of lier
whole cause, than by competing with her in the same field.
NOVELS AND SHORT STORIES.
" Exile." Dolf Wyllarde. (T. Fisher Unwin.) 6s.
Clautlia Everard, the wife, Edgar Everard, the husband,
and Richard Hervey, the other man, are the protagonists uf
this book. A concurrent plot, with a fresh young Englisli
girl and her love affairs for interest, bores the reader and
dilutes rather than relieves the main story, which is that
Claudia, having found out that Everard is a dishonourable
l)rute, ;md, moreover, being threatened with nmrder at
his hands, goes over entirely to Hervey, whom she loves.
Thereat one IS inchned to question whether two wrongs make
a right, or whether, under all the circumstances, Claudia was
wrong.
Tlie setting of the story is leminiscent of Aden, a sort of
tropical station where the temptations to drink, to talk
scandal, and to make material for scandal — if only as subject-
matter for conversation— are almost irresistible. The subject
of Claudia and the other man is handled frankly, but the
author is slightly lacking in tlie sense of proportion, and
totally lacking in the sense of humour, which is very mucli
akin to that of proportion. Still, it is an interesting and well-
told storj', a stimulating variant of an eternal problem.
" Moby Lane and Thereabouts." By A. Neil Lyons. (John Lane.)
6s.
Mr. Lyons has transferred his affections from London
streets to Sussex byways, and in his book he presents the
habitants of Sussex with the mixture of humour, pathos,
and even tragedy that characterised " Arthur's" and " Six-
penny Pieces." He is not quite so happy in his rendering
of the Sussex dialect as in the reproductions of Cockneyisnis,
but in the presentment of village character his touch is as
sure as ever.
The Mobies, the butcher's boy, the Chickun-fatter, and
the rest of the people in these short sketches, are real people ;
their weaknesses are ruthlessly reproduced, so that we either
shudder at. them, laugh at them, or sympathise with them,
and, whatever the emotion riiay be, it is a real emotion. The
book is mainly in lighter vein, and gives much cause for
laughter, but a sketch here and there gi\es cause for thought
as well. A better collection of short stories than this from the
pen of a single author will be hard to find.
" Many Thanks — Ben Hassett." By H. de Hamet. (Simpkinr
Marshall and Co.) 6s.
Ben Hassett is one of the most irritating criminals that
ever figured in a book of detective stories, for the reader
never knows whether Ben Hassett is Ben Hassett, or whether
he is Cliarles Manning's uncle, or somebody else. Manning
starting in the story as a private detective, loses liis post
through being outwitted by Hassett in the first attempt at
capture of the criminal, and the book takes us through a
series of sucli attempts, until at the end Hassett is trapped by
the merest chance.
Tlie book is unlike other detective mysteries in that
neither criminal nor detective is infaUible ; it is breezily
written, and a love interest is not lacking, though, as is usual
in such books, the lady of the romance is a very shadowy
figure. A distinct sense of humour and a good deal of origin-
ality combine to make this a relief from the general run of
detective fiction, and we heartily recommend it as diverting
work.
" In Pastures Green." By Peter McArthur. (J. M. Dent and
Sons.) 6s. net.
Apparently the only reason Mr. McArthur had for taking
up farming was that of making a living by journalism, and the
experiment proved a howling success. " Lecturers for the
farmers' institutes made it a point to call on me when they were
in the neighbourhood, and after the first shock was over pro-
ceeded to gather specimen? of noxious weeds that they found
it hard to get elsewhere," for the farming was done in a " ranili-
hng, desultory way," between spells on the typewriter.
The book makes a picture of a Canadian year that cannc^t
be read without laughter, and it is characterised throughout by
little bits of wisdom and shrewdness, as well as by evidence of a
strong love of nature and study of country life. " In spite of
the Shorter Catechism," says the author, " the chief end of
man is to make a living," and obviously, since his journalism
is so good, it would be a pity if he tooic to farming seriously
and abandoned the making of books of this kind.
The beauty and fertility of Ontario, and the superiority
of country life over city existence, are well brought out, but
they are mere incidentals, all the same. Whether he is specu-
lating on ethics, strugghng with refractory cows, or out fox-
hunting with the boys, the author is always witty and inter-
esting, and wlien he sets out to raise a laugh, which happens
with commendable frequency, he succeeds.
February 3, 1916.
LAND AND \V A T E R
THE LONDON GOLD MARKET.
By Arthur Kitson.
[This is the third of the articles which Mr. Arthur Kitson
is contributing to Land and Watf.r on the British
Banking system, more particularly in its relation
to British trade and commerce. The first, "Capturing
German Trade," appeared in the issue of January
20th ; the second on the " British Banking System,"
in the issue of January 2jth.]
r
FINANCE, as taught in our standard financial
books and by our orthodox professors, reminds
one of Enghsh history as it was taught in British
schools fifty and more years ago. At that
time the average scholar could recite from memory the
names of all the Kings and Queens of England from
the Saxon invasion to the accession of Queen Victoria in
( hronological order. He could tell you the dates of all
the great English battles and which side won ; but of
the intellectual, economic and social development of
the English people — in fact of the real history of
Englancl — he knew nothing, for the simple reason that
the history books told him nothing. It was assumed
that the lives of monarchs and their Court favourites,
their virtues, vices, intrigues and wars were the only
things that mattered, and chronicles of these events,
interlarded with Court gossip, passed for EngUsh history.
-Similarly, British books on Finance such as one finds
recommended by our Schools of Political Economy and
by the Press generally, are usually confined to a history
of the rise of the Baiik of England, a description of the
money market, the rules and practices of our Banking
Companies and a eulogy of the whole system as well
as the usual tribute to the honesty of our bankers. In
short, the writers of these books tell their readers only
one part and the least important part of their subject.
They show how efficient, safe and profitable (to the
banker) is the British Banking system, how advantageous
(to the banker and bullion dealer) is London's free gold
market, what a wonderfully elastic and economic currency
the cheque system provides. But the most important
and essential part, viz., the relation of this system to
industry, its effect upon British enterprise — whether
stimulating or deadening — its cost to the nation, etc., in
short, the public side of the question, is ignored.
Banking, in the eyes of the banker and his share-
holders, may possibly be nothing more than a dividend-
making business, first and last, but from the public
standpoint, it is a necessary part of the great National
Economic Machinery for the production, exchange and
distribution of wealth. And the raison" d'etre of the
banker and his institution upon whom special privileges
have been conferred by British Gov^ernments, is to be
justified by showing that- he- is "doing his bit" in
sujiporting and developing British trade and production.
Like all inventions. Banking Systems are merely
means to certain ends, and they should be judged solely
by their efficiency in accomplishing those ends. And just
as an Eastern traveller, who having confined his visits and
observations to some Sultan's palace with all its riches
and glories, without noticing the degradation, the poverty
and misery of the inhabitants, might write of the wealth
and prosperity of that country, so the average financial
authority is apt to write of the marvellous success of our
Financial System, because he has seen only the prosper-
ous side, the big dividends and the wealth which— thanks
to our special laws — our bankers are able to amass,
whilst the bankruptcies and failures, the burdens and
anxieties which this system imposes on labour and capital
are unknown to him. An example will make this clear.
The most popul^ir and recent book on this subject is
" The Meaning of Money," by Hartley Withers, a well-
known financial writer for the Press and at present the
holder of a recently created office in the Treasury.
In a chapter extolling London's banking methods,
Mr. 'Withers instances the great money crisis of 1907
which struck the United States and created such havoc
in industrial, commercial and financial circles. This
crisis, which it is now known was deliberately engmeered
by a clique of Wall Street gamblers, reacted on all the money
markets of the world, particularly that of London, " The
business of nmnaging the exchanges of the world during
commercial crises, "says Mr.Withers, " is obviously thrown
on London, as things are at present, by its position as
the only monetary city which is prepared to produce
gold on demand." Gold was shipped from Europe to
New York in large quantities — estimated at some
{25,000,000 sterling, according to Mr. Withers — most of
which went from London. As this amount would have
depleted the reserves of the Bank of England, the bulk
of it had to be drawn from abroad by the usual method
of raising the Bank Rate. " It was," says Mr. Withers,
" a very remarkable demonstration of London's complete
control over the World's exchanges " since " four-fifths
of the amount shipped to the United States were sup-
plied by foreign contributions." He adds : —
It was thus shown by the events of tliis memorable crisis,
that London's tremendous responsibility of providing
gold when it is required anywhere by a pressing emergency,
is one that can be bravely and cheerfully borne as long
as England is in a position, by applying sufficient twists
of the monetary screw, to force other nations to contribute
<thcir share to the common necessit}'.
Now this is] very comforting and reassuring to
the reader who knows little or nothing of the practical
side of the question. But the most interesting part of
the story has been conveniently omitted. It is true that
our banks " weathered the financial storm with ease,"
as the late Lord Avebury expressed it, but at whose
expense? The Bank Kate was raised to seven per cent.,
and kept there for nearly three months, and although
this enabled the banks to " weather the storm " by
acquiring gold from abroad, incidentally it ruined hun-
dreds of British merchants and producers and played
havoc with our trade generally.
If there is any truth in the statements made so fre-
cjuently, that every advance in the Bank Rate of one per
cent, costs British borrowers somewhere between £50,000
to £100,000 per week, then this " twisting of the monetary
screw to force other nations to contribute their share
to the common necessity " served also to squeeze from
the British i>roducers somewhere between £2,500,000 and
£5,000,000 in the shape of increased interest charges, to
enable our bankers to save the American banks from the
result of the machinations of a gang of unscrupulous Wall
Street gamblers ! But this is only a part of the story.
When the Bank Rate runs up, as it did in 1907, all our
banks begin reducing overdrafts and refuse accommoda-
tion to thousands of British merchants and manufacturers
who are often in sore need of such help. In consequence,
enterprise ' checked, production decreases, workmen are
thrown out of employment or put on half-time, the public
reduces its demand for goods, and business generally
is depressed ! Moreover, it takes months and sometimes
years for the nation to recover from the effects of such a
crisis. If the total losses caused to this nation by the 1907
panic could have been carefully estimated, it would
have been found to far exceed in amount all the gold
sent by our philanthropic bankers to save the American
bankers from the just punishment their recklessness and
unscrupulousness deserved.
The necessity which our bankers find imposed upon
them of rendering aid to foreign banks during financial
crises, is one of the penalties this country is compelled
to pay for the questionable advantage of maintaining
a free gold market — the only one in the world.
Perhaps it will be convenient at this point to deal,
once and for all, with this question of a free gold
market. The bankers' bogey, which is invariably raised
whenever a drastic change is proposed in our Banking
or Currency laws, is the fear that London may cease
to be the World's monetary centre. Any interference
with the system which compels us to provide a free gold
market (chiefly for the convenience of foreigners) Ls
represented as fraught with the gra\est commercial ami
financial dangers to this country. What advantage is
it then to our industries, our trade and commerce that
London should maintain its financial position as the
World's banking centre ? Soon after the United States
currency crisis, the present writer put this question to
LAND AND WATER
February 3, 1916.
the late Mr. Arthur Loc, a well known financial nnd
commercial authority who had fjivcn j'ears of study to
this particular subject. The reader need hardly be
reminded of the vast importance of this particular ques-
tion— especially at this time — when we are threatened
with a stupendous trade war at the conclusion of hostilities.
As our industrial and commercial classes will not be
able to afford to carry any unnecessary burdens, it is wise
now to consider closely whether this luxury of a free
gold market is worth to the nation what it is'costing.
Mr. Arthur Lee was a member of the I.ondon Chamber
of Commerce and at one time President of the Bristol
Chamber of Commerce, and in reply to an enquiry as
to what advantages, if any, ftlir free market for gold con-
ferred upon British trade and industries, he wrote : —
It would be true to say that a free gold market in London is
of assistance in securing to us sucli advantages as may
accrue from I-ondon being the clearing house of the world.
So long as London is the market of the world where gold
may I'C most freely bought and sold, and so long as a
monopoly is conferred upon gold in respect to its debt-
redeeming power, so long will the exchange bankers and
bullion dealers retain the enormously jirofitable fmancial
business in which they have been engaged ever since
modern laws conferred a monopoly value upon gold. This
would be an exact and truthful statement of the case.
^V'hcnever the pronoun " we " is used, I am always
tempted to ask the question, who are " we ? " I have
lieard from the lips of a working man words somewhat
similar to those you say j'ou found in a recent article
on the subject of " London's l^ree Gold Market." I
asked him if he had thought whether " we " included
himself, and if not, would it not be well for purposes of
argument if he used the correct noun instead of an in-
correct pronoun ? The advantages of a, free gold market
to certain classes are obvious enough, but the advantages
to the country as a whole are counterbalanced by such
serious disadvantages that it seems probable that the
latter outweigh the former. The advantages are : —
t. The expenditure in this country of the profits made by a
very small class of financiers (mostly cosmopolitan).
2. The deposit in this country of balances due to foreigners,
payable on demand, or at very short notice.
3. The ready negotiability in a foreign country of a bill of
exchange payable in London. This may possibly enable
a British* l-.uyor to buy foreign goods at n low^r pi ice
than a buyer in another coimtrj'.
'Ihe disadvantages are: —
J. The constaht distnilvance to business caused by rapi<l
fluctuations in the rate of discount.
2. The opportunity given to foreign speculators to make
profit at the expense of traders in this country by mani-
]nilating the oj)en gold market.
3. The diaining of the savings of the people confided to country
bankers in the direction of Lombard Street and thence
to the financing of foreign speculators.
4. The discouraging of what is termed " the fixing of capital "
in this country, which is another term for money sunk in
sowing the seed which will spring up for the future benefit
of our home industries.
5. The fmancial danger to the country of holding upon loan,
large floating balances payable on demand, or at short
notice, to foreigners.
The advantages and disadvantages of a free gold market may
be shortly summed up thus : It gives us facilities for get-
ting into debt and it places debtors poculiarlv at the mercy
of creditors. ^
This letter appears to give a fair and complete
summary of the whole question. As to the enormous value
our banking methods and free gold market have been to
foreigners — particularly to the Cermans, in creating
German industries which have successfully competed witii
our own, the following extract from Mr. Hartley Withers'
" Meaning of Money " will show :— " Foreign financiers
were quick Jo detect, the advantages of the English crecht
system and to turn them to their own profit and to the
furtherance of the trade of the, countries that they repre-
sent. It is often contended that ilie rapid expansion of
German trade, which pushed itself largely by its elasi.iciiv
and adaptability to the wishes of its ciistotners, could never
have been achieved if it had not been assisted by cheap
credit furnished in London, by means of which German
merchants ousted English manufacturers ivith offers of long
credit facilities to their foreign customers."
Could any indictment of our Banking System be
stronger than the words italicised here ?
London bankers ..av-. nevei Jiscnminatcd against foreigners in
favour of British merchants. A foreign biivcr can as readily arranse
to have his bills drawn on London, as the British buyer, and so obtain
the same advantages. N'o one can lighily accuse London Bankers
of any excess of patriotism ! — A.K.
THE FORUM.
A Commentary on Present-day Problems.
THIS page of commentary in the last issue dealt
with a vigorous letter of protest against the
modern spirit of organisation and eflicicncy,
and promised to concern itself this week with
a brilliant little satire, The Devil's Devices, written by Mr.
Douglas Peploe and illustrated by Mr. Eric Gill in which
essentially the same protest was attractively elaborated.
The general ideas which the author of this exceedingly
able little satire seeks to establish are : That under the
general formula of organisation and efficiency an enormous
amount of fussy, grandmotherly and, at worst, tyrannisal
legislation is being forced upon the simple folk by a law-
making caste ; that the liberty of the worker is being
threatened in the name of democracy as it was never
threatened by monarchy or oligarchy; that, in fact,
not merely Conservatives and Liberals of the landowning
or manufacturing classes, together with the theorising
Radicals, but that the very extremists among the leaders
of Labour and Socialism are all combining to forge new
fetters for the w'orker ; that the whole paraphernalia of
Compulsory Educaton, State Insurance, Old Age Pensions,
School meals form but successive links of the fetters.
This last idea is, of course, not new, but it is usually urged
by the people who have more natural sympathy with the
managing tlian the exploited classes.
Some patience is necessary to disentangle the real
meaning from the fantastic form in which our author
has chosen to present his vision. " The Devil " of this
satire is a very plausible person, the ser\-ant of the
capitalists, the lawj-ers and the politicians, who presents
the case for organisation and efticiencj- with an immense
show of good feeling for the worker, much sweet reason-
ableness, and a fine zeal for ordered accomplishment and
all the modern watch cries — education, health, increased
production, scientific management, success.
The chief idea that the author seems to wish to
canvass is that the true line of progress for Labour is to
throw off the policy of d^manding doles and accepting
controls, controls which are only making of the man
more and more a mere cog in the industrial machine ;
and to demand and take on more responsibility, to show
less " funk." The significance of all this is that it rein-
forces a judgment which from quite chfferent points of
view other thoughtful students of the labour tangle arc
making. Most casual observers of the Labour move-
ment, as well as most employers, are apt to sum it up as
an organised attempt to get ir^rjrc pay and do less work,
and to say that the case at issue between Capital and
Labour is merely the question of the distribution of
profits. The idea that the real demand of Labour is a
demand for status rather than for wages, and that the
essential bitterness of Labour, by no means confined to
agitators and extremists, is formed by the growing sense
that they are not their own masters, but, increasingly,
other peoples' pawns, is well worth the jleep consideration
of those— and what men of vision or reflection arc not
amongst them ? — who view the re-opening of the Labour
question after the war with serious apprehension.
It is of course true, as it is natural, that the'Labour
issues are most often expressed in terms of wages, hours,
limitations. These are the tangible, immediate gains
proposed by " practical " leaders who ajipreciate the
difficulties of holding men together merely by the larger
visions and hopes which, however substantial, are neces-
sarily hopes deferred. But go deeper and you find (he
February 3, 1916.
LAND AND ^\' A T E R
natural passion for liberty asserting itsolf — and that in
men who have least of the agitator about them.
A partnership of Labour and Capital in production,'
not merely in the matter of proiits (that partnership exists
now in a sense though it turns itself into a quarroi about
shares) , but in the much more essential matters of respon-
sibility and control, seems the only possible termination
of a barren struggle of which the effects are on the material
plane, immeasurable waste which the world can nowadays
ill afford, and on the spiritual plane, hatreds and sus-
picions which dissolve the essential fellowship that
patriotism should primarily mean.
Unquestionably the Guild Socialists and Syndicalists,
the vanguard of self-conscious labour, by their doctrines
and intrigues hope to effect something more than is
either just or profitable ; as employers in their opposition
wish to yield something less. But a problem goes some
way to being solved, if its essentials, as distinct from its
accidental accretions, canjje stated. On neither side of
a quarrel do men rally to what is unjust in their cause,
but to that which is right and just. That is a funda-
mental truth on which all hopes of real progress are based,
and it is a demonstrable truth, not a mere figment of
irresponsible optimism. The paramount ideal that is
simmering in the ranks of Labour is the spiritual idea of
freedom. Those who wish to understand and meet the
difficulties of the coming Labour struggle will be enor-
mously helped by realising this.
Timid souls, who, very reasonably, would be
frightened of such thoughts if they met them in syndi-
calists' journals, might very well be induced to give them
consideration in The Devil's Devices, coming as they do
from one who has reached his conclusions by quite un-
exceptionable paths. An official of the L.C.C., who
retired on grounds of conscience after discovering in the
actual personal experience of the administration of
ameliorative legislation that it tends to sap character
and interfere with liberty, that it is vitiated by the fact
that essentially it is the contrivance of one caste, the
comfortable managers, for the improvement and control
of another caste, the impecunious managed, has such good
right to a hearing as experience gives over theory. If the
somewhat disconcerting form of rather bizarre satire —
" The Broad Road to Heaven- — a Cinema Comedy
(Satan's Circuit) " and the like — and a certain amount
of irrelevant fooling for the sheer fun of the thing does
not, as it should not, affright the reader, he may be
referred to The Devil's Devices for illuminating chapters,
whose excellent sense could not be conveyed by means of
paragraphs wrenched from their context.
And now I must address myself to the challenge which
the writer offers in his attack on the devil's devices of
cHiciency and organisation. On this score his argument
may be summed up not altogether unfairly in this wise.
< icrmany is a deplorable State : Germany is highly
efficient, superbly organised. Therefore efficiency and
organisation are deplorable things ; and by inference
British slackness and the habit of " not finishing things "
is excellent. But what we need is more inefficiency and
disorganisation for of such is the Kingdom of Heaven.
Which has only to be stated to suggest its refutation
in terms of a middle way. The wrong things may be
organised or the right things disorganised, or one efficiency
(say material) may be pressed at the expense of a higher
efficiency, the spiritual.
*
Organisation is but due economy of means, the
elimination of waste. There is nothing inherently vicious
in it. On the contrary, it is an ideal which cannot in
itself be assailed, but only in the range and manner of
its application. It seems a pity tlxat the author of The
Devil's Devices should allow entirely visionary aspirations
a place alongside his generally sane philosophy of life.
There is an undercurrent of desire (one suspects tliat he has
been unduly infiuenced by his craftsman illustrator) for
a return to the pre-machine era. Now it is a quite argu-
able (but by no means obvious) proposition that we are
none the better for steam, the telephone, gramophone,
rotary press, wireless, photographs, cinematographs, or
the mechanical triumphs of the nineteenth century, be-
cause progress is to be measured exclusively in terms of
the spirit. But it is a wholly unprofitable thing to .sigh
for a machinelcss age, or build aiiy hopes of spiritual
reform upon its return. Let us face the clear fact that we
shall neVer again have such an age. Our line of progress
is not to abolish, but to control the machine, and it is
certain that there is nothing inherently wicked or im-
spiritual in the production of things by machinery.
While the machine in industry has brought its special
horrors, it is not difficult to prove that the general rise
in the standard of living and the improvement of com-
munications have given valuable gifts to humanity ; nor
is it foolish to foresee the possibility of a day when the
machine shall be entirely the servant of all mankind, not
the servant of the few and the master of the many. At
any rate, to work towards such a day is a better and a
wiser thing than to cry for a day that is for ever gone.
And as to the bogey of organisation. Clearly there
are some things that must be very highly organised in a
day of enormous cities. The apparatus of health, for
instance, about the details of which our author is apt to be
scornful. Sewers and dust destructors are but co-operative
slop-emptying. They are better than the good old habits
of the days of freedom when garbage was bestowed in
the streets. This kind of organisation may be expected to
be developed and rightly developed amongst us. Our
media^valists sighing for the very old days are inclined to
remember the pleasant sense of freedom (pleasanter in
prospect than in fact) and forget the Black Death.
Transport, too ; here must be scheduled times ; the
individual whim sacrificed to the collective convenience.
The mere complexity of our daily life calls for an amount
of regimenting and dictation that can, perversely, be
represented as a limitation of freedom, whereas it is rather
a fuller freedom from the ills which the lack of such res-
trictions would bring. Certainly in this kingdom of
material contrivance and convenience there seems hardly
any hmit to the proper function of organisation. It is
certain that we have not come near to reaching that limit.
One has heard such a proposal as that every street and
house in a city be duly labelled and numbered in such a
way that the street or house could be found by a stranger,
denounced as a regrettable manifestation of the modern
spirit of interference with personal liberty. Whereas
no one denies that a fifty-thousand volume library
needs a catalogue and numbered shelves. We
should distrust the opponents of organisation and effi-
ciency less if they admitted its efficacy where there is
nothing but real gain.
In the production of commodities, efficiency and
organisation are not mere barren watchwords, or sym-
bols of a regrettable tyranny. When Labour comes to
its own as a responsible partner in industry it will discern
that essential truth. It has a hard lesson to learn, for
which it has been ill-prepared — to discipline itself.
It is well, however, to remember the real truth at
the back of the protests against our organisation. To
lay organising hands on the things of the mind and the
spirit, or to make so admirable a machine of a subject,
whether for industry or war, as to suppress the ])uin —
that is the great danger. It is the German danger, and
it is no doubt the natural tendency of those among us who
recognise the convenience of the method without recog-
nising its hmitations.
The convenience is obvious enough. And if there
were any divine law which pre-supposed a set of govern-
ing minds and another set of minds destined only to be
directed and governed, a set of rulers on the one hand,
and of instruments on the other, there would be little to
say against it.
But it is the proud discovery of our race that there
is something in every man which gives him a right,
balanced by the just rights of others, to control his own
destiny. It is a doctrine not without its difficulties in
application, but it is essentially the fundamental doctrine
of our political creed. We are in less danger from its
being pressed too far by some than from its being limited
by others with a modifying clause to the effect that it is
well for us, " the right-thinking minority to impose its
will on the non-thinking majority." This is the doctrine
attributed to the De\il of our author's fantasia. It is
a just ascription
LAND AND W .\ T E R .
OPEN WEATHER.
By J. D. Symon.
Fobraar\' 3, 19 16.
UNDER a climate that seems resolutely determined
to deny us what is conventionally known as
seasonable winter weather, we have almost
forgotten what snow and frost were really like.
They are rapidly becoming a myth, and might indeed
liave passed out of remembrance were it not for the per-
sistence of the tradition in the pages of illustrated journals
and occasionally on a Christmas card. Elderly peoples
remember or profess to remember long weeks of snow
when skating was the daily pastime, and they tell wonder-
ing children most enviable stories of parties on the ice,
prolonging their exercise sometimes initil the small hours
imder a wintry moon, and able to celebrate the season as
the season should be celebrated until it reached its
glorious and proper end on Twelfth-night.
But for such winters we iiave almost ceased to hope.
They have little snatches of that old-fashioned pleasure in
!>cotland still, but in this 1-ondon latitude we have had no
such good fortime since the January of 1895. The onset
of that memorable frost had its herald in another now
less familiar feature of Cockayne, to wit, a genuine
" London particular." of which throat and eyes still
retain a vivid and imwelcome memory. An age of
electricity and the efforts of Sir William Richmond
would seem to have had some effect, for the worst fog
is certainly rarer nowadays. One may have missed
more recent %nsitations, but that in question remains
the finest example in a rather long private experience.
Women at the Well.
Jack Frost, playing the historian that bygone
January, revived another incident of a still older London,
for water had to be drawn from stand-pipes in the street,
and therewith reappeared the ancient congregations of
women at the well, who fell at once into the antique
habit of their great grandmothers and made the occasion
subser\'e the ends of gossip. For to the women of an
earlier day the well was what the shop of Figaro was to
their lords. Perhaps they missed this daily rendezvous
when the thaw came, and may have thought more
lightly of " every modern convenience," and counted the
toil of water-carrying worth its added opportunities of
exchanging the universal cordial of human-nature.
But the glory of a wintry I^ondon has sadly declined
since the brave days when Bob Cratchit went so gaily
and so often down a slide in Cornhill. A slide in Cornhill !
Incredible ! Even 1895 hardly paralleled that giddy
dissipation. To such delights the present generation is
a stranger. It gives one more or less a shock to realise
that that means twenty years of almost uniformly open
weather in winter. It means also that to tho\isands of
young people seasonable winter weather is merely hearsay,
and to very little children it must seem like a fairy tale.
In this connection there arises a point of some remark,
which was made by an acute French journalist during that
spell of skating which came to surprise Paris in the
winter of 1013-14, as if to allow the city a moment of
keener enjoyment before the dark days that were so near
and so little suspected. All Paris, young and old. turned
out to share it, and the excellent scribe, writing, I think,
in the Figaro, called upon all men to behold a miracle.
It was nearly twenty years since Paris had skated before,
whence then had come the extraordinary proficiency
which the younger people displayed in the art ? Certainly
not from roller-skating, which is quite different. But the
answer was. after all, not very far to seek, for it lay in
Alpine Winter Sports for the well-to-do and for the less
well-to-do in the exceeding ease with which a nation of
accomplished dancers can learn to skate. Our discerning
writer did not raise his point until the young people whoso
grace and dexterity he so much admired had profited by
quite a week's practice, and no doubt should King Frost
graciously favour us in these ensuing days we shall sec
a similar marvel on every skating pond. But pending
such joys, we must make the best of our open weather.
The mere term " open weather " has a peculiar
charm, not to gardeners and masons alone. It is however,
the gardener and the farmer who must have invented
it, with a peculiar satisfaction, as they thought of ground,
unfettered by lio^l, lying open to planting and sowing.
.\nd to the mason, open weather means work, for in time
of frost he dare not attempt to cut the stone. To the
fox-hunter, open weather is the thing chiefly to be desired,
with a southerly wind and a cloudy sky.
Endless Delight.
But to one who is no tiller of the soil, nor huntsman,
nor mason, but a mere rambler about the countryside in
the intervals of an entirely superlluous occupation, open
weather is a thing of endless delight. Its charm lies to
a great extent in its negation of what we fondly believe
to be the characteristics of winter, although it is really
high time that we revised our opinion on that point.
But with some deep-rooted faith in the eternal unccrtaint \-
of our climate, we assume that the last twenty years of
open winters is only another if rather prolonged freak of
the clerk of the weather, and will certainly be succeeded,
before our time is out, by the bracing rigours of which our
fathers have told us.
In the open winter morning, when the quiet yellow
sunlight, slightly watery perhaps, lies level over the fields
and makes a golden filigree of the thin stems in the coppice,
winter can put on the disguise of spring, so cunningly
sometimes, perhaps so cnielly, that the foolish buds are
tempted out untimely. On such days, despite the softness
of the roads, it is good to make an early start, piously
resolved to spend all the short light in the open air, with
only a brief halt now and then at a wayside inn for homely
countrj' fare, which must never be more elaborate than
bread and cheese. .\t such times many tracks are for-
bidden, for the floods may be out, and meadows which
at other times offered the pleasantest of paths are now
either under water, or so marshy that no going is possible.
But the grateful sense of abundant moisture on the earth
and in air is of the essence of these days of open weather,
and where there has been overflow of the river or the
brook, the landscape takes on a new character and reveals
new tricks of light and shade, while a humid sweetness
comes up from the land, telling of forces that are preparing
in secret depths for the lush richness of June.
Galdecott's Hunting Pictures.
But none the less does open weather permit of drier
and more bracing days than these. Then it is that stripped
fields and trees give the setting for such hunting pictures
asCaldecott used to draw. His hand, cunning as it was
at the snowy landscape, with its good old-fashioned sug-
gestions of warm cheer to follow for those who had to face
the rigours of winter, had as deft a trick of suggesting
winter without its conventional accompaniments. He
caught the cold light on the lields with a delicate
economy of means, a single flat wash of colour was sufli-
cient to secure his effect, and there you had the very
sotting and no other that called for the Three Jovial
Huntsmen.
Without breaking the spell of open weather, a fleeting
touch of frost will often nip the air at sunset, and thus it is
that the western lights are purely those of winter and not
of borrowed spring. Your spring sunset is not counter-
feited here, and the mild winter tinds in its suaset some
assertion of that severer character which may or may not
be a fable. There is no mistaking these wintry sunsets
with their low-hung mists, their gorgeous trails of crimson
reaching up into the earlier darkening sky ; there is no
mistaking such for the longer lingering light of spring.
Here at the end of the day is winter's self indeed, and
were there no other sign to tell us the real name of the
season, there is always the position of the sun.
This sector of the horizon and no other is that of the
wintry sunset, and in this no other season has part or
lot. Not only our own consciousness may tell us this,
but the sub-consciousness of generations back stirs in us
and makes us feel, without dclinitc realisation, that here,
whatever its disguise, however open the w-eather, is
potentially the inhospitable season of the year. To-day
it may be spring ; to-morrow icicles may hang by the wall
and Dick the Shepherd blow his nail.
16
I'ebruary 3, 191G.
LAND AND WATER
THE SIGNALLERS.
By Boyd Cable.
ITJic upcniiig of this story was published in "Land and
WcUcr " of January 27th, and told the difficulties under
Tvhich the signallers work whose duty it is to convey
despatches from and to the firing Hue. An action
was in progress, and it sounded as if it ivcre coming
back closer to the signallers who were carrying on their
work in the cellar of a half destroyed house.']
The sergeant was moving across the door to open
it and Usten when a shell struck the house above them.
The building shook violently, down to the very tlags of
the stone Hoor ; from overhead, after the first crash, there
came a rumble of falling masonry, the sphntering cracks
of breaking wood-work, the clatter and rattle of cascad-
ing bricks and tiles. A shower of plaster grit fell from the
cellar roof and settled thick upon the papers littered over
the table. The sergeant halted abruptly with his hand
on the cellar door, three or four of the sleepefs stirred
restlessly, one woke for a minute sulhciently to grumble
curses and ask " what the blank was that " ; the rest slept
on serene and undisturbed. The sergeant stood there
until the last sounds of falling rubbish had ceased. " A
shell " he said and drew a deep breath, " Plunk into
upstairs somewhere."
The signaller made no answer. He was quite busy
at the moment rearranging his disturbed papers and
blowing the dust and grit off them.
A telephonist at another table conunenced to take
and write down a message. It came from the forward
trench, on the left and merely said briefly that the attack
on the centre was spreading to them and that they were
holding it with some difficulty. The message was sent
up to the O.C. " Whoever the O.C. may be," as the
sergeant said softly. "If the Colonel was upstairs when
that shell hit, there's another O.C. now, most hke." But
the Colonel had escaped tliat shell and sent a message
back to the left trench to hang on, and that he had asked
for reinforcements.
Reinforcements.
" He did ask," said the sergeant grimly, " but
when he's going to get 'em is a dilferent pair o' shoes.
It'll take those messengers most of an hour to get there,
even if they dodge all the lead on the way."
As the minutes passed, it "became more and more
plain that the need for reinforcements was growing more
and more urgent. The sergeant was standing now at
the open door of the cellar, and the noise of the conflict
swept down and clamoured and, beat about them
" Think I'll just shp up and have a look round," said
the sergeant. " I shan't be long."
When he had gone, the signaller rose and closed the
door ; it was cold enough, as he very sensibly argued,
and his being able to hear the fighting better would do
nothing to affect its issue. Just after came another call
on his instrument, and the repair party told him they
had crossed the neutral ground, had one man wounded
in the arm, that he was going on with them, and they were
still following up the wire. The message ceased, and the
telephonist leaning his elbows on the table and his chin
on his hands, was almost asleep before he realised it.
He wakened with a jerk, lit another cigarette, and stamped
up and down the room trying to warm his numbed feet.
First one orderly and then another brought in
messages to be sent to the other trenches, and the sig-
naller held them a minute and gathered some more
particulars as to how the fight was progressing up there.
The particulars were not encouraging. We must have
lost a lot of men, since the whole place was clotted up
with casualties that kept coming in quicker than the
stretcher bearers could move them. The rifle fire was
hot, the bombing was still hotter, and the shelling was
perhaps the hottest and most horrible of all. Of the last
the signaller hardly required an account ; the growling
thumps of heavy shells exploding, kept sending little
shivers down the cellar walls, the shiver being, oddly
enough, more emphatic when the wail uf the falling shell
ended in a muJfled thump that proclaimed the missile
" blind " or " a dud." Another hurried messenger
plunged down the steps with a note written by the
adjutant to say the colonel was severely woimded and
had sent for the second in command to take over. Ten
niorc dragging minutes passed, and now the separate
little shivers and thrills that shook the cellar walls had
merged and run together. The rolling crash of the falling
shells and the bursting of bombs came close and fast
one upon another, and at intervals the terrific detonation
of an aerial torpedo dwarfed for the moment all the other
sounds.
The Sleepers Awake.
By now the noise was so great that even the sleepers
began to stir, and one or two of them to wake. One sat
up and asked the telephonist sitting idle over his instru-
ment, what was happening. He was told briefly, and
told also that the line was " disc." He e.\pressed con-
siderable annoyance at this, grumbling that he knew
what it meant — more trips in the mud and under lire to
take the messages the wire should have carried.
" Do you think there's any chance of them pushing
the line and rushing this house ? " he asked. The tele-
phonist didn't know.
" Well," said the man and lay down again. " It's
none o' my dashed business if they do anyway. I only
hope we're tipped the wink in time to shunt out o' here ;
I've no particular fancy for sitting in a cellar with the
Boche cock-shying their bombs down the steps at me."
Then he shut his eyes and went to sleep again.
The morsed key signal for his own company buzzed
rapidly on the signaller's telephone and he caught the
voice of the Corporal who had taken out the repair party.
They had found the break, the corporal said, and weie
mending it. He should be through — he was througli —
could he hear the other end ? The signaller could hear
the other end calling him and he promptly tapped off
the answering signal and spoke into his institmient. He
could hear the morse signals on the buzzer plain enough,
but the \'oice was faint and indistinct. The signaller
caught the corporal before he withdrew his tap-in and
implored him to search along and find the leakage.
" It's bad enough," he said, " to get all these
messages through by voice. I haven't a dog's chance of
doing it if I have to buzz each one."
The rear station spoke again and informed him that
he had several urgent messages waiting. The forward
signaller replied that he also had several messages, and
one in particular was urgent above all others.
" The blanky line is being pushed in," he said.
" No it isn't pushed in yet — I didn't say it — I said being
pushed in — being — being, looks like it will be pushed
in — got that ? 'The O.C. has ' stopped one ' and the
second has taken command. This message I want you
to take is shrieking for reinforcements — what ? I can't
hear — no I didn't say anything about horses — I did not.
Reinforcements I said ; anyhow, take this message and
get it through quick."
A Terrific Crash.
He was interrupted by another terrific crash, a
fresh and louder outburst of the din outside ; running
footsteps clattered and leaped down the stairs, the door
flung open and the sergeant rushed in slamming the door
violently behind him. He ran straight across to the
recumbent figures and began violently to shake and kick
them into wakefulness.
" Up with ye ! " he said, " Every man. If you don't
wake quick now, you'll maybe not have the chance to
wake at all."
The men rolled over and sat and stood up blinking
stupidly at him and listening in amazement to the noise
outside.
" Rouse yourselves," he cried. " Get a move on.
The Germans are almost on top of us. The front line's
falling back. They'll stand here." He seized one or
two of them and pushed them towards the door. " You."
17
LAND AN 1) ^^" A T E R
Fifbruary 3, 1916
he said, " and you and you, get outside and round tha
back there. See if you can get a pickaxe, a t-en:hing tool,
anytiiing, and break down that grating and knock a bigger
lioie in the window. Wc; may have to crawl out there
presently. The rest o' ye come with me an' help block '
up the door. "
Through the din that followed, the telephonist
fought to get his messag,; through ; he had to give up an
attempt to speak it while a hatchet, a crowbar and a
picka.ve were noisily at work breaking out a fresh exit
from the back of the cellar, and even after that work had
been completed, it was diflicult to make himself heard.
He comiilcted the urgent message for reinforcements at
last, listened to some confused and confusing comments
upon it, and then made ready to take some messages
from the other end.
" You'll have to shout," he said, " no, shout — speak
loud, because I can't 'ardly 'ear myself think — no, 'ear
myself think. Oh, all s^rts, but the shelling is the worst,
and one o" them beastly airj^ale torpedoes. All right,
go ahead."
The earpiece receiver strapped tightly over one ear,
left his right hand free to use a pencil, and eis he took
the spoken message word by word, he wrote it on the pad
for message forms vndjr his hand. Under the circum-
stances it is hardly surprising that the message took a
good deal longer than a normal time to send through, and
M'hile he was taking it, the signaller's mind was altogether
too occupied to pay any attention to the progress of
events above and around him. But now the sergeant
.came back and warned him that he had better get his
things ready and put together as far as he could, in case
they had to make a quick and sudden move.
" " The game's up, I'm afraid," he said gloomily,
and took a note that was brought down by another
orderly. " I thought so," he commented, as he read it
hastily and passed it to the other signaller. " It's a
message warning the right and left flanks that we can't
hold the centre any longer, and that they are to commence
falhng back to conform to our retirement at ^.20 acemma,
which is ten minutes from now."
Over their heads the signallers could hear tramping
scurrying feet, the hammering out of loopholes, the
dragging thiunp and flinging down of obstacles piled up
w an additional defence to the rickety walls. Then there
«*,ere more hurrying footsteps and presently the jarring
rap-yap- rap of a machine gun immediately over their
heads.
Falling Back.
" That's done it ! " said the sergeant. " We've got
no orders to move, but I'm going to chance it and establish
an alternative signalling station in one of the trenches
iomewhere behind h?re. This cellar roof is too thin to
stop an ordinary Fizzbang, much less a good solid Crump,
and that machine gun upstairs is a certain invitation to
sudden death and the German gunners to down and out
us."
He moved towards the new opening that had been
made in the wall of the cellar, scrambled up it and dis-
ippeared. All the signallers lifted their attention from
their instruments at the same moment and sat listening
to the fresh note that ran through the renewed and louder
clamour and racket. The signaller who was in touch with
the rear station called them and began to tell them what
Avas happening.
" We're about all in, I b'lieve," he said. " Five
minutes ago we passed word to the flanks to fall back in
ten minutes. What ? Yes, it's thick. I don't know how
many men we've lost hanging on and I suppose we'll
lose as many again taking back the trench we're to give up.
What's that ? No. I don't see how reinforcements could
be here yet. How long ago you say you passed orders for
them to move up ? An hour ago ! That's wrong, because
the messengers can't have been back — telephone mes-
sage ? That's a lot less than an hour ago. I sent it
myself no more than half an hour since. Oo-oo ! did you
get tha*. bump ? Dunno, couple o' big shells or something
droppal 'ust outside. I can 'ardly 'ear you. There's
a most almighty row going on all round. 'Hiey nmst be
charging I think, or our front line's fallen back, because
the rifles is going nineteen to the dozen, a-a-ah ! Tliey're
getting stronger too, and it sounds like a lot more bombs
going; hold on, there's that blighting maxim again. '
He .stopped speaking while upstairs the maxim
clattered off belt after belt of cartridges. The other
signallers were shuffling their fc,:t anxiously and looking
about them.
" Are we going to stick it here ? " said one. " Didn't
the sergeant say something about 'opping it ? "
" If he did," said the other, " he hasn't given any
orders that I've heard. I suppose he'll come back and
do that and we've just got to carr}^ on till then."
The men had to shout now to make themselves heard
to each other abovb the constant clatter of the ma.Nim
and the roar of rifle lire. By now they could hear too,
shouts and cries and the trampling rush of many foot-
steps. The signaller spoke into his instrument again.
" I think the line's fallen back," he said. " I can
hear a heap o' men runninj( about there outside and now
I suppose us here is about due to get it in the neck."
There was a scuffle, a rush and a plunge and the
sergeant shot down through the rear opening and out
into the cellar.
" The flank trenches " he shouted. " Quick, get
on to them — right and left flank — tell them they're
to stand fast. Quick now, give them that first. ' Stand
fast ; do not retire.' "
The signallers leaped to their instruments, buzzed
off the call and getting through, rattled their messages off.
" Ask them," said the sergeant anxiously. " Had
they commenced to retire." He breathed a sigh of relief
when the answers came. " No," that the message had
just stopped them in time.
" Then," he said, " You can go ahead now and tell
them the order to retire is cancelled, that the reinforce-
ments have arrived, that they're up in our forward line,
and we can hold it good— oh ! "
He paused and wiped his wet forehead ; " You,"
he said, turning to the other signaller, "tell them behind
there the same thing."
" How in thunder did they manage it sergeant ? "
said the perplexed signaller. " They haven't had time
since they got my message through."
" No," said the sergeant, " but they've just had time
iince they got mine."
" Got yo'urs ? " said the bewildered signaller.
" Yes, didn't I tell you ? " said the sergeant. " When
I went out for a look round that time, I found an artillery
signaller laying out a new line and I got him to let me tap
in and send a message through his battery to head-
quarters."
" You might have told me," said the aggrieved sig-
naller. "It would have saved ms a heap of sweat getting
that message through." After he had finished his message
to the rear station he spoke reflectively : " Lucky thing
you did get through," he said. " 'Twas a pretty close
shave. The O.C. should have a ' thank you ' for you
over it."
" I don't suppose," answered the sergeant, " the
O.C. will ever know or ever trouble about it ; he sent a
message to the signalling company to send through—
and it was sent through. There's the beginning and the
end of it."
And as he said, so it was ; or rather the end of it was
in those three words that appeared later in the despatch :
" It is reported."
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
AND AFTER.
FEBRUARY.
The Pact Of Konopijht: Kaiser and Archduke, June 15, 1914.
)!v HKNIIV WlCKHAM STKHI)
Victory and IMo Alternati»c. V.y In. \i:tp.lii ShabwhL
Democracy and the Iron Broom of W.iri an Analysis and some Proposals.
I!> .1. lil.lis llABKl:ll
The Ttirift Campaign:
(1) Some Personal Impressions. B.v .J. A. U. JUBRIOtT
m Will It be in time? I'.v I-"''}' Chancb
The Monrot Doctrine and. the Great War. By .MORtTON FREWtN
Is anything wrong with German Protestantism?
liv ihe Ki'ilit \W\. Ilijlifiii Bi v.v (Hishnp lor .Vorlft and Crnlral Bumne)
The General Stall, liv Goiieral Sir OMoork Cre.igh, V.C, G.C.D., G.C.S.I.
(/,if'' Commathiur-in-Chief in India)
Balzjc Re read. By W. 8. LILLY
The War and Episcopal Penitence. Uy tlie Rev. Hubkp.t H.»ndiet.
Contrasts: Benjamm Disraeli and Abraham Lincoln. by lli»;u s.\dler
The Poetry of Lionel Johnson. By Ar.TiiiT. W.\«cii
Humour and War. H.v tli. i;iflit Ucv. Bishop Mkrcek
Social Traming and P,itriotism m Germany and in England. By U. 8. NoL,»N
Britisli Mcrchan; Sailors under War Conditions. By W. H. 11en«ick
The National Railways alter tiie War. By H. M. HVM>JHN
Education anrl Mic Public Service
r.i .--ii; mi;iiV 11. .TOIINSTON, (i.C.M.C, K.C.B.
London : Spottiswoodc & Co., Ltd., 5 New Street Square.
i8
Febi'uar
y 3.
1916.
LAND AND WATER.
COMMONSENSE ABOUT MONTENEGRO
By Alfred Stead.
FAR too much has been made of the Austrian occu-
pation of Montenegro. Now that the Monte-
negrin episode is finished and the country in the
hands of the enemy, it is possible to deal more
comprehensively with the participation of the country of
King Nicolas in the war. For many months Montenegro
had ceased to be an active ally, it is doubtful whether
there was ever a moment during the war when her rulers
were not actuated solely by a desire that any participation
in hostilities should be directly beneficial to themselves,
they gave no thought to the common good, and in some
instances worked deliberately against it.
Much has been written and spoken of this, the srriallest
of the nations banded together to combat the German
menace, and sentiment has magnified the doings of the
Montenegrins in inverse proportion to the importance of
their efforts. Bluntly, we must eliminate from our minds
all the official Montenegrin communiques, issued in the
various European capitals, noting only en passant that for
some time these inspired documents have not been issued
in London. Facts are stubborn things, but a skilful use
of official communiques on a basis of an uncomprehending
glamour may do much to give an idealised impression,
and Montenegro resembles most of all the self-starting
device on modern motor-cars, which only are in action
until the main engine starts. It has been the r6le of
Montenegro to be among the starters, generally even to steal
a few lengths, but serious application to war is quite another
matter. Not that anyone should seek to say that the
Montenegrins are not a courageous people ; they can be
that in excelsis and yet be of small value as a fighting ele-
ment in the present great war.
Not a Feat of Arms.
Lying outside the regular beat of special newspaper
correspondents Montenegro has enjoyed during this war
the role of fixing for the outside world her own desired
estimate of Montenegrin valour and fighting work. There
has been no means of cstabHshing a perspective, indeed it
is doubtful whether the newspapers would have cared for
the truth, when the fiction was so much more picturesque.
But now the time has come for a detached and objective
summing up of the Montenegrin situation, so that the
Allies can gain some adequate idea of the value of the most
recent success of the Central Powers. It may be said at
once that, from a military standpoint, the loss of Montene-
gro as it was utilised, has no importance whatever. From
the moral effect standpoint the importance is small in the
circles where the truth is known, however much it may
have been boomed in an endeavour to enthuse the public
in Vienna or Berhn. At the Ballplatz and Friedrichstrasse
they know well that the conquest of Montenegro is primarily
a commercial financial operation and not a brilliant feat
of arms.
From the Allies' point of view the only military value
ot Montenegro was that within the frontiers of that country'
were situated the dominating artillery positions overlooking
the Bocche di Cattaro. But since in the eighteen months
of the war no real effort had been made to utilise these
positions, no heavy modern guns placed on them to render
the Bocche impossible for the Austrian fleet, the present
loss of the Lovchen positions makes no real difference to
us. It makes the Austrian position surer and enables the
bulk of the Austrian fleet to remain in this magnificent
natural harbour ; it also makes the task of conquering the
Bocche a much more possible one. Such attack, if it ever
comes, must necessarily be preceded by the recapture of
the Lovchen positions above Cattaro. And the Austrians
are not likely to leave these positions without adequate
means of defence.
The reason why the Allies, and especially Italy, did
nothing to send heavy guns to Lovchen is a m.ystery,
since the advantages are so obvious. The only excuse
given is that had such an attempt been made, the
Austrians would have occupied Lovchen before the guns
could have reached there. There is one thing certain,
and that is, that had Montenegro been an ally of Germany
and the Bocche in our hands with our men-of-war sheltering
in it, there would have been heav}' guns on all the positions
above Cattaro. I was present at the first attack made by
the Austrians on the northern extremity of the Lovchen
ridge, which was the first indication of the coming of the
end of Montenegro.
A Bird's Eye View.
I stood at the farthest Montenegrin outpost and saw the
whole Bocche, with its forts and warships at anchor spread
out below me, as from an aeroplane. The Ccttigne-Cattafc
road, close to whicJi are the gun positions, is over nine
hundred yards above the sea-level, the highest Austrian
fort is not much over seven hundred. It was a curious
feeling, looking down on the forts and seeing their guns
firing at the Montenegrin positions while the traops around
me could have thrown pebbles into the chimneys of the
barracks of the Austrian garrisons. And there were no guns
worth looking at. The French, in bitter jest, did send some
120 mm. long guns of old pattern firing black po A-der, which
were blown out of action by the twelve-inch gims of the
Austrian warships anchored in the Bocche. For it was not
only possible to see the forts, but the smallest detail of the
daily life of the ships' crews on the warships was as an open
book to the spectator on Lovchen. And with it all nothing
was done — until the Austrians decided to remove what
must ever have been a terrible menace, and occupied
Lovchen.
They first built roads towards the northernmost point
which was also the highest and dominating one — zigzag
miHtary roads constructed with infinite patience and labour
— and the defenders looked on while the Allies continued to
ignore the good existing roads of Montenegro, up which
guns could have been dragged to destroy both the Austrian
road and its makers. When all was ready the Austrians
poured a tremendous fire from all their heavy guns on this
chosen point, Ratkova Gova, and captured it — the Mon-
tenegrins lost five men killed and the whole of the Lovchen
positions as well as Cettigne itself was at the mercy of the
Austrians. With the taking of Ratkova Gova the military
value of Montenegro to the Allies disappeared. The sub-
sequent happenings, the signing and tearing up of armistice
or capitulation, were af quite minor importanca. After
Ratkova Gova was in the Austrian hands at least one
Foreign Legation took steps to place its papers in security
beyond the frontiers, a wise precaution, as things
eventually turned out.
The expected denouement could not' long be delayed,
the only question was, what exact form would it take.
The generally expected termination was a reversion to the
former arrangement with Austria whereby Montenegro
should make a semblance of warfare without, howe\'er,
doing anything serious enough to necessitate large Austrian
military concentration on the Montenegrin fronts. There
were indications that negotiations were being carrL^d on to
this end, not only in Montenegro, but in Vienna.
Russia's Foresight.
Russia had already regarded the situation as lost, and
for some time previous had removed her active rep -esonta-
tives from Cettigne. The country was overrun with Austrian
agents, and in Cettigne well-known Austrians could be seen
in the streets any day, quite unembarrassed. On one
occasion I saw the former commander of the Austrian
cniiser Qen/a busily employed selecting billets for coming
staff-officers among the houses of Cettigne. Everything
that was known in Cettigne was known in Cattaro ; through
Budua there was easy and convenient contact. There was
no question of spies, because these are persons supposed
to work in secret, the Austrian agents in Cettigne worked
openly, nor were they looked upon as enemies, save
by the Servians from Dalmatia and Bosnia who had
sought shelter and immunity from Austrian military
ser\-ice in Montenegro. It was a curious state of affairs,
perhaps more comprehensible when it is remembered that
Montenegro's whole economic existence was bound up with
Austria and with no other country.
It must be said, however, that the mass of the Mon-
tenegrin people are intensely patriotic, and in this differ
strongly from those who governed them ; but the mass had
little say in the decisions of Cettigne. Foimerlv Prince
10
LAND AND W A T E R
February 3, 1916.
Nicolas ruled autocratically, hampered largely by an
entourage of relations nnd parasites. The idea of a con-
stitution rerommended ilsell to him as a means of freeing
liimself from his relatives, and lie adoj^ted it. At first,
Itovvever, it threatened to lie a most dangerons enemy to
t he antorrary, and a coiif> d' Hat was needed to bring matters
to the condition in which they found themselves at the
beginning of tlie recent wars.
King Nicolas had secured autocratic power with
constitutional lack of responsi*bility. The governing few,
having lirmly grasped the opportunity of enriching them-
selves, showed a callous disregard to the welfare of the
.Montenegrin people, almost unprecedented in any country.
Thus the patriotic, imdoubtedly courageous mass was
helpless in the iiands of the self-seeking few — the governing
regime, as a Montenegrin deputy said in the Parliament
a few weeks ago, was imworthy of the traditions of the
coimtry and had betraytd the people. Even the chari-
table funds raised in England and elsewhere were diverted
from the people into the pockets of the ("iO\'ernment. The
Palace and the Ministers seemod perfectly ready to allow
the people to star\e and the army to go without bread, so
long as there was a chance of filling their pockets. Thi-s
being the case it would have been perfectly idle to
exix-ct a fierce pushing of the war on ^the part of the
Montenegrin (iovcrnmcnt.
Always seeking to arrive at the headship of the whole
Serbian race, King Nicolas rejoiced in the disaster which
had o\ercome the Serbians and sought rather to exaggerate
the dehade than to momn it. The open ])leasure shown
at the Palace was hard to bear by the Serbian officers
forming the General Staff of the Montenegrin army. The
feeling that Russia had chosen Serbia as her favourite
protege, helped on the cause of Austria in Montenegro
enormously. Nor must it be forgotten that there was a
\ery general belief in Montenegro that the Central Powers
had already won, and as one very highly-placed personage
said, " Why does England go on with the war — Germany
has won alread3^"
Austria the Real Power.
To the Palace and the Government Austria is a real
power, while even Russia is only an unknown one. Few
Montenegrins have been in England, and the power of a
dominating fleet is unknown to them. In the matter of
fleets, all they know is that the Austrian submarines were
able to sally out of Cattaro when they wished and sink
Montenegrin transports. Then there came Austrian
aeroplanes over Cettigne and all the towns, while the whole
of the Montenegrin coast was mined and blocked by the
Austrian Navy. It is a small wonder, therefore, that in the
Governing circles of Montenegro there was a very strong
desire to " keep in " with Austria.
Despite the Italian marriage, relations with Rome
were far from good, and it was openly said that Italy was
not able to do anything against Austria. Austrian influ-
ence was very strong in all departments ; it paralysed any
national action. A notable success was when the Montene-
grin Go\'emment was " persuaded " not to construct the
road through the mountains to Ipek, although this was an
essential undertaking to secure contact with the Serbian
armies. The absence of this road meant later the loss of
all the Serbian artillery and train and of many soldiers.
And this is only one instance. The Italian wireless station
on Lovchen, which reported the movements of the Austrian
vessels in the Bocche, had its telephone wire to Cettigne
cut several t'mes a week, and notably when any vessels
were leaving the harbour. All movements of transports
arriving for Montenegro were known immediately in
Cattaro, with obvious results. Indeed it would seem as if
much of the cargo in some of the ships was destined for the
Austrians, not for the Montenegrins. There were instances
■^i vessels being captured by Austrian submarines off the
Boyana River, conducted to the Bocche di Cattaro nnd
then sent back again after the Austrian goods had been
discharged. The whole atmosphere at Cettigne was one
of unreality, and all those who were working for the Allies
were convinced that they were flogging a dead horse, and
that the Ciovenmient was simply seeking to get a.=; much as
possible out of the Allies without ha\'ing any intention
of being loyal.
" The truth was not in them," is the only way to
describe the tactics of the Montenegrin Government. This
was esjwcially so at the time of their occupation of Skutari.
Austria's most popular move was when she gave her
sanction to a Montenegrin occupation of this Albanian
town, even during war time. It was obviously better for
Austria to have her ]iuj>pet there than to see either Italy or
an independent .Albania at Skutari. But the Montenegrins
were crazy to have Skutari, and so went there " to receive
the keys of the tfiwn from Austrian notaries,"' as a Monte-
negrin deputy put it. It was the dominating jjassion, this
cult of Skutari. A most serious Montenegrin Professor, a
leading opponent of the King and the governing clique,
told me quite calmly that he would break his word of honour
or lie if by so doing he would secure Skutari to Montenegro.
And Austria gained ground by ac(]uiescing, by pushing
Montenegro into Skutari ;the .Allies o])posing and refusing
to recognise the occupation, lost, ground considerably.
It was commonly said that King Nicolas was quite ready to
barter the Lovchen positions for Skutari — indeed, to Mon-
tenegro the Lo\ chen positions were of small value, however
formidable they might ha\e been to a great Power.
Serbia's Steadying Influence.
The steadying influence on the Government was the
army and the Serbian General Staff. The Serbians took
on their shoulders much of the cost and burden of feeding
the army and undoubtedly a great majority of the troops
were more ready to follow their Serbian oflicers in the
defence of their country than desirous of acquiescence in
surrender, if ordered by their King. But it must not
be rated too high. The Montenegrin army, its methods
of fighting are not those of modern warfare. The highest
number of soldiers was about .40,000 ; but there were few
moments when even a quarter of these were at the front
or firing line.
Cettigne was thronged with men of military age, and
so were nearly all the towais. But there was not any real
need for the army to be busy. The Austrians did anything
but press them, even after the defeat and retreat of the
Serbian armies. The numbers of Montenegrin killed and
wounded are insignificant and bea, no comparison to the
reports circulated by the official communiques abroad. To
tell the truth the Montenegrin army has done propor-
tionately less fighting in this war than any other. The
combats reported and exaggerated ha\'e been largely
affairs of patrols — recently even orders had been sent to
the troops not to fight. It was only the efforts of some
Serbian Montenegrin patriots who exhorted the soldiers
that some attacks were made and engagements occurred.
The army had ammunition, but was short of food ; it had,
however, no reason for despair now rather than formerly.
The population of Montenegro was tired of the war
because there was a very great shortage of food. In
many respects the country resembled a besieged city-
there was only one means of sending in food, and that
was by San Giovanni de Medua and the Borjana River.
The proximity of Cattaro and the openness of the Medua
anchorage made the supply of food very precarious.
In normal times it is only tlie Montenegrin towns which
are dependent upon outside food. The country people
raise and store enough for their own needs. Thanks,
however, to the passage of the Serbian army, which
enabled the Montenegrins to realise fabulous sums for
their stores and tempted them to deplete their stocks of
food — and also owing to the quartering of local regiments
near the villages, the normal self-sufficiency of the country
side had disappeared and the whole people was short of
food. They are still short of food to-day, and this is
undoubtedly one of the great problems which the Austrians
will have to deal with at once.
Food for the People.
The difficultj^ of finding fo#»d for the people wa?
complicated by the venality of the governing regime,
by the lack of distributing machinery — while the Monte-
negrin grain-ships at Medua were much more frequently
lost than those coming for the Serbian army. The
attitude of the Government to the question of famine
reminded one of an episode in one of Voltaire's plays where
the prophet comes to announce to King David that he
has sinned and . must be punished but can choose his
punishment. The first suggestion is three days' pestilence.
The second, three weeks' discomfiture at the head of his
troops. David rejects both as being personally danger-
ous, but accepts the suggestion of three months' famine
February 3, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
because as he says " There will always be something to
cat in the palace." And that was undoubtedly the
attitude at Cettigne. But the lack of food was an ex-
excellent talking point whereby to ask for money aid,
or explain how resistance must become impossible. The
gradual starving of the people was an excellent method
of making them desire a cessation of hostilities, a recon-
cihug them to an arrangement with Austria, always a
very present actualite in Cettigne. In his interviews
with the diplomats King Nicolas had been preparing the
way for some time past — ever since the Serbian army
had arrived in his country. While they were there
nothing detinite could be done, it was too dangerous, but
as soon as the bulk of the forces had readied Skutari,
matters became acute.
Warning of the Attack.
There was a delightful naivete about the whole
proceedings. A high foreign office official drove round
to the allied diplomats one evening and announced that
the Government had information that the Austrians would
make a general' attack on the evening of the orthodox
Chiistmas. This was home four days previous. The
Montenegrins would do all they could to defend them-
selves but —of course the men were starving and short of
everything. Incidentally I may say that when I was on
the Lovchen positions the men were receiving bread — it
was the third day. for two days they had only had
potatoes — the stories of twelve days' starvation had no
foundation. On the night of the Austrian attack. King
Nicolas himself visited the alhed ministers and informed
them that all was lost, and that they should flee. He
also sent a telegram to the Servian General Staff at
Skutari in which he announced that all was lost, and
that he had refused both armistice and peace, but that
his men had no food nor ammunition. This was all so
nmch setting of the stage for the capitulation. It is
practically certain that the Austrian advance was no
surprise to King Nicolas nor to the Government, which
lie had changed shortly before to one composed ofrnen
ready to do his bidding blindly. The Austrian contention
that" an armistice and possibly a capitulation was .'^igned,
is most probably true, and also that they were signed
either by King Nicola?, Prince Peter or the Government.
So far the arrangement had been carried out, but then
the army put down its foot. The capture of the Lovchen
]jositions was one thing, but the occupation of Montenegro
and the disarming of the entire population was another.
The bulk of the army therefore refused to be bound by
the signatures of their governors and decided to tight on.
Escape to Skutari.
Many were in no position to do so. They were in
outlying parts of the coimtry without any means of
supply or retreat. Such forces as could escape made
their way to Skutari— with them went Prince Mirko,
General Martinovitch, an honest man who was recently
in this country. General Vukotitch, the brother of the
Queen and the'Serbian officers. King Nicolas and Prince
Peter, who was thoroughly Austrian fled the country,
dreading both the anger of the Montenegrin army and
the rage of the Austrians who found that the arrange-
ment made had gone astray and that they were not
going to have an easy walk over. Exactly who was the
biter and who the bitten it is hard to tell, but there is
no denying that the last days of Montenegro were rather
tarnished than glorious, the capture of Lovchen was
not accompanied by any heavy fighting although there was
heavy hring. Afterwards the role of such of tlie army
as declined to surrender was simply that of retiring on
the Serbian rearguard at Skutari, preserving the national
honour and remaining an embryo of hope for the future.
The occupation of Montenegro, while it enables
Austria to complete the subjugation of the Serbian peoples
and secure her occupation of Cattaro, must mean leaving
a large garrison in the country. It also means feeding the
whole population since otherwise there will undoubtedly
be guerilla warfare. The chance of using the inanhood
vl Montenegro as soldiers (as has been done in Serbia)
does not present manv attractions, since the Montenegrin
lighter is of small value in a modern army. One result
is that now the ultimate inclusion of Montenegro into a
greater Serbia is hasrened — in any event it was only a
question oi a short time.
The military assistance given to the Allied cause \\ as
never great, the anxieties and worries in connection witli
keeping the governing regime supplied with money, and
at the same time endeavouring to benefit the deserving
population, w^ere very great. It is probably no exaggera-
tion to say that to-day the conclusion of the Montenegrin
chapter comes as a relief to the Allies rather than as a
surprise. For long it has been known that it only needed
an opportunity or an Austrian desire to accomplish the
occupation, partial or total, of Montenegro. And it must
not be forgotten that the future of Montenegro is not
settled to-day nor will be until the final settlement after
the war — and in that settlement the evidence of the past
four years will be weighed and known. Whatever may
be the judgment of the arbiters of the new map of
Europe, it is certain that the sins of commission and omis-
sion of those recently responsible for the Government of
Montenegro will not be laid at the door of a brave and
patriotic mountain people, whose history entitles them to
respect, whose recent sufferings to pity. There have been
instances of Governments being betrayed by individuals,
in Montenegro we have an instance of a people being
betrayed not once but several times by a Government.
The future of Montenegro is inextricably bound up
with that of Serbia, if that be safeguarded then we do not
need to be anxious as to the results of the Austrian occu-
pation of King Nicolas' kingdom. As the wave of
Austro-German occupation of the lands of the Serbians
is rolled back, a free Montenegro people, untrammelled
by corrupt government will play a part and in so doing
achieve a real national existence.
"BLACK JACKS."
To the Editor of Land and Wafer.
SiK, — Apropos of the paragraph in a recent issue of your
journal respecting the old Black Jacks at the Merryweathcr
Museum at (ireenwich, there are, of course, other places in
the London area where these interesting relics can be seen by
the general public. Six remarkably fine specimens are kept
in the Great Hall at Chelsea Hospital. These are all of the
same size and shape and appear to be in an excellent state of
preservation. They are large Jacks, each about 22 inclies
high and date from the lytli century. In the Tudor Room
of the London Museum tliere are three lOth century Black
Jacks, one of which was found in a well on the site of the
Aquarium, Westminster.
Although the use of this once popular drinking' vessel —
a relic of the days when the lord and master partook of his
meals in the company of his retainers — has completely dietl out
the glamour of its old associations still Ungers.
SiLENUS.
Mr. John Lane has just published A Book of Belgium's
Gratitude, which has been designed as an expression of the
gratitude felt by Belgians for the help and hospitality of (ireat
Britain and the Colonies. The contributors include all tiie
most distinguished Belgians in politics, society, literature,
and art, among tliem being the King and Queen of the Belgians,
H. E. Paul Hymans, M. Uavignon, M. Lambotte, Maurice
Maeterlinck, Emile Verhaeren, Emile Cammaerts, etc. Tiie
translators also include distinguished people, among them
being Lord Curzon, Lord Cromer, Sir Claude Phillips, Lord
Latymer, and Mr. John Buchan.
Field Gunnery, by Donald A. MacAlister. (John Murray.
IS. 6d. net), is a manual prepared with special reference to the
work of the lieavy batteries. The work will be found \ery
useful by junior ofiicers in heavy artillery works as well as by
those belonging to field batteries. The author explains the
elements of ranging and teaches men to get out their own
forniulffi.
Lieut. -Commander Taprell DorUng, R.N., has compiled
a very useful little handbook in Ribbons and Medals (G.
Philip and Sons. 2S. net.), which illustrates and describes
II hundred and twenty-five naval, military, and civil medal
ribbons in colour, and gives numerous reproductions of the
various orders and medals which these ribbons represent.
The book is not intended as a cyclopa'dia of the subject, but
is designed to jierniit of recognition of the most-worn decora-
tions by the curious observer, aud to furnish particulars of
the service by which the decorations in t[uestion were earned.
'Ihis purjjose it fulfils admirably, and as a reliable text-book
on the subject at ;i popular price it is to be recommended.
21
LAND AND WATER
February 3, 1916.
Cliaya, a Romance ot the South Scai.]
Ulhittrated by Joicph Simpton. KB. A.
** Well Sir ! I tell you it didn't take long for those fellows to do their work.'
February 3, igi6.
LAND AND WATER
CHAYA.
A Romance of the South Seas.
By H. de Vere Stacpoole.
We begin to-day one of the hist stones of adventure that has ever been mritten on the South Seas. Mr. de
Vere Stacpoole won fame with his hmutiful tale " The Blue Lagoon." He not onlv knows, hut he makes
fits readers realise the mystery and exquisite loveliness of those distant regions ivhcre '" every prospect pleases
and only man is vile." — hid not all men. The story opens in Sydney.
Macquart.
DAY was breaking over the Domain, §lorious, gauzy
with mist, warm and blue.
The larrikins and loafers, drunkards and un-
employed who had spent the night on the grass
were scratching themselves awake. Houghton on a seat
had ceased yawning and stretching himself. He was talking
to a stranger, a man slightly over the middle-age who had
slept beside him, and who was now making his toilet with a
bit of comb, nmning it through his hair and his grizzled
beard and talking all the time in an easy, garrulous, volumin-
ous manner, more suggestive of long intimacy than of total
unacquaintanceship.
Houghton, who had awoken surly and stiff and out of
temper with the world, was sitting now with his arm across
the seat back, his legs crossed, and his foot swinging, listening
to the other who was making the conversation, and wondering
vaguely what manner of man he might be. He had never
eetn anyone at all Uke him.
" And the strangest thing," went on the gentleman
with the comb, " is the fact that the off-scourings of the city
sleep in this splendid place, fill their lungs with good air
and wake refreshed, whilst the prosperous folk sleep in dog-
holes — bedrooms, if you like the term better — and wake half
poisoned by their own effluviums. But don't think I am a
crank. Oh, dear no. When I am well off, I am just as tough
to common sense as the rest of humanity. I sleep in a
bedroom, eat too much, drink too much, and smoke too
much; but between whiles as now, for instance, when I
am driven to the simple Hfe I enjoy it, and I get a glimpse of
what might have been if men had stuck to tents instead of
building houses. Freedom, air, light, simplicity, great open
spaces — those are the things that make Ufe. Yes, sir, those
are the things that count."
" You have been about the world a lot ? " said Hough-
ton.
The other, having finished his toilet, was now regarding
his boots with a critical eye ; one of them showed a crack
where the upper met the sole at the instep. He made this
crack open and shut like a mouth for a moment, viewed it
with his head on one side, and then said : i
" Almost all over the place. North, south, east and
west, doing almost everything that has got excitement in it.
Living, you may say — that's the word. How old may you
be, if it's not an impertinent question ? Twenty-three, and
you are English, I can see that. You belong to the class they
call in England the gentleman class, and you're out here
sleeping with old rovers like me and all that hoggery over
there on the grass in the Domain of Sydney, without maybe
more than a shilling in j'our pocket. " Well, I was like you
once, and if you keep on as you are going, you'll maybe one
day be like me. Look at me. I am forty-seven years of
age, or maybe forty-eight, for I've always gone by dead
reckoning — and I haven't lost a tooth, I could digest an
ostrich, I haven't a care in the world, and I'm always alive
because I'm always interested. I have made three fortunes
and lot them, Nowio you think I set out to make those for-
tuties with a view to sitting down on the Hudson or on Nob's Hill
or in the city of Paris or London and enjoying them ? I never
had a view to that. I never had a view to a palace and a
fat woman covered in diamonds for a wife, and sons and
daughters and all such like. No, sir, I fought for money for
the fight of the thing. Money ! I love it ; it's my dream ;
I hunt for it like a pig for truffles, but when the durned thing
is in my hands it turns to lead if I don't use it to make more,
and that's what breaks me. For I'm like this, lucky as you
like when I'm on the make adventuring in out-of-the-way
places, but unlucky as Satan when I'm speculating. For
instance, I made a big pile over the Klondyke and lost every
cent m the wheat pit at Chicago.
" 1 was going about Chicago on my uppers same as I'm
going about Sydney now, had to accept a loan to get away,
then I bought an i.sland."
" You bought an island ? "
" To speak more truly, I bought the lease of one. You
can buy islands, mind you, and if you knew the Pacific as I
do, you'd open your eyes at the trades that have been done
over islands in these seas. There's Ten Stick Island, for
instance, in the New Hebrides. It's nothing much ^ f a place,
just a rock sticking up out of the sea. You Britishers wanted
a target for gun practice, and they bought the durned thing
for ten sticks of tobacco from the chief who owned it. At one
time big fortunes were made by fellows who came along and
picked up islands and stuck to them, shell lagoons and
copra islands ; but nowadays the governments have all
closed in on everything bigger than a mushroom, oven bits of
places like Takutea and god-forsaken sand banks like Gougli
Island have their owners. W^H. the island I came to negoti-
ate for was in the New Hebrides. It was valuable because its
top part was one solid block of guano. An old whaler captain
brought news of it to me. I met him in a bar just off a cruise.
' But Where's the use.' said ho. ' It belongs to the Australian
Government, and at the first wind of guano they'll close
down on it.' That was four o'clock in the afternoon, and by
four o'clock next day I had got a syndicate together, and not
long after we had a lease of the place for ten years for almost
nothing. And when we got to the place to work it, it was
gone, nothing but a vigia left. Islands go like that. King-
man Island and Dindsay Island and a hundred others ha\-o
ducked under, leaving only a reef a' wash or lea\-ing nothing.
Well, there we were— done with long faces and empty puises
— Gimme a match."
He took out a pipe and some tobacco wrapped up in a
scrap of the Sydney Bidklin. Houghton supplied him with
a match and he began to smoke.
Houghton was young for his years. He had left Oxford
without a degree to spend two thousand pounds which came
to him on his majority. A woman had helped him to spend
the two thousand and had died of gallopmg consumption,
leaving him broken and heart-broken at the same tim;;
without a profession, with expensive tastes and no earthly
means of making mone\' save with his hands.
And you cannot make money with your hands in England,
so he came to the Colonies, fell in with some bar acquaint-
ances, risked his last penny on a horse race and lost. He had
rooms in Sydney and some gear, but he could not pay his rent,
he owed for board and lodging, and for the last two days had
been living from hand to mouth. No one need starve in
Sydney, it is the most tolerant city towards loafers in the world,
not that Houghton was a loafer ; he was just a man without
a job.
He sat looking at the other for a moment, then he said,
" My name is Houghton. I'm Enghsh, as you say. What are
you — American ? "
" No, sir," 'replied the stranger, " there's no American
about me. I'm the most thoroughbred mongrel that ever
crawled on God's green footstool and jumped for scraps.
Macquart is my name. Simon Macquart, a prospector by
nature and profession, and as you see me sitting here talking
to you I don't look much, maybe, but I'm out after a fortune.
A dead sure thing. Money enough to make a do^en men
rich."
He stopped short and puffed at his pipe, his eyes fixed
away towards the sea as though the fortune had suddenly
materialised itself and were visible. His profile seen like
this hinted at a characterjboth daring and predatory. Remem-
ber that a man's essential character is exhibited in his profile
more surely than in any other outhne or combination of out-
lines, and the character of Macquart spoke bud at that
moment as he sat with the pipe firmly clenched i^etween his
teeth and his eyes straining towards the distance.
" What is it ? " said Houghton, " a mine ? "
" Mine ! " said the other, returning from his thoughts,
" Oh, lord no ! It's a proposition, and this very morning I
am going to lay it before one of the biggest bags in Sydney.
I've been carrying it about in my skull for a matter of some
years, always hoping to be able to find money of my own to
work it with — Couldn't. Laid hold of it first up there,
Bomco way — never mind exactly where, reached Portuguese
Timor and sjunded one of the biggest men there, a Dutch-
man, he only laughed at me — d d ijit. I was so broke
there that I had to help lading ships with copra — they've
taken to growing cocoanut palms in Timo:. — Then I took a
voyage to Frisco for my health, in the foc's'le. Had no lark
in F"risco and drifted to Valdivia. Th;re I nearly had a
chance in a loose way of business ; starte I a faro table with a
2.3
LAND AND W A T E R
February 3, 1916.
Spaniard, and was piling up the chips when my partner
scooped the pile and the police rlid the rest. I-ord, I never
was so beat as that time. I g.it a boat that took me to
Liverpool. I did not want to go to f.iverpool a bit, but the
boat did and as 1 was one of the hands I had to go with
her,"
He tapped the dottle out of his pipe against his boot heel,
and as ho did so Houghton cauglit a glimjise of tlie fluke of a
')Iue anchor tatoocd on his wrist and exposed by the stretching
A his arm. It was the only thing about the man suggestive
jf the fact that he had lieen a sailor.
" From that I worked back to New York," he went on,
" and from .New York here and there till I arrived in the old
Colony, ahcayx with an eye on my proposition and another
eye out for a suitable man to lay it before. I was near giving
up when I fell in with a likely chap, a gentleman bom ; met
liini in a bar on Market Street, cottoned to him at once, just
us I've done to you, gave him a whisper of what was in my
mind and set him alight with it. He's in the swim here
thougli he hasn't much money of his own. Bobby Tillman is
his name, and he's going to lay me and my proposition before a
likely man this very morning : eleven o'clock's the hour.
If we can fix things up, Tillman is the man to collect the hands
for the job and find a likely \-essel ; he's in with all the water-
side. Money is useful in a thing like this, but it's the men
that pull it through ; get the wrong ones and you're done."
" Look here," said Houghton. " I don't know what
this job of yours may be, and I don't want to be inquisitive,
but it seems adventurous and you seem to want men. Would
there be any show for me in it ? "
" And why not ? " asked Macquart, " if you're game for
roughing it. 'Pears to me I've been telling you a lot of things
I wouldn't have told to a casual stranger. Well, it's just
l)ecause I seem to cotton to you. Mind now, and don't be
flying away with things, building up on a treasure venture
as if there was a fortune for everyone in it ; there's not that.
There's the chap with money to be considered, there's me and
there's Tillman. Rut you'd have your share and you'd see
things, and maybe you'd be better off than on any job likely
to turn up in Sydnej-. Can you handle a boat ? "
" I've done a good deal of yachting in a small way."
Macquart laughed.
" That's the English all over," said he, " bred up in
idleness and sport, and then, when the pinch comes, in out-of-
the-wav places the sport helps them through. And I suppose
you know the which end of a gun ? "
" Yes, I'm a fair shot."
" You'll do all right. Oh, I reckon you'll do all right,
if we can only collar the bug with the money, which is my
business, though maybe you can help a bit in that, too. I'm
not much to look at, but your clothes are all right ; you only
want a wash and a brush up to be the English gentleman new
to the colonies. There's nothing like a bit of good appearance
to help a deal through. Tillman is good enough, but he's a
bit off the handle. His father was a big marine store-dealer
and lie died worth a good deal ; left his pile to Bobby, who
spent half of it and was choused out of the rest — or nearly so,
for he's got a bit left, not much but enough to keep him idle.
Well, shall we get a move on ? I'm going to a place I know
for some breakfast — have you any money ? "
" Two shillings," said Houghton, without any shame in
stating the fact of his destitution.
" Well, keep your money in your pocket. I'll pay. I
have tick at the place I know. You'll want something for
drinks, maybe, and I expect by to-night we'll be a durned
sight better off if I can touch this chap with the money."
They left the Domain and entered the city. The morning
was now blue and blazing, the streets brilliant with sunlight,
and Houghton, walking beside Macquart. felt a wonderful
uplift of mind and spirit.
Macquart was practically a tramp, though better dressed
than the ordinary hobo ; a man without money or home or
prospects, yet of such an extraordinary personality that in
iiis companionship all these details of life seemed of little
account. This dreamer of wealth had the power of inspiring
others with his dreams— or his disease. With him something
wonderful was always going to happen, a sure thing that would
shower gold on himself and his companions. Given a man
with a grain of imagination and placed long in the company
of Macquart. and that man would be lost — or at least his
money would be lost, but at least he would have had excite-
ment' for his money, fabulous dreams of wealth, and the
vision of a gorgeous future.
Houghton was under this spell now. Macquart had told
him quite definitely that his — Houghton's— share in the
Venture would be small ; that did not matter, the Venture
was the main thing, the atmosphere of romance and new life
that Macquart was* able to cast around him without any
effort, the spirit of youth he was able to conjure up to assist
in his infernal projects.
No man can influence without being influenced himself,
no man can make others feel what he does not feel himself.
Macquart 's whole-hearted entiiusiasm in pursuit of his own
ideals, his genuine joy in their pursuit, and his abandonment
to imagination were the factors no doubt of his success. The
old clothes that covered this walking romance were forgotten
by they who read him, the dubious morality hinted at in his
j)iiysiognoniv was jiassed over ; the fact that he was a walking
parable on Poverty was unheeded — he showed men Fortune,
talked of her as his mate, and made them believe.
He led the way past the post-oftice and town-hall, of
which splendid buildings he seemed as proud as any Sydneyite,
and then, expatiating on the palms growing in front of the
latter building, on the tramway trafhe of the streets and the
general prosperity of the city, led on down a by-way to the
doors of the modest-looking cafe where he possessed tick.
CHAPTER II.
Thi; Man Without IntAGTNATiox.
AT ten o'clock, Macquart leading the way, they entered
Lamperts bar at the corner of Holt Street. Lam-
perts is the most extensive and expensive place of
Its kind in Sydney, and that is saying a good deal.
After and before a race-meeting it is crowded, and it is said
that more money is made and lost here than on the Wool
Exchange. Here you may meet a great many notabilities,
from the men who write and draw for the first paper in the
Eastern Hemisphere to the man who has won the last sweep-
stake. Lamperts has known Phil May, his pictures are on
the walls ; and it was towards a young gentleman contemplat-
ing one of these pictures that Macquart now advanced.
Tillman, for it was the redoubtable Bobby Tillman
himself, turned at the footstep of the other, recognised him,
and taking his cigarette from his mouth gave him greeting.
Tillman looked about eighteen ; he was in reality twenty-
seven ; fresh complexioned, clean-shaved, and well-dressed in
a suit of blue serge, wearing a straw hat on the back of his
head and his hands in his trousers' pockets, he was a typical
" boy."
Every race-course knew him, every bookmaker had
made money out of him ; he had spent a little fortune on
dissipation, yet he remained to all intents and purposes quite
fresh, innocent, and young.
Houghton took a liking at once to this new acquaintance,
and having been introduced by Macquart as " My friend, Mr.
Houghton, just arrived from England," found himself leaning
against the bar counter, a soft drink at his elbow and his
attention entirely occupied by Tillman, who was talking to
Macquart yet including him in the conversation.
" Wliat I like about j'ou is your punctuality," he was
sa5ang. " A man who doesn't keep his appointments is a
man who, ten to one, doesn't keep his word. Well, here's
to 3'ou."
" Here's to you," said Macquart ; " and how about the
business ? "
" Oh, that's all right," said Tillman. " I saw Curlewis
again last night and reminded him. We are to be at his
office at eleven sharp ; he's interested and that's the great
thing. Does your friend know anything of the affair ? "
" Enough to make him want to lend a hand," replied
Macquart, half turning towards Houghton. " He can't put
any money into the thing "
" Not a cent," cut in Houghton, with a laugh.
" But he's a yachtsman," went on Macquart, " and a
good shot and used to roughing it — just the man we want."
" Good Lord ! I should think so," said Tillman en-
thusiastically. " Blow the money ; a good man is better than
riches in an affair like this; strength in the after-guard is
what we want and chaps that aren't afraid of the weather.
Houghton, I'll be glad to have you with us."
" I've told him that the pay won't be great as viewed in
proportion to the takings," said Macquart.
" There you go," cried the enthusiastic Tillman, " talking
of pay as if you were going to open a fried fish shop. What
comes to us will be shared in proportion to what we do or what
we put into the business. You see, in a safe land show it's
all very well talking of salaries, but in an affair where we all
risk being eaten by fishes or chewed by tigers, shares is a
better word than salaries."
The word " tigers " made Houghton look up.
" There aren't any tigers," said Macquart ; " tree cats
and "leopards, nothing worse."
1 don't want to ask too many questions," said Houghton.
" or make you give tlie show away before you want to, but
would it be too much to ask where we are going ? "
" Mean to say you don't know ? " cried Tillman.
" Not in the least."
" Well, you take the biscuit. You do, indeed. By
24
February 3, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
George, tfiat's the spirit I like, ready to sign on, maybe for
Hades without a question ! "
Mr. Tillman did not say Hades. I doubt if his classical
knowledge included the meaning of the word. He clung to
the Anglo-Saxon, and Houghton laughed.
" I'd just as soon sign on for there as stay in Sydney
without a cent in my pocket," said he, " and it couldn't be
hotter."
" Well, it's not far from here we are going," said Tillman
" It's up north."
" New Guinea," put in Macquart.
" Up a river in New Guinea to find something that's
there," said Tillman. " You'll hear it all when Macquart
spins his yarn to Curlewis. Well, shall we be .going? It's
some way "from here, and it's no harm to be a bit ijefore time."
He led the way out of the bar and they passed down the
street, Tillman saluting nearly every second person tliey met.
He seemed to be a well-known character and the greetings he
received — so Houghton fancied — spoke of amiability and
good-fellowship rather than high respect. Houghton's interest
in this strange budding venture was concentrated now less on
the main than the immediate objective. How would Curlewis
receive his irresponsible visitor ? How would he receive the
seedy Macquart ? He felt himself to be a fifth wheel in this
ramshackle chariot so boldly setting out on the road to riches,
and outside the wool broker's office he frankly said so, sug-
gesting that he should wait in the street till the interview
was over.
But Tillman would have none of that. He declared
Houghton's presence to be an indispensable factor in the pro-
ceedings. He was one of the " crew," why should he skulk
in the street whilst the others were putting in hard work ?
" Hard work — by Gad, all the rest will be nothing to this
— raising money, why, it will be more like lifting it. I tell
you, we have to carry this chap by assault ; he's as good as
they make them, but y'see they made him a business man
and that's the worst sort. However, we'll do it, if only
Screed isn't there. Screed's his partner, hard as nails, no
ideas about anything but wool. Well, come on."
They entered the building, found Curlewis' office, and
were ushered right into the great man's private room.
Curlewis was standing with his back to the empty stove.
He was a joyous and opulent-looking young man of some
thirty years, immaculately dressed, easy-going, an optimist
and enthusiast by birth, judging from all appearances.
Houghton, at sight of this gentleman, felt his spirits rising.
Here was surely a man to further adventure, or, at least, not
to cast cold water on the adventurous.
He scarcely noticed a mean-looking man like a cierK
seated at the desk near the window, till he heard Curlewis
say in answer to Tillman, " Oh, Screed won't be disturbed
by you ; he's busy with his letters and he has no ears or eyes
for anything else. Chatter away as much as you like."
He saw in Screed the rock on which their venture might
split, and he hated Screed accordingly.
But Tillman was talking now :
" Well," said he, " we'll get to business then, at once,
and if this is a fool's holiday, maybe we'll prove we're not
such fools as we look."
" Tillman," put in Macquart, now speaKmg tor tne hist
time, " there's no manner of use in blowing a man's own
trumpet in the first lines of a prospectus. Whether we're
fools or whether we're not doesn't matter a row of pins if the
proposition is a good one. I'd a durned sight rather be led
to a fortune by a fool than stick round making a living under
the guide of a wise man." Then turning to Curlewis : " I'm
the head and front of this business, and looking at me you
might say, ' Here's a nice sort of chap to come talking of
fortune — why, he's broke.' " Well, maybe I am ; but if I
am, it's because I have been going about with knowledge in
my head that's worth more than the fools who won't listen to
me will ever make in business. Did you ever see a pros-
pector who wasn't broke till he managed to make good and hit
the stuff he was after ? Well, the long and the short of it is,
I'm alter John Lant's treasure and I mean to lift it."
" John Lant ? " said Curlewis, tentatively.
" The same," rephed Macquart. " You don't know who
lie IS— or who he was, to speak more properly. Well, he was
one of the chaps who used to trade from Sydney in the old
days. It's not so very long ago either, but long enough to
have covered his traces."
Curlewis had takeja a box of cigars from a side table,
and was offering tlie narrator a smoke. The box was passed
round and Houghton fit up cheerfully. Curlewis was evidently
interested ; only the infernal Screed, who evidently was a
nun-smuker, remained outside the charmed circle, and the
occasional scratching of his pen could be heard like a comment
on the words of Macquart.
" Every one of them. ' continued Ihe Prospector, ' and
tne tricks he didn't find to his hand he in\ented ; and the
ones lie found he embroidered on. Well, he went like that
laying up the chips, till one day he had a dust up with the
Dutch Government ; and what he'd done I don't know, but
the Dutch Government confiscated his property. He'd
invested his plunder in land at Macassar, and land in other
parts owned by the Dutch. They say there was a big
gambling shop in Macassar owned by him ; anyhow, all his
savings were under the thumb of the Dutch. You see, he'd
been doing so many shad}' things, I expect he didn't like to
have ownings where the British Government could touch them,
which proves he was a fool, for the British Goveriunent is
the best friend to a chap like that who has money enough to
work the law. The Dutch Government didn't bother about
the law ; they knew he was a rogue and they scooped his
property.
" It was wnen he called at Macassar with his ship that
he got the news, and they impounded the ship. Tiiey im-
pounded iiim and his crew, too, in an old calaboose place. He
had stepped right off the blue sea into blue ruin, but that did
not check Lant. He got wind in prison one day that a Dutch
ship from Amsterdam had just come into the roads and that
she was loaded up to her hatches with specie, to say nothing of
general cargo. The TcrscheUing was her name. It was
during the rains, and Lant and his men broke out of the;
calaboose that night, rowed oft to the Terschelling and
boarded her, shouting out " Customs " to the cliap that was
on duty. He flung them a ladder to help them on board.
" Well, sir, I can tell you it didn't take long for tliose
fellows to do their work, the anchor watch being below
sheltering from the rain and wind, all except tlie man who'd
helped them aboard. They clapped the foc's'le hatch to,
stunned the look-out man and shoved him in the lee scuppers,
knocked the shackle off the anchor chain and loosed the
topsails, all before you could say ' knife.' Lant and his crew
were handy men, and they had that brig away like picking
a purse from a pocket, and there was nothing to chase them ;
the Dutch gunboat on the Macassar station was poking about
after pirate praus on the Bomean coast, and the biggest bit of
piracy ever done in those waters going on right before Macassar.
It all fell in like a tune, besides, no one wanted to chase them,
for no one knew, till tlie next morning when sun up showed
the Terschelling gone.
" All the same, Lant would have been had most certanuy
and surely if he'd been an ordinary man ; for where couki hi-
have taken the Tefschelling ? What port in God's earth coukl
he have taken her to, she smelhng of Schiedam and Amsterdam
a mile off, with all her papers made out in Dutch and the
very timbers of her shouting her nationahty. No, sir, it
couldn't be done. And then the specie. How could he have
dealt witli that. What would the Customs have said ?
You can fancy him getting those treasure chests ashore in
any harbour, can't you, just 'bout as easy as you can fancy a
dromedary playing a fiddle. Well, Lant knew better tlian
that ; he knew of a river on a certain coast, a river that came
down and disembogued itself among coral reefs and sea
lagoons, places where the Chinese go for trepang and wlierc
the pirate praus used to wash up and brush themselves after
a fight, and he knew the chaps who were chief men there, for
he had traded with them and fought with tliem till they were
all as friendly as the members of a Baotist tea-party when the
Sally Lunns are going round.
" You see, gentlemen, the Malays ana the Sea Dyaks
nave their vices no doubt, but they're not wild animals any
more than you and me. They have lots of straight in theni,
and once you have got their confidence by punching tiieir
heads, you can depend on them so long as you act straight
by them.
" Now this river I'm speaking ot was not situateu m
Borneo, as I've told Mr. Tillman. It was and is situated on
the New Guinea coast. The people that live on its banks
aren't New Guinea folk but Sea Dyaks from Borneo. What
drove those Sea Dyaks to colonise a New Guinea river, [ don't
know, but there they are, hke a plum graft planted on au
apple tree, as you may say.
" Lant brought the Terschelling in here, telUng the Dyaks
tnat she was a new ship of his, and he got her up tliat river
by warping and kedging till she was lying safe and sound
in one of the upper reaches, with the mangroves brushing her
yard arms and the monkeys playing the fool in lier rigging,
brought her up to the steep bank sajne as if it had been a quay
side.
" The rams were on, as I said, and that gave nnn very
deep water, thougli it didn't need the rains, for these rivers
are scoured out deep and always have a big command of
water. Some of the biggest liills in the world are in tiie middle
of New Guinea and one of the finest lakes, too.
" Lant told the Dyaks that he was tired of sea roving
and had comt; to live among them for awhile. He had got
such a. name for tigliting that they almost looked on him as
an immortal, which he pretty near was, for he was riddled with
25
LAND AND WATER
February 3, 1916.
bullet wuuud. like a sieve yet as full of Ufe as a grig. 1 reckofi
he was the sort of immortal u crocodile is.
•• VVeU Laut played up to that game, and the cargo of
the Tcnchellim being of no manner of use to him. he makes
uge presents 'to the'chief men. and by night on the sly he
L'Pts his cases of specie ashore and caches them. The value
bf that 'pecie ran to. roughly, half a m.Uion as counted in
EiiKhsh gold com, or pretty near seven tons of gold.
^Macquart paused^^for a moment to deal with Ins ciga .
and let the statement sink into the mtelhgences of his
audience.
Curlewis alone spoke. „ ,
" You are pretty precise," said he. Yet all that
''•^^^■^"N^aUnirMvTfimsrd'-^sidXcquart. "and you'll
^^^ '^^l^tSZ d^iS'elerything of worth out of the
laschclling. set alight to her by accident, and that s the
blackest btt of the business, for it seems she caught fire
while the crew was aboard, and somehow or another the
tuc's'le hatch had been lastened, so the whole lot were fried
said Curlewis. "Why, this chap
" Good God ! "
"^"'■•S'eiunS^'it," said Macquart : " but one man of them
escaped, a lellow to whom Lant had taken a fancy ; he vvas
' lurigltly chap and Lant■^ right hand and so he escaped
•'Well Lant settled down among the Dyaks. waiting till
thinKS had blown over in Macassar and his name was forgotten,
and he fell into the life there and grew l^^^v/J^,^ t°ok a wife
to pass the time. The young fellow he h^^ saved from the
crew didn't like this; he fancied, and nghtly enough, that
Lant was done for, sprung in the imtiative and grown ?.t
1 the intellect ; besides. Lant began to treat hmi as a sub-
ochnate Besides, he had a wish for that lump of specie
aU for himself, and Lant didn't give him even the promise
of a sniff in. Besides, one day Lant's Dyak wife presented
h ,n v^ h a baby. Chaya was the wife's name and Chaya
hey Tailed the girl, and the young feUow saw that with a
ianiily growing up his chance of the specie was growing smaUer,
mi lie tixed it in his mind to do Lant in.
' What was that youim fellow's name ? " suddenly asked
Curlewis with his eyes steadily fixed on Macquart
The question brought the tale-teller up aU standing. He
hesitated a moment. „ , • c -ii t^^ t'„,
" Smith was his name. Or let us call him Smith, for I m
not free, under promise— though hes dead now— to give
the real thing. We'll call him Smith.'
" Go on," said Curlewis. . , j t
" Well, this Smith, he fixed it in his mind to do Lant m,
and so it happened. Lant one day disappeared He d kept
his dignity with the Dyaks and his distance, so that they
still bdieved in him as a sort of God, not a real God. you
unde^tand. but an Atu Jalan. White people among the
Dyak?Sd the name once of being Atu Jalans. soit of spirits
returned from the dead. They thought Lant had gone a
trip to heaven or somewhere, and would return, sure.
" Well Smith found himself free of Lant. but he hadn t
.eckoned on Lant's wife, Chaya. There's nothing more sure
than that women and dogs hunt by scent and have some
means of finding out things that men don t suspect Any-
how Lant 's Nvife took a down on Smith. You see she didn t
think Lant a god for the very good reason that he was her
hu band, and fhe susi^cted Smith of having done him in and
she got up a yarn about him, said he had witched her baby
which wa^ only three months old then and she got lots of
dicvers They had never cottoned to Smith from the firs^t,
and Ihey went for him, and he escaped down that nver by
the skin of his teeth-that was sixteen years ago. He got
01 in a prau and was picked up by an Engli^li ^hiP. but lie d
?akeii w?tli him the bearings of the cache and the chart ot
just where it was. Much good they did him.
" Three years he knocked about the world, and then he
had a dust tip somewheie in the French colonies and killed
uf reicTman and got sent to Noumea for life He was stuck
the le S.v?n yearsliid escaped. He still had his chart and
^knowledge of the cache. Much good they did him. Lhe
u^iH is so chock-full of fools he could get no one to listen
to him. Then I met him two years back and did him a service
Sid before he pegged out he gave me fuU directions and the
Sart and more than that, the New Guinea coast map with
the riVer marked down. It was easy for him to put his finger
on the point.-There's no mistaking the entrance to that
"''""^kacquart rose and threw his cigar end into the grate.
Then he sat down again. „ " fi,,f = o
' WeU " said Tillman, breaking silence, that s a
straiuht yarn if ever there was one ; all the details and a
cW t o back them. I'm ready to risk my life on the thing
^'id n>- bottom dollar. Well, Curlewis, what do you say i
Now Bobbv Tillman had up to this known only the
lighter side of "Curlewis. He had played cards with him
attended race meetings, met him at the clubs and grown to
regard him as a good companion, an easy-going man ready
to fling his monev about, and asking nothing better than
amusement. He fancied that he knew Curlewis : as a matter
of fact, he only knew the surface of that gentleman.
Curlewis, despite his surface irregularities, was one of the
most level-headed men in Sydney, one of the hardest business
men in the Colonies, one of the least imaginative of traders.
His business self and his social self were as widely ditferent
from the other as the two profiles of Janus, and the business
side of the man was the real side. u- ^ .*k
" Well " said Curlewis, taking the cigar from his mouth
and tipping the ash mto the grate. " It's an interesting story,
but I am not inclined to back you in any financial undertaking
^^^" But 'good heavens!" said Tillman, "think for a
moment. .This isn't a financial undertaking but a specula-
tion the grandest speculation that ever flew in Sydney.
'" Tiiat's just my reason," said Curlewis. I nevei
speculate." . , , • -,
" Never speculate. Why. what s horse racing i
" Gambling— and I never gamble."
" Oh, good Lord I " said Tillman. Why, I ve seen
" Yes. you have seen me back a horse for a few pounds,
and I think you have even seen me lose a few pounds at
Bridge— but I never gamble. When I say I never gamble,
I don't refer to the few shillings I amuse myself by losing or
winning at the card-table or on the race-course, and even in
that feeble way mv losings and winnings are negligible— Last
year— he took a" small note-book from his pocket and re-
ferred to it. " my losings on the race-course amounted to
seven pounds, and my winnings at Bridge— " he turned to
another page—" to four pounds ten. Two pounds ten, you
see I spent last year on this sort of work, and if my memory
serves me, I came out the year before five pounds to the
^ ° Tillman, dumbfounded at the mechanical and orderiy
and entirely sane and sedate individual disclosing before
his eyes, said nothing. It was like watching a butterfly
breaking to pieces and a grub emerging from the debris.
" Now if I were to put. say, a thousand pounds, into
this venture of yours. I might lose it or I might win it back
and a good deal of money on top of it. But win or lose would
not alter the fact that I would have broken my principle.
" Besides, though the story bears the evidence of genuine-
ness, I do not think, honestly and speaking as a business man
without any intention of giving offence, that any sane
business man would risk his money on it. I don't think you
will carry that story about in Sydney to a profit. I am cruel
only to be kind. I think you are wasting your time all of you
unless — "
" Yes ? " said Tillman.
"The three of you put your lieads together and write
it oiil. The Bulletin might give you something for it.
It was Macquart who broke the stony silence that followed
on this piece of advice, and he broke it in an unexpected
way.
" Mr. Curiewis is right," said he. " No sane man m
Sydney would part on such a prospectus. I'm not wishing
to be rude to Mr. Curlewis, but sane men don't do these things,
it's only the insane men that rise to a big occasion. I reckon
Rhodes or some chap like that is what we want and we won t
find him in Sydney, but I'm going to put my hand on that
stuff if I have to walk to New Gumea 'long the great Barrier
Reef and dig for it with my teeth when I get there. I ve
been held back from it too long. My constitution wont
stand it. WeU, thank you for the cigar and good-day to you,
and when I see you again, I hope you'll be tearing your hair
at having been out of it. Come along, boys." ■
He had come in last, he went out first, leading the others
and looking not in the least dejected.
When they were gone. Screed stopped his writing and
turned to Curlewis.
" Do you know what I am thinking ? said Screed, 1
am thinking that chap Macquart never met anyone called
Smith. It's his story, first-hand."
" How do you mean ? "
" I mean, it was he that did the other man in, Lant— or
whatever his name was— and that it was he who was sent to
Noumea." ,,
" Anyhow, he won't get any of my money, said Cur-
lewis. " Lot of d— d lunatics— but I won't say it was a bad
story. That chap can pitch a yam."
Screed finished his letter, then he rose and went out,
telling the other as he took his hat from the peg by the door
that he would not be long.
(To he contitiued.)
26
I
February 3, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
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D-j " o " 1 Whipcord £2 12 6
Riding Breeches ... from £330
Slacks from £\ l\ g
Ihe Burberry, Infantry £3 3 0
Ihe Burberry, Cav.Iry £3 ,3 g
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27
ii
LAND AND WATER.
February 3, 19 16
The King came to town for a day again last week, in order to
attend a meeting of the Privy Council. The Queen had
intended to accompany him but was detained at York
Cottage by indisposition. It was only a cold, but Her
Majesty enjoys such exceptionably strong health, that
to read of the Queen's illness came almost as a shock.
Both their Majesties hope to be present at the Royal
Albert Hall on Saturday afternoon, when Verdi's requiem
will be rendered by the Royal Choral Society in memory
of those who have fallen in the war.
Among the latest to be thrown into mourning by the war is
the Duchess of Bedford, who has lo^t her brother, Lieu-
tenant-Colonel C. W. Tribe, 41st Dogras, who has fallen
in the Mesopotamian fighting. Colonel Tribe was a
distinguished officer of the Indian Army and had seen
much active service along its frontiers. His father was
an Indian chaplain, at one time Archdeacon of Simla,
and it was at Simla that the Duke, then Lord Herbrand
Russell, an A.D.C. on the staff of Lord Lansdowne, met
and married the Duchess.
Lord and Lady Granby had not an ideal day for their wedding ;
it was dull, damp and dreary out-of-doors, but once
within St. Margaret's the atmosphe.e was different.
The church had been beautifully decorated with palms
and ferns and flowers by Goodyear, and the con-
trast with the greyness without made it seem all the more
lovely. Marriage and giving in marriage seems to be
epidemic in the Prime Minister's family circle ; we do
not suppose that any First Minister of the Crown has so
often appeared as the kind uncle at the bridal. In
old-fashioned days of wedding breakfasts it w mid have
meant a speech each time, but Mr. Asquith is spared this.
Now that the year is on the turn and flowers herald the ap-
proach of spring, no place in Town is more sought after than
the Zoo — the Zoo where it is a pleasure to loiter in the
open, and watch the birds and beasts at one's leisure.
In former days it used to be a scamper from one over-
heated building to another, and the chief impression
left on the bored child on leaving was how extraordinary
were the number of nasty smells in so small an area.
But that way of seeing the Zoo has gone for ever, and
everybody who goes there just potters around. If the
weather be warm, it is pleasant to bask in the sun and
sit before the Mappin terraces or the big aviaries.
Tho Duke of Portland is the President of the Entente Cordiale
Society for the current year. Few people realise the
splendid work which this Society has accomplished
since it was founded close on twenty years ago. It
was the first beginning of that better understanding
between Britain and France, which found official ex-
pression when King Edward cam^ to the throne and
which, of course had its consumm ition at the outbreak
of the war. The Entente Cordiale Society has been
worked on thoroughly sensible and practical lines. The
The WOMEN
beKifid tKe Gun.
We all rightly think of our men who are
fighting, let us also think of the unfulfilled needs
of millions of women toiling today under diffi-
cult circumstances at home. As Lord Sydenham
has said : " To these brave women
whose courag-e and endurance
are helping: us \Me owe more
than expressions of g-ratitude."
The enormous influ.x of women into munition
and war material factories is a remarkable
feature in our national life. Thousands are now
engaged on this vitally urgent and necessary
work.
Young worn sns Christian Associofion.
If the need of huts for men, where rest and food is provided, is great,
as it certajnly is, there can be no doubt the need of our girls is greater.
FUNDS ARE IMMEDIATELY NEEDED for the erection
of REST RCJO.MS, HOSTELS and CANTEENS. Will you
help by sending a donation or subscription NOW?
The Queen ha» sent a handsome donation
and expresttd full sympathy.
Amounts, large or small, will be gratefully
acknowledged by the Duchess of Sutherland, 9,
Stratford Place, London. W., or by Lord
Sydenham, at the Y.W.C.A., 26, George St.,
Hanover Sq., W.
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FULL LIST FREE
Greens,Ltd.,beg to announce that
their half-yearly stocktaking Sale
commences Feb y. Ti> relieve the
ci>;arstock-rooms and afford much
needed bin-room in the cellars,
fine wines and cigars are being
offered at genuine price reductions.
Order promptly to secure the
choicest bargains. Any goods not
approved will beexchaiiiiedormoney
reiiirned. No stock Dousht for sale.
Here are some specimen bargains:
A Wine Bargain
J50 Doren 'Quinta Royal' Port. A 6ne
example of ruby, tawny wjnc Oelic tte,
I) ature, and of fine 6avour. A perfect
after-dinner uine, al-o hit^hly rfcnmmen-
dt-d for invalids. Per dozen O C /^
cairiage paid, cases included OOf O
To members of the ti.E.F. in F'U'ce
30\- fer iiot , lixrect from Bond. No extras.
Havana Cigars
i8 o La Carolina Bouquet Finos, a choice,
small, after-dinner cigar well
worth 70/-. Offered at per loo
4 ooo Fernandez Gar. ia
small, after-tHnner cigar well /* O /
_ I
excellent cig.ir for gen ral
M:
> arquisas An
sinoking-
Cntidition perlect. Wonh 35;- OQ /^
Ofieredat per 100 ^^^O
GREENS, LTD.
30. CORNHII.L. LONDON. E.G.
{ op/x.ii;^ ihe Royal Exchange)
•WINE MERCHANTS SINCE 1820
-W«:
28
Supplement lo Land and Water, February 10, 1916.
AQUASCUTUM
FIELD <S TRENCH
COATS.
The opinion of Officers
who have been in the
Trenches during the cold,
wet months of the War
must be most helpful to
those who have not had
that experience, and the
letters received from them
prove beyond any
possible doubt that the
"AQUASCUTUM'" is
the ONE COAT to be
relied upon-
AQUASCUTUM, Ltd.,
Waterproof Coal Speciatlih for over 50 years.
By Appointment lo Hi» Majesty the King.
100 REGENT STREET, LONDON, W.
^^m
^
pr^
^^
k
/'''~\/ M ^1^91^
f ^^-^
I ^
Cy 'vS)
PRACTICAL HAT
DEBENHAM
in black, navy, nigger, beige,
and wine, picot itraw, trimmed
with ribbon band and cock'jde
& FREEBODY
(Dehenkam s, Ltd.),
in artistic colourings.
Wigmore St., CavenJith
Price 42/=
Square, Lond»n, W.
The Original Cording s. Estd. 1839.
High-grade Military Waterproofs.
New Illustrated List of waterproof
coats and boott, trench waders, &c., at
request.
THE
•EQUITOR" COAT
(Regd.)
Officers speak highly of the
special provision for mounted wear
ill the attactied apron buttoning
on one side. This absolutely
shuts out any rain, and when not
in use fastens conveniently (out
of sight) on the inside of coat,
which then serves just as well for
ordinary wear afoot. The coat
can be had fitted with belt if
desired.
The "Equitor" Coat is also
made with warm fleece
lining to detach.
When ordering an "Equitor" or "Service"
Coat (the 'Service" Coat Is made without
the attached apron) or directing that one
be sent on approval, height and chest
measure and reference should be given.
J. G. CORDING & GS
IVaterproofers to H.M. the King
Only Addresses :
19 PICCADILLY, W. &35ST. jamess st.
Aldershot Agents: BAVERSTOCK & SON, Grosvenor Road.
S.W
Sherrij Sir?
gHERRY is the only wine, the flavour of
which can be appreciated while smoking.
HARVEY'S
Bristol Milk
Price 80/- pfr dox.
Sample half bottle 3/6 po>t frre.
Booklet and full price list on application.
JOHN HARVEY & SONS, Ltd., BRISTOL.
Naval and Military Wine Merchinf^
CROPS are safe where
Empire Fence is used.
The heavia<!t beast can-
not break through. Each
wire is tested to bear
a strain of 2,240 lbs.
It is rustless, has no sharp points,
will not sas or dent. Easy to erect,
requires no .Tttention, and is prac-
tically everlastinc- TWO MEN
CAN ERECT A MILE PER DAY.
Mr. T. Collier, Henley-on-Thames,
writes : — " / am verv pleased with
the ' Empire Wire Fence now it is
fixed, and consider it to be a most
excellent fence'
Write for Illustrated Catalogue.
PARSER. W'NDER i. AGHURCH, LO.,
BIRMINQHAM.
HHRD
STEEL,
EMPIRE
FENCE
WOVEN
WIRE
xvu
tupplimtnt t» I^KD AND Water, February 10. I81«.
ACCURACY
under fire
from heavy puns, on the inarch, in
the saddle, in traininjj camp, these
fine watches are marvellously accu-
rate as timekeepers. Strong, neat
and duraMe, the best ofall ihe wrisliet
Vfatches for soldier, sailor or civilian.
Waltham Watches
In solid silver case, with strap and buckle complete, from £3 3s.
There is an exquisitely dainty series for ladies.
FREE — Walch booklet and writtlct watch pamphlet post free.
WALTHAM WATCH CO. (Dept. 63), 125 rtigh Holborn, Loadoo, W C.
How to Buy
a Bookcase.
Buy it on tlie Globe-
Wemicke plan. Start with
one, two, three or more
interlocking "Units."
When these are full of
books, simply add one or
more Units
9lol>c^\'crDickc "Elastic" Bookcases
are "Always Complete but Never Finished." Send
for interesting Booklet loo B.
Pacfitng Free. Orders of £2 Carriage Paid
to i-ftiv (icoiis S atton m the linttsh Isles.
tfhc 9lotc^vcrt)ickcCo.atd
Office anu i-tOrary Furnishers {.ill lirUnh Loiiccrni,
82 Victoria Street, Londoi>, S.W.
■ 4 Holborn Viaduct, E.C., and <<8 fcisbopsgate, E.C.
Steel Pen Shortage.
Don't go back to the slow and scratchy QUILL.
Go forward to the smooth and easy-writing
Wate^narfs
Jdeal)
Fouii?a?fXPen
The quill pen wastes time
and ink. The steel pen haa
to be " broken in " each
time and lasts but a few
days. The smooth and easy
writing iridiuintiijpod gold
nib in the Waterman's Ideal
lasts a lifetime and writes
smoothly all the time. Nibs
to suit all hands.
See the New Lever Pocket
Self-Filling Pen, as illus-
trated. Can be filled in an
instant from any ink supply.
3 tyijes — RejEiilar tO/6 and up-
wards : Safety(for Active Service)
and the New Lever Pocket Self
FillinliType. 12 6 and upwards*
Of Stationers and Jeiaellers every-
where.
Fullest satisfaction guaranteed.
Nibs cxchanjteablc if not suitable.
Call, or send to " The Peo
Comer." Full range of pens on
view, for inspection and trial.
Booklet jree from :
L. G. Sloan, ChclJeaCotucr, Kingsway, London.
Somewhere in France
Dunlop : Tyres all right ?
Driver : Yes, sir, thanks
to you.
HAVE YOU CONSIDERED
that the speed and comfort with which the
wounded are transported by road are due to
DUNLOPS, the tyres that made motoring
possible ?
The Dunlop Company produced the first
practical pneumatic tyre, and in spite of a
great and increasing output it has been diffi-
cult to keep pace with the demand ever since.
Verb. sap.
THE DUNLOP RUBBER CO., LTD.,
Founders of the Pneumatic Tyre Industry
throughout the World,
ASTON CROSS, BIRMI GHAM ; 14 REGENT STREET,
LONDON, S.W. PARIS: 4 RUE DU COLONEL MOLL.
XVUl
LAND &W ATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2805.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 10 iqi6 T^'^^'-'shed ast pr ice sixpence
X, -i j^jjivi.^xvx xu, ±yiu. La newspaperJ published weekly
f^
B^ Li/nii Raemaskers
i/ruicn excluiivety lor "Land and Water."
Von Bissing : " Life has now resumed Its normal course in Belgium."
"LAND AND WATER" WAR LITHOGRAPHS No. 4.
By G. SPENCER PRYSE.
FRANCE'S 150-mm. GUN IN ACTION IN CHAMPAGNE.
rubrimry lo, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
LAND & WATER
Empire House, Kingsway, London, W.G.
Telephone : HJLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1916.
OUR AIR SERVICE
THE current talk about forming a " Ministry of the
Air" requires careful consideration, for public
opinion has undoubtedly been moved to some
anxiety and to some questioning in the matter
of aerial defence in general, quite apart from articles in
the daily newspapers. There has, indeed, been- no
general demand for a creation of a " Ministry of the Air."
It is not a solution upon which the public mind has turned,
or, for that matter, \\'hich most men would be able to
define. But that portion of the Press which has mentioned
the subject is, in raising a debate upon the matter at all,
expressing public opinion insomuch at least as lliat
opinion is now rather doubtful and disturbed about tlie
whole matter.
Now the first thing that strikes one in this connection
is that uncertainty and debate of this sort is precisely what
the enemy would have desired. That is not in itself a
sutheient reason for avoiding the subject. It is a sound
rule ia wdr, at least where definite mihtary plans are
concerned, to do other than that which your enemy wishes
you to do. But it does not follow that in so vague
a matter as a general debate upon aerial defence the
abandonment of it merely because the enemy desired
to create anxiety and confusion would be wise. There
must be an eleuient of debate in the affair and conclusions,
to stand firmly, must repose upon reason.
But it is precisely when we apply the rules of reason
to the case that the value of the suggested policy become
more and more doubtful. The more rigidly we examine
the pros and cons the less does the prospect of any such
change as the creation of this new poUtical department
reinsure one. The fundamental principle in this matter,
as in any other matter subsidiary to the war, whether it
be the policy of reprisals or economic policy, or this one
of aerial defence, is simply this : How far does such and
such a suggested policy or change conduce to victory ?
The function of aircraft in the attainment of a victory
is novel — but it is entirely military. Soldiers only —
especially now after many months of this modern war —
can decide how aircraft should be used, in what numbers
and with what object. Even among soldiers it is only
one particular expert branch which can be consulted in
this highly technical matter. It is exceedingly important
to remember this.
In every science there are general principles appre-
ciable to the layman, though even these he will grasp less
' thoroughly and certainly or much more imperfectly
than the man whose trade it is to follow that science.
But the further you get into any science the more you dis-
cover departments which require thoroughly detailed and
expert knowledge for the barest comprehension of them.
And this is true of the science of war. Any civilian, for
instance, may see the importance of numbers and insist
upon a policy which produces numbers, but no civilian
worth considering would give ad\'ice upon the disposition
of a macliine gun shelter or the probable margin ot error
upon a windy day for such and such a piece firing at such
and such a range. No civilian would give his opinion
upon the handling of cavalry in particular circumstances.
And in the Service itself no one would presume to give his
advice outside the arm in which he had been trained ;
at least, where that advice regarded highly technical
matters.
Now if there is one department of which this is
peculiarly true it is the new fourth arm. The men
actually fiying, and especially those commanding the
flying of others at the front, are alone competent to decide
not only the use but the number and type of weapons
required. The creation of a civilian department (which
at the best could only repeat what was told it by the
soldiers, but at the worst might and very probably would ■
interfere ^vith the soldiers) serves no apparently useful
purpose at that best and quite clearly serves a very bad
jjurpose at the worst. But there is much more than this.
If the particular service in question were a failure, if the
soldiers connected with it had blundered in any conspicuous
fashion, there would be an argument, though it would
hardly be a valid one, for the replacing of the expert by
the amateur. If there had been any timidity in general
policy there might be an argument for the presence of a
strong will, though that will were possessed by civilians,
to govern the weaker wills of more expert men.
In the particular case of the British Air Service it is
notorious that these conditions are exactly reversed.
The British Air Service has been the most conspicuous
success of the whole war. It has led the Allies in almost
every new departure. It showed its supremacy at the
very outbreak of hostihtics. It has brilliantly maintained
that supremacy through all these months. It has ex-
hibited in every part of it a unity of direction and a
rapidity of development which are nothing short of a
triumph for the British Service among all the beUigerent
powers. To interfere with iuid to change an achievement
of that kind at such a moment could not possibly be other
than a blunder.. Nor does that exhaust the case. Even
supposing that we were dealing not with a triumphantly
successful thing but with a thing which had badly failed,
and even supposing that one could amend that failure
by the admixture in its direction of vigorous though
amateur ability, that might be an argument for choosing
some man conspicuous for his qualities in this particular
field and appointing him to .the direction of it. But there
is no question even of that.
,Ve all know in practice that the creation of the
proposed " Ministry of the Air " merely means a post for a
politician, and there is no one at this time of day still eager
to create more, posts for civilian politicians wherein at the
expense of an enormous salary some one selected from a
very small set of men, in no way trained to the business,
should be deputed to over-ride the decisions of soldiers.
To anyone who really grasps the enormity of this cam-
paign and the quahty of the issues dependent upon it
there is something grotesque in the suggestion that one
of its most vital factors, which happens to be also one
of its most successful factors in favour of our side, should
suddenly suffer disturbance and rearrangement for no
better object than to provide yet another salary and to
lend a chance for experiments to yet another incom-
petent, because untrained and inexperienced, layman.
Everything connected with this war by land, save
the direction of its general political ends, is clearly a
matter for soldiers and for soldiers alone. But as much
at least as the most technical of its branches, as much as
the artillery or the staff work, more perhaps than any
other, this is true of the military air craft. It is not
likely that the blunder will be committed. Were it
committed it would be unpardonable.
LAND AND WATER
February lo, 19 lO-
CHANCES OF A GERMAN OFFENSIVE.
By Hilaire Belloc.
THE elder and greater Moltkc said : " There are
always three courses open to the enemy —
and he takes the fourth."
That epigram illustrates completely the
folly of prophesy in war.
But the following of a campaign, while it does not
ever permit of e."«ict forecast, does show one, with a
clearness in proportion to the closeness of the study, the
conditions under which alone the futiue can develop.
For instance, no one could tell during the Russian
retreat of last sunmicr upon what line the equilibrium
would be restored and the Austro-Cierman forces compelled
to halt. But what any competent observer coi/Wsayand
what all competent observers did say was that unless
some organic portion of the Russian armies was destroyed
such a line of " balance " or equilibrium between advance
and retreat would be established, and that when or if it
was the Austro-German stroke would have missed its
object.
As a matter of fact the whole development of the
affair proved the truth of so elementary a statement.
We saw the Austro-Germans entirely devoted for four
months to the destruction of some organic portion of the
Russian Army. We saw them again and again (six
times in all) create a great salient or bulge in the Russian
line by massing their immense superiority in heavy gims
against two separate sectors. We saw them try hard
to cut off that bulge— and fail. The particular line upon
which equilibrium was reached after these si.\ failures
(the last of which was the great effort round Vilna) was
the line with which we are now so familiar from the Gulf of
Riga to the Bukovina. But this halting place of the
Austro-Germans was forced upon them. It was not
deliberately chosen. They stopped when their advance
had weakened them to a degree after which they could no
longer compel a further Russian retirement ; and this was
clear from the way in which they went on week after week
throwing men away without avail against the Dvina line.
They had, in Lord Kitchener's exceedingly exact phrase,
" shot their bolt," words which so unduly angered the
Press of all Berlin and part of London.
The same set of ideas applies to the present situation.
To prophesy that the enemy will make a great offensive
here or there, that he will make it before we do, or any-
thing of that kind, would be futile. But to say that
whatever he does must be done under certain conditions,
to establish the limits within which his action and our
own must turn, is both possible and useful, and a study
of that kind will enable us to understand the future.
Decline of Numbers Governs the Enemy's Plan.
The one fundamental condition governing all the
present plan of the enemy, is that which has been
emphasised repeatedly in these columns : The exhaustion
of the enemy's useful reserve.
r That phrase does not mean that his. armies in the
iield have grown less or will grow less for some little time
to come. It means that the period has arrived in which
the enemy can only by an abnormal treatment of his
human material maintain himself at full strength, and
that the limit of time within which that abnormal treat-
ment can be sustained is at once short and its duration
clearly appreciated.
Somewhere towards the end of November or the
beginning of December, what I have just called the
" period of abnormal treatment " had begun. That is,
the drafts necessary for the tilling up of gaps in his units
at the front had to be found in a novel and unsatisfactory
fashion.
Up to that date the drafts had been furnished nor-
mally. The normal fashion of furnishing drafts is to
take' men of military age and fully efficient : to train
them ; when they are trained, to keep them in depots ;
from such a reserve in hand to "feed" the units at the
front and keep them at their full strength..
Rather more than two months ago this normal
source was drying up. It remained possible only to
draft men younger than those of full military age, or
older, or to begin to trespass upon the held of what arc
called " inefiicients." There is no precise Hue of demar-
cation between the efficient and the inefficient. But
the rough rule is that when you begin to sift out again,
and yet again, for recruits, a mass already rejected you
are getting near the line.
The nrst drafts of inefficients but very slightly
we.iken your units, for they are few and their level of
efficiency is comparatively high. But the process is
cumulative, and the curve soon gets steep. The
moment you trespass on the " inefficient " field 'your
anxieties have begun.
We know perfectly well — at least all soldiers know
■ — that this was already clearly the state of affairs
about a month before the end of the year, and it is
also perfectly well known by what abnormal method the
enemy met it.
He ceased to develop any considerable and expensive
attacks ; he turned to some extent to the younger men
as volunteers, to some extent as conscripts. He began
to include what was at first a very small proportion (and
what still remains no great proportion) of inefficients ; and
he deliberately kept back the lads (the boys from 18 to
19) whose ren)aining numbers (not yet volunteered) may
amount to Soo.ooo and are probably not less than 600,000.
Briefly, the process might be called " Trusting to a
lull and to filling the gaps with inefficients in order to
keep back the remaining efficient but very j'outhful
groups for the last chance of decisive operations later on."
Comparative Position of the Allies.
Here, of course, we must remember that the enemy's
exhaustion thus described must be compared with the
condition of his opponents.
Had all the belligerents been from the beginning
fully conscript nations, all fighting at their top strength
also from the beginning, and all suffering proportionately
equal loss, then this fundamental factor, the exhaustion
of the enemy reserves, would not have the consequences
we shall point out in a moment. It would apply equally
to both sides and would leave either party free to act
almost as Ihey had acted in the past.
But in point of fact the two sides differ verj' greatly
in this respect.
Only one of the Allied services has been fighting at
full strength from the beginning, and that is the French
—whose numbers are but a third of the Austro-German.
The Russians, the British, the Italians possess untouched
very great reseiyes of men, and even the French, though
they ha\-e called up their \ery young classes (which the
(iermans have not yet fully done) are in proportion
to their numbers, less severely hit than the enemy. They
have not begun to think of touching inefficient reserves.
They have not severely sifted the rejected over and over
again as the enemy has been compelled to do. They
feel themselves free, in particular, to abstain from using
the older classes which the enemy has been compelled tc
use up largely in the field.
What the disproportion of losses between the
French fully conscript force fighting from the beginning
at full strength, and the enemy similarly fighting,
may be exactly we do not know. For though \\e
can now estimate to within 10 per cent, one way or
the other the total German losses, we have not the same
data for the I'rench. The l'"rench proportion of losses to
their numbers may be as low as five-sixths that of the
enemy, or as high as nine-tenths. It is not very material,
because the two main facts are known : h'irst, that the
French losses are somewhat inferior in jiroportion
Secondly, that the difference is not so great as to affccl
[Copyright in 'America bv " Th: New York American."]
February lo, 1916.
LAND AND /WATER
the wliole character of the campaign. It is the very great
reserve of men in all the other Allied countries which
makes the difference. . .:
Effect on the Enemy's Present Plans.
Once wc have grasped this fundamental factor of the
enemy's condition in numbers, it is clear that both his
strategy and his policy governing strategy arc dictated
by it. With every week that has passed since the autumn
the enemy has clearly relied more and more upon political
factors. He has issued threats of no real consequence,
but threats the wildness of which were characteristic 'of
the situation. He has trusted the licence of the Press of
one country, the unpopularity of parliamentary govern-
ment in another, and the ignorance of a third. He has
greatly increased the violence of his appeals to neutrals,
and he has done his utmost to produce dissension between
the Allies. At the same time he has begun to protest
against a " war of mere extermination," to explain through
various agents of his that " neither side can really win,"
and to foster the comicallv unmilitary conception of " a
stale-mate." ■
With all that political effort of his (though it is the
most important of his present activities), we need not
here deal except to notice that it is proof of his now play-
ing rapidly against time.
With the strategical effect of the same situation we
are directly concerned.
The Enemy Requires an Offensive.
In such a situation as we have described, the enemy
must necessarily attack— if lie is allowed to "do so and is
able. He must be laying a plan for some action which,
if it is completely successful, will give him a decision and
which, even if it is only partially successful, will at least
lend great and novel support to his political efforts and
will give him a better moral basis for arranging an incon-
clusi\-e peace.
I do not say that such an offensive action on his
part is nearer or further, or may not be forestalled by a
stroke of the Allies. What I do say is that anyone stand-
ing in the shoes of the enemy's higher command at this
moment, must be conten^)lating somewhere a vigorous
offensive upon a large scale. To let all the winter and
spring go by without it would be to play directly into
the hands of the Allies.
To undertake such an offensive would mean a further
sharp step in the rapid exhaustion of his numbers. But
it would be capital well spent, even if its success \vere
quite incomplete, so long as it had the mere political
sffect the enemy desires. While if it were more success-
ful ; if (to suppose an extreme case) it really gave him a
decision, it would be remaining capital invested to the
very best possible advantage.
For instance, let us suppose a violent attack upon a
broad front in the West resulting in the capture of some
thousands of prisoners and some scores o! guns — and no
more. Mter so incomplete an effort the enemy could count
upon the Press in certain of the Allied countries taking it
as a proof that his numbers were still far from exhaustion.
He could count in the same Press upon a clamour for, let
us say, the evacuation of Salonika, or at least growing com-
plaints against the formation of that place d'armcs. The
loss he would have sustained would be well worth his
while. While if the result of such an attack were seriously
to modify our lines on the West and to give him the occu-
pation of any considerable further area of territory, he
could count on a very serious effect indeed.
The same would be true in a lesser degree of corre-
sponding losses in the south-east or upon the Russian
hue.
Left to himself then, and supposing he is able to act
or allowed to act before corresponding action upon the
part of his opponents, the enemy must, by all calculation
be projecting a considerable offensive movement.
Where would such an Offensive be Delivered ?
There are, of cour3e,.three fields in which such a
movemjsnt can take. place. _^_^,_. _. . .._ „. „„ . ..
There is the comparatively narrow south-eastern
front before Salonika ; there is the Polish field : and
RAEMAEKERS' CARTOON.
* Desolation and heart-broken women by the n'ay-
-side — it is the normal slate of I3elf;iuni nnder German
ocQUpation. But we who live only such a Jew miles
'tncay, find it all hut impossible to realise the misery
of Belgium, and the cold calculated brutality of her
oppressors. It is, therefore, -well that we should
be reminded of it noxv and again.
M. Louis Raemaekers is at present in Paris,
where an exhibition of his cartoo)is has been opened.
The 'well-knoivn French cartoonist, \Forain, who
is nocv in the army, wearing his uniform, presented
Raemaekers 'with the Cross of the Legion of Honour,
'which M. Poincare has bestowed on him. The
Dutch cartoonist is being feted both officially and
tmofficially. There is a reception at the Hotel de
Ville, a banquet at the Quai d' Or say, and a public
reception at the Trocadero, all in his honour. His
exhibition is as croicded in Paris as it was in London,
and the Minister of Fine Arts has intimated toM.
Raemaekers that the State desires to purchase several
of his cartoons, -which it is said are to be placed in
the Luxembourg.
France appreciates the great work Raemaekers
has done at its true value.
there is the Western field.
There is indeed a fourth possible field on the Italian
front. A vigorous offensive there could be imagined in
connection with the prevention of an advance from
Salonika — for what the enemy must most fear in that
iield is Italian co-operation towards Monastir from the
Adriatic, and violent action on the Isonzo would paralyse
that for the moment. But the conclusive and main
action of the enemy could hardly be against the Italians,
(i) because that front is exceedingly strongly held ; (2)
because it has lying behind it a wide mass of mountains,
the communications in which are ill suited to supply a
great bod}' of men ; (3) still more because it is far too
narrow to deploy a very great body of men ; and (4)
lastly because no effort here could be really decisive.
As for action in Mesopotamia or against Egypt, it is
obvious that this could only be subsidiary to the main
war.
The Western Field is the Most Obvious.
Now of the three main fronts thus involved, the
strongest arguments are obviously in favour of such, an
offensive developing in the ^^'est. This has been so clear
to all observers that it has perhaps been the chief cause
of the recent talk of such an offensive. The telegrams
from Holland talking of a great concentration of guns
and men against our lines, whether true or false, are
negligible. The Intelligence Departments of the Allies
upon the West have fairly full and continuous knowledge
of the enemy movements and vague paragraphs of the
sort mentioned are only sent for civilian consumption.
But the solid reasons for an enemy offensive taking place
upon the Western lines are of a different nature 'from
mere rumour and are well worth consideration. A great
portion of them are summed up by a French Service
Journal, La France Militaire, in a recent issue.
This journal begins by noting the cardinal factor in
the whole affair, that the enemy reserves for the making
good of wastage, particularly in Germany, arc now
strictly limited in time. It repeats the elementarv
truth (common to all students of the campaign), that this
limit of time, even if the use of a proportion of inefficients
during the winter prove successful, is strictly calculable
and does not extend into the early summer. With spring
it will be necessary either to call up frankly inefficient
categories (such as the elder men hitherto immune) or
to suffer a diminution in tlie numerical strength of the
units at the front.
As a consequence of this state of things the enemy
will, according to the argument advanced in La France
LAND AND WATER.
February lo, 1916.
MilUairc be strongly tempted to o]>tain a decision where
the conditions of ground favour early action.
Now it is clear that tlie Western front here offers
great advantages over the Eastern : Inniunerable roads
(juite practicable in any weather serve on that front, and a
great mass of railways. Supply can be brought up at any
time and in any weather, and even infantry attack only
has to wait for a dry spell. In this it differs radically
from the Eastern front. The communications leading
up to the Western front from the German arsenals and
supply centres are not long and the great mass of the
German forces is gathered there.
It is next to be remarked that if Germany must get
decision within a brief limit of time — or retire to shorter
lines — the Western front would have another most obvious
advantage over the Eastern. It is upon the Western
front that the really formidable menace to the Central
Empires exists. It is there that you have the over-
whelming supply of munitionmcnt piling up ; it is there
that you have much the greater number of the Allies
present, and it is there that you have the most intense,
complex and efficient civilisation opposed to the aggressor.
It is again the Western front which is most nearly in touch
with neutral supply and, in general, it is from the West
that the German lines, if or when they weaken, must
fear the worst peril of breaking. It is on the Western
front, therefore, alone, that a true decision is possible ;
in the near future, thoiigh later when the season has
changed and Russian rcannament is completed, the
difference between the liast and the West will be less
marked. The argument is that knowing tliis and knowing
that the delay within which such a decision is necessary
to him is brief, the enemy's next great effort — the last
one which he will be able to deliver in full force — will
develop in France and Flanders.
To these arguments there may be added one which
the French study omits, but which would seem to be of
considerable weight. An offensive in the West cotild be
delivered leith German forces alone.
An offensive in the East would demand the co-opera-
tion of the Austrian service in a very large proportion.
United though the control now is in Prussian hands, there
is a lack of homogeneity necessarily present in any further
operations in Poland. The strong stiffening of first rate
German troops present nine months ago disappeared in
the enormous losses of the summer lighting.
An operation against Salonika again (it could not
possibly be decisive of the war nor even immediately
productive of negotiations for an inconclusive peace)
would be still more heterogeneous in composition. The
material conditions for undertaking it will be present
when the Vardar railway is so thoroughly restored as
to be capable of bringing up grea* masses of heavy shell,
which riiay be in anything from a few days to a month.
But the infantry, which would have to clench the artillery
attack, would be of all sorts and conditions, principally
Bulgar, perhaps partly Turk, and the whole thing com-
plicated by political considerations highly divergent as
between the Austrians, Germans, Bnlgars and Turks,
with the further element of confusion presented by the
. fact that Greek soil would be invaded.
If then, the ^irguments in favour of the enemy's
attempt of an offensive in the West are the strongest, as
they clearly are, of what nature would such an attack
be, and what would be the chances of its success ?
Chances of Success.
Here the answer can only be on the analogy of the
past. Such an attack would apparently be an attack
upon not less than two main sectors, the largest upon
a front of not less than some fifteen miles, and more pro-
bably twenty, the smaller certainly at least ten, and the
two separated by so considerable an interval as to be
sufficient to form a dangerously large salient, should the
Allied line be bent back at the two separated points of
attack. At each such point the preliminary to that
attack would be the same massed lieavy artillery fire
which the French were the first to develop in this" cam-
paign a year ago in Champagne, and which the enemv
ropied so successfully three months later upon the
Dunajec.
All analogies, by the way, with the fighting in front
of Yprcs at the end of 1914 may iirovc misleading. At
that time the " drum fire " of a vast number of heavy
pieces concentrated on one comparatively small area was
neither possible nor attempted. There has h:cn no rv-
pericHcc yet in the West of the enemy attacking in this
form. The present economy of shell practised by the
enemy is no guide. He is certainly accumulating ammu-
nition this winter as he did last. It is possible, or
probable, that the artillery preparation would be pre-
ceded by very active trench work ; the attempt to
bite into and to weaken sections of the line by an in-
crease in the number and rate of fire of the trench
weapons. There is even a theory that the future of
the war will see a modification of heavy artillery attack
in favour of a great development in this concentrated
short range work delivered from the trench line itself.
It is a theory which cannot be judged by the observer
at a distance. It is one which only practical experience
can judge ; but it is already debated.
At any rate, after such a preparation, mainly presum-
ably of highly concentrated fire, long maintained from
heavy pieces, will come, as it has already come from our
side in the past, the massed infantry attack with a hope
at the best of breaking the fine, at second best of occupy-
ing, as the Allies occupied in September, a wide belt of
first line trenches, capturing some thousands of prisoners
and some scores of guns.
Now the possibility of prosecuting such a plan
depends upon two things : (i) The power to concentrate
either unobserved or undisturbed, and (2) the inability
or unwillingness of your opponent to create a diversion.
The great French and British concentration before
the attack of last September was imperfectly observed
by the enemy because his air work was not adequate
to the task. He certainly had information sufficient
to make him obtain a rough judgment of tliat concentra-
tion, but he seems to Iiavc missed the details of it.
Further, he was in doubt as to the moment when the
infantry attack would be launched. This was particu-
larly tiie case in Champagne where the " drum fire "
would be checked for a moment as though an assault
were to take place, the German communication trenches
would be immediately filled with men coming up to
repel that assault, and once those trenches were en-
cumbered with moving troops the drum fire would begin
again with murderous results.
On the other hand, the Germans last September
were not in a position to check our concentration by an
earlier counter-attack upon our line elsewhere. The
number of their pieces, and of their men, and the amount
of their munitionment collected on the West was calcu-
lated to a minimum for defensive purposes. Their
weight was in the East ; and they had just completed a
very laborious concentration of weapons and munition-
ment upon the Danube.
It is clear that in both these respects the Allied line
as against a German offensive in the near future would be
in a very different position from what the Germans were
in when they received the Allied attack of last September.
The new German monoplanes have, partly and for the
moment checked, but not in any decisive manner, the
extended flights of obsen-ation still taken by Allied
aircraft over the German lines. It would be quite im-
possible to prevent the higher command of the French
and British having a thorough and detailed acquaintance
with the enemy's concentration of men and guns. His
junctions, once sncli a concentration was in full swing,
would be under bomb attack from the air and long range
artillery attack from the land.
In the second point also the Allies arc in a very
different position from what the Germans were four
months ago. They are not cut down to a bare defensive.
They have a great superiority in number whether of men
or of guns or of munitions. There is nothing to prevent,
their meeting an enemy concentration by a violent
diversion elsewhere.
One side lesson would seem to emerge very strongly
from these considerations, and that is tiie extreme im-
portance of leaving our airwork at such a moment un-
touched by any interference foreign to the military
organisation which has given i such perfection. The
keeping back of aircraft to calm the nen-cs of civilians at
home, indeed any kind of publicity with regard to the
production and^use of the machines or open criticism of
that use would, at such a moment, be criminal and
February lo, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
treasonable. Those two words arc very strong words,
but they are not too strong for the occasion. Airwork
is so much the pivot upon which all the elements of sur-
prise and of discovery (which are capital to the enemy's
offensive or to our counter-offensive) turns that in these
next few weeks especially it is plain duty— which the
Government should, if necessary, enforce— to prevent
any confusion of the air-service by political or civilian
intrigue at home.
Two More Examples of the Necessity for
Fuller Official Statements.
My readers will remember the analysis I gave of
the statement of German losses, too briefly stated
by IMr. Tennant in the House of Commons on the 21st
December, and again a month later on January 17th.
The ligures were, in the one case apparently taken
from certain totals issued by the enemy, and in the other
case corrected by a careful consideration of his detailed
lists. They did not tally and in some features were self-
contradictory.
It is, of course, universally known by those who
study the matter that these lists are imperfect, and the
e\idence of this has been so often set forth in Lanu and
NV.VTEK that the briefest of repetition is suthcient ; on
the face of it, they arc from six weeks to two months
late, and often contain namc^ far more belated — some
times six months, very often three or four. They omit
all mention of the sick (shock to the system, frostbite, lung
diseases, laming, accident, etc., etc.), and many of the
lighter cases of wounded.
We pointed out how, if these modified lists had been
soberly stated in an enlarged ofticial announcement, the
result would have been of the greatest value to the con-
iirming of pubhc opinion ; not to its heartening or dis-
heartening— the time has passed for looking at news either
way— but simply to its knowledge of facts. Those facts,
coupled with other sources of evidence, as they would
appear in any reasoned official statement, give a total dead
loss (counting permanent margin of temporary losses) of
at least more than three and a half millions.
That is a mere commonplace for all military opinion,
and it agrees roughly with the proportionate losses of
all the other belligerents\
The very great harm done by the negative policy of
not making such expanded and reasoned othcial announce-
ments, may be seen in the current issue of the National
Review.
Here is a publication very widely read among the
educated classes, commanding considerable influence,
and edited by a public-spirited man, undoubtedly desirous
of supporting opinion to the best of his abihties during
this strain. Yet I find on pages 825 and 826 matter
which would never have appeared if, what is common
knowledge throughout Europe to those who are following
these matters, it had only appeared in the form of an
official document— as it does in France for instance.
Mr. Maxse in the National Review, has taken the
iokil German losses up to the end of 1915 to be " ofiicially
stated" .by our own Government as not more than 2i
million men !
Mr. Tennant did not desire, of course, to give that
grotesque impression. But the impression has been
given and is widely believed in this country simply because
the German figures quoted in the House of Commons
were cut down to the barest possible limit without any
explanation or comment.
In the same connection Mr. Maxse remarks that
while Germany is only losing 500,000 killed per annum,
her new recruits actually approximate this number.
The idea behind this remark being that wastage is pretty
well replaced by recruiting.
As wc all know, the amount of German dead is very
much more than the figure mentioned — it is, to the end
of 1915 at least 700,000— and the total wastage of any
army is a high multiple of its dead ; always at least five
times as nuich, and usually nearer six.
The whole matter is a detail which it would be hardly
worth wasting space upon were it not for a considera i >n
of the effect such nonsense may have on opinion. We
have seen plenty of other nonsense ; Russians passing
through England in whole divisions and arniy corps ;
the " steam Kuller " ; the new short ranire German aero-
plane making flights over the Midlands ; German sub-
marine boats walking along the bottom of the Channel
and coming up on the beach at Dover. (It is true that
this was in a popular paper.) The immediate entry of the
United States upon our side — and heaven knows what
other rubbish. Now we have the scare that the enemy
wastage is in some miraculous way only half of the corre-
sponding wastage of the Allies, and involves the coming to
life of dead men.
It is, of course, nonsense, but it is nonsense worth
checking at the moment of its appearance ; though it
will be as dead as mutton when the present mood of
depression is past.
The second example of the same necessity, furnished
in the past week, is to be found in connection with the
Mesopotamian expedition. An oflicial message from
Delhi, of the briefest, reached London Tuesday, the cjth,
to the effect that the British force at Kut would stay
there (they can hardly do otherwise for the moment !)
and that General Aylnier's force is not so mUfch a relieving
force as a " support." Now the only possible expanded
meaning of such a statement is, that the force at Kut
has ample supplies for a very prolonged resistance, and
that therefore the contaiimient of it by the enemy in-
volves it in no innnediate danger. That is excellent
news. But with such a valuable piece of public infor-
mation in hand of no conceivable advantage to the
enemy, one moreover admitted by implication, why
not publish it openly and at some length explaining the
added strength such a situation gives to further opera-
tions on the Tigris ? It would be all to the good and
very little trouble. H. Belloc."
KNOWLEDGE FOR WAR.
We liavc received a little work from the pen of Major
B. C. Lake, King's Own Scottish Borderers, entitled Know-
ledge for Way (Messrs. Harrison and Sons, St. Martin's Lane.)
This book may be mo5t heartily recommended, and that at a
moment when the output of such elementary and practical
text books is considerable and increasing. It is specially
marked by an immediate i)ractical quaUty which distinguishes
it from the greater part of similar work and includes a great
mass of observation and experience entirely gained in tiie
last few months of the present campaign.
To those who 'would test the value of this frankly
laudatory criticism we would suggest a reading of pages 47-63
whicli deal with the practical side of trench work, or again
()g-74, which deal with the practical work of entanglements
and obstacles. It is rare indeed to see so muc'i uscfur state-
ment immediately available put into so small a space, and the
drawings which illustra,te the text are exactly what is needed
to convey the fullest and most rapid instruction. Not only
soldiers but civilians who desire to understand the present
trench warfare will do well to possess themselves of the book
and to note the points it describes. It is difficult to pick out
individual passages from what is so good, but further praise
may be extended to the notes upon the " hasty improvement
of ground " on page 21, or the few very valuable notes on the
drawing of a trench trace on page 39.
'Hie book is ])rovidcd within the outer cover with a
certain number <jf blank pages for notes, and wth a fairly
sufficient list of contents at the beginning. It is a convenient
small size for the pocket and not too thick. It is a defect that
no price is mentioned upon the cover or within the book, so wc
are not ourselves able in this notice to mention at what sum
the work is sold. Author and publisiier would do well to
remedy this. It may also be noted that the thin red card
binding chosen will very soon go to pieces in field use, and
those responsible for so valuable a little work may accept
the suggestion tliat the issue of a certain number, leather
covered, and perhaps at a sUghtly higher price, would be
gratefully received.
Mr. C. Arthur Pearson has started a sale of " Regimental
Rings " on be-half of the blinded soldiers at S. Dunstan's,
Regent's Park. Everybody wishing to help these brave
men who have suffered so cruelly for us should buy one.
They are made in gold shell at 2s. 6d. each, or in 9 carat gold
at a guinea, and each one is engraved with any crest required.
MR. ARTHUR KITSON'S ARTICLES.
We re'^ret that owing to pressure on our space Mr. Arthur
Kitson's current article on " The British Banking System "
has to bj held over until next iceck. It deals with the effect
the ~war has had on our b:inl\S.
LAND A-ND WATER. February lo, 1916.
A SONG OF THE GUNS.
By Gilbert Frankau.
8.-THE VOICE OF THE GUNS.
We are the guns, and your masters ! Saw ye our flashes ?
Heard ye the scream of our shells in the night, and the shuddering crashes ?
Saw ye our work by the roadside, the shrouded things thick -lying,
Moaning to God that He made them— the maimed and the dying ?
Husbands or sons,
Fathers or lovers, we break them. We are the guns !
Wo are the guns, and ye serve us ! Dare ye grow weary,
Steadfast at night-time, at noon-time ; or waking, when dawn winds blow dicury
Over the fields and the flats and the reeds of the barrier-water,
To wait on the hour of our choosing, the minute decided for slaughter ?
S\vift the clock runs ;
Yea, to the ultimate second. Stand to your guns I
We are the guns and we need you ! h^e,<mthe timbered
Pits that are screened by the crest, and We copse where at dusk ye unlimbered ;
Pits that one found us— and, finding, gave life (Did he flinch from the giving ?) ;
Laboured by moonlight when wraith of the dead brooded yet o'er the living,
Ere, with the Sun's -
Rising, the sorrowful spirit abandoned its guns.
Who but the guns shall avenge him?, Strip us for action; •
Load us and lay to the centremost hair j>f the dial-sight's refraction ;
Set your quick hands to our levers to compass the sped soul's assoiling ;
Brace your taut limbs to the shock when the thrust of the barrel recoiling
Deafens and stuns !
Vengeance is ours for our servants : trust ye the guns 1
Least of our bond-slaves or greatest, grudge ye the burden ?
Hard, is this service of ours which has only our service for guerdon :
Grow the limbs lax, and unsteady the hands, which aforetime we trusted ;
Flawed, the clear crystal of sight ; and the clean steel of hardihood rusted ?
Dominant ones, ' •■.'
Are we not tried serfs and proven — true, to lour guns? ■
Ye are the guns / Are we worthy ? Shall not these speak for ns,
Out of the woods where the tree-trunks are slashed with the vain bolts that seek for us,.
Thunder of batteries firing in unison, swish of shell flighting, '
Hissing that rushes to silence and breaks Jo the th<ud.pf alighting ,■
Death that outruns- \: " '
~-.--».,4,. ■ ' ,
Horseman and foot? Are we justified?,. Answer,' 0- guns !
Yea ! by your works are ye justified — toil unreUeved ;
Manifold labours, co-ordinate each to liie sending achieved ;
Discipline, not of the feet but the soul, unremitting, unfeigned;
Tortures unholy, by flame and by maiming, known, faced, and disdaihed ;
-Courage that shuns
Only foolhardiness ; even by these, are ye worthy your guns.
Wherefore — and unto ye only — power hath been given ;
Yea ! beyond man, over men, over desolate cities and riven ;
Yea ! beyond space, over earth and the seas and the. skies high dominions ;
Yea ! beyond time, over Hell and the fiends and the Death-angel's pinions.
Vigilant ones,
Loose them, and shatter, and spare not ! We are the guns !
Finis.
N.B.— Mr. Gilbert Frankau's poem *' A Song of the Guns" which has been appearing in
LAND AND WATER during the past few weeks, wilt be published 'Snimediately in
book form at one shilling net by Messrs. Chatto and Winilus under the title of " The Guns."
February lo, 1916.
LAND A N I? i^W A T E R .
AMERICA AND GERMANY.
By Arthur Pollen.
IT looks as if the controversy between Washington
and BcrUn must at last be terminated one way
or the other. The issue which President Wilson
raised in May is quite simple. Mr. Wilson laid
down in language that is fresh in our memory, that it was
contrary to justice and humanity that private ships
should be sunk upon the high seas, without both the
formahties of search and provision for the safety of
those on board. The reconciliation between the United
States and Germany depends upon Germany accept-
ing this view, and squaring her future conduct by
Mr. Wilson's code. And Germany cannot accept this
code without in terms disavowing her previous acts,
and disavowing them because they are illegal. This
ance of the American view and a breach between Berlin
and Washington. But further, unless Mr. Wilson sur-
renders, there seems no prospect of a breach between the
two countries being very long postponed. By this 1 mean
that if Germany yields now, as very likely she will, it
can only be as a purely temporary expedient. It will be
done with the idea of putting off the evil day of an open
quarrel with America for as long as possible. The open
quarrel is finally inevitable because our blockade, unless
checked, must, in the course of six months or so prove
fatal to Germany, and a ruthless and relentless submarine
war is Germany's only possibly reply. That it has already
brought her extremely low in many necessaries of life is
obvious. — •
That it can and will be made far more stringent
1. E.
M
N
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113 4 J 6 7 8 9 lOH 141JH I'lil? I819 M'2111 JjVjjiii? I«'29'30'3t
A3N
2. □
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I 1 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 1314 15 16 17 18 t9 20 21 22 i3 24 251627 28 2$ 30
.aAAfi
1 n griNi
N
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) a 3 4 56 7 8 9 10 1112 13 M 15 16 J7 18 19 2021 222324 25 25 27282930 31
I
1 n [ntd . n
JDU 1213 1415 16 17 18 19 20 21 222s 2* 25 26 27 28 29 30 31
The above diagrams show ships att>cke>} or sunk by mines and submarines in the months of October, November and December, 1915, and
January, 1916. Circles denotes ships sunk in the Mediterranean ; squares the ships sunk elsewhere. Blanks indicate British ships ; the
letter A Allied ships, and N Neutral ships.
has been Mr. Wilson's contention since May last. This
has been the point, and the only point, which has kept
controversy open to the present time. Germany has long
since offered to pay compensation and has already assured
tlie United States that instructions have been given to
the submarine commanders that are co«sonant with
America's wishes. The controversy then has been kept
alive solely on the points of disavowal and illegality,
and on these Germany will not surrender.
The American correspondents of the London papers
assure us now that a form of words will be found that
will get over this difficulty. But there can be no form
of words that saves German pride that does not involve
America iui the, humiliation;. .which • Germany avoids,
i^nd this'being'sQ.i caiiJiot„ji;pr..iKi}^ ojvn. part ajC.cept t^e
view of the sifuafioifwhicli'fiFie correspondents, have put
forward. I see no alternative between a German accept-'
and effective is certain. And a relentless submarine
blockade is Germany's only answer, because if submarines
have to comply with Mr. Wilson's rules their power for
mischief is reduced to a point of virtual impotence.
Are there any evidences that Germany has a very
severe submarine campaign in contemplation ? The
record of the submarine and mine campaign of the last
four months shows that there were 21 successes in
October, 53 in November, 43 in December and 25 in
January, The Mediterranean, campaign shows five in
October, 25 in November, 17 in December and seven in
January. The home waters campaign, 16 in October
28 in November, 26 in December and 18 in January. It
. looks then as if the Mediterranean campaign had been
.got in hand and that the home wafers campaign liad
never recovered from the ligure it was reduced to after the
'heavy toll our counter campaign had taken of the pirates
LAND AND WATER
February lO, 1916.
in the montli of Aiif:;ust and Soptcmbor. But it would
be a iE;rcat error to deduce from these figures that the on-
slaught on our trade will be or can be kept to these com-
parativelj' low figures. The toll \\hich was taken of
the German submarines— a toll by the way, which still
continues — limits the number of boats activelj' engaged
against us. But it is not the only limiting element.
There are fewer boats out,, not because there is a
paucity of boats, but because there is a paucity of trained
crews to man them.
Of the German capacitj' to produce submarines, and
subrnarines of a larger and more formidable tj-pc — more
formidable because clesigned for a greater radius of action
and carrying a heavier gun armament — there can be no
doubt whatever. Indeed it is a capacity that has
certainly shown a progressive increase since the war
began. The inference is then that Germany probably
possesses many more submarines than she can man, and
that many of those that she can man are withdrawn from
hostilities for training purposes. The situation that
existed in the months of October, November, December
and January, 1914, and 1915, has in all probability been
recreated. A reasonable inference is that as soon as the
new crews are ready a more violent and a more extensive
onslaught on our trade will be made, and will be made in
the light of the very costly experience which Germany
lias already had of our counter efforts. It will therefore
probably be made with* sea-going submarines, in the 0]>en
sea, and as far as may be from the narrow waters which
we have learnt to protect. I say that this is a reasonable
inference because no other counter stroke to our blockade
is conceivable.
Should this prove to be the situation is it not inevit-
able that cither America must stand by while Germany
sinks indiscriminately, or that a broach between America
and Germany must take place ? It might seem at first
sight as if to force America into hostilities could only
defeat Germany's ends by ensuring the blockade being
made more stringent. The truth probably is that Ger-
many knows that even without American assistance the
blockade will be made stringent enough to do the work.
The indications are, then, that there will either be an
immediate breach between Washington and Berlin or
that German}' will yield for the moment, knowing per-
fcctlj' well that the exigencies of the situation will compel
her to throw over the American code as soon as her
submarines are ready for business. It is quite incon-
ceivable that having stood out for a principle for nine
months, that Mr. Wilson should waive that jirinciplc now.
Finally, it would be a useless humiliation if he submitted.
America cannot stand by in the new campaign, if it is one
that disregards Mr. Wilson's code. And it must do so.
The High Seas Raider.
The raider that held up the Appam i,s supposed to be
a new merchant ship, the Potif;a, that was building at
Hamburg at the outbreak of war. If this supposition is
correct, it is unlikely that her speed is greater than 14 or
15 knots. Lieutenant Berg has been telling American
reporters that she is so enormously fast that our work will
be cut out if we try to catch her. If this is so, some very
radical changes must have been made in her construction.
People on the Appam describe her as displacing something
more than 4,000 and certainly Jess than 6,000 tons. No
ship of this displacement, built on the lines of a merchant-
man, can possibly be driven at 25 knots. Captain Harri-
son, it is true, said that her above water hull was shaped
as a tramp, but that her lines under water were those of
a yacht. But this hardly satisfies the conditions that
Lieutenant Berg i^roclaims. lentil it is proved there
is no rca.son for supposing that her speed is anything
exceptional, and speed would be a material fact or in
her power for mischief. .
Her story up to her encounter with the Appam
seems fairly clear —but the date of her escape is not given.
She escaped through our patrol lines disguised as a tramp
and flying false colours. There is nothing remarkable in
this. Not every neutral ship leaving the North Sea has
been stopped and searched as is every ship that enters it.
This, at least, has probably been the rule ; but it can be
the rule no longer. It will have to be a very clever raider
that gets through now. Where has the Ponga gone ?
There is still no news of her. No new captures have been
announced. There is no news r-f sliips being overdue*
For the moment then no new captures.can be presumed.
We can, of course, onty conjecture as to her whereabouts.
Her two obvious choices are as follows : If she is look-
ing only for a place of safe concealment, the innumerable
inlets round Cape Horn offer the best prospect. It was
here that the Dresden sheltered so long. It is possibly
here that the Macedonia, once in von Spec's fleet, may still
be hiding. But this would give her safety only.
But the best combination of refuge and raiding oppor-
tunity is undoubtedly to be found on the old hunting
grounds of the Karlsruhe. The north coast of Soutli
America, with its many inlets, the West Indian Islands,
with their innumerable coves and anchorages and
the trade route that passes Pernambuco to fall upon
— this is unquestionably the ideal field. The Karlsruhe,
it will be remembered, captured 16 ships in ten weeks
in this neighbourhood. But the Karlsruhe could show
a clean pair of heels to almost everything we had in the
Atlantic, and the Ponca, as we suppose, has no such
advantage.
If she has, we have cruiser resources to-da^' which
we did not possess in August, 1914. At that time, we
had under construction ih fast cruisers — eight Arcthusas
and eight Calliopes — all sixteen must long since have gone
into commission, and others as fast have no doubt suc-
ceeded them on the slips, \\ith the Indian Ocean, the
Pacific and the North and South Atlantic otherwise
free from enemy surface shijos, the demands on the
services of our cruisers is limited to (a) the scouting and
screening work demanded by the (irand Fleet and the
warships in the Mediterranean, and (b) the enforcement
of the blockade of (iermany. Things are thus very
chffercnt from what they were in the first six months of
the war. It is obvious then that the cniiser force
available for running down this or any other raider, is
not only enormously greater in numbers, but may with
perfect safety be made very different in quality from that
which could be employed against the cruisers and anned
merchantmen sent out against our commerce when war
began. Note first then that the career of any raider is
neither likely to be long nor destructive while it lasts.
But it is also worth remarking that if the Germans have
inaugurated this raiding adventure in the hope of distract-
ing counsel or weakening the cruiser force in the North
Sea, her expectations are likely to be disappointed. Our
available cruiser strength is, for once in our history,
greater than our immediate needs call for. Had Germany
expected war with Great Britain, had she put a sufficiency
of armed ships upon the trade routes before war began,
the story would have been very different. It will be very
different if fast ocean-going submarines come out in the
spring. But for the moment the situation is satisfactory.
German Plans.
As I remarked last week, the most obvious comment
on this incident is that it surprises us only because the
inertia of the German Fleet during the last eighteen
months has been so extraordinary. Just as our sub-
marines, both in the Baltic and in the Sea of Marmora,
have completely eclipsed the doings of the German sub-
marines, so would the naval resources of Gennany, had
they been in the hands of British officers, have done some-
thing either in the North Sea or in the Baltic in this long
interval of time. There are those who would have us
believe that the coyness of the (ierman Fleet masks
subtle and deep laid plans for our confusion. We should
be foolish indeed if we supposed that because (iermany
was taking no overt action against us, she was not prepar-
ing— and as sedulously as she could — some action in the
future. But the particular form of action with wlvich
we arc threatened does not seem well authenticated by
evidence, nor intrinsically very probable, nor, if true,
very formidable. About Germany's shipbuilding resources
there is after all no mystery. As she did not expect war
with England, it is unlikely that before the middle oi
1914 she had made any vast naval preparati'-- " that
were secret. That she has done all the shipbi di • in
her power since August, 1914, we can take for ^ ...ited.
But when all allowances are made, it is imlikely that be-
yond the Kronprinz, Lutzow and the Salami's she can
have added more than a single ship so far, or can add more
than four ships before the end of the current year. What
,10
February to, 1916.
LAND ANDWATER'
we are asked to believe is that tlie ships Germany has in
preparation are more formidable than anything afloat,
and that she is changing the character of the ships she
already possesses.
The 17 in. Gun Scare — and its Purpose.
It is now nearly eight weeks since an effort was first
made to work up a kind of scare by spreading the story
that the Germans had built a 17-inch gun, and were
arming all their new ships and re-arming their old ones
with this formidable weapon. For some time the censor-
ship succeeded in keeping this story out of the. papers,
but somewhat more than a fortnight ago — all other
efforts having failed — Mr. James Douglas of all people,
got the story into — the Daily Slews I Unfortunately
Mr. Douglas gave his reasons, instead of his authority,
for his statements. And the reasons resolved them-
selves into this, that a 17-inch shell had been fired
into the town of Dimkerque from a naval gun. The
facts which are fairly well known arc, that some time
last spring a few rounds of heavy shell were fired into
Dunkerque, but they were 15-inch, and not 17-inch, and
an airship reconnaissance showed that they were fired
from a giant howitzer and not from a naval gun ! Mr.
Douglas illogically deduces from his wrong information
that as it was a naval gun, it must have been built by
Krupps, that the Ersatz Hcrtha — now christened the
Hiudcnbur^ — must be armed with it, that probably a
homogeneous squadron of such ships are already afloat
and in commission, that the whole German Fleet fs being
re-armed with this weapon, and that any way monitors,
or some surli craft, carrying it will be sent on some
(undefined) mission for our destruction.
The talc was from the beginning a flight of imagina-
tion and would not be worth commenting on but for the
discxission to which it has given rise. ' It may be said
to have culminated in the Daily Telegraph and The
Observer calling for Lord Fisher's return. The argument
for Lord Fisher's return has durin.g the last few months
been based on the following curious series of statements.
1. He is our greatest sailor and naval strategist since
Nelson.
2. If he is a very old man — a disadvantage in war
— well, so was Lord Barham.
3. He is the creator of the Dreadnought fleet —
and therefore the only person capable of using it !
4. He discovered the means of destroying German
submarinesin home waters.
5. No sooner had he left the Admiralty than sub-
marines began to appear in the Mediterranean — a tiling
he would not liave allowed.
6. Gennany has adopted a gun bigger even than
Lord Fisher adopted, and therefore Lord Fisher must
return to produce a bigger one !
7. Germany is preparing a series of naval surprises
for us. Lord Fisher is the only person who can discount
these surprises and invent counter surprises of a still
more astonishing — and no doubt — practical nature.
8. Lord Fisher was the author of the Falkland
Islands success.
q. Although as first sea Lord he could have preven-
ted the Dardanelles fiasco, his failure may be excused
because naval opinion was divided on the possibilities
of effective bombardment. Hence the fact that he signed
svery order necessary for the Garden and dc Robeck
attacks, leaves him in no sense responsible for the policy
that dictated them !
All the above statements are quoted almost textually
from the columns of various papers of influence — many
of them from the signed articles of professed naval
correspondents. They are all cither untrue, or non-
sequiturs. It is somewhat of a task to attempt a
reply to statements of this kind. How are we to com-
pare any seaman with Nelson until some sailor has
handled fleets in war and in action with some results
comparable to Nelson's ? There hangs in front of me
as I write an old picture of Nelson surrounded by the
effigies of 26 sail of the line at whose capture he had
assisted between 1793 and 1801, that is before he had
accounted for Villcneuve's fleet at Trafalgar. What
common ground is there between the career of a man
who' had seen thi« amnnni- nf fighting before he was 43,
and the record of a sailor statesman whose sole experience
of war was the bombardment of Alexandria ? It is
impossible to go through these arguments in detail. The
truth is that Lord Fisher's friends are more enthusiastic
thanchscriminating. Note that it is purely a Press cam-
paign. In the navy, where admiration for Lord Fisher is
genuine, but instructed, a very different, but perhaps saner
view is taken of that remarkable man's career and capacity.
To the majority of officers, the objection to Lord Fisher's
returning to power is twofold. First, his failure either to
formulate a sound technical judgment of his own, or to
organise his staff so as to ensure the best technical guid-
ance, was absolute ; and this failure was Mr. Churchill's
only defence for the lamentable blunder of last February.
Secondly, if Lord Fisher were once more put in authority
the loyalty of the Navy to Whitehall would be strained to
an intolerable point. " The Band of Brothers " would
be split into cliques. And this is a matter I would seri-
ously ask the newspapers to weigh. It is really more
important that the navy, which knows it business, should
be satisfied with its rulers, than either the public or those
that guide the pubhc. For they do not, and cannot know
the navy's business so well as do the men on the active list.
A very distinguished officer, holding a high and important
command, was discussing a day or two ago the latest
manifestations of the Fisher campaign. " Is Fleet Street,"
he asked, " so called because real knowledge of naval
stratcg3' and of the inner working of the British Navy is
onlj' to be found there ? "
Arthur Pollen.
The Two-Stroke Enf;ine, by Dr. A. M. Low, D.Sc. (Temple
?res^, IP. 6d. net), the first full manual on the subject of
the two-stroke engine, is designed to redncc technicalities to
such a level that the layman will be able to comprehend them,
and at the same time to be of such a qualitv that it shall not
be beneath the notice of tlic expert.
Dr. Low has fa\ ourcd the ex| crt rather than the layman,
andsomeof his sayings will ;.rove hard to the common under-
standing. Such a compromise as he has attempted, however,
is a very difficult matter, and in fairness i't must be said that
tlic merest tyro will gain from the l-.ook a very good idea of the
two-stroke engine, its advantages, its defects, and its various
patterns. The book is fully illustrated with diagrams that
assist an easy comprehension of the text, and the work
throughout is as authoritative as it is complete.
SORTES SHAKESPEARIANyE,
By SIR SIDNEY LEE.
THE ZEPPELIN RAIDS.
Some airy devil hovers m the sky
And pours down mischief.
KING JOHN, III., ii., 2-4.
"The War OfTice has control of the defences of London. The
COflSC-line and the rest of Enfllnnd are the care of the Admiralty.*'
— THE ;/;MfiS, FebniBryllh
My soul aches
To knoiv, wJten huo authorities are tip.
Neither supreme, how soon confusion
May enter 'iwixt the gap 0/ both.
CORIOLANUS, III., i.. 108.11.
THE FATE OF L19.
For tvhat doth cherish weeds but gentle
air?
And ivhat makes robbers bold, b\U too
much lenity ?
3 HENRY, Vr., U., vi., 21-2.
II
:L A J\ D AiN J) W ATE R
February lo, 1916.
THE IMPERIAL TASK.
By Neoimperialist.
RELUCTANCE to discuss after-war develop-
ments till after the. war be won is normally
the mark of the practical intelligence. It is
waste of time buildiilg airy structures on
foundations of prophecy, or on calculations of which so
many terms are unknown that they have all the dis-
advantages and uncertainties of prophecy.
A very important exception must be made in favour
of as free and detailed a discussion as can be contrived
amidst our tragic preoccupations and anxieties, of the
great question of the Imperial settlement.
It is certain that the urgency of that question and
the general lines of the settlement will be unaffected by
any possible issue of the war. The utmost that the
already chastened imagination of the directors of the
Central Powers can now 'envisage in the way of success
is the stalemate which may give them the pause for tiie
rebuilding of their grandiose plans. Such a result,
disastrous as it would be to us, could only, under the driving
sense of a common danger now intimately realised,
precipitate that process of setting our house in order,
and welding the peoples of Greater Britain into a duly
organised state, as opposed to the mere casual and
indeterminate alliance which the British Empire is now
in actual fact — an alliance with certain very definite
factors of disintegration conflicting with the more
obvious factors of unification.
If, on the other hand, victory crowns the arms of
the Allies, as the resolute temper of the allied peoples and
conservative calculation of their resources alike give
the most abundant hope, there will be given to the British
race an opportunity of erecting the most solidly based
system of defences of personal and poHtical freedom of>
which the world yet holds record. It is indeed a destiny
that beckons with an heroic gesture.
Let the reader not think that such phrases are
lightly set down in a mood of rhetorical exuberance. It
is easy to wa.x vaguely eloquent over the obviously
spectacular aspects of JBritish Imperialism. The least
imaginative of those amongst us who have a little free-
dom and leisure in our lives can be inspired by the acreage
of a territory amounting to but little less than a quarter
ji the earth's surface, and by the grand muster of its
peoples, numbering substantially more than a quarter of
the human race.
These vast figures cover a variety of types and stages
of political development, a series of problems of widely
differing character and complexity. They convey k
generalsense of enormous responsibility, or, to those who
still think in terms of dominion, of enormous power.
Clear thought about this immense conglomerate can only
begin when the problems are sorted into their various
categories. Naturally the first problem which detaches
itself, the key- problem in fact, is that of the relations
between the" Mother Country and the self-governing
dominions. It is that problem, referred to as the Im-
perial settlement and separated so far as is possible from
the question of the relations between the Imperial Govern-
ment and the less-developed races, which will be con-
sidered in this series of Imperial studies.
The thinking that must go to its Imal and adequate
solution cannot be postponed till the happy issue of the
war, because only very slowly can the principles which
a somewhat intricate problem involves be apprehended,
canvassed and established in the public mind. It is
indeed more than likely that our own preoccupation with
clamorous domestic problems of demobilisation and the
labour troubles, with the recriminations and inquisitions
as to Ihe preparedness for and conduct of the war, wJien the
general peace breaks our particular political truces,
may then prevent this qiicstion being seen in its proper
perspective. It is really the fact, though it may soimd
paradoxical, that the days of our trial provide a better
occasion for those who are not directly engaged in the
business of war to think out this problem of the comple-
tion of the unfinished constitution of the British Empire,
than thie davs that follow the declaration of peace.
The paramount fact that the writer seeks to establish
.n these articles is that the real issue is shirked. That
real issue is: that the self-governing nations, The
Dominion of Canada, The Commonwealth of Australia,
New Zealand, and the Union of South Africa, conveniently
but loosely referred to as the Dominions- — a term whicJi
carries mischievous implications — must, as the essential
token of their free fellowship in the Imperial Federation,
be, on demand, admitted to a responsible share in the
control of imperial foreign policy ; with the corollary that
thev must also share the financial responsibility in some
justly calculated proportion. Control of voted funds is
an essential, not merely an accidental, attribute of
responsible self-government.
No doubt the issue is often not clearly seen. A vague
cloud of good will, good will now immeasurably increased
by the splendid fellowship of the war, tends to obscure
the fact that a ciuite definite and precise solution of a
tangible difficulty must be sought — a difficulty which un-
solved may imperil the unity of Greater Britain, as a
not altogether dissimilar difficulty, left unsolved, actually
sheared the American colonies from England with the
Declaration of Independence on that fateful fourtli of
July in 1776.
In a recent review in these columns of The Nciv
Empire Partnership occasion was taken to observe how
two w(iIl-informed and zealous Imperialists, Messrs. Percy
and .■\rchibald Hurd, forecasting the future of the Empire,
curiously failed to face this essential issue. The whole
trend of their argument seemed to lead their horses to
this particular fence, but they refused the jump. Another
notable instance may be recalled in Sir Joseph Ward's
motion at the Imperial Conference of 191 1. Whether
from a prudent decision not to press a point for which
the occasion seemed in his judgment unfavourable, or
from actual confusion of thought as from the context
seems more likely, he allowed the President (Mr. Asquith)
to ride him off the essential ground of discussion.
It is quite possible that the President's action on that
occasion was deliberate. Politicians do not want prob-
lems with sharp edges. Seriou? changes and I'eal diffi-
culties are involved in preparing for the final and irrevoc-
able step of the " self-governing " dominions from re-
stricted to full responsibility of government.
Reasons for the general reluctance of statesmen and
writers to approach a direct solution must be discussed in
due place.
Meanwhile the general procedure is to assume quite
rashly that good will and loyalty will carry us through
all troubles as they have already carried us in strengthened
unity through this testing crisis of war. But " sentiment
is not government " though it prepare the way for a
solution of the problems of government. It is the
business of statesmanship to put this admirable mutual
regard to use in steering through the undoubted diflicul-
ties of the future settlement.
It will make clearer the general argument of these
papers if the thesis, which, as the writer begs leave to
argue, states the logical and only safe solution of the
Imperial problem, be here outlined.
The Dominions must be allowed to claim a share of
responsibility for Imperial and Foreign policy, co-ordin-
ate with, and of the same essential nature as, the res-
ponsibility of Great Britain. The Imperial Executive
must be answerable to the electorate of the Dominions
as well as to the electorate of Great Britain which
now alone* decides questions of foreign policy and a
war ; because no other solution is consistent with the
fundamental rights of self-government, the unassailable
heritage, as it has now become by accumulated precedent
and c( mmon consent, of every British subject fit to exer-
cise political responsibility ; because no other can prevent
ambiguous loyalties, causes of quarrel and disintegration
of which significant episodes of our history give us
warning.
There can be no half-way house between organised
unity on the one hand and inevitable disintegration on
the other. And the ^Mother of Parliaments must realise
that she has to face sacrifices of privilege which she has
grown to think established in the nature of things^-she
has to pay the price of Admiraltj- and of Serxicc.
I
February lo, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
BRITAIN'S AEROPLANE POLICY.
By F. W. Lanchester.
[The pnhlic have been dazzled from time to time bv
accounts of monster aeroplanes capable of carrying
a numerically large crew and many guns of
various calibre. Sections of the British Press
have asked it'hy we are behindhand in the
development of the big aeroplane. In the present
articles, Mr. Lanchester points outthe limitations
of the big machine and some of the advantages
to be derived from concentrating our national
resources on numbers rather than on individual
size or power.]
THERE is a degree of attractiveness, and to the
more adventurous an almost fatal fascination,
in any extreme, no matter in wfiat direction it
may be, which is not possessed or excited by
anything moderate or ordinary ; the ordinary thing by
contrast frequently wears the aspect of the humdrum.
This attractiveness or fascination is commonly greater
when bigness rather than smallness is in question. A
proposal to do something or anything on a scale larger
than has ever been done before is rarely found to lack
advocates. It is to this that many of the "white elephants"
of history have owed their existence ; thus for example,
the anticipation of the mammoth liner of to-day in the
building of the Great Eastern — incidentally a strik-
ing monument to the genius of Brunei — was, broadly
speaking, a fruitless enterprise ; it was premature. Again
the attempts made by engineers (mainly on the Continent),
to build gas-engines of large individual units, i.e., cyHn-
ders of 30 inches bore or even greater, were foredoomed
to failure — failure which might have been predicted by
any scientific engineer of the period, and probably would
have been so predicted had not those concerned been
hypnotised or dazzled by the hopes of big achievement—
by the very idea of bigness.
Fearlessness of Pioneers.
On the other hand one cannot be other than filled with
admiration for the fearlessness of the pioneers of the steam
engine when confronted with some of their handiwork. Take
for example a large Cornish pumping engine, or the engines
of the Great Eastern itself, cylinders of colossal size almost
unknown in modern practice, and this at a time when
available resources in material and knowledge were not
a tithe of what they are to-day. And, let it be said, this
early work has stood the test of time to a degree and in
a manner that even its authors can scarcely have antici-
pated ; examples have survived as much as a century's
continuous usage.
To a certain extent therefore we must regard the
craving for bigness as one of the factors in history which
has contributed materially to progress, in fact it is prob-
able that there is scarcely a man who has made a mark
in the world, who has not at one time or another derived
inspiration from the mere thought or conception of
something bigger or finer than anything of which he has
experience.
When it comes to execution or realisation in any
problem it is necessary to strike a balance ; on the one
hand we must not be carried away by an access of mild
megalomania, neither on the other hand must we be
incapable of imagining a courageous thing and of
carrying it into execution when the circumstances
warrant. We must be ever prepared to adopt a bold
and fearless policy when once after due consideration
we have decided that it. is right ; it is in the niatter of
reaching the correct decision that the scientific training
of the modern engineer should if anywhere justify itself.
There is a popular tendency which frequently mani-
fests itself to jump to conclusions by founding a too hasty
judgment on analogy. To postulate an analogy ,is
dangerous ; it is dangerous in any case, but it is often the
more dangerous by its very plausibility, at the best it
is a mere imitation of true reasoning. We may grayt
that experience has demonstrated the commanding im-
portance of the bitr warship, whether battleship or cruiser ;
also experience has demonstrated the value of big guns
both in warfare by land and by sea ; big ship must be
met by big ship, big gun must be answered by big gun.
But it does not follow from this in the least degree that
tlie big aeroplane will require to be met or answered by
big aeroplane, or indeed that an extension in the direc-
tion of bigness will in the aeroplane be of any advantage
whatever. This is a matter which must be settled by
the properties or characteristics of the aeroplane as an
instrument of war, and in this connection the aeroplane,
and more generally the Aeronautical Arm, must be
studied as a thing sui i^encris.
Cheap Analogies.
The foregoing might be deemed as bordering on the
obvious, but, that it is not so, witness the enormous
number of " cheap " analogies which are made the basis
of so-called inventions, and dished up for the delectation
of the various inventions committees and sub-committees
• — much to their pain and sorrow.
As a prelude to entering on the main subject of dis-
cussion it may be pointed out that the most appropriate
size of aeroplane, and number required, for the perform-
ance of any stated duty will in any case depend upon a
balance of advantages and disadvantages. There are
some factors which in any case are without material or
serious influence, and which in the language of the
mathematician may be regarded as constants ; at the out-
set it is necessary to form some true appreciation of the
relative importance of those other factors and considera-
tions on which the issue may be definitely said to depend.
Firstly it may be laid down that the basis, on the
material or economic side, must be that of cost. It may
be asked, wlien so many hundreds of millions are being
spent annually and when so relatively small a part of
this mighty total is being spent upon aircraft, why worry
as to cost. If big machines are better than small why
not order big machines in the same numerical quantity ?
The reason is that just as cost qua cost ceases to be im-
portant, it follows that the manufacturing resources
of the country, and we may say the world, will be occupied
to the full, and so cost as a measure of the facility of
manufacture becomes again paramount, or, we may say,
remains paramount.
Cost and Size.
Now as to the relation between cost and size of
machine. There is no invariable rule relating the cost
to the size (or weight in the present case) of any manu-
factured article. Expressing the cost at per lb. or per
ton there are cases, as in yacht or ship building for
example, where for a certain class or quality of article
the cost per unit weight is little affected by size. It so
happens that the military aeroplane comes roughly
speaking within this category ; it can be manufactured
and sold at the present time complete with engine, at a
figure round about 15s. per lb. whether it be large or small.
This figure is no actual guide to the future ; eventually it
may become lower, but for some time it may rise, since
the tendency is for the power installation to increase,
and this is the most expensive portion of the whole.
Beyond this the greater part of the cost is involved in
removing or cutting away superfluous material, and so
far as improvement is effected in this direction the
weight is reduced and the cost increased so that the
price per lb. goes up on two counts.
The point of importance here is not so much the
actual present day or future cost figure or selling value,
it is the fact that cost and weight go together, and that
consequently the military problem, as concerning con-
structive policy, is to determine, for any given duty,
whether a certain limited aggregate weight of tonnage
of machines is best disposed by the provision of a certain
number of large machines, or by a greater number of
smaller ones. Put tersely the problem is, given a certain
total tonnage to what extent it is desirable that it should
be subdivided in order to obtain the highest military
\^aJue There may arise special reasons why a machine for
LAND AND WATER
February lo, 1916.
some particular duty needs to bu uf a definite mininuun
weight, appropriate to the load it may have to bear.
Thus if for some purpose it is deemed that a giant bomb,
weighing say one ton, is necessary, the aeroplane to carry
it must weigh in the region of four tons. To exceptional
cases such as this the present discussion does not of
course apply.
In all cases where no such condition exists there is
one very strong argument in favour of employing units
as small as conveniently possible in great numerical
strength. This reason is tliat of fire concentration. In
my " Aircraft in Warfare " I have shown that this is
determined by a law which I have termed the " N* " Law ;
this law, which rests ultimately on mathematical de-
monstration, but which is independently supported
(quantitatively) by an analysis of Nelson's dispositions
prior to tlic battle of Trafalgar, informs us that if a fleet,
m the present application our air fleet, meets an enemy
fleet in battle, its fighting strength or value is propor-
tional to the square of its number of units, and directly
i:)roportional to the unit \'alue or power.
Relative Strengths.
In the simplest case if the units of both fleets are'of the
same value, the relative strengths of two opposed fleets is
proportional to the squares of their numbers respectively ;
thus a fleet 50 strong could meet and destroy a fleet of 40
and the residue could meet ua equal terms a fleet jo strong,
because so''' ^ 30'' plus 40-.
In practice the chances would be very much in
favour of the single fleet of 50, for, flesh and blood being
what it is, some remnant of the first fleet to be engaged
would assinedly quit the scene when it becomes evident
that the alternative is anihilation.
In the case of machines of different individual
fighting value, the advantage of seeking strength by
number rather than by individually powerful units
becomes immediately demonstrable. Thus let the one
belligerent be assumed to place his reliince on machines
of great individual gun power, and build a fleet of
" battle planes " mounting three machine guns apiece ;
let the enemy on the other hand send into action a fleet
of the same tonnage of single gun machines — we may
fairly assume of three times the numerical strength — thus
if the numerical strength of the first fleet be .m, by the
N-square law that of the second will be 3«, the fighting
value of the first fleet wfll therefore be «- by 3 and that
of the second will be (3») "^ by i = 9?t- or three times the
value of the other. That is to say for a given expenditure
on the creation of a fleet, and for the same number of
men and guns, the policy of the small one-man machine
gives a superiority over the large three man machine
in the ratio of three to one in effective fighting strength,
an advantage which can only be described as overwhelm-
ing.
It is always to be admitted that there is the personal
factor which cannot be taken into account by any mathe-
matical comparison. Also there are such questions as
the direction of light and the other unforeseen conditions
which in any actual engagement contribute to a potent
degree to the ifltimate result. All and any of these,
however, are as likely to favour one belligerent as the other
and the arithmetical computation of relative strength as
a generalisation is in no wise invalidated by these con-
siderations.
The N-Square Law.
It is not without interest to follow out the working of
the N-square law in detail in the example above given.
Let it be first assumed that the large machine offers as
good a target, but no better than the small machine.
Now we will suppose one large machine which we will call
the Battle Plane with its three guns to be attacked by
three of the single-man craft of the enemy, whicii we
wiUcall Fokkers, to fix our ideas; let it be supposed tliat
each of the three guns of the Battle Plane are dirc'clcd at
one of the Fokkers, then, under the return fire of one of
the Fokkers the Battle Plane will be hit just as often as
it itself " gets one home," and if \vc count only hits which
are deemed mortal, the Battle Plane will be mortally
hit three times over (once by each of its assailants) whilst
each of the said assailants are hit once each. Hence where
large numbers are concerned a given onnage of sin;^le gun
machines would destroy three successive fleets of equal
tonnage of three gun machines before its own power is
completely broken.*
Now as to the assumption. The actual target pre-
sented by the three gun machine is considerably greater
than the one gun machine ; this, so far is it a vulnerable
target in respect of which one hit is mortal, is stifl further
against the three gun type. In this category we may in-
clude engine, petrol tank, and such- like. The three
gunners, although presenting three times the vulnerable
target of one, will commonly require three hits for their
destruction, and this may be taken as neutralising the
larger target they present since with equally good gunnery
they will coflectively receive three hits to one given.
Thus the net result is to place the three gun machine at
a disadvantage beyond that which the N-square law
indicates.
As a mode of defence against counter aircraft artillery
also the importance of numerical strength is paramount,
though perhaps not so decisive as in aerial combat. Thus
one well directed shell of large calibre is sufficient to put
an end to an aeroplane large or small, in fact the large
machine presenting a greater vulnerable target is at a
disadvantage. The destruction of a fleet of raiders,
therefore is the more difilcult as the number of aeroplanes
is the greater. Conversely llu' injury inflicted in " loss
of tonnage " per unit time will be inversely as the number
of machines employed. From this j)oint of view there-
fore the smaller the individual machines the more effi-
ciently and economically will their duties hr. jxTlormed.
In the present article the case has been fully presented
for numerical strength as against the individually powerful
unit. In a second article the arguments will be given
on the other side, and, so far as it is possible, conclusions
will be formulated as to the general lines which in my
opinion should be followed in our constructive pro-
gramme.
Our Pre-ent State of Knowledge.
I will say, however, here that in my opinion there are
no satisfactory arguments which can be fornmlatedin the
present state of knowledge in support of the large machine
for conducting aerial w'arfare, the " Battle Plane " as if
has been popularly termed. I am fairly convinced that
in any case the numerically strong fleet of one-man one-
gun macliines represents the best line of policy both for
the time being and for the more immediate futmx.
A dav may come when the size of air fleets will be so
unwieldy that the only possibility of increasing fighting
strength will be by augumentation of the power of the
unit, but this is so far distant that it cannot legitimately
be allowed to influence our present policy. Above
everything in the fighting machine for defensive purposes,
whether for anihilating the reconnaissance service of the
enemy, or for defeating his aerial raids, the big three or
four-man aeroplane is radically out of jjlace. Such
heavy type will never be able to give a good account of
itself in comparison with an equal tonnage of the smaller
machine.
We have heard in the daily press much talk about
the German " Fokker," the supposed wonderful qualities
of which machine have been lavishly praised. It is not
the technical excellence of the Fokker which we have to
fear or watch, it is — if I may say so— the Fokker policy.
In ^foll Davis, bv Bernard Capss (Gco-ge Allen and Unwin)
f)S., a pretty conTJcly of Kestoratiou days, more depends
on manner than on nuitter ; the author has evidently a horror
of solecisms, wliicli, i)erliaps, is the reason why he spares us
the entry of Charles himself, although the scene is mainly
at Whitehall, and stops short at tlie Duke of York as a figure
in the play. Moll Davis, gay and heartless, is set by George '
Hamilton to complete the estrangement between Lord
Cliesterlield and his wife, (leorgC having designs on the wife
after the cu.stom of the times. Since Cliesterlield and his lady
are not on speaking terms, Moll enters their house as guest,
letting each suppose that the x)tlier had invited her ; the
result is comedy, never degenerating to farce, but with many
wittv touches ititersi)ersed among the incidents of the story.
The author has been cariful to avoid exaggeration of the
manners of the period, and his book serves to pass a pleasant
hour or two— as a well-told story ought.
• A tarcful c.xiimination of the argument as here given shows that
it is not exact ; it imis,t be taken as a jjopulariscd version of that
wliicli is proved more rigidly in my ' .Aircraft in Warfare " (CouiiaWe.
Loudou) in whicli many examples and appUcatious are given.
February lo, 1916.
LAND AND WA T E R
SAVE THE SERBIAN ARMY.
By Alfred Stead.
[We have made many mistakes in the Balkans — there is
danger of yet another. There is one -paramount and
pressing duty before the Allies to-day. It is to lose no
more time but at once reorganise the Serbian army
and add a hundred thousand men to the Allied armies
The writer, Mr. All red Stead, has only recently
returned from the Balkans.]
SERBIA has suffered more cruelly and more
uselessly in this war than any of theAllicd Powers.
And to-day the Allies have a great duty to
fulfil towards the remnants of the Serbian
nation and army, a duty which must be fulfilled at once.
Delay is impossible, unthinkable. We have already
sacrificed the Serbian people through delay, and cannot
now sit down and watch the final destruction of the few
thousands of fighting men who, undaunted by hardships
and undiscouraged by abandonment, only ask to be
allowed to fight again. For that is all that the Serbian
army asks to-day to. be allowed to reorganise itself
and re-equip so that in a few short months, a Serbian
force may co-operate with the British, French and
Italian troops in the Balkans. Let us therefore bend
every effort on making the Serbian army an active
fighting force again as soon as possible.
The Allied policy in the Balkans has centred around
one principal crroi-, which nothing seemed capable of
driving out of the heads of those in power in London,
Petrograd or Paris. The belief in Bulgarian friendliness
to the Allied cause was able to resist all the onslaughts of
facts — proof of a treaty between Bulgaria and Germany
before the war, a Bulgarian loan from Germany during
the war, Turkish cession of territory to Bulgaria, all
these were unavailing. It vvas, therefore, no wonder that
the warnings from Bucarcst and the apprehensions of
Nish went unheeded.
Reasoned Advice.
We choose to ignore the reasoned advice of the Ser-
bian Government, treating the Serbian aUies as if they
were prejudiced, narrow-minded self-seekers — quite over-
looking the fact that the earher months of the war had
given the Allies ample proof of the value of Serbian
aid to the common cause. The Serbian armies had been
able totally to disorganise the Austrian military machine,
but the Serbian Government was not worth listening to
when it came to be a question of Bulgaria. And so
inevitably the allied policy towards Serbia became
warped, and instead of regarding the Serbians as loyal
allies, it became almost a habit to look upon them as
pig-headed and undisciplined fellows standing in the way
of an arrangement with Bulgaria.
On the Serbian side, every day brought a growing
belief in the certainty of a Bulgarian attack, and an
increasing disinclination to embark in any action until
the Bulgarian question had been disposed of. Led by
the nose by the astute sovereign of Bulgaria, the Allies
bullied Serbia, forced her to agree to relinquishing much
of her territory to satisfy Bulgarian demands, and all
this without any real certainty of winning Bulgaria.
Had the Serbians not been very loyal such an allied
pohcy might well have had I'he effect hoped for in Vienna
and Berlin, that is to say, Serbia disgusted, and rightly,
would have been driven into a separate peace and an
advantageous arrangement with the Central Powers.
But Serbia has always been too loyal to allied policy and
alhed advice ; it would have been better for her and for
her Allies had she disregarded much of the advice and
gone her own way deciding her own course of action.
In one thing only did Serbia go counter to the allied
desires, and that was in the occupation of the strategic
points of Albania and the support of Essad Pasha. And
to this alone the Serbian army owed its sole refuge in
disaster and was able to pass through the Albanian tribes
with a minimum of loss.
The obvious project of an attack by Allied and
Serbian troops towards Budapest in the early part of
last year was not proceeded with. This attack would
have pierced the Achilles heel of the Central Powers,
would have brought in the Roumanians and enabled
the Russians to pass the Carpathians — it^ would also
have brought P>ulgaria to reason anl the Turks to
their knees. But there were no men to be found to send
to Serbia. It was only later when the Dardanelles ex-
pedition was decided on that men were found for the
Near East. Having lost the chance of an offensive
there still remained the possibility of a successful de-
fensive. The German-Austrian offensive was long in
preparing ; adequate information as to numbers and
weight of artillery gathering on the Northern banks of the
Danube and Save was forthcoming in ample time. At the
same time, the Serbians had accurate information as to the.
decision of Bulgaria to attack, even before the order of
mobilisation.
The Main Object.
From the point of view of the Allies, the main object
to be secured was to prevent a contact between the
Central Powers and Bulgaria. They took the view that
the Bulgarians would not attack "the Serbians if the
Austrians and Germans did not cross the Danube and
Sive. Therefore, they said, " Mass all your men in the
North," and we will protect the railway "line to Salonika.
The Serbians, seeing the greater peril from the East,
wished to strike a decisive blow there before the northern
forces could cross the rivers. They accordingly concen-
trated their forces principally against Bulgaria, and at the
moment when Bulgaria ordered mobilisation were in a posi-
tion to throw some 120,000 men, concentrated near Pirot,
straight at Sofia, only defended by 20,000 Bulgarians.
In a week the Bulgarian capital would have been in
Serbian hands, and if the German attack developed the
whole Serbian force would have been available to en-
counter them. The Serbian plan was the axiomatic
military one of deahng with your enemies separately.
But the Allies put their foot down on this idea, motiving
their refusal by the negotiations still proceeding in Sofia.
It was the unforgivable mistake. The Serbians
loyally obeyed orders, unfortunately. The Serbian
armies sat still near the frontiers until the whole of the
enemy forces were ready, the Germans, the Austrians,
and the Bulgarians, and then were attacked at thirtcjn
different points. When the Serbians were denied the
right to attack the Bulgarians, Serbia was lost.
Orders were given to retire slowly, saving the army
intact as much as possible. Thus there were few serioiis
engagements and the armies made their way southwards
and westwards in good order, expecting always to find the
pressure being relieved by the advance of allied troops
from the south. But as no help came, and as the
hydraulic pressure of enemy troops became ever greater
on the right-angled front, the Serbian anny, denied the
right to sweep back the invaders as it had done in the last
Austrian invasion, was condemned to continuous retreat,
culminating in disappearance as an offensive force.
That the Serbian army, as it was at the beginning of
the offensive in October, 1915, could have been expected
to defend its long line against the heavy artillery of the
Central Powers and the heavy infantry superiority of the.
Bulgarians was quite impossible. The wonder is not thai
the Serbian army did not do better, but that it did so well.
Dominant Guns.
The Germans and Austrians passed the Danube and
the Save, thanks to their heavy guns, which pounded the
Serbians out of their positions without any chance of
retaliation. Belgrade was practically denuded of troops,
but the positions behind cost the Germans some regiments
when it came to infantry fighting. But the guns always
dominated the situation and the Serbians were forced to
retire continuously. In the north there was little serious
fighting after the first two weeks, but against the Bul-
garians there was plenty of fighting and successful. The
Serbians were more than able to hold their own against
the Bulgarians, although they consider the Bulgarian
infantryman as superior to Qither the German or the
Austrian. But success against the Bulgarians did not
suffice, since it was always necessary to retreat westward
LAND AND WATER
February lo, 1916.
to .ivoid tho Gorman descent upon llip nnlv road open for
retirement. "
A Curious Fact.
One of the most curious features of the campaifjn
was that the Serbian troops were pven specific dates
until which positions Iiad to be lieid. as if there was some
liopc of relief coming. In every case the positions were
held longer than required, but nothing happened.
Gradually, inevitably, the Germans secured contact witli
the Bulgarians ; they freed the Danube ; they captured
Nish and possessed the direct line to Sofia, but they were
never able to capture the army. The Russian retreat was
child's play compared to the Serbian ; the Russians had a
straight line of defence and gradually retired. The Ser-
bians had aright-angled lineandhad always to be looking
over their shoulders, sometimes only finishing a successful
attack eastward to sec the shells bursting in the hills
to the north of their line of retreat. Also, as the forces
fell back, all the principal depots of food had to be
destroyed and there was a shortage of everything. The
services of distribution also became dislocated, it being
impossible to reorganise supply when the army was never
for more than a few days in one place.
The Bulgarian coup in occupying Vranje and thus
cutting the line south, was a terrible blow, since it pre-
vented intercommunication between the forces in Old
Serbia and the weak Macedonian forces and the Allies.
Vcr>' soon the army was on short rations, and as the
retreat went on food became more and more scarce.
The fact that the mountainous nature of the country left
only available a few- valleys and passes for the escape of
the armies made the question of transport far more
difiicult. But notwithstanding all this much of the army
made the retreat in very good order and without dis-
organisation. When it is remembered that there was
never, too much discipline in the Serbian anny ; it was
wonderful to see how orderly was the retreat. It was
always a retreat never a rout.
This was especially the case up to Prishtina. It was
in. tliis town that definite news came that there was no
hope of any real offensive on the part of the Allies in
the south and the army had to resign itself to further
and still more hopeless retreat towards Albania. Up till
then the army was still an offensive force, afterwards it
became only a defensive one. But, despite the fact
that there were practically no roads, some of the heavy
siege guns were dragged as far as Ipek.
Serbian Psychology.
The psychology of the Serbian soldier must be
taken into account. The Serbians are a people who have
never emigrated, and to leave Serbia is a terrible thing
to the peasant. He is thus a wonderful defensive soldier,
out of much less value as an offensive element outside his
country. The effect on the army after it had left the old
boundaries of Serbia was very marked ; the homing
instinct began to become irresistible and desertions took
place much more frequently. Also there was much less
vim in the army. The further the retreat took them the
more the feehng of all being lost grew. The Serbian
soldier also does not understand retreating without
fighting, giving up without a blow of large portions of
his beloved country. All this sapped the moral of the
troops still more even than did starvation and privation.
" Why go to Montenegro to die of starvation like
women and children?" was frequently asked. It was
held to be much better to stay and die fighting. " But,
of course, if there is a chance of starting again, let us go
to Montenegro or Albania." When before the frowning
walls of the Montenegrin and Albanian inountains it
was necessary to destroy all the artillery, automobiles
and much of the baggage train, the army passed a terrible
moment. To cross the moimtains looked like bidding a
long farewell to their homes and going out into the im-
known, where they would no longer each be an inde-
pendent landowner, but dependent upon the bounty of
others.
But the desire to start again conquered, and gradually
but surely more and more men arrived in Skutari. They
::ame lumgry and wearied, many without guns, without
good shoes, with uniforms in rags hanging loosely on
them, but they came. Even the Serbian officials were
astonished that there were so many. But at Skutari the
Serbians had further .proof that the Allies had not yet
reached the point of pFo\'ision-or antiripntorv preparation.
It had heeu evident for a considerable t'ime that the
Serbian army must arrive in Montenegro and Albania,
and that it would arrive starving. It would have seemed
natural that the Allies should have taken prompt steps
to accumiilate food along the line of retreat in Montenegro
and in the towns of Albania before th<^ arrival of the
troops. B\it this was not done and the starving soldiers
had to wait nearly two \\eeks before any real store of food
arrived.
It was an incomprehensible additional cnielty.
After all its sufferings and sacrifices, the Serbian nation
found itself forced into the position of a suppliant for
alms. As one Serbian minister put it, " Tears came into
my eyes when I wrote the telegrams imploring aid whicli
we had to send." It was an unworthy recompense for
all the Serbian effort, and yet the Serbians desire only to
go on co-operating with us. But to be a member of one
of the great Allies of Serbia in Skutari was to be ashamed,
very ashamed.
It ^\•as physically impossible for the worn troops
arnvmg in Skutari to ]M-ocecd over mud tracks to Durazzo,
without rest or food. If they had found the expected
stores there, they could have set out at least two weeks
earlier. Little or nothing had been done to improve the
roads south, and save for a swing bridge over the Matia
river nothing material had been accomplished in the
month's pause which the Bulgarians and Austrians kindly
gave, in the way of facilitating the salving of the Serbian
armj-.
The Original Plan.
The original idea of the Serbian Government was
that the army should go to South Albania to reorganise,
protected by the Italians and the Greeks. This'dcsire
was based on the necessity to keep the Serbians on the
mainland. South Albania was barred to them by the
Italians who fixed the Skumbi river as the southernmost
limit, and then Albania became impossible, since there
was no guarantee for security. And troops which have
been retreating for weeks need a feeline of security to
reorganise.
There has been a terrible spectacle of divided coimsel
since the Serbian armies arrived in Albania. The Allies
could not decide who should do what. Consequently, the
unfortunate soldiers died of starvation or ran the risk of
capture by the enemy while their friends argued who
should take each department in hand. There was no one
power ready to take responsibility and command. And
yet only that can save the situation. Otherwise the
Austrians from the north and the Bulgars from the east
will force the Serbians to do what they never dreamed
of doing even during the most terrible moments of the
retreat — that is, to capitulate.
The Serbians believe that the Allies will win, and
their faith in this is largely because we are amongst her
allies. Let England be worthy of this confidence and
lose no time in putting the whole of her effort into saving
the Serbian army and placing it safe from outside in-
fluences, where it can re-organise itself in the shortest
possible time. All that is needed is a little decision and
real desire to help. Surely we have enough on our
consciences in respect of Serbia without wishing to put the
crown on our shame and while promising that the Serbian
nation's future is as our own, callously allow the Serbian
army to be lost and wasted.
It is no use to say the French will do this or the
Italians will not do that. The question before us to-day
is, " What arc we going to do for Serbia," and on our
answer will depend the possibility of turning defeat in
the Balkans into the first step towards decisive victory.
Tlie reply to the request from the Postmaster-General
for books and magazines for the troops has been good but
not good enough. Two Inmdred and fifty thousand hooks
and periodicals are needed every week, and one Inindred
and forty thousand arc forthcoming. The shortage therefore
is over a hinidrcd thousand. The process is so simple and
many people get such large accumulations of literature that
it is amazing the response has not been better. All anybody
need do is to collect their superfluous books anrl magazines
and hand them witJiont packing, payment, or address, over
tlie counter of the nearest post office!
February lo, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
EVACUATION OF ANZAC.
By a Naval Chaplain.
THE personal impressions of one who saw the
closing of an heroic chapter in the history of
tlie war may be of some interest to those
who have followed the conrse of the campaign
in the Gallii^oh Peninsula.
As a Naval Chaplain, I had the jnivilcge of being
in a ship which took part in the covering of our troops
at tiie Suvla Bay landing, and which, from August 7th
to the ringing down of the curtain on December nitli,
was almost daily lying off Anzac as a covering ship to tlu;
New Zealand and Austrahan Forces. During those five
months, a very strong feeling of comradeship sprang up
between us in the ship and our colonial brothers on
shore. Wc took an intense personal interest in their
welfare. On two occasions officers from the ship
visited the trenches, and several times officers of the
New Zealand and Australian Divisions came out to the
ship as our guests.
We had the first definite news of the proposed
evacuation of Anzac and Suvla a few days before the
operations took place. The thought of the magnitude
of the task was overwhelming. Many thousands of men,
a great number of guns, a large quantity of ammunition
and stores, the sick and the wounded, the animal trans-
port, had all to be removed from a narrow front of twelve
miles, from open beaches. Everyone of those beaches
could be swept by the enemy's fire, and all this had to
take place without the enemy being aware that a single
man, or gun, or mule or waggon had been withdrawn.
No wonder we shook our heads and doubted. How could
it be possible to maintain such secrecy as would entirely
deceive the enemy ? In some cases the opposing trenches
were within whispering distance of each other, and the
Nvhole shore from Brighton Beach to Suvla Point was
under enemy observation.
For the success of the withdrawal, calm weather was
essential. The difficulty of conveying thousands of
troops in boats and lighters from a gale-swept shore
through a stormy sea to the waiting transports would be
immense. Throughout the days, December i8th and
i()th, there was a great calm ; there was scarce a ripple
on the water. The nights were light, but from land and
sea there arose a kindly mist ; not sufficient to hinder our
movements, but tliick enough to hide them from the
eneniy. During the day, the enemy could see transports
waiting in Kephalo Bay, some eleven miles away. They
could see lighters plying between the beach and the ships
lying off Suvla and Anzac. But everything points to
the fact that the Turks were completely deceived. The
liglitcrs, they supposed, were being used in the ordinary
daily routine of bringing stores to the beach, not of
removing stores to the ships.
Sunday, December 19th; was the critical day. A
twelve-mile front was being held, with very few guns,
against an enemy at least six times superior in mnnbers.
Would they discover that ? li so, the evacuation would
end in tragedy. The tension of that Sunday was great.
From noon to i p.m. was an an.xious hour. The Turkish
batteries suddenly began to shell Lala Baba and Hill 60
very heavily. The bombardment of the latter position
lowered our hopes. As we watched the heavy black
smoke of th(; shells hanging in the still air, we thouglit
tlie enemy had discovered all, and were preparing to
launch an attack. On the other hand, the slielling of
Lala Baba raised our hopes. However, after about
an hour all w-as quiet again ; no attack of any kind
had been attempted. Meanwhile, three monitors, a
cruiser and two. destroyers had left Kephalo to take up
positions off the south end of the Peninsula, and pro-
ceeded, during that afternoon, to put the fear of God into
the heart of tlie Turk. The land batteries at Helles
co-operated. This bombardment lasted all through the
afternoon, and developed into a fierce battle which went
un far into tlie night.
After dinner that Sunday evening, I went up on
deck and stayed tliere, except for occasional intervals,
vmtil 4.30 a.m. It was an ideal night for tlie operations.
The moon was at its full, but a light mist lay over land
and sea. Everywhere except at distant , Helles there
was an imcanny quiet. The sea was dead calm. Some-
times subdued voices were heard coming across the
water ; a ship's bell, perhaps a mile away, was heard
striking — seven bells, eight bells. ^lidnight was passed.
Through the mist wi-re faintly to be discerned the ghostly
forms of transports lying off the beach. At intervals the
sliarp I'eport of a rifie would pierce the stillness, followed
by the " tat-tat-tat " of a machine-gun. The eneniy
were undoubtedly nervous ; possibly they were expecting
an attack in force. How anxiously too, we watched for
any sign that the withdrawal had been discovered.
At 3.25 a.m. the strain was relaxed. A message
came through from the last wireless station on the beacli
at Anzac. "Evacuation complete"; not a single
man, hale or wounded, left behind. All that remained
were six guns which had been kept back in case of emergr
ency, and were blown up at the last moment ; some odd
stores of bully beef and biscuits, a few hospital tents
and certain fixtures such as water tanks. At 3.26 a.m.
there was a great heaving explosion under the trenches
in the position known as the Nek, near Russell's Top.
A mine connected up with the wireless station on the
beach had been blown up. The explosion was followed
by a most furious burst of rifle fire from the Turks which
continued for forty minutes. To us it was ludicrous, yet
weird and uncanny for we knew they were firing at empty
trenches. Soon afterwards, a great fire blazed up on
the beach at Suvla. Stores which were riot worth remov-
ing had been soaked with petrol and fired. The peninsula
for miles round was lit up, and the covering ships at
Suvla stood out against the fierce light in sharp silhouette.
At daybi^eak on Monday we could afford to laugh ;
an operation unparalleled in military history had been
most successfully carried out. And laugh we did, for
at 6.45 a.m. the Turks began to shell the late Australian
position at the Lonesome Pine, and afterwards attacked.
Then they discovered for the first time that the tnMiches
were empty ! Not even then did the enemy understand
what had happened, for they continued desultory shcllin*
all through the morning ; and that in spite of ouf fiaving
begun at 7.15 a.m. to bombard odd collections of stores
and the tanks on the beach at Anzac. By mid-day, the
Turks had realised that we had withdrawn ; we could
see them swarming over the chffs, in and out of the dug-
outs. Later on parties of the enemy reached Lala Baba,
and there an insolent German officer hoisted the German
flag. Large bodies of Turks were seen coming across the
Salt Lake. We opened fire on them with shrapnel, and
were ourselves fired on by a field gun which the enemy
troops had brought down with them. After a time we
withdrew and once more lay off Anzac, now no longer
a covering ship to the New Zealand and Australian
Divisions.
At 4.15 p.m., after evening quarters, we held a thanks-
giving service on deck, and sang the To Deum — a thanks-
giving to God for the entire success of the evacuation
which might so easily have been a great tragedy; a
thanksgiving too for the marvellous weather which had
made the withdrawal possible. That evening was
wonderfully beautiful. The sun was setting, a glowing
ball of fire, behind rugged Imbros. Twilight came
tpiickly. The moon was up, and as dayliglit died away
the sea became all a-shimmer with silver light. A
message came ordering us to return to our base. The
screws began to churn up the quiet deep blue of the sea
into foaming white, and soon we were under way — the
last ship to leave Suvla Bay and Anzac. I stood in the
stern of the ship and watched the land being swallowed
up in the gathering mists. Three great fires were still
burning on the beach, and as we drew further away,
they became three twinkling stars. It was with a full
heart that one thought of the heroes wiio had fought so
valiantly and died so nobly ; who now lie buried on an
alien shore. I commended their souls to the mercy of
(iod, then turned and went below. So has ended an
epic of heroism.
That night a great gale sprang up from the south-west.
T7
LAND AND WATER.
February lo, 1916.
WINTER FLOWERING SHRUBS.
By Eden Phillpotts.
THIS vxar some of the flowering shrubs of autumn
were belated, for that fine evergreen Hoherea
pupulnca. tlie laee bark, from New Zealand, only
opened its snow-white flower clusters in late
T'Jovember ; Collctia cruciala, a singular Chilian, whose
flowers I expect during October, is blooming now, in mid-
January, with tiny white bells clustering among its thorny
anchors ; and Pitlosporum Tohira was in full splendour at
Christmas. But to atone for such delay one seldom remem-
bers so interesting an exhibition as this which opens the
new year in many a West Country garden. E\cn fax oured
Sou h Devon remembers no such a genial January, and
abundance of early blossom.
Of rhododendrons, R. Nobleanum is gay with unusually
fine pink trusses, and the little deciduous hybrid, R. prcecox
has covered its naked limbs with pale purple blossoms. Too
often an unforeseen frost will destroy these beauties in a
night, for though all rhododendrons, save, of course, the Java-
nese and some from low Himalayan levels, are hardy, their
blossoms are not, and when the bud grows pale green and the
first glimmer of colour shows, then, unless the weather be
above suspicion, they should, where possible, be screened to
break frcst. A hue hybrid between R. arborea and R. Shilsoni,
is at this fascinating stage of swelling bud in a snug corner,
and one watches the evening sky sharply for its sake.
I'ei.mus citriudora frt>m ChiU, is not a generous flowerer.
Last spring I found the first promise of inflorescence and now
after many months of slow development, the cymes of little
cream-coloured stars with orange eyes have opened amid the
shining, ever-green foliage. Peumus loves a shady spot and
abundant moisture. The fruit is a Chilian delicacy, which
wc are not likely to sec in the open here, but there is nothing
finer and richer in the garden than the aromatic fragrance
of the yruslied leaf.
Evergreen Barberries.
Berberis japonica is already in full flower, with clusters
of sweet lemon blossoms ; but a' daintier shrub having
larger leaves and most graceful pendulous tresses of bloom
is B. Bealii, now at its best. The flower-scent is that of lily-
of-the-valley. These e\ ergreen barberries love half shade and a
cool, moist soil ; but that kinsman of the daphnes, Edgivorthia
:hrysantha, from China, will thank you for full sunshine
above and a light loam to live in. The flower buttons are
annually formed at the ends of the new growth and, when
the leaf falls, they shine there silver bright. This year they
have already opened and Edgworthia is now covered with
rosettes of fragrant orange-coloured flower clusters as great
as lalf-crowns. The Mezcreiitn daphnes are also out-r-pale
])urple, dark purjile and pure white. They stud the naked
raniage with countless flowers ; and the white mezereum
furnishes sunmier beauty also, for its sparkling fruit is
orange yellow and makes the shrub gay again in August.
Daphne indica, which dwells just outside my Stove and enjoys
that comfort in wintertime, is just about to open its pink
blo;som- and shed its oriental fragrance on the winter air.
Dcndromecon rigida, the great tree poppy from California,
is seldom without a flower, and despite harsh treatment under
our winter storms, which have robbed it of many a branch,
still flaunts five orange cups to-day, though itself a miserable
object until a new crop of leaves opens to hide the skeleton.
Against a wall it grows twelve feet high in the West Country
and must be very nearly hardy. A dainty little plant is
Sarcocca mscijolia, from China. This evergreen resembles
a ruscus and is now bright with crimson fruit and sweet
with little sprays of snow-white blossoms. It likes a shady
corner in jjeat and, if happy, soon makes a specimen. Cliimon-
anihtis jragrans, the winter-sweet, was in full splendour at
Christmas, and its strange, pale, transparent stars clustering
on their leafless branches made welcome decoration and
b-( ug'it rare fragrance to the dwelling-rooms. No garden
should lack this great treasure from Japan, yet it is surjirising
how rare it continues to be, though as a matter of fact it is
of ancient introduction.
The Hamamelis folk are in full flower ; indeed, H. mollis,
the handsomest of afl witch-hazels, is almosfsped. Its bright
yellow spiders with purple bodies covered the shrub, and their
tender scent reminds one of the bluebell and the coming of
spring. //. ziiccarina and H. arborea are now flowering
abundantly. The brown, dead leaves of the latter cling to
thiyr boughs and make a beautiful harmony with the little
yeUow stars of the inflorescence. Buddleia axialica has
opened fresh racemes of creamy bloom ever since the autumn
and is still flowering freely. It lacks the rare purple and gold
of the great summer buddleias, but has an incomparable
sweetness— the very soul of ripe fruit. Parrotia persica is
in flower also, with strange little pale pink clusters of blossom
after the fashion of an elm tree. This hamamelid comes
from Northern Persia and its kinsman, Parrotia Jacijue-
montiana, from Kashmir, has a more showy and developed
blossom ; but its flower belongs to summer.
Tree Peonies.
The C)'</o«/rts— pink and scarlet and cream — are all
bursting their buds and the tree peonies are breaking, so that
we may see the promise of bloom long before we wish to do so.
In the west these noble plants will bud too soon for their
comfort and ours, and incur much danger as a result.
Camellia on the other hand is safe enough and its tight
buds will not open their scarlet and snowy blossoms until all
danger be past. Too often one sees camellia planted in full
sunshine, which is more than it can stand ; but given half shade
and cool soil these e\crgreens will prove hardier than most
gardeners imagine. The queen of the group : Camellia
relictdaia. however, should have the support of a wall facing
westerly, and if the bud is far advanced in early spring this
glorious shrub is worthy of a little protection. All the
species revel in peat.
Azara microphylla is in full bloom, though the tiny
inflorescence does not appear ; but lift the bright green
sprays and beneath them you will find the gold dust of the
flower and smell its strong perfume of vanilla. Corn' s
mas, the Cornel an cherry, has also covered its naked limbs
with gold. This is the variegated fo:m and it generally sits
a go id jprinkling of red autumn fruits ; but the-:e are ah stone
and of no value even to the birds.
In these favoured scenes, that grand climber, Stauntonia
lafitoiia, from the Himalayas, is as hardy as ivy and makes enor-
mous plants. It will cover the side of your house, or cUmb up an
elm tree with equal industry. The i)ale green, fragrant
blossom is just about to open in sheltered gardens, and the
double crimson fruits hang still on the branches. Ercilla
spicata from Peru — another climber — is late and its buds have
not yet broken into ])ale pink trusses ; but the winter flowering
Clematis cirrliosa, from Southern Europe, is in full bloom, witli
clusters of little pendant butter- coloured bells, crimson
spattered in the cup. The wands of the familiar Kcrria
japonica are also breaking into bright yellow stars, and the
purple prune, whose dark foliage masses and light habit are
so precious in a shrubbery landscape, is wliite with blossom.
I have never seen this shrub flowering so richly ; but its dark
cherry-shaped fruits, that make such beautiful house decora-
tions in Italy, are seldom set in this country.
Devastating Bullfinches.
The bullfinches devastate Prunus Pissardii ; beneath the
branches one finds a sad litter of the pink, unopened blossom
bud. Forsythia suspensa is another of their favourites and
my heart sinks as 1 hear their soft rail and see the faithful
pair arrive together, with gentle undulation of flight. C)ften
they bring last year's family also, for the young of the bull-
finch IS p one to stop wi.h its elders till pairing time. All
birds are welcome here, save the " bud-hawks," but they are
the deadly enemy of deciduous shrubs as well as pear and plum.
To them therefore one extends a frosty welcome — or
even a fiery one. Forsythia would be in full bloom now,
with the yellow jasmine, but the birds have marred its per-
formance as usual, and the lemon coloured blossoms that have
escaped are scattered but thinly on the drooping boughs.
Spring has indeed over-run winter for the moment, though
we must be prepared for winter to catch her sister again,
albeit there are many signs that no great severity of cold
need now be anticipated. I am disposed to trust my missel-
thrush. He has arrived with his bride and certainly intends to
nest once more in a great poplar here. Already he sings
full-throated— a song that lacks the quaUty and variety of the
song-thrush, or the mellow charm of the blackbird and ring-
ousel ; but his music of live or six fine notes rings pleasantly
from his perch aloft upon the poplar. He sits there in the
winter sunlight like a little star entangled on the tree top.
The Log of H.M.S. Bristol, by William Buchan (West-
minster Press, 4s. net) is the first published naval record of the
war from the participator's point of view, and the book
provides a good account of the hunt for the Dresden and
Karlsruhe and the Bristol's share in the battle of the Falk-
1 ands. As leading signalman on the Bristol, the author was able
to keep an accurate log of events in which his ship took part.
LAND AND WATER
February lo, iqi6.
CHAYA.
A Romance of the South Seas.
By H. de Vere Stacpoole.
[Synopsis : MacquaH, who describes himself as lucky
with adventuring, hut unlucky as Satan when speculating, finds
himself in Sydney down on his luck. He has a wonderful
story of gold hidden up a river in New Guinea and a chance
acquaintance, a sporting man about town, Tillman, offers to
introduce him to an apparently sporting and really wealthy
wool-broker , Citrlewis, with a view to financing his scheme.
The night before the interview Macqitart, sleeping in a park,
not having the price of a bed on him, makes the acquaintance
of Houghton, a well-educated Englishman, also out of a job.
Tillman, Macqtiart and Houghton go to Cnrlewis' office, and
Macquart tells his story : Screed the partner of Curtewis, is
also present, but takes no part in the conversation, going on
steadily with his work. They resent his presence, and when
Curlewis turns down their proposition, they feel it is due in an
uncanny way to Screed's antagonism. Macquart's story of
how the gold came to be lidaen and deserted is most thrilling
but conveys the impression tlat he himself took an active paH
in the work, though he talks of a dead man named Smith.
Macquart walks out of the office le/ith a bold air, telling Curleieis
that it needs a great man like Rhodes, not " a sane business
man," to grasp the proposition. Soon after the three have left
Screed leaves the office telling his partner he wilt not be long.]
CHAPTER III.
Screed.
BUT out in the street, Tillman was the first to speak.
" Well," said he, " I never thought Curlewis
would have drawn blank hke that. I though it
was a dead certain thing ; he was the last man I'd
have expected'to put forward all those objections. I thought he
was a sportsman. 'Pears I was wrong. Seems to me you
never know what's really back of a man till it comes to the
pinch. Well, we'll have to do without him and find someone
else. I tell you, I'm not going to be done on this thing.
It has got into my blood."
" The worst thing about it, for me, is that I can't wait,"
said Houghton. "I'm broke. I simply must get some
money, if only to pay my landlady."
" How much do you owe her ? " asked Tillman.
" Oh, it's not much, less than two pounds ; but there
you are, two pounds wants a lot of getting when you're on
your beam ends and haven't a trade."
Tillman laughed.
He had only known Houghton for a few hours, but m
Sydney a few hours in certain circles is equal as far as
acquaintanceship goes, to many days in England.
The Expedition also had woven its bonds between them,
and then Houghton was a man to get on with at sight. ^
" You don't worry about that," said Tillman. " I'll
see you through if I have to borrow the money. The thing
we want now is a drink ; let's get back to Lampert's. Who
knows but we may get someone there to help."
It was now a httle after twelve o'clock. The day was
blazing hot, and they got on a passing tram, Tillman paying
for the tickets. , ■ j •
Lampert's bar, the favourite place of' its kind in
Sidney, was crowded. Men from up-country, tanned and
fresh from the sun-swept desolation of vast spaces ; men
from the sea, from western ports or the hazy heat-ndden har-
bours of the China coast or Dutch Settlements ; clerks from
business houses ; newspaper men ; racing men ; men on the
look-out for something to turn up; Yankees, Colonials
English, Irish, Scotch, a German or two ; all in a haze of blue
cigar smoke, laughing, drinking, chattering, or dumb, and on
the watch. .
Tillman, releasing himself from his numerous triends,
herded his fellow adventurers in a corner by the bar and stood
drinks. , . ^, . , „
" There's not a bit of good in being down in the mouth,
said he " We'll all go and have luncheon presently, and
I'll see about that money for you, Houghton. There's a man
called Drake I'm expecting to see in here ; he s richer than
Curlewis. I wish I'd thought of him first; anyhow, its
better late than never." , . , , j
Macquart, standing with his dnnk in his hand, seemed
for the first time to have lost something of his enthusiasm
" You don't expect me to tell that yarn twice in one day,
do you ? " he asked. " It's not as if it was a made-up yarn
then one might sling it as often as you want. Being what
it is, it takes it out of one." , .., c u
" You'll be able to sUng it all right after a bottle of cham-
pagne," said Tillman. " You'll be— hello 1 " He stopped
short.
The door had just opened, and a man who had entered
was pushing his way through the crowd towards the bar.
It was Screed.
He had sighted Tillman and his friends, and was making
towards them.
Now Screed was rarely seen about town, very rarely seen
in bars. This dry-as-dust individual was ungiven to con-
viviality.
Men looked on Screed somewhat as we look on the un-
pleasant necessities of hfe ; he was considered to be the
buckram at the back of Curlewis. the thing that gave stiffen-
ing and solidity to the business. Curlewis fostered this idea.
It suited him to pose as the butterfly, the ornamental partner,
the easy-going, irresponsible, kindly, clap-you-on-the-shoulder
unbusiness man, with a testy, level-headed partner. As a
matter of fact, Arthur Curlewis was the genius of the firm,
the keenest business man in Sydney.
Requests for loans, time extension and so forth, were
always granted by Curlewis and negatived by Screed.
Curlewis had never, or scarcely ever, shown his hand so
openly as he did to Bobby Tillman that morning. With
most other men he would have referred the proposition to
Screed with secret instructions to refuse it. But he had a
great contempt for Tillman, and, besides that, he wished to
set Tillman down. :
Bobby had been a bit too familiar of late, and Curlewis
was not over-pleased at the confidence with which Mr. Tillman
had brought forward his wild-cat scheme as though he,
Curlewis, were a fair mark for the first adventurer to shoot at.
" Why, it's Mr. Screed," said Tillman, and it will be
noticed that whilst Curlewis was Curlewis to him, Screed
had the honour of the prefix. " Why, this is quite a surprise.
Won't you join us in a drink ? "
" No, thanks," said Screed. " I never drink between
meals. I came down here thinking.it was likely I might meet
you. I want to have a word with you."
He led Tillman to the door.
" Bring those two men to my rooms this evening at
seven," said he. " No, not seven, eight. I want to have a
talk with the three of you."
" A talk with us ? "
" About that business you brought to Curlewis. I may
be able to do something."
" You?"
" Yes. Me. And don't you say a word on this matter
to anyone. Not even to Curlewis."
" Well, I'm d d," said Bobby.
" That's maybe likely," said Screed ; " but all the same,
bring your men along, and don't enter into any negotiations
over°the business with any other party. I'm interested."
" Oh, I say, this is good, this is ripping ! You of all
people ! Say, won't you have a drink ? "
" No, thank you ; and don't go drinking yourself if you
want me to do business."
" I," said the other, " I haven't touched anything this
morning, only soft drinks. Think I'm such a fool ? No, sir,
when I have business on hand, I'm a Quaker. Eight o'clock ? "
" Eight o'clock at my rooms ; lo. Bury Street."
Screed open the door and shpped out hurriedly, as
though ashamed of his visit to the place ; and Tillman re-
turned to the others radiant.
" We're safe," said he. " It's a sure thing. Screed is
going to take it up." He told of the conversation with Screed.
Macquart listened attentively, then he said :
" That fixes it. I noticed that all the time he was
writing, he had one ear on my story ; he's harpooned. Well,
he's a clever man, a much cleverer man than his partner ;
and he has the money, you say ? "
" Oh, he's full of money," said the enthusiastic Tillman.
" He's always making it and he never spends anything."
" You can never tell what a man spends," replied
Macquart, " or how he spends it."
CHAPTER IV.
The Chart.
Sydney, taking it all together, is one of the most
delightful cities in the world. It breathes the air of the
Pacific, and the poetry of the Islands mixes with the roar
and rumble of trade. No other maritime citv has such a
LAND AND WATER
February lo, 1916.
ehaya. a'llumance cf the South ieas \ lif.uitrated bj) Joseph Simpien, R.H.A.
" I think we may take it your map is not in error," said Screed.
February lo, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
harbour, few cities of the world such a sky ; Cadmus would
have loved it. Here above everything else is the spirit of
Youth ; Daring and High Adventure breathe in the Pacific
wind and fill the lungs of the men who pursue Trade to the
confines of the earth.
in this city of youth, the three adventurers were at no
loss for amusement during the hours separating them from
their appointment with Screed. Tillman, having raised
some money, invited them to luncheon at a restaurant, after
which they took themselves off to Farm Cove, where Tillman
had some friends amongst the Navy people. Here he secured
the loan of a boat and went fishing for bream.
" This is better than sitting in restaurants and places,"
said the ingenuous Tillman. " There's no drink to be had,
and you get the fresh air and you get fish^sometimes.
Besides, you can think out here better than ashore."
I Macquart in the stern sheets, lounging, with one foot
across the gunnel, and his old hat tilted over his eyes, nodded.
He had done nothing, neither rowed nor helped with the hnes.
He seemed the concretion of laziness. When manual work
was forward, it was always the same, the engineer of fortune
shrank into himself, and it was noticeable now that the
two younger men, so far from even mildly resenting or jesting
at the supineness of the Wonder Worker, accepted it. He
was the thing that interested them at this moment more than
any other thing in hfe. Leaving aside the fact that he held
all the threads from which they hoped to weave their fortune,
the man himself exercised a potent spell on their imagination.
The fishing proved good, but even the excitement of
hauling in red bream and trevally did not entirely obliterate
the figure of Fortune in the stern of the boat, or the fascina-
tion of the thought of what it might lead them to.
fAt five o'clock they hauled in their hnes. Tillman
presented the fish they had caught to the owner of the boat in
return for the loan of it, then they went off to tea at an inn,
and at eight o'clock punctually they appeared in Bury
Street. Bury Street, in the suburbs of the city, has a touch
of France about it, bright-looking little villas set in prim
Uttle gardens alternate with semi-detached residences. At
one extremity it tails off into workmen's cottages, and it
ends, frankly discarding the higher respectabilities, in a
steam laundry. .Screed's house was at the better end of the
street, and he was working in his garden when they arrived.
He had a passion for gardening. Screed was one of those
broody individuals very difficult to assess at their proper
value either in morals or money. He had risen from nothing,
yet he was reputed to be exceedingly well-off. He had the
reputation for wealth, yet he never gave away a penny and he
made no show at all. He was plain almost to ugliness and he
dressed abominably. All these facts stood him well in busi-
ness ; they had gained for him the reputation of being a solid
man. Dingy as a moth, he corrected the gaudiness of his
partner, Curlewis, and he knew it. With one of the most
brilhant business intellects in Sydney, he was condemned to
hide his shining Ught behind the shutters of the firm, to do all
the thinking and let Curlewis do all the talking.
He might have escaped from all this by starting in busi-
ness for himself, yet he did not. There was some want in
his nature, some timidity in entering upon a lone venture,
some defect that made it impossible for him to row alone —
and he knew it, and he hated Curlewis for it.
It was not a melodramatic hatred. He would not have
hurt his partner in business or in person for the world ; it was
more in the nature of a good substantial disUke based on the
firm foundation of his — Screed's — Umitations.
Now when Macquart had told his tale that morning in
the office, Screed's unerring instinct for truth where money
was concerned had warned him that here was Truth. He did
not think it highly probable that an expedition started after
this long-buried gold would succeed in bringing it back, but
he considered it highly possible. He saw in Macquart an
adventurer of a new type, he felt his soul ; with that pro-
found instinct for men that never erred, he was not baffled
by the strangeness of this new specimen of humanity that
had come before him.
He had listened to Curlewis casting cold water on the
story and he had made up his mind. He would investigate
the matter for himself, and if he saw a chance of success in
it, he would push it. The thing might fail—if it succeeded,
the money returns would be less to him than the triumph
over Curlewis. Besides this, Screed was a man of imagina-
tion with an instinct for adventure, but no stomach for it,
Besides this, he possessed the gambUng instinct none the
less strong from long suppression.
He gave his guests good-evening, put away the hose
with which he had been watering the garden and led them
into the house.
Houghton looked around him as they entered. It was
a long, long time since he had felt the atmosphere of comfort
and home. He had been condemned to lodging-houses and
cheap hotels, and life on ship- board as a second class passenger,
and he was a man who possessed a fine sense for all the things
that make for ease and quiet enjoyment of existence.
The lamps were lighted in the little hall where Maori
paddles and spears slewed on the walls, with here and there
an etching or a rare p int, and the room into which Screed
led them, half library, half sitting-room, gave more evidence
of the quiet good taste of the owner.
Whiskey, a syphon of soda-water and cigars stood on a
side table, and Screed, having helped his guests and asked
them to be seated, plunged into the business on hand.
Standing before the fireplace with his hands in his pockets,
he cross-questioned Macquart upon points in his story, and
the latter answered up without hesitation or demur, evidently
pleased with the business-hke manner of his questioner.
"And now," said Screed, after he had finished, "let
us look at that map you told me of."
Macquart rose up, fetched his hat, which he had placed
on a chair by the door, and took from the fining of it a folded
piece of paper yellow as parchment. He spread it on the
table before Screed, and the others gathering round looked
over the wool broker's shoulder as he sat with his spectacles
on his nose and the paper before him.
It was a rough map of the southern coast of New Guinea,
very rough in detail except for a certain section of the coast
almost due north of Cape York on the Australian shore.
Here the marking was much more minute, shewing several
rivers and one whose disemboguement was indicated by a
cross.
" That's the river," said Macquart, " that one with the
cross to it. The shore is pretty hilly around there and there's
a big rock standing up on the shore to the east of the mouth.
The Pulpit Rock it's called. It looks like a Hght-house
from the sea and you can sight it a long way out. All round
there is coral reef, but the course into the river is a clear fair
way. You see, the fresh water has eaten the coral down.
There's no difficulty in navigating at all, though it looks bad
enough from seaward."
Screed got up and going to a portfolio lying on a ledge
of one of the book-cases, took some charts from it.
" I borrowed these to-day," said he. " Let's see what
they have to say on the matter."
He spread out a chart of the waters from the northern
boundary of the great quadrangle of the Gulf of Carpentaria
right up to the New Guinea coast and including Torres Straits.
and by it another chart of the northern part of Torres Straits
and the New Guinea coast directly north of Prince of Wales'
Island.
This was the important chart, as it gave more particularly
the reef soundings and the rivers.
" Ah, that's something hke," said Macquart. " Now
you can see whether my map is correct or not. Look, there's
the river, there are the reefs, there's where she comes out.
Look at the soundings of the channel, ten fathom water and
seven fathom right up to the mouth where it rises to twelve.
You see, there's no sand to silt up the mouth, that river brings
down very little stuff with it, too. It's different from the other
New Guinea rivers, that mostly come out through mud
banks and mangroves. It's gin-Jaright from that big reach
right down to the mouth. 1 reckon it's such an old river
that it has eaten its way right down to bed rock. You see, it
draws most of its water from the big lakes, it doesn't draw
from a lot of mushy little streams."
Screed said nothing ; he was still intent on the soundings
and on the comparison of the chart with the rough map of
Macquart.
" Well," said he, at last, " I think we may take it that
your map is not in error. Now let us get to business. I
will go into your venture, on conditions."
Tillman drew a deep breath, and Houghton, who had
been hanging in breathless suspense, glanced at him. Then
they went to the other side of the table and took their seats,
whilst Macquart, bright of eye, drew a chair up and sat down
close to Screed. The meeting had suddenly become a con-
ference, and the papers upon the table did not detract from
that impression.
" The business," went on Screed, " is the biggest gamble
that was ever placed on the market in Sydney. My partner .
Curlewis gave you his ideas about gambling this morning,
and he was right ; but he did not entirely touch the point.
Gambling is only dangerous and only wrong from a business
point of view when indulged in outside limits. Now if I were
to take a thousand pounds and use it in speculation or horse-
racing for the purpose of winning money, the danger to me
would be not the danger of losing my thousand, but the
danger of losing it and trying to get my losses back. Men
never are ruined by their first losses in gambling ; they are
always ruined by trying to get those losses back.
" But if I take a thousand pounds and put it in this
venture of yours, and if this venture fails, I lose my thousand
21
February lo, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
but by no means would I risk more money to get my thousand
back in this particular venture. I hope I am not worrying
you, but 1 always like to explain what is in my mind."
" Not at all — not at all," cried Tillman and Houghton.
Macquart said nothing ; he was rubbing his hands, palms
together, under the table. He nodded to the others in
approval, but not a word escaped his lips.
" I have determined, then, to take a thousand pounds,"
went on Screed, " and — lose it."
Macquart broke into a laugh.
" That is the spirit I like," said he. " That's what
brings success."
" My terms," finished Screed, rather coldly, " will be
half profits."
" Half profits," said Tillman.
Macquart said nothing.
" There are three of us," began Houghton, then he
stopped and glanced at the others as if to find out what was
in their minds, but they gave him no lead.
Screed, who had taken a paper and pencil from his pocket,
placed the paper on the table and holding the pencil between
his fingers went on :
" U the money is there, and if it amounts to the sum
named, a third share — after deducting my allowance — will
mean that each of you receives a very large fortune.
" I am not against Mr. Scieed taking half profits," said
Macquart, speaking to the others. " He fits out the ex-
pedition, we are no use at all without him. A thousand that
brings him in two hundred-and-fifty per cent, will be a good
investment — but then there's the risk."
" Oh, I'm not objecting," said Houghton. " I'm only
thinking that there are three of us, you, Tillman, and myself.
How do we stand towards one another in the matter of
sharing ? "
" That's the rub," said Tillman.
Screed moved restlessly, and Macquart, as though
fearful of any friction making the wool-broker break away
from the business, cut in :
" We won't quarrel over that," said he. " Right here
and now I'll settle it. We are the three working partners
and will share alike. , Eighty thousand is enough for me, I'm
no dud to go scraping after the last halfpenny. I only want
enough to be comfortable while I live — what do you say ?
This splendid generosity nearly did for the business.
For a moment, Screed took fright, and whilst Tillman was
shaking the generous one's hand, the turn of a hair would have
made the wool broker cry off.
Instinct told him that Macquart and Generosity formed a
suspicious alliance, instinct told him that this man would
most certainly diddle his partners ii he had the change. Then
Reason reassured him. The gold was useless to Macquart
without a man to handle it for him and get rid of it, and he —
Screed — was the only man for that purpose. This was not
exactly a shady job, but it was, so to speak, an extra-govern-
mental job. Macquart trying to dispose of the treasure off
his own bat would rouse enquiries, and then all sorts of claims
would come down on the money, it would be held up, and if
the treasure seekers received a tithe of it after years of worry,
they would be fortunate. Screed had the means to obviate
all that.
^ Besides, though Macquart might try to diddle his partners,
Tillman and Houghton were not children, but very wide-
awake individuals indeed, and well able to look after their
own interests and the interests of Screed as well.
So, instead of breaking off from the business, he opened
the paper which, he had taken from his pocket and spread it
on the table beside the charts.
" I have made out a few lines with reference to this busi-
ness," said he. " It's not exactly an agreement, for between
you and me a legal agreement is not of much count, con-
sidering the fact that not one of us will be able to invoke the
law, seeing that the law if it stepped in would place its hand
most cert amly on the money. It's just a letter of promise,
so to speak, from the three of you, stating that in view of the
fact that I am fitting out your expedition you agree to divide
equally with me all moneys accruing from that expedition.
Then,'"' finished Screed, with cold jocularity, " in the unlikely
event of the death of any one of you, I would be assured of
half his share, and in the more unlikely event of the three of
you trying to play me false — don't say anything, Mr. Tillman,
I am only making a legal joke— I would be able to pursue you
and call the law in, not to get me my money but to prevent
you from enjoying yours, and this document, you will
notice," finished Sere d, " says nothing about treasure at all.
So that should I be driven to pursue you in law, I am free to
make any statement I fike about the object of your venture ;
for instance, I might say it was a pearling venture, leaving
a lawyer to dig out of you in open court all about the
treasure."
Macquart said nothing ; the tortuous, cautious and trap-
like nature of Screed's mind thus suddenly disclosed seemed to
have disconcerted him. Tillman flushed and Houghton, with
a spark in his eyes, looked straight across the table at the
wool-broker.
" We aren't going to chisel you," said he. " You are
dealing with gentlemen, I hope."
" Mr. Houghton," said Screed, " there are no such
things as gentlemen in business, there are only men. There
is no such thing as friendship in business, only calculation and
Profit and Loss. In business, one must secure the safety of
one's interests by every possible means, and in going into a
wild-cat venture of this sort, I am going to tie }ou all up to
my interests by every possible means. There, you have it
quite plain. Now will you all sign this paper, please — if you
want my thousand pounds."
Macquart signed first, then Tillman, then Houghton.
Screed put the document away in a drawer and lit a cigar,
the first he had smoked that evening.
" Now," said he, " we have settled that and we can get to
work. I have my hand on the boat you want ; she a fifty-
foot fishing yawl built by Bowers, she's only six years old,
she has been in the pearling business and she was re-fitted
last year. I have some interest in shipping matters and only
a week ago Mr. Culloch took me over her, wanting me to buy.
I telephoned to him this afternoon and found she was still
unsold, so I told him to hold her for me on an option. You
are a good schooner sailor, Tillman ; what do j^ou say to a
yawl ? "
" I'd sooner handle a yawl than a schooner," said Till-
man ; " best rig in the world if one is short-handed."
" I know all about yawls," said Houghton. " Ought
to ; I owned one for a year and lived in her — only a thirty-
footer though."
" I haven't used yawls, but I've used every other rig
from a jackass barque to a catamaran," said Macquart.
" Sail handling is pretty much a matter of instinct, I reckon ;
besides, I'm ready to do the navigating. I'm not an Ai
navigator, but I've got all the essentials and I know the rnad.
Give me a chronometer properly wound and set, and a decent
sextant and charts, and I reckon I can make good. Why,
down Sooloo way I sailed with a Dutchman ; he had a pearl
boat, but he was crazy with rum most of the time, and I
guess he was the first sailor after Noah. He'd got one of those
Amstel Charts of the Sooloo waters, made in Amsterdam they
were, and they've got dolphins and mermaids figured on them,
and for sextant he used a back-stick, one of the first sextants
ever used. That hooker would have been the Flying Dutch-
man, only she didn't fly, yet we made out somehow."
" I can do a bit of navigating myself," said Tillman,
" and Houghton here tells me he has got the rudiments."
" Not much more," said Houghton.
" That's all to the good," replied Screed, who was putting
the charts away. " The question was uppermost in my mind
whether we would require a navigating officer, and I didn't
much like the idea. We don't want any more than we can
help in this job, but you can" take a black fellow with you to
give a hand."
Macquart rose to his feet.
" Well," said he, " that's settled ; and when can we see
the hooker and how long do you expect to be in getting stores
on board ? "
" We will arrange all that to-morrow," said Screed. " I
want the three of you to be here at six o'clock in the morning,
sharp at six ; I have to be at the office at nine. The yawl is
lying near Farm Cove and I want to take you over her. I will
have some coffee and sandwiches here for you at six. And
now, one point more. This business is a secret. I don't
want my partner to know of it, I don't want my friends to
know of it, and I don't want the authorities to know of it.
You are going on a pearling venture, that is your explanation
to anyone who may poke his nose into the affair. If the real
business leaks out, I will throw up everything."
" We'll be mum," said Tillman. " You may rest assured
— and now about ready money. I have enough for myself,
but Houghton here is badly placed ; in fact, he's on the rocks
— and as to Mr. Macquart "
" Oh, a hundred dollars will do me," said Macquart," or
less ; I'm not bothering about present money, I m only think-
ing of the ixpedition."
" Ten pounds would do me," said Houghton. " I owe
four pounds to my landlord and six will carry me on."
Screed took ten sovereigns from a drawer and divided
them between Macquart and Houghton.
" That will carry you on for the present," said he, " and
mind, six sharp to-morrow."
" By the way," said Tillman, as they took their de-
parture, " what's the name of the yawl ? "
" The Barracuda," rephed Screed."
(To be continued.)
[The story began in Land a.nd Water, February 3.]
Supplement tn T.Axn Axn TViTrn. Fchrtmn/ 17, mifl
REFUGEES. "EARLY DAYS IN BELGIUM."
By G. Spenceb Pryse.
These two lithographs are included in the Portfolo of Examples which have been published by the Leicester
Galleries at 16 guineas- The edition is limited to 80 copies.
A set will be sent on approval on application to the Leicester Galleries, Leicester Square, London, W.
XV
iuptiteuKOt ^u i^-^^ *>"> Maiui. rtoruatii il, ISIO.
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liliiil
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iiiiiii
XVI
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2806.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1916. [r.v"J;^v'|'A'^p^|] IS^^ii.i^i;^
By Louis Haemachers
Urawn exclusively for " Land and Water."
Father, what will it be like when we take to honest work again ?
February 17, 1916.
LAND AND ^^' A T E R
LAND & WATER
Empire House, Kingsway, London, W.G.
Telephone : HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 17, 1916.
FIGURES AND CRITICISM.
THERE are two points which have been
continually emphasised in the columns
of this journal by our military critic.
One is that a just estimate of the military
situation can only be obtained by constant reference to
the all-important factor of numbers, especially to the
enemy's original man-power, to his rate of wastage, and
thence to his probable reserves. The other is the need
of sober and authoritative guidance in these matters in
order that such a just estimate might be accessible to and
accepted by ordinary civilian opinion.
The first point, long so amazingly neglected, is now
conceded by all. Of the second an excellent illustration
can be found in the misleading effect produced by the
publication by Mr. Tennant of the German, casualty
figures without any such sober and authoritative guide
to their criticism.
On January 7th this year the Times published an
article from its military correspondent which contained
the following passage :
The military situation of Germany, in spite of her successes on
land, is not brilliant. Out of some nine million men of
military age which the writer assumed to be her niobilisable
total early in the war, she lias probably lost 3,500,000 in
killed, badly wounded, prisoners, and sick. . . . She
has suffered, since the war began, an average loss of nearly
200,000 men a month, and it is probably the loss of men that
affects her most. If the war preserves in the future its past
character she must find herself, at some date between May
and October, imable to maintain her effectives at the front
with men of a military age, and she is therefore bound, before
this date, which will be known to her, to force a decision at
one front or another.
Our readers will be familiar with the figures given
above since they are approximately the same as those
given, and constantly repeated by our military critic ;
at least they are within the margin of possible error for
which he allowed. They are based on careful calculation
and a similar result has been reached along quite separate
lines of reasoning by several competent authorities in
Europe.
Then comes the publication by Mr. Tennant of the
" official " German figures — official, be it observed, so
far as the German Empire is concerned, not as regards
our own War Office. The Tivies military correspondent
then executes a surprising " volte face " and proceeds
to demolish his own figures. In the Times of February
9th he says : —
" All things considered the net German losses during the past
eighteen months of war may be approximately estimated
at 2,627.085 total casualties]^ minus 790,000 wounded re-
turned to the front, and plus 630,000 invahded and 150,000
sick in hospital, or on the whole estimate a net loss of nearly
2,600.000 in round figures, and an average monthly loss of
a little over 144,000 men."_
In other words, he reduces the total German casual-
tics by nearly a million, and the monthly wastage by
over 50,000 !
This astonishing calculation brings him to the
conclusion that the Germans must have 2,000,000 men in
reserve and that consequently their effectives will not
begin to fail until February, 1917. The climax is reached
when he accepts the preposterous estimate of 36,000
German losses for the month of January, to which he
adds -. "If we dispose of no more Germans per month
than we did during the month which has just elapsed,
namely, 36,000, there is no particular reason on the basis
of numbers alone why we should set any particular term
on the war ! "
One could almost afford to leave the matter there ;
but it becomes more amazing when the writer's own
statement as to the character of the German lists is
examined. Here it is : —
Can we trust these casualty lists ? Up to a point we probably
can. They arc often belate<], but so are ours. They contain
many errors which are subsequently rectified, but so do ours.
They only contain the names of some men Avho have died of
sickness, probably in the army zone, and omit altogether, as
do ours, the names of men invalided and the floating popula-
tion of hospitals and sanatoria.
Now if it were absolutely certain that the German
lists were exact and exhaustive, a military critic might be
quite right to reduce on their authority his own estimate
by something approaching a third, though it might be
thought that he could hardly do so without some shock
to men's confidence in his judgment. But it is obvious
from the passage quoted above that the writer cannot
even pretend that these lists are either exhaustive or
exact. They are " belated " ; they " contain many
errors " ; they refer to only a proportion of those who
die of sickness ; and they " omit altogether the names
of men invalided and the floating population of hospitals
and sanatoria."
Nevertheless the military correspondent of tlic
Times accepts them ; and by a series of wild guesses at
the missing items, guesses wholly unsupported by any
kind of evidence and containing the perfectly pre-
posterous suggestion of fifty per cent, of wounded return-
ing to their original duties— we know that the real
proportion in all armies is something between a quarter
and a third— succeeds in bringing out a figure almost
exactly the same as the German " ofiicial " figure.
As we go to press there appears still another article in
the Times in which the same critic admits that the German
casualty lists are open to grave suspicion, though he does
not suspect the enemy of anything so base as deliberate
falsification. He agrees under pressure, that the number
of 36,000 officially quoted as the German losses in
January cannot be accepted ; in which case we are
entitled to ask what is the value of his conclusion on
February 9th, based on this same figure of 36,000, that
there is no reason " to set any particular term on the
war ? "
When asked to account for the fact that the " official "
list of German casualties on all fronts appears to be only
equal to those of the Allies on the Western front, he
ascribes it to " the superior numbers and armament of
the enemy." An explanation which leaves much to be
desired.
Finally, he declares that none of the press criticisms
which he has received give him convincing reasons for
changing his figures. What, then, was the " convincing
reason " which produced the startling change between
his figures on January 7th and on February gth, a process
by which he brought to life again very nearly a million
of the enemy ?
For a detailed examination of the strange methods"
by which this result is reached, we must refer our readers
to Mr. Belloc's article in another column. It is hardly
necessary to emphasise the point which he makes suffi-
ciently plain that the " so do ours " argument really
tells not for but against the conclusion arrived at by the
Times military correspondent. If it be true that the
figures given by all Governments are belated and contain
large categories of omission, that is a reason for augmenting
and not for diminishing thfc additions which we must
make to the German figures if we are to arrive at a true
estimate. If the German returns can be shown — as they
have been shown by a careful comparison with our own
figures and those of our Allies — to be in certain respects
exceptionally defective, and if in addition all figures of
the kind are somewhat defective, then we have two
allowances to make— one for the normal and one for the
abnormal defect.
But the main lesson remains unchallengeable. It
is the duty of the Government when it publishes such
enemy figures to accompany them, as the French Govern-
ment does, by a competent and authoritative criticism.
§uch criticism would not only enable the public to forn
a true instead of a false estimate of the facts, but it would'
prevent or render innocuous such errors as those witl
which we have been dealing.
LAND A ND WATER
February 17, igi6.
THE NEW SESSION
THE session which opened tliis week must o£
necessity be mainly occupied with linancial
business. It is true that from various quarters
other questions will be pressed upon the House.
With the agitation for an Air Ministry we dealt last week,
and in spite of rumours to the contrary there is good
reason to hope that the (rONcrnnieut will negative this
newspaper scheme. Possibly ten years hence warfare
in the air may have developed to such a degree that it
may be necessary for us to have air fleets almost on the
same scale as our sea fleets, and in that e\ent it is possible
that a separate air department might be ad\-isable. But
for the needs of the present war, aircraft are required
mainly for assisting the operations of the army, and it is
essential that the aircraft employed should be controlled
by the army. The navy also has its special equipment
of air planes and seaplanes and these, in the same way,
must of necessity be under na\ al control. Even if a
separate Air Ministry were to be created it could not in
any reasonable period obtain the aircraft necessary for
a third service, because all the aircraft that wc can now
build arc urgently required either for army or navy.
Another question that may come up for discussion
is the effectiveness of our na\'al blockade. I'ntil recent
months, as is now generally admitted, our naval blockade
was defective, and there is little doubt that the defect
was ultimately traceable to the unwillingness of the Foreign
Office to abandon its pre-war conceptions of the use of
sea-power. Latterly the Foreign Ofhce has moved a
long way, and though it may still be true that a consider-
able quantity of goods is getting through neutral countries
to Germany, we are undoubtedly ufing our naval power
\-ery much more effectively than we were before. Whether
there is still room for impro\ ement is i-ather a question
of technical detail than of general principle.
A third issue which may be raised, though from an
entirely different quarter, is the question of the operation
cf theMilitary Service Act. The pacifists, though com-
pletely defeated in the House of Commons arid even more
completclV discredited in the country, are doing their
best to stir up resistance to military compulsion and may
succeed in making a certain amount of trouble. Their
proceedings will be sure to find some echo in the House of
CommcJns, which still contains members hke Mr. Ramsay
Macdonald, Mr. Philip Snowden, etc., who in defiance
of the. wishes of their constituents, retain their seats and
misrepresent those who sent them to Parliament.
When Parliament decided to prolong its existence
beyond the quinquennial period it ought to have intro-
duced some provision for dealing with those member?
whose moral claim to sit in the House of Commons has
come to an end. The simplest plan would be to authorise
a constituency by means of a plebiscite to compel its
member to resign when he persistently follows a policy
which is at variance with the wishes of his constituents.
It is a subject that demands consideration.
But the main work of the ses.Mon, at any rate for
several months to come, is bound to be financial. Although
the Government must continue borrowing to meet the
major cost of the war, it is imperative that steps should be
taken with very little delay to increase taxation, and
already there are rumours of a very big Budget.
The case for taxation may be \ery briefly stated.
In the first place it has always been the honourable tradi-
tion of this country to meet a very considerable part of
the cost of each war out of current revenue. Undoubtedly
it is right that posterity should pay part of the cost be-
cause posterity will enjoy— at least so we hope -a very
large part of the gain, yet it has always to be remembered
that posterity will have its own burdens to face, and it is
more than possible that those burdens will include new-
wars. Even to-day we have not yet paid off half of the
debt accumulated during the Napoleonic Wars. The
second reason for high taxation at tiie present time is
the great prosperitv of the countrv. That prosperity
is ultimately traceable to the artificial demand for labour
which the war itself has created. Nearly all the wage-
earning classes are doing better than they have ever done
in their lives before, and the open-handedness with which
they are spending their money creates prosperity in all
businesses that cater for their comforts, for their luxuries,
and for their amusements. Thus there is no question
that the great majority of the population could at Ae
present time easily bear a much higher scale of taxation
than has yet been imposed.
By imposing extra taxes now the Chancellor of the
Exche<iuer will be able to secure an increased contribu-
tion to the outgoings upon war, and when the war ends
he will be in a position to remit taxation ; whereas if the
opposite course were adopted and our revenue were con-
fined to an amount just sufticient to cover the interest
on loans the end of the war would find us compelled to
maintain the same rate of taxation indefinitely. As
far as can be foreseen the chances are that when the war
ends the present prosperity will end also, and there will
be a general decline both in wages and in profits. A
remission of taxation under such conditions would be of
enormous assistance to the coimtry in the recovery of its
economic strength.
As regard the actual taxes which will have to be
imposed, there will probably be no general disagreement,
though each particular tax is certain to arouse particular
opposition. On all hands there has been a demand for
a tax on cinema tickets, theatre tickets and other forms of
popular amusement. The amount that could be obtained
is certainly appreciable and there is no tax in theory more
justifiable. It may also be assumed that the scale of
import duties will be very widely extended, not only for
the sake of obtaining re\cnue, but also to check importa-
tion. It is a matter of the first importance to decreac
the sums which we have to pay abroad, and to diminish
the demand upon our mercantile marine for carrying
across the sea goods with which we could afford to dis
pense. On this jioint it is satisfactory to see that with
xexy few exceptions the keenest free-traders have ex-
])ressed their willingness to suspend their pre-war theories
in order to meet the exigencies of war facts.
Neither taxes on anmsements nor taxes on imports
will alone suffice to raise the additional revenue that is
required. There must be a considerable increase of the
income-tax. In September last it was anticipated that
Mr. McKenna would put up the income-tax to 5s. in the
£. He contented himself with fixing the general scale
at 3s. 6d., which only becomes fully operative in the
coming financial year. To this, however, has to be added
a rising scale for super-tax, so that the larger incomes will
be paying more than 5s. in the /, even without any fresh
addition. Some addition there must be ; but if the
wealthier classes are asked to give up more than a quarter
of their incomes for the necessities of the war it is only
right that the poorer classes should all of them, without
distinction, make some direct contribution in proportion
to their means. There is little reason to doubt that if
the Go\ernment were to appeal to the patriotic instincts
of the working classes there would be a general willingness
expressed to accept an income-tax on wages as a neces-
sary part of our war finance.
Happily the whole position of the Government is
x'ery much better than it was a few months ago. The
successful passing of the Military Service Act has im-
mensely strengthened Mr. Asquith's hands, and the
complete failure of Sir John Simon to lead a revolting
party has acted as a warning to other dis.'idents. The
main fault of the Gox'ernment now, as in the earlier
nronths of the war, is a la<k of confidence in its own
strength. From the beginning, the country has been
more willing to make sacrifices than the Government
has beliex-ed. and if Ministers can bring themselves to
treat with a little more indifference indiA du I grumbhngs
in the House of Commons they will find : n e.iger response
from the country as a whole
February 17, 1916.
LAND AND WAT>ER
TRUE AND FALSE IMPRESSIONS
OF THE WAR.
By Hilaire Belloc.
IT has become apparent in the course of the last few
weeks that the main danger, so far as this country
is concerned, hcs in the misleading of public
opinion ; that is, a tendency to exaggerate every-
thing in favour of the enemy and to belittle everything
in favour of the Allies. Short of actual incompetence in
the field, there is nothing so ruinous for a nation at war.
The authorities have an easy and obvious antidote.
They have but to issue from time to time reasoned and
fairly detailed statements of the military situation, such as
have already been advocated in these columns, and the
effect on the public would be instantaneous. If the
very grave importance of this subject were appreciated,
if the magnitude of the negative effect attaching to its
neglect were grasped, I am confident there would be no
hesitation in adopting a policy so necessary.
Example of Mr. Tennant's Figures.
The Government hardly seems to realise, for
instance, the effect of those brief unmodified statements
upon enemy and British wastage made by the Under-
Secretary for War in the House of Commons. In the
form in which the statements were made, the public were
left to infer that the enemy permanently lost at the rate
of 50 per cent, of his strength in seventeen months — that
is, hardly 3 per cent, a month. Almost in the same
breath we have another official announcement that the
wastage of British infantry is five times as great, that is,
15 per cent, a month !
When the thing is put as baldly as that no one can
miss it ; and of course the authorities responsible for such
statements will tell us that they never intended to create
such grotesque misunderstandings. But those misimder-
standings are created, and necessarily created, when un-
critical partial statements are the only official information
vouchsafed.
The other day the Italian Government issued a
document of capital importance to which only one
newspaper, the Morning Post, did anything like justice.
In this excellent resume, the Italian authorities showed
the extreme importance and value of the work that had
been done on the Alpine and Adriatic front. They gave
a most vivid and accurate summary of the present position
and of the solid foundation on which it was based. They
estimated for us the permanent numbers occupied upon
the enemy's side and their rate of wastage. They des-
cribed the stategical value of the work done so that any
man reading the summary rose from his reading wth a
clear perception of how the alliance stood in that particular
field.
But until that document appeared, what was the
general impression which had been given to our public in
this country ? It was of the most ludicrously insufficient
type followed by what is graver than insufficiency, misap-
prehension.
Irresponsible telegrams from time to time announced
the fall of Gorizia, simply because such " news " was
sensational. Of the solid work accomplished by the
Itahan Service, of their excellent and dominating heavy
artillery, and of the mountain warfare, and of its meaning
in the general campaign, there was but little said in the
. Press, and nothing official.
Example of Salonika.
Take the position of Salonika. To read a certain
sort of comment upon this undertaking, the successful
fortification of that base, its present ample munitionment
and now completed value as a threat upon the flank of
all the enemy's work towards the East, one would
imagine that the general officers directing the Allies had
blundered there with no precise plan in their minds and
were staying there with no clear idea of why they should.
Nothing would have been easier than to issue from time to
time, Avithout telling the enemy anything he did not
know, a reasoned statement showing of what value the
move was, or at least, of how the enemy regarded it. One
could construct from German criticism alone, as it has
appeared since the expedition was undertaken, a mo«it
illuminating document which would give, to the mass of
educated opinion at least, a view of the whole business
in its right perspective and with its proper weight. As
it is, the public is left either mystified or suspicious
and ready, when the first strain comes, to be alarmed.
Example of Trench Work.
Or take this example : The veiy meaning of trench
work. There is a great mass of opinion — I do not say
it is universal, but it is formidable — which conceives that
unless there is a movement upon the map nothing is
happening : That a besieged enemy in his trenches
suffers no loss, and that shells arc exchanged as a sort
of " reprisals." Why could we not have from time to
time an exposition for the public guidance of what
trench work is, and of how the enemy is suffering under
it ? It is only a question of building a bridge from the
experience of the hundreds of thousands of men abroad
to the appreciation of the millions of the public at home.
The Times Figures.
Now it is generally accepted that the total mobilis-
able strength of efficients in the German Empire is more
than eight and less than nine million men for the first two
years of the war. The military correspondent of The Times,
in an article which appeared in that paper cm February
9th, emphasises the point (it is rather late in the day to
do so) that numbers form the one fundamental factor in
the situation, and that a just estimate of enamy losses
is the only way to judge the present nature of the war.
The article in question slightly overestimates the total
mobilisable force of the German Empire, but this is due
to an odd and unsatisfactory way of arriving at the
figures, for it takes vague guesses at the proportion of
various trades that can be mobilised instead of following
the more direct and exact methods of analogy — e.g.,
the known percentage of inefficients, the known maximum
percentage mobilisable in a population — wth other
countries.
't wisely warns its readers against counting in men o\-er
military age who may be summoned because these, though
they swell numbers on paper, have little military value.
But the gist of the article is none the less an example
of the vicious method contrasted with the right method ol
appreciating the present state of the campaign. It is
essentially a plea — an argument to a brief — instead of a
cold and dispassionate analysis. Its object is to get the
eaders of The Times to believe in the smallest possible
amount of German dead-loss, just as the object of a
barrister in Couil is to get the judge and jury to believe
everything they possibly can in f;.'vour of their client.
I will begin my criticism of the article in question,
and of the numbers at which it arrives, by pointing out
the really remarkable contrast between its conclusions
and those printed in the very s.ame coliunns only a few
weeks ago. The Times military correspondent, in an
article which appeared on January 7 th, estimated the
German losses at three and a i'aalf million.
The article which I am ab<3ut to criticise suddenly
reduces the original estimate by nearly a million !
That is startling to say the least of it !
It lessens the value of the reasoning to follow. When
one sees the same writer pass from the admission of three
and a half milHon to a novel plea for a milhon less, and
make this amazing diminution without apology or
introduction, one cannot but be rihaken in one's confidence.
LAND AND WATER.
Fobruarj' 17, 1916.
however ignorant one may be of the metliods whereby such
things are computed.
But when we look into those metliods we shall, I
think, be amply satisfied that they arc imperfect and
indeed, almost valueless.
The writer begins with the foundation for all these
calculations, the lists pubhshed officially by the German
authorities.
He adds these together, including those which
appeared during the month of January, and arrives at a
total of 2,627,085 casualties, up to and before February
ist, 1916.
But when he comes to the criticism of these figures,
he breaks down altogether.
The Four Griticalx Points.
There are four essential departments in this criticism :
(i) We have to find out what proportion of wounded
and dead these hsts either delay in publishing or omit
altogether.
(2) We have to find out what proportion of those
appearing in the lists return to active service of the same
sort as that which they left when they were wounded or
invalided.
(3) We have to estimate what proportion over and
above those mentioned in the casualty lists are men off
the strength at any moment from sickness, because that
category, as we have seen, is not mentioned at all in the
casualty lists.
(4) We liave to estimate the " permanent margin of
temporary losses."
Unless we can get somewhere near a rough estimate
of these four points om: calculations are obviously
worthless.
Now the writer of the article makes no sort of
attempt to arrive at and to prove any one of these four
fundamental estimates.
Suppose you want to know what a man's available
cash is at any moment. He gives you an account dated
upon the ver.y day of your enquiry. He admits, however,
that the account does not include his last transactions,
but is, in all its items, more or less belated ; Of one set
of items ttiere is no record for three months past, of another
for two Baonths, etc. He further admits that one whole
category of expenditure is never mentioned at all. Finally,
he does not tell you in his accounts what proportion of
his cxp< -nditure is in the form of loans subject to repay-
ment, Irmt only tells you that " a large part of it " is of
this SOI t.
It is obvious that liis accounts so stated are, for the
purpoJ^e f»f an exact estimate, worthless. You could only
arrive at such an estimate by judging from other of the
man's actions or from the analogy of other men similarly
placed : (i) What is the average delay in the appearance
of an ii.cm upon the accounts ; (2) What proportion of the
expcn($ture is in the shape of good debts which have been
repaid ; (3) what proportion of the whole is formed by that
category of expense which he has refused to mention ;
and (4) what money is still out on loan.
It is perfectly clear that if you do not know anything
about these four things the accounts he has rendered you
are worthless.
It is precisely the same with a set of casualty lists.
The delay between any financial transaction and its
mention in the accounts corresponds to the delay in the
appearance of names upon the casualty lists.
The proportion of expenditure consisting of loans
wliich are repaid corresponds to the sick and wounded
vho come back to full ictive sers'ice again.
The categorv- of expenditure which your informan
refuses to mention and which he admits does not appea
in his accounts at all, ccrrcsponds to the cases of sickness
as distinguished from wounds.
WTiile the amount of cash which is not at the moment
available because it is still out on loan and has not been
returned, corresponds to that number of sick and wounded
men which, at any gn-cm moment, arc off the strength
although thev will at so«ne fut>'— time bo back on the
strength again after their <urc. I is this which is called
i.' ike -permanent margin of temporary losses."
Now when we turn to the article in the Times of
February Oth we find no sort of argument upon these
four fundamental essentials.
On the first point, the average delay m the mention
of the names, we have the exceedingly vague sentence :
" They are often belated — but so are ours."
The sentence is not only worthless as a piece of
exact calculation, but it is obviously bad in logic. What
has our rate of delay got to do with an estimate of the
enemy's losses ? Though we should pubhsh no casualty
lists at all there would yet remain the problem of ascer-
taining what his losses were. As a way of excusing the
enemy from deliberate bad faith such a remark may have
some purpose, but as a method of belittling the enemy's
losses it is meaningless. If our own lists are very much
belated the only conclusion useful to the pres nt purpose
which could be drawn from that fact would be that the
German losses were even larger than was supposed. For
instance, if the average British .'Vrmy in the field were a
fifth of the average German Army in the field and if we
were working only on the analogy of our own figures, wc
should multiply our casualties by 5 to arrive at theirs.
But if our real casualties (on account of delay in publica-
tion) were at any given date half as much again as the
numbers published to that date, then, on the same
analogy the real German losses to date would be half as
much again as the published ones.
The first part of the sentence is clearly useless.
Everybody knows that the German lists, like all lists, are
somewhat belated. The whole point is how much belated.
Unless you can answer that question within certain
approximate limits you are not calculating at all, but only
talking at large.
Now the readers of this journal are familiar with the
methods by which the average amount of delay can be
arrived at. It varies, of course, with the amount and
the severity of the fighting, with the distance over which
the information must travel, with the opportunities for
ascertaining and checking the results — opportunities that
differ with ground, climate, and a hundred other things.
But the average rate of delay we know to be from six to
eight weeks.
How do we know this ? We know it by noting af tci
what delay certain losses, the exact date of which the
Allies can determine, appear in the lists.
For instance, a particular German company was
captured almost entire on the 26th of September by
the French. It appears in the German lists on the 29th
of October. Certain German dead identified by the
French in the first days of October do not appear until
December. Even in the month of January there is a
respectable number of names appearing, the casualties
referring to which took place more than three months
earlier.
The work has been done with minute care all over
Europe. Its results are fairly well known. The general
conclusions are published from time to time, particularly
by the authorities in Paris. There is no excuse for
ignoring exact results of this kind, and if one does ignore
them one's conclusions have no value at all.
The very figures given in the article to which I am
referring are amply sufficient to prove so obvious a truth.
For instance, the Times gives the German losses in
August 1914 — killed, missing, severely wounded, lightly
wounded — all — at 9,213 ! August was the month of the
great assaults on Lif-ge, of the cavalry skirmishes througli
Belgium, of the tremendous struggle on the Sambrc, ol
Guise, of Le Cateau, of Sarrail's violent and successful
stroke against the Crown Prince which saved Verdun ;
the first two days' fighting of the bloodiest battle of the
lot, the Grand Couronne, took place on the last two days
of August ; finally, August saw the smashing of the twc
.\rmy Corps defending East Prussia and the tremendous
counter-stroke of Tannenberg.
The total German losses in that month may have
been 15 times 9,000 or may have been 20 times or 25
times 9,000 ; but the figure 9,000 for all those August
losses is obviously nonsense.
What then does it mean ? It means that the lists
compiled and checked up to and including the 31st of
August, 1914, were only the first tlriblcts and referred
only to the very first stages of the fighting.
February 17, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
Tliere is no need to elaborate the point. The average
two months delay is perfectly clear. You do not begin
to get the big figures of the early fighting until the Sep-
tember lists. They are not even near completion till
October, when the highest totals are reached and the
full effect of the Marne, etc., is felt.
On this first count then the calculation is worthless
because there is not even an attempt to estimate the
average of delay.
II.
Now for the second point. What is the proportion
of those appearing in the lists who return to active
service ?
This article in the Times rightly says that the German
claim to over 80 ])er cent, is false, but it goes on to say,
"If we assume that 50 per cent, of the whole number
of wounded return to the front " we get such and such
a result. On what ground is 50 per cent, chosen, and in
what time do these 50 per cent, return to the front ?
Wh-Ai proportion of them at any one time are still in
hospital ? How many should be added for the sick who
return to the front ? On those questions there is no
answer nor even any attempt at an answer. Yet they
;ue vital to even the roughest conclusion. It has already
lieen determined, by careful analysis of our own casualty
lists, that the proportion of those appearing in these lists
who subsequently return to active service is not more
than one-fourth of the total. As we have no reason to
suppose that the German hospitals are superior to our
own, or that the German methods of healing the wounded
excel our own, an estimate of 50 per cent, is obviously
far in excess of the true figures. All that counts in war
as a true "return " is the man who, having been wounded
or fallen sick, actually returns to his original duties, and
can be maintained there.
III.
The third necessity of the calculation is to estimate
the unmentioned number of sick. Without some such
estimate it is obvious that our calculations are valueless.
A man off the strength from sickness is just as much off
the strength as though he were a prisoner or dead. If
he is back, but only at light work, he and others like him
are soon absorbed, and, though hght work .may be
made for them and their discharge refused, they are
still no part of the true army.
Now as the Germans do not tell us anything about
these cases we have only two ways of making our estimate.
The first is through the Intelhgence Department, which
gets news from prisoners, from spies, from captured docu-
ments, and from the putting together of evidence (printed
or otherwise) published within the enemy's country. The
second way is by analogy with our own figures.
Tile results of these methods — though the first is
accurate enough, and the second exact as far as our own
ligures are concerned — are not communicated to the
public. But they arc pretty widely known, and their
effect upon a general estimate of wastage is perfectly
well known because one of the Allied higher commands,
the French, has had the sense to publish those general
conclusions from time to time.
In this article in The Times those conclusions are
not so much as alluded to ! We have nothing but a
personal affirmation admittedly uncertain, and based
apparently upon nothing. We are told that the in-
\'aUded men " may amount " to 35,000 men a month,
or " may be more, or less." We are further told that the
" floating population of the sick in hospitals may be
150,000 — or, again, more or less."
IV.
Finally, on the fourth point, the permanent margin of
temporary losses— which we have to add to the dead loss
in order to get the total amount off the strength at any
given moment — there is complete silence !
So much for the way in which this ''apital problem
is attacked and treated— I will not say solved, for there
is not even an approximate solution.
At the end of these few lines of statement, without
any exposition of the method of calculation, and in
startling contradiction to the results arrived at by the
RAEMAEKERS' CARTOON.
It will be remembered that in Land and Water,
January zyth, in the place of the tisual cartoon
as the frontispiece, we published a picture by
Raemaekers of the funeral oJNo. 16092 Private Joseph
Walker, Bedfordshire Regiment. Private Walker's
body li'tts cast up by the sea on the dyke at West
Capelle, and kindly Dutchmen arranged for a
funeral, conducted by a British Chaplain. In the
account of the scene published in the Amsterdam
" Telegraaf," the ivriter asked, " Where is his
home ; ivho in loving thoughts thinks of him ?"
A day or tieo ago a letter reached the Editor,
from Offley, a village in Hertfordshire, written by
Mrs. Walker, the mother of Private Joseph
Walker. This picture was the fir'it intimation she
had had 0} her son's death, and she is very grateful
to those good souls in Holland, who had arranged
for his burial with this impressive ceremony. A
framed 2rtist's proof of Raemaekers' picture is
being sent to Mrs. Walker by Land AND Watek as
a memorial of her son's death.
same writer on January 7th, we get the abrupt con-
cluding sentence that " the nett permanent loss of the
German army during the past eighteen months of war "
is nearly 2,600,000. And there the matter ends — except
for an estimate of remaining drafts, itself based upon such
exceedingly vague and erroneous matter.
To sum up : — -
(a) The article begins by suddenly cutting down the
original estimate in the The Times by a million. (6)
It takes for the losses of eighteen months, killed, missing
and wounded, what are really the losses of about sixteen.
(c) It makes no allowance for the omission of names.
(d) Its allowance for the proportion of sick (who are not
mentioned) is based upon no analogy and no evidence.
(e) It says nothing of permanent temporary losses. (/) It
leaves wholly out of account all the numerous forms of
evidence which have been supplied for the solution of this
problem and with which the readers of this journal are
familiar (the losses of particular corporations, the counted
losses upon particular occasions where the Allies have
had the opportunity to make such calculation, the analogy
of tiie Allied losses, etc), (g) It ends by a bald un-
supported statement reducing the enemy losses to the
lowest possible figure.
This illustration of numbers emphasises the need for
clear and regular official statements which will serve as a
guide to public opinion. Nothing is more fatal than the
alternation between confidence and depression, which
can readily be produced by the Press without any relation
to the actual facts. We are all familiar with the
alternation.
When the Austrians suffered their defeat before
Lemberg, we were told that their army had gone to
pieces and no longer counted. When the Russians first
advanced into East Prussia, that advance was magnified
with the ridiculous metaphorical name of " The Steam
Roller." When the Germans were approaching Paris
we had the infamous account of panic and rout as a
travesty of that admirable retreat which led to the Marne
and saved Europe. When hopes were thus revived the
Russians were to be in Berlin " in two months." When
the guns of a corps-artillery were caught in the marshes
of St. Gond, those pieces miraculously became " the
artillery of a whole corps."
Suddenly the order changed. There came months
when the whole object to be attained was to depress public
opinion. When the Austro-German line pursuing the
Russian Armies halted, exhausted, short of the Dvina,
we were assured that its advance would be continued.
Just before this the Austro-Germans had failed signally in
their attempt to destroy the Russian armies at Vilna.
During those critical days everything that could lead us
to belie\e in the coming of that disaster was emphasised
and trumpeted abroad.
Even as I write the one chief triuuipU of the British
LAND AND WATER.
February 17, 1916'
mmiio
VALONA
1
jLake
Ostrova
\ \
6 /
2S
IvTUes
— J
service during the whole campaign, the Air Service, is
the butt of just such an attack.
The Press has great power, for gooa or evil, but if it is
used to distort facts, to depress pubhc opinion, there is
grave danger that it will and so lead to an inconclusive and
therefore disastrous peace.
The Western Front.
The continued attacks upon the northern part of the
French front may or may not be preliminary to a general
attack, but it is the almost universal opinion of con-
tinental observers that they are ; the reason for this
growing conviction, the value of which the future alone
can show, is largely the similarity of the method now
being used in the \\'est with that which preceded the
great offensive against the Russian Front in Galicia
last April. It is true that the conditions here and now
are vastly different. There the enemy knew that his
opponent was gravely inferior in munitionment and
almost without heavy pieces - at any rate without any
of large calibre. Here he knows that his opponent is
his superior in munitionment and his equal in pieces.
There he had on the whole lesser numbers opposed to
him ; here he has far greater numbers opposed to him.
Here he knows that a \iolent diversion could be created
against him at any part of an open line 500 miles long ;
there no such diversion was possible. There he had far
the superiority in his observ-ation over the enemy's
lines to discover any concentration on the Russian
part and to hide any of his own ; here it is exactly the
other way. It is we -who know more easily where and
when he is concentrating and he who discovers less easily
the corresponding movements upon our side. Never-
theless we know from the past that the German Higher
Command always tries to repeat in detail any former
success, and it is on this that the conjecture of a coming
attempt at a decision is largely founded.
For the rest the little local attacks continue ; they
rarely cover a front of more than one mile, never of
three ; they are expensive to the enemy but worth his
while if in the course of them he can discover points of
weakness. They are being carried on so continuously
that if they have not some such ulterior object they are
already guilty of waste ; for every one of them costs
some thousands of men and the completely unsuccessful
ones, which arc the majority, are pure loss.
Salonika.
On the Macedonian front the sending of detachments
west of the Vardar is chiefly important as showing tlic
rapidly increasing strength "of the Allied Forces behind
the lines of Salonika. .\s a base for a direct offensive
northwards against the main enemy line of communica-
tions which it is intended to threaten, the Port is badly
handicapped. Immediately in front of it stretches the
mass of mountains which marks the great frontier and
through these there are but two avenues by which large
bodies can advance — the valleys of the Vardar and the
Struma, but, with a superiority in numbers, there is an
obvious method of driving the enemy northward, and
that is by attacking in Hank from the" west from Valona
and the Adriatic in synchrony with a direct attack from
Salonika itself. There is practicable going for troops and
guns directly from west to east, and the whole situation
^vere it to develop thus would exactly reverse the con-
ditions under which the Austro-Germans and Bulgarians
attacked Serbia in the autumn.
They came from the north supported by a powerful
attack in flank from the east; they had far superior
numbers. The combined frontal and flank attack
compelled the retirement of the Serbian army south-
westward with a loss of half their effectives and all theii
guns ; the .\llied counter-attack when or if it is possessed
of similar superior numbers would come in front, north-
ward and in flank from the west compelling an enemy
retirement north-eastwards. But there is this great
difference between the two operations ! First, that the
enemy is not as the Serbians were^ — strictly limited ; he
can reinforce his menaced front by a continuous rail
communication ; secondly, the Allies have the power,
which is capital in value, of creating sudden pressure on
the Galician front the moment the enemy tries to reinforce
in Macedonia. Thirdly, the enemy can retire intact
(unless Koumania decides in our fa\oiir). There is no
boundary near by such as was the Adriatic shore to the
Serbians against which their retreat could be driven.
But the whole of this hypothesis depends upon the
presence of very large forces acting from tlie Adriatic
against the Germans and Bulgarians towards Monastir.
Failing that a direct and isolated ad\ance from Salonika
would do nothing.
The present movement of troops across the Vardar
presages nothing of the kind. It is no more than the
securing of the bridge heads where the Monastir road
and railway cross the Vardar, perhaps the securing of the
low hills beyond which at long range tiireaten the Vardar
front of tlie Salonika lines, but it proves, as has been said,
the continually increasing force within those lines.
H. BliLLOC.
\Mr. Belloc's analysis of the militayy operations
oj the ueek is .unavoidably brief, owing to his tem-
porary absence in France on a special mission. He
icill deal fully icith several important questions next
week.]
February 17, 1916,
LAND AND WATER
THE NEW PIRACY.
By Arthur Pollen.
THE week has been remarkable for a serious nayal
calamitj' — the loss of Arelhusa ; for an unex-
pected raid by German destroyers on some small
craft in the North Sea ; for an absurdly bragging
account of this incident by the German Admiralty ; for
the announcement of a new j^iracy, a brusque reminder
from Berlin to Washington that Ciermany is not to be
trifled with ; and for Mr. Garrison's resignation from
Mr. Wilson's Cabinet. , The arming of merchantmen has
naturally come once more into discussion, and there is a
lull in the agitation for upsetting the Board of Admiralty.
As for the loss of the Arclhusu, the sense of relief
that her Commodore — who is simply irreplaceable — her
exceptionally able Captain, her war trained officers and
almost all her gallant crew have escaped destruction, is
so great, that the loss of the ship itself seems almost
unimportant. Not that it is realh* unimportant, for,
whatever the activities of the builders may have been
since August, 1914, we never can have too many fast
cruisers, and we began the war with lamentably too few.
But such casualties are to be expected. " The pitcher
that goes oftenest to the well "... and Arelhusa
certainly had a bellyful of fighting and of risk in her
brief but brilliant career. Like King Edward ]'II.,
she has fallen to a mine. It seems that no vigilance, no
practicable completeness in arrangements for sweeping,
no protective additions to ships, can render cruising in
the North Sea safe. The laying of mines by submarines
introduces new elements into a form of warfare distin-
guished by uncertainties and dangers that are great enough
already ; and it throws new burdens on a section of our
naval force, of whose doings we hear but little, but whose
task is second to none in importance or in peril.
The reality of these risks is exemplified by the (ier-
nian announcement of a great naval victory on the
Dogger Bank — an announcement that has thrown the
German press into transports of happiness. The Father-
land's destroyers — so the story ran — swept majestically
into the North Sea, where some British cruisers — one
so modern that the name does not even appear in the
Navy List ! — had, contrary to the lurking British habit,
too boldly ventured. They were made to paj^ dearly for
their temerariousness. One, the Arabis, was svmk, and
some of the officers and crew actually rescued, captured,
and brought home as prisoners ! A most surprising thing.
Another was badly injured — a third and fourth put to
ignominious flight. Their superior speed — now said to
be f6 knots — one supposes, alone explains their e\'asion
of their determined German conquerors.
The Hun civilians are a simple credulous folk, strangly
ignorant of sea affairs. But c\'en to such an audience
as that, this story should surely have been too thin.
The sort of cruiser, modern or not, tha.t destroyers can
conquer, is surely not the sort that can escape ! For the
slowest destroyer has a speed of 28 knots, and no cruiser
of this speed would be inferior in armament. The
Admiralty version of the incident affords an explanation
more in harmony with the credible elements of the Ger-
man stoiy. The Arabic and her consorts were not cruisers,
but mine-sweepers ; coasting craft or trawlers, and
probably imarmed, certainly unescorted by even the
feeblest of war vessels. Thus then is the German success
explained. It probably never occurred to. anyone that
an escort could be necessary ; it has certainly never
lieen necessary before. So rare a thing as a German
dash into the North Sea will not deter, other sweepers
from carrying on exactly as if the incident had not
occurred. What then is singular about the incident, is
first, that, like the Ponga's escape, it is without precedent,
next that so trival a success should be so stupidly exag-
gerated.
Submarine Extensions.
But a certain verbal stupidity seems to characterise
an German pronuriciamentos. The proclamation of a
new f rightfulness — the sinking of all British merchantmen
at sight, because they are armed— does not annmmce
a.new practice, or explain an old one by a new excuse.
At most, it promises an extension to wider fields of
jmelhods already as infamous as they are familiar. On
February 4th last year, Germany announced the creation
of a " war zone " in which " all British vessels" were to be
destroyed without regard to the safety of the non-
combatants on board — and neutrals were told that to
distinguish between their ships and ours would not always
be possible. It was thus the most comprehensive murder
progranune ever put out. It was not a programme that
could be extended. Bvit the submarine was the only
specified agent of this threatened destruction. When
America protested — February 12th — that she recognised
search and capture, but no other form of action against
neutrals, and would hold Germany to strict account for
any other — Berlin retorted — on February i6th, three days
before the campaign officially began — that as Great
Britain had armed its merchantmen, and acknowledged the
use of false colours, distinction between belligerents and
neutrals would not be possible. (Germany had to strike
back, for Britain was trying to starve her — to kill on
sight was then a German necessity. And she would as
far as she could close the war area by mines — which
cannot distinguish between friend and foe — and destroy
all shipping by every means in her power.
How consistently Germany has acted up to her creed
a long tale of outrage and piracy proclaims. The new
threat is then neither novel in method or pretext.
And it is singular only for its bearing on the controversy
with \\'ashington. The position there is as obscure as
ever it has been. Mr. Garrison, one of Mr. Wilson's
able colleagues, has resigned, apparently because he was
unsupported in his demands for a larger and better
military force — but it is suspected that he questions Mr.
\\'ilson's latest policy towards Germany.
If this is well founded, we have the first — and only. —
confirmation of those who think Mr. Wilson will surrender.
But in spite of the omen, this still seems tome impossible.
And now, while the final issue of the controversy
is still in doubt, Germany, as if to close her side of it,
announces with every circumstance of insolence that this
persistence will continue. It is not a disavowal of her
crime — it is a reversion to the attitude of February 4th
and i6th of last year, and to the childish plea of her
last published retort on the Lusitania — a case, she said,
which showed " with horrible clearness the jeopardy to
human life to which the barbarous methods of war of
Germany's adversaries must lead." From first to last
she has had no other argument than the parrot cry
" England has completely interrupted neutral navigation
and thus Germany was driven to submarine war on trade."
There has never been any weakening of the principle
that German necessity justifies anything ; never any
pretence that this principle is compatible with that
which America champions.
What will be ]\Ir. Wilson's final decision ? The
issue, so precisely defined, so categorically raised, in-
sisted upon with such threats — " the United States would
omit no act necessary to safeguarcUng her citizens in the
exercise of their acknowledged right to pursue their
lawful errands as passengers in the merchantmen of
belligerents " — cannot be evaded. The words are care-
fully chosen and lea\e the principles " which are immut-
able and on which the United States must state " free of
all ambiguity. They are laid down, the disavowal is
demanded, the menace is repeated after, not before,
Germany had pleaded the hollow excuse that our mer-
chantmen were armed. Indeed this issue is distinctly
met in the second Note after the Lusitania murders.
That ship, declared the President, was not " offensively
armed," and a defensive armament would not, of course,
change her civil character. For America, then, there
is only one answer open consistent with her profession;
only one thing to do that squares with " the sovereignty
and dignity of a neutral Power." The arming of
LAND AND WATER
merchantmen does not create a new political situation.
Nor is it a naval novelty.
The Theory of Armed Merchantmen.
There seems to be much confused thinking on the
subject of arming merchantmen. In the earliest times
there was no distinction between lighting ships and
trading ships, simply because sea lighting was not carried
on by any special ship weapon, but by warriors on
board ; and all trading ships had to defend themselves
in almost all seas and against all comers. Indeed Mr.
Hannay tells us in his excellent Shoi-t History of the Royal
Navy that, until the days of the Tudors, there was little
distinction between the calling of the pirate and the
calling of the trader. Right into the i8th century
merchant ships plying in distant seas had still to arm
themselves. The great East Indiamen continued the
practice almost to modem times. And all these ships
were armed, not as is erroneously supposed solely against
pirates. The sea trader has, by the common consent of
ci\'ilised mankind, always been free to protect himself —
if lie could — against the warships of his country's avowed
enemies, and to be so armed as to protect himself, neither
constituted him a man of war, as some American writers
have ignorantly suggested, nor yet a pirate, as the
<iermans have quite dishonestly proclaimed. The reason
that merchantmen have ceased to arm themselves is
twofold. It is partly because, as State navies have
become more highly organised and more numerous, the
necessity for self-protection grew less, but much more
because as the lighting ship became specialised, self-
protection became hopeless. This was indeed a necessary
consequejnce of guns becoming the principal armament
of warships, for it is clear that no ship could carry a
formidable battery together with a crew to man the guns,
and still retain the hold space necessary for a profitable
trade. So long, then, as the only enemy to be encountered
at sea was a gun-armed enemy the handicap on trading
ships was prohibitive, and when to the possibility of a
heavier battery a more protective method of construction
\yas added, the disparity in lighting value between the
lightest of warships and a merchantman carrying the
heaviest possible armament became so great that any
useful arming of traders was out of the question
But with the appearance on the sea, and its employ-
nient for the attack on trade, of a warship that was quite
defenceless against even the lightest of guns, the situation
of the 15th and i6th centuries revived. It so happens
that this particular form of defenceless warship is also
incapable, as Mr. Wilson pointed out in one of the
Lnsitauia notes, of visiting a ship in due and proper order
at sea, of making her a prize, or of sinking her without
leaving the non-combatants on board of her to the me'rcy
of the sea in open boats — adiotis or omissions incon-
sistent with civilised practice. Consequently, the Presi-
dent continued, it was manifest that this class of vessel
cannot be used against trade, without "inevitable viola-
tions of many sacred principles of justice and humanity."
If then it is said that in arminjg merchantmen we are
reverting to the practices of baabarism, the answer is
simple. We have done so because the practices of
barbarism have been revived against our merchantmen.
It has been the object of Count Bernstorff's amaz-
ingly successful press campaign at Washington to cloud
this issue by saying that British mercliantmen are armed
by the Admiralty, and their guns manned by naval
ratings, and that the object of this is to use trading
vessels offensively against submarines. Every armed
merchantman thus necessarily becomes an auxiliary
cniiser. Our own government has not so far replied on
the alleged facts. But on the theory of the thing the reply
is obvious. No one has ever questioned the right of
trading ships to arm themselves defensively. It is a
right admitted generally by the American government,
and specifically, as we have seen, in the second Lusitania
note. Nor need it be disputed that if used offensively,
armed merchantmen are virtually cruisers. The thing
turns on this. Are they so used ? It cannot be pre-
sumed. We have had a year's experience of submarine
war, and there is something more to appeal to than
theory.
Of the general fact — that Germany has not once
or ten times, but many hundreds of times, destroyed
February 17, 1906.
belligerent and neutral shipping, both by submarines
and by mines and in each case without warning — there
is no dispute whatever on either side. All that Germany
has claimed is that she was justified in doing it. If,
as America has always contended, to sink civihan ships
unsearched-and unwarned is inhuman and unprecedented,
then the criminaUty of the submarine is established and
acknowledged beyond argument. It is now contended,
not for the first time, but as the foundation for a new
argument, that merchantmen are armed for offensive
purposes. They have, one presumes, been armed for a
considerable time. Also a considerable number of
merchantmen must have been armed. If the purpose of
this was offensive, one is entitled to ask, has this armament
ever been offensively used ? Where merchantmen have
rammed submarines they have not been slow to tell the
story, but we have never heard of any gallant merchant
seaman who has sunk a submarine with a well aimed shot.
We have never heard that Germany has alleged that this
has in fact ever taken place. If no such case has been re-
ported or alleged, it seems a fair inference that no one
has sought to use merchantmen offensively. Indeed,
had so many ships, over so long a period, been so cm-
ployed, there must surely have been one success. At
any rate if there has been none, then the uselessness of
so arming them, and therefore the futihty of the com-
plaint of their being so armed, is manifest.
But if they have not been so used, and yet tha
Germans complain most bitterly of the fact of arming them,
and are toiling to pervert American opinion on thissub-
jesct, what is the obvious inference ? Why, that the
presence of guns on board merchant .ships has put the
fear of the Lord into the submarines, and made them
to a great extent useless for their piratical purposes.
Hence, doubtless, the Germanjtears. But this is exactly
why they were armed. It has been purely defensive in its
intention, and what is far more to the point, entirely
successful in carrying that intention out.
^Vhethe^ in fact it is wise and advantageous to arm
merchantmen depends entirely upon one»thing — namely,
the efficiency of the armament for the purfose. That
Germany contemplates a new and wider submarine cam-
paign, and probably with submarines capable of a higher
surface speed, of a larger pelagic radius, and armed in all
probability with greater calibred guns is highly probable.
Mr. Hurd announces in Tuesday's Daily Telegraph, that
our enemy has already produced a kind of submarine
monitor, with a continuous armoured battery extending
like an elongated hood for a great part of the length of
the hull. He seems to suppose that this submarine can
emerge this battery above the water and engage a gunned
ship with all the advantage that results from being itself
impenetrable to small shells. I have, for various
reasons, a difficulty in accepting this story. But if it be
true one of two alternative results must follow. If the bulk
of the enemy's submarines are armoiu'ed and therefore
impenetrable to small guns, small guns will then become
useless. If merchantmen can be armed with larger
calibres, and hitherto 6-inch have, at least by the
Americans, been considered within the defensive limit, it
will be a case of " as you were."
In any event it is obvious that the arming of mer-
chantmen turns upon the old considerations. There i3
in all probability no limit, in theory, to the size and,
therefore, to the defensive qualities of the submarine.
There is obviously a limit to the gun carrying capacit\' of
merchant ships. The question has arisen solely from the
vulnerability of the under water boats of the present type.
It is a state of affairs that might not endure even through-
out this war. It is certainly unlikely to recur in future
wars. It will be strange, if it turned out to be true, that
Mr. Lansing's demarche on the arming of merchantmen
was provoked by suggestions from the Navy Department,
At least it will be strange if the Department's suggestion
had any professional origin. The American Navy De-
partment, like our own Admiralty, has suffered before
and, I hope unlike our Admiralty, may suffer again, from
ignorant civilian interference both in policy and adminis-
tration. But it is quite impossible to believe that
American naval officers, many of whom are conspicuous
for their historical knowledge and their firm hold on naval
doctrine, could have put forward so untenable a theory
as is attributed to them. Arthur Pollen.
10
February 17, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
SOME LESSONS FROM THE AMERICAN
CIVIL WAR.-I.
By John Buchan.
WE have ail been taught that history is philosophy
teaching by examples, and that if we are to get
the value of the past we must be quick to seize
its lessons for the present. But we must set
about the task cautiouslj', for nothing is easier than to
mis-read history. We find a fancied resemblance between
some old event and an incident of to-day, but too often
the resemblance is trivial and superficial.
During the summer many honest souls were greatly
depressed about GallipoH, because they could not get the
Syracusan E.xpcdition out of their head. That was a
case where you had an amazingly close surface parallel.
The chief sea power and the chief democratic power,
Athens, was at war with Sparta, the chief land power
and the exponent of oligarchy. Athens, under the
influence of a brilliant but erratic politician, Alcibiades,
undertook a divergent operation in the shape of an
expedition against Syracuse. It was commanded by a
general who was much under the influence of politicians
at home, and L^machus, the ablest practical soldier,
was not listened to. It was an amphibious expedition,
an attack by a landing force with the support of the navy.
At first it won some small successes, and then the thing
fell into a stalemate and the besiegers became the be-
sieged. Presently a Spartan army, under Gylippus,
arrived to help the Syracusans. And so matters went
from bad to worse, till that disasLTous autumn when
Nicias laid down his arms, and the flower of the youth of
Athens perished in the quarries. The expedition was the
death-blow of the Athenian Empire.
It was very easy -to read modern names into the story
— Britain, Germany, Turkey ; Mr. Churchill, Sir Ian
Hamilton, von Mackensen. It was easy, but it was quite
misleading, for there was no real parallel between the
two enterprises. Happily the issue of GallipoU has
stultified the prophets.
After the brilliant success of the German armies in
1870 it was the fashion for many years to regard the
Franco-Prussian war as the most illuminating subject for
a soldier's study and as the type to which all successful
campaigns must approximate. The Napoleonic wars were
neglected as out "of date, and the American Civil War
was contemptuously dismissed by the German staff as a
struggle of mobs of skirmishers. The view was scarcely
sound, for the Franco-Prussian war was by no means the
only or the most fruitful object tor a soldier's attention. Its
conditions were abnormal, and, though nothing can
detract from the merits of Moltke's strategic plan and the
perfection of his preparations, it was a war in which the
victors made countless mistakes and followed many
false doctrines. The surprising success of the German
invasion was due less to any great brilliance on their part
than to the hopeless disorganisation of the French.
During the last twenty years the study of the
Napoleonic campaigns has come to its own again under
the guidance of many distinguished French officers,
such as Colonel Colin. The mihtary student will still
find in the operations of the greatest of all soldiers the
most useful guide to his profession. And for British
soldiers the story of the American Civil War is not less
important, for it was a war fought under the kind of con-
ditions which Britain must necessarily face in any great
struggle.
I propose in the following notes to collect some of the
parallels to the present case which we may find in the
American conflict, and to suggest a few of the lessons to be
learned from it. You will get little identity as to incidents,
or striking likenesses as to persons, but in the case of the
North you will find many of the essential difficulties with
which Britain was confronted in August, 1914. It is an
inquiry which should make for encouragement rather
than for depression, for after every kind of mistake, and
after a most desperate and heart-breaking struggle, the
North won a complete victory.
The causes of the quarrel need not detain us. The
North stood for the larger civic organism, the nation ; the
South for the smaller organism, the State. Slavery,
we know from Lincoln's own words, was not the main
issue. It was the immediate cause of the conflict, but the
real causes lay deeper. It is fair to say that the Civil
War was a genuine conflict of idealisms, of theories of
Government, each in itself reasonable, and each forming
the highest allegiance for the men who had been brought
up under a particular kind of tradition. We may say,
too, that the ideals of both North and South were neces-
sary to the creation of a complete national life. Because
each side stood for no mean cause it was one of the
cleanest and most chivalrous, as well as one of the most
heroic campaigns ever fought. The North won and
deserved to win, for its creed was more in unison with the
main march of humanity. But there is no honest Ameri-
can of to-day who would not rejoice to claim kinship with
the great men who led the Confederate armies.
Assets of the Combatants.
The North started with all the advantages but two.
It had a population of 20,000,000 whites, while the South
had only a little over 7,000,000. It had the great in-
dustries, the mineral fields, the big shipbuilding yards. '
It had practically all the navy there was. It had great
wealth, far greater than the South, and was not only
more self-supporting, but owing to its ships could import
what it did not produce from overseas. It had all the
rank and file of the regular army, and four-fifths of the
oflicers. The South, on the other hand, had few industries
and few ships. It was mainly agricultural, a land of vast
estates worked by negro slaves, with only a scanty white
popvilation. It was poor, in the sense that, if driven back
upon itself, it had within its own borders only a limited
number of the necessaries of life and of war.
I have said that the North had all the advantages
except two. But these two were vital. They made the
South triumphant in the first phases of the war, and more
than once almost gave it the victory. The first was that
its aristocratic squirearchy could be more easily adapted
to military organisation and discipline than the Northern
democracy. The vast majority of its citizens were
countryfolk who could march and shoot and were better
natural material for making soldiers from than the towns-
men of the North. It was a nation, too, of horsemen
and horse-masters. Obviously such a people, if
armies have to be improvised, have less to learn than
men who come from a different kind of environment.
This advanatge was a real one, but, of course, it was
terminable. In time the South had to recruit townsmen,
and the North enrolled the liardy pioneers of the West.
Besides the townsman when he was trained, made as
good a soldier as the countryman.
In the second place, it was the fortune of the South
to have fighting on its side by far the abler generals. Lee
and Stonewall Jackson have had few equals in the art of
war. The North produced many competent soldiers,
such as Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, and Thomas, but no
one of them reaches the small and select brotherhood of
the greatest captains. If, taking the whole of history,
you limit that brotherhood to five names, j-ou must
include Lee ; if you extend it to a score you will scarcely
include Grant.
Problem of the North.
Now wars are won by superior strength — by weight of
numbers, if the numbers are properly trained and supplied
and decently led. Military history shows no exceptions
to this maxim. .'\ splendid genius or some extraordinarv
initial advantage may give to the weaker side an imme-
diate victory, which paralyses and disintegrates the
enemy. But if the enemy refuses to be paralysed, if he
still fights on, if he develops a stubborn defensive, if he
LAND AND WATER
February 17, 1916.
learn;; his lesson?, anrl if lie has greater resources than his
antagonist, in the cncj he will win.
Against material preponderance, if it be reasonably
liandled. the most inspired generalship will beat in-
clfertiial wings. Hannibal in the long ran is worn down
by tlic much inferior Scipio. Napoleon falls beneath the
accumulated weight of the Allies. But — and it is a vital
proviso — the nation which is strongest in human and
material resources must learn to use these resources.
Until it learns to use them it will go on being beaten.
That was the fate of the North. It had to assemble
its greater man-power, it had to train it, it had to find a
Commander-in-Chief who could use it reasonably well,
it had to discover how its greater wealth could be best
applied to cripple its adversary. It took it four years to
learn these things, and when it had learned them it won.
There was a time when it looked like never learning them,
and in consequence it was very nearly beaten.
Is that position so remote from our own ? We
and our Allies have greater reserves of man-power than
the Teutonic League, but at the begining of the war it
was not oganised in armies. Like the North, Britain,
and to a large extent Russia and France, have had to
improvise their armies, and Britain, hke the North, had
not only to do this but to improvise more or less an army
system. Again, we and our Allies, like the North, have
greater wealth, but wc have had to learn how to mobilise
that wealth for war. We and our Allies have command
of the sea, as the North had, and we have to learn how to
use that command of the sea to the uttermost so as to
stifle the enemy. Lastly, we have to find the leaders —
admirals, generals and statesmen — who can so use our
strength in personnel and materiel that we get the good of
it. These were the problems of the North and they are
ours. When we solve them, as the North did, we shall
be victorious.
. Let us look a little more closely at these urgent
questions. Abraham Lincoln was beyond doubt one of
the two or three greatest men ever born of our blood.
He seems to me to be in many respects the foremost states-
man of our race^-foremost in courage and in the essen-
tials of wisdom — since Chatham. But as a war minister
Lincoln had his job to learn, and he took a long time
learning it. If he had died before Gettysburg history
would have recorded that he was a great leader of his
people, a great inspirer, a great prophet, but it would
also have recorded that he was one of the worst war
ministers that ever hved. He had no natural aptitude
foi the task, except an iron courage, exhaustlcss patience,
and a calm beUef in God. He was a man of peace, as
remote as John Bright from any dreams of military glory.
But he had that complete intellectual honesty which can
look squarely at factr, even unwelcome facts, and after
many tips and downs he led his people to victory. Let us
see how it was done.
How the Armies were Raised.
His first business was to raise the men. He had
about 18,000 regulars, most of them serving on the
Western frontier, and he had four-fifths of the regular
officers. A good many of these officers had had ex-
perience in the Mexican war fourteen years before, just
as many of our officers in 1914 had had South African
experience. Lincoln showed how little he appreciated the
magnitude of the coming conflict by asking for only 75,000
vohmteers, and these to serve for only three months.
Then came the battle of Bull Run, which opened his eyes.
He was empowered by Congress to raise 500,000
volunteers for three years' ser\'icc, and a little later the
number was increased to 1,000.000. Recruits came in
magnificently. If wc remember the small population of
the North I think we must rank the effort as among
the most remarkable ever made by a system of voluntary
enlistment. The President began by asking for 600,000
men, and he got 700,000. After Fredericksburg he asked
for 300,000 more and he got 430,000. Then he asked for
another 300,000. of which each State should provide its
quota. But he onlv got 87,000, a little more than a
quarter of his demands. The South, it should be remem-
bered, had for many months before this adopted con-
scription. It was now a year and a half since the first
battle, and the campaign had entered on that period of
drag which was the tim.e of blackest depression in the
Korth. Then Lincohi took the great step. The North was.
of all parts of the world at the moment, that in which the
idea of indi\ddual liberty was most deeply implanted.
It was a country which had always gloried in being un-
mihtary, in contradistinction to the effete monachies of
Europe. The American Constitution had shown the most
scrupulous regard for individual rights. The mode of
political thought which we call democracy — for demo-
cracy is rather a mode of thought than a system of
government — was universally accepted. The press was
unbridled, and the press was very powerful. The country,
too, was full of philosophic idealists who preferred dogmas
to facts and were very vocal in the papers and on the
platforms. Moreover, there was a General Election
coming on, and, since the war had gone badly, there was
a good chance that Lincoln might be defeated if he in any
way added to his unpopularity.
Lincoln and Compulsion.
There were not wanting crowds of men — some of
them very able and distinguished men — who declared that
it was far better to lose the war than to win it by trans-
gressing one article of the current political faith. There
were others, Lincoln's friends and advisers, who warned
him solemnly that no hint of compulsion would ever be
tolerated by free-born Americans, and that if he dared
to propose the thing he would have an internal revolution
to add to his difficulties. Again and again he was told
— in langtiage familiar to our ears — that the true friends
of the enemy were the Compulsionists. Remember, too,
that Lincoln was in the fullest sense of the word a demo-
cratic statesman, believing that government must not
only be for the people, but by the people. W'hen he was
faced with the necessity of finding some other way of
raising men than as volunteers, he was faced with the
task of jettisoning— I will not say the principles, for
they are hardier plants — but all the sentiments' and
traditions of his political life.
But Lincoln, being a very great man, knew that it
was the business of a statesman to lead the people, to act,
to initiate a policy-, and not to wait like a dumb lackey
in the ante-chamber of his masters. He knew that
politics should be not an abstract dogma, but a working
creed based upon realities. He knew also that in a crisis
it is wisest to grasp the nettle. He saw the magnitude
of the crisis, that it was a qiicstion of life or death, what-
ever journalists or demagogues might say. So he
took the plunge, and on March 3rd, 1863, a law was passed
to raise armies by conscription. He answered those who
met him with the famous "thin edge of the wedge"
argument in words which should be remembered : that
" He did not believe that a man could contract so strong
a taste for emetics during a temporary illness as to insist
on feeding upon them during the remainder of a healthful
life." There was some resistance at the start. There were
violent mass meetings and much wild talk, and there were
riots in New York, where a number of lives were lost.
But the trouble soon passed and the good sense of the
country prevailed.
It was one of the two greatest acts of Lincoln's life ;
the other was when he decided to fight for the intcgrit}?
of the nation. And like all great acts of courage it had
its reward. Four months later Gettysburg was won,
Vicksburg surrendered to Grant, and the tide turned.
Recruits came in — 300,000 in October 1863, nearly
1,300,000 in 1864, and the curious thing is that 85 per
cent, of them were volunteers. The effect of con-
scription was to revive voluntary enlistment. The total
number of recruits in the Nortji from first to last was
3,000,000, and thai out of a population of 20,000,000
is surely a remarkable figure. The men had been found,
the resources of the North were fully mobilised, and two
years after the passing of the Act came that April day
when Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomatox.
PhologrmtK of the Year (IlaxcU. Watson and Vincy,
2S. 6d. net) is a literary and pictorial record of the best photo-
graphic work of the past year, sumptuously produced as
regards its portfolio of representative photographic studies,
and authoritative as regards its literary section. Such a
volum? is enlightening with regard to the artistic value of the
camera, and many of the studies reproduced are of such
quality as to suggest the artist rather than the craftsman.
■Phc^-iews and portraits reproduced are revelations of the
possibilities of photographic work.
February 17, I9i6. LAND AND WATER.
ROUMANIA'S DECISION.
By Alfred Stead.
, filf;'. Alfred Stead, who ivas in Bucarest joy nine months last year, fighting the German propaganda, and
■previously -in Athens, was formerly Roumanian Consid-General in London for five years. Hts connection
with the Balkan States dates back to 1903, and during this period he has at one time or another been
brought into contact with the leading personalities of that troubled region. Last October on leaving Bucarest
he was attached to the Serbian Army, was with it from the fighting on the Danube to its retreat through
Montenegro, and after witnessing the capture of Mount Lovchen returned to England by way of Skutari and San
Giovanni di Medtia. There is no living Englishman more conversant with Balkan problems than Mr. Alfred Stead.]
IN all the welter of the world-war it has been reserved
to Roumania to remain aloof, openly bound
neither to one camp nor the other, master of the
national destinies. The sphinx of Europe has not
yet spoken, but when the Ministers of the Allies
or of the Central Powers quit Bucarest, a decision most
momentous to the peoples at war will have been taken.
To-day the enigma of Roumanian policy is puzzling
the majority of the statesmen and generalissimos. For
it lies with the Dauubian monarchy, with its si.K hundred
thousand or more fresh troops, to play a decisive part in
the determining phases of the war. But which way will
the cat jump ? That is the question of the moment.
The Government at Bucarest has shown masterly quali-
ties of keeping its own counsel, and it is doubtful whether
the majority of the Roumanian nation are any wiser as
to the real position of their country in the international
grov pings than are the people of London, Paris or Berlin.
It isija singular triumph for M. Bratiano, the Roumanian
Premier, who stands out almost alone as an astute
statesman at a time when diplomacy and statesmanship
are at a very low level. Holding in his hands all the
strings, practically Minister of War and Minister for
Foreign \ffairs as well as Prime Minister, this compara-
tively young man has succeeded in pursuing an eminently
national policy. This, despite the blandishments or the
threats, the offers or the menaces of the belligerents.
In Roumania the power is in the hands of the
Monarch and of the Government more perhaps than
in any other constitutional country blessed or cursed
with a parliamentary system. The mass of public
opinion, scarcely formed and incoherent, plays no part
in the government's decisions, the Opposition and the
leaders of the parties not in power have very little weight.
They are those who talk more freely than members of
the government, and thus impress a semblance of their
importance upon the outside world ignorant that much of
their speeches and utterances have rather a local than an
international object in view.
The King.
Thus, to-day, in seeking to divine what Roumania is
going to do, it is necessary to plumb the depths of the
minds of King Ferdinand and M. Bratiano, not to
listen too eagerly to the speeches of the Opposition or be
affected unduly by the leanings of the majority of the
thinking population. The mass of the population does
not interest itself in the war or its details unless we except
a certain universal idea that the time has come to " liber-
ate " the Roumanians in the Dual Empire. But the
Roumanian nation is not swept off its feet by any idea
of a greater Roumania or a reunion of all the Roumanian
peoples.
While undoubtedly the Koumanian people would
wish to see Roumania greater and the acquisition of
Transylvania and Bessarabia, they have as foundation of
their idea the natural desire to retain the Roumania of
to-day. They do not wish to share the fate of the two
other small States which have had the privilege of joining
in the war. The earlier fate of Belgium and the recent
destruction of Serbia do not tempt Roumania to go and
do likewise. This sane national attitude in Roumania
has aided largely in the achievement of successful non-
intervention. And this, although the country is fringed
with warring peoples and possesses a longer frontier
facing war than any other nation.
King Ferdinand, a Hohenzollern of the elder branch,
whose aunt was the mother of the heroic King of the
Belgians, has been much too frequently regarded as a
certain German element in Roumania. The King of
Roumania to-day is a Roumanian so\'ercign, desirous of
furthering the welfare of his subjects and promoting the
future of his country. He is a Roumanian first and last,
just as his beautiful Queen, the daughter of our Duke
of Edinburgh is Roumanian, although English and
Russian by blood. The Throne will decide on national,
not on family lines.
M. Bratiano bears an historic name, and his actions
and 'decisions must inevitably be affected bj' the traditions
of his father, who guided Roumania througli the stormy
times of the Russo-Turkish war, and saw both the \ictory
of the Roumanian army at Plevna and the treacherous
filching by Russia of the Roumanian Province of Bessa-
rabia— tearing up the " scrap of paper " by which tiie
Tsar had guaranteed Roumanian integrity. Keeping
his own counsel, refusing to answer questions in Parlia-
ment, or outside, M. Bratiano has to-day the destinies of
Roumania in liis keeping. His very success in maintain-
ing a policy of aloofness so far, strengthens his hands.
Learning from the Past.
If it is impossible to gain any real idea of what M.
Bratiano thinks or decides, it is possible to gather some
very valuable indications from the attitude of Roumania
during the past months of war. It must not be forgotten,
that before the autumn of 1914 Roumania was a party to
the Triple Alliance, her participation depending upon
Italian inteivention. The country had Ijeen financed
and developed economically by (German capital and
German energy. Owing to an artificially developed
prejudice in England and France against the country
because of supposed persecution of the Jews, the purse-
strings of London and Paris were not untied for Bucarest.
It was only after the British Navy began to look to
the Roumanian oilfields for fuel that it was realised that
Roumania offered excellent fields for investment and
development. But the antidote to German influence
was only beginning to be applied.
The few months before the outbreak of war were
occupied by very real and partially successful efforts on
the part of the Triple Entente to detach Roumania from
the Central Powers. The great personal friendship of
the late King Charles for the Emperor of Austria made
it difticult to secure anything more than a probability of
neutrality. But in view of the former certainty of
Roumanian action on the side of Germany, this was a
great gain. As will be shown, the neutrality of Rou-
mania has been a very precious aid to the Allies. It has
been the unforgivable sin in the eyes of Vienna and
Berlin. As a Roumanian politician said, plaintively :
" The only people who are sure that we are with the
Allies are the Germans, the Allies do not seem to believe
it." And yet Roumania has given proof on proof of
her goodwill towards the Allies — and this at great risk and
peril to herself.
A National Policy.
The moment the idea of a national policy forms the
foundation of Roumanian diplomacy, it is evident that a
premature decision on one side or the other must force
intervention. And while a large State can look forward
with equanimity, if not with satisfaction, to a war lasting
months and years, a small State has seriously to considci
her staying powers. And therefore it has seemed well for
Roumania to reserve her forces until proportionstely
they represent a greater value and can hope to hasten the
end of the war within a measurable period.
The Koumanian policy is an eminently sane one ; it
i? not quixotic, it is not suicidal. But in order to be able
to avoid an earlier entry, it has been necessary to devise
means and methods of procrastination —to create a buffer
zone of uncertainty in the minds of possible adversaries.
LAND AND WATER.
February 17, 1916.
The simplest method was to bargain as to territorial
recompense, for ncutraUty or for active participation.
This, not because it was vitally essential to be assured
beforehand of the Transylvanian territory or the Bernat,
but simply because by asking both sides, it was possible
to make Berlin or Vienna, Paris or Petrograd believe
that the decision had not yet been reached.
It is no exaggeration to say that the Bucarcst Govern-
ment would have been very seriously embarrassed if at
any moment either group of Powers had suddenly acceded
all her demands. As they did not, the equilibrium was
maintained. M. Bratiano availed himself very cle\ erly
of the various members of his government and of the
Opposition, of the pro-allj' I\I. Costinescu, the Minister
of Finance, of the pro-German M. Marghiloman, one of
the Opposition leaders, &c. M. Bratiano's task was
always to create an unclear situation, so that the Central
Powers could never come down on him and say, " You
are with the Allies."
The Russian Factor.
Roumania has to-day contact only with one of the
Allies, and that the one least able to help and the least
trusted at Bucarest. The loss of Bessarabia is more
recent than the loss of Alsace Lorraine, and whereas
Germany wai- the enemy of France, Russia had just been
saved on the slope? of Plevna by the young Roumanian
army. Also Roumania lies between Russia and Bulgaria,
and the way to Constantinople. Two dominant forces
exert influence in Roumania, mistrust and fear of Russia
and dread of a Greater Bulgaria. And unfortunatelv
the Allies have left much of their negotiations at Bucarest
in the hands of the Russians, and the Roumanians have-
seen Russia leading the Allies at Sofia bhndlj' to endeavour
to create a greater Bulgaria at the expense of Serbia,
which country had already made sacrifices and won \'ic-
tories for the Allies.
The Germans have been very active, they have been
extraordinarily clever. The whole country, has been
inundated for months by German agents and money,
the newspapers have been bought, money has been
lavishly spent. In Bucar(>st there were Germans en every
hand, there were no workers for the Allies, especially
none from England or France. It is true there were
occasional special missions, who generally arri\-ed from
Sofia and worsened the situation by explaining to the
Roumanians that the Bulgarians wer'e with the Entente
and that they were surer of Sofia than of Bucarcst. And
in Roumania there vvas no doubt that Bulgaria was in
alliance with Germany— the Roumanian Government in-
formed theAllies of this months before the recent events.
Oil and Agriculture.
Roumania is a country depending upon agriculture
and oil for revenue, and is in no position to manufacture
munitions. Nor had she a large stock in hand. Tiie
ammunition ordered and paid for in Germany before the
war was not delivered, has never been delivered —a
significant indication of how little sure Berlin is of
Bucarest. But it was essential of Roumania, before em-
barking on war, to have adequate supplies accumulated
or assured. The Salonika line, even at its best, was a poor
line to rely on, change of gauge arid transhipment made
arrivals slow. From Russia munitions were not to be had.
Also, when the Russians were forced back from Bukovina
and Galicia the railway connection through Moldavia
was imperilled.
Roumania demanded guarantees from the Allies,
and it depends not upon Bucarest, but upon the Allied
Governments, if the Roumanian army enters into action.
The whole attitude of Roumania has been unmistakably
pro-Ally all along but the Roumanian Government i's
not going to war without being sure that there are
enough Allied troops to co-operate and to make success
probable. To do otherwise would be foolish.
If, on the other hand, the Balkan situation be not
taken seriously, Roumania will remain neutral. Tliere is
no question of bargaining, the situation is quite clear.
The Germans and the Bulgarians arc alarmed at the
prospect because Roumania is as a knife at their throat.
The tortoise has put out its head and its neck is at
the mercy of Roumania. Had the iMench not literally
forced us to remain in Salonika, all jiope of Roumanian
intervention would have gone. To-day the danger is
rather that the Central Powers, seeing themselves con-
fronted with the almo^'t certainty of Roumania joining
the Allies, will force the pace. But it is doubtfid whether
they feel ready to bring into play a fresh body of six
hundred thousand men, well equipped and trained,
occupying an ide.iUy dangi;rou> position. Unless the
Allies make some supreme blunder — and who can
guarantee that they will not after the experience of
Sofia— the Roumanian situation is very satisfactory.
Nor must it be forgotten that Roumania has already
done much for the Allies during the past months. The
only country which has found neutrality to .spell economic
and financial ruin, Roumania would have every right to
regard the recent purchase of wheat for ten millions as a
mere drop in the bucket. For two years there h.as been a
practical cessation of export of cereals, the bulk of two
years' crop are lying in the country, much at the frontier
railway stations. The whole wealth of Roumania is in
cereals and petroleum, and botli those are in a terribly
bad way. At the time when the .\ilies had the idea of
starving out (iermany, I^oumani:i by refu^-ing to allow her
railway truck: to pass the frontier, practically stopped
the export of grain.
It is of course an arguable point that perhaps Germany
would have suffered more had Roumania sold her grain
for gold, the drain of gold being more disastrous to Germany
than the disadvantage to the Allies of allowing some four
weeks' food supply to go out of Roumania —incidentally,
Roumania would have then had a strong financial position.
Be that as it may, the bulk of the grain stayed in the
country, and as all the financial institutions are founded
on agricultural wealth, the financial situation became
bad. The few sales at high prices of an odd lot of grain
to Germany, in exchange for coal or other commodity,
had no real influence. The prohibition of the cx])ort
of petrol and some other products of j>etroleum crippled
the oil industry. In the first six months of i()i4 131,204
tons of petrol were exported, in the corresponding period
of 1015 only S,092 tons. The petroleum industry is at a
standstill, the production has fallen, all the tanks are
full, prices are practically non-existent. Germany and
Austria have not grain or petrol from Roumania, but
Roumania is ruined.
Proofs of Friendliness.
But there is still more proof of Roinnaniau friendli-
ness. Until the occupation of Serbia gave the Central
Powers contact with Bulgaria and Turkey, Roumania
consistently stopped the passage of war stores to Con-
stantinople and Sofia. Whole trains were held up at the
frontier, while truck-loads clandestinely introduced were
seized at Bucarest. Every manner of device was resorted
to in the hopes of securing the passage of vital parts of
shells, etc., but the vigilance of the searchers let httle
past. But it was necessary to do this stopping work
very circumspectly because iihc long frontier with Austria
and Hungary rendered reprisals easy. But Roumania
loyally stopped the bulk of the munitions. On the other
hand she took a large view of tlie uso of the Danube for
the passage of stores between Russia and Serbia.
With the practical ruin of her resources Roumiaan
has been faced with the dislocation and expenditure of
maintaining the bi\lk of her army mobilised. She has
seldom had less than 300,000 men ander arms, with a
result that her army is in a state of extraordinary effi-
ciency to-day. The line of the Carpathians is in an
admirable state of defence, many of the heavy guns from
the Bessarabian frontier having been transferred. The
enemy cannot surprise Roumania, an attack must dispose
of at least half a million men — nor can heavy guns be
used in the mountains. The southern frontier is the
more dangerous, a crossing of the Danube covered by
heavy artillery having been jiroved to be quite feasible
but with an allied army at Salonica, Italian troops in
Albania and Russians at Czernovits to cross the Danube
would be a hazardous adventure.
Roumania dreads a Greater Bulgaria, she believe.?
the Allies will win because lingland is determined to win
— let us lose no time in being worthy of the confidence
placed in us and if necessary let us remove any fear that
Roumania may be shut in after the war by Russia at
Constantinople, by offering her a way out to tlie .Egean
through the territory which was once Bulgaria and no\>
is eastern Germany. The Roumanians wait on us —
the moment has come for the great stroke of the war.
February 17, 1916.'
LAND AND WATER
BRITISH AEROPLANE POLICY.
By F. W. Lanchester.
ONK-oI the most common reasons put forward
for the justification of an increase in the size
and weight of the miUtary aeroplane, is the
need for increased petrol capacity in order to
command a greater range or radius of action.
Whatever the nature of the military duty happens
to be, there is always some definite number of men (some-
times a pilot alone, at other times also an observer or
kinematograph operator, or one or more gunners) which
is appropriate and necessary, and the dead weight this
represents has to be deducted from the total freight- '
carrying capacity of the machine, and correspondingly
limits the amount of fuel which can be carried. In an
extreme case, if this dead weight, or militarv load as we
may call it, be equal to the total freight capacity, there
will be no margin for carrying petrol, and the design
must be considered useless. If we consider the total
freight-carrying capacity as one definite percentage of
the gross weight of the machine, then the bigger the
machine, the greater will be the relative pcti^ol capacity
and range or radius of action.
If it be assumed in the present state of the construc-
tors' art that 30 per cent, of the gross weight can be carried
as freight, the freight capacity for a machine 2,000 lbs.
gross is 600 lbs. and supposing the military load to be
400 lbs., the difference, 200 lbs., is the petrol capacity,
equal to 10 per cent, of the gross weight of the machine.
The range of flight will then be about .,00 miles. If we
take the machine as of twice the above wjight, namely,
4,000 lbs., the total freight^at 30 per cent., becomes 1,200
lbs. ; deducting the military load 400 lbs. (as before)there
remains 800 lbs. or 20 per cent, of the gross weight for
petrol, with a range or radius of action of about 600 miles
and so the calculation may be made for any other size of
machine.
Such is the argument in its most bald simplicity.
When, however, the conditions are examined critically,
it is found that the story has not half been told. There
are factors of vital and commanding importance which
have yet to be taken into consideration.
Weight of Wing Structure.
The weight of the wing structure in a flying machine
is itself not constant in relation to tlie gross weight. When
discussing the weight of the wing structure and its influ-
ence, we have to be careful to avoid being misled by
appearances ; figures given by different constructors
are not properly comparable. The factors of safety
used at the present time by aeronautical constructors
differ mdely ; in my James Forrest Lecture*, it is given
that the factor of safety varies from three in certain ma-
chines (which shall be nameless), to as high as seven or
eight in the case of certain of the machines constructed
at the Royal Aircraft Factory. The recommendation of
the Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, formulated after
duly considering the conditions with which military
aeroplanes have to comply, is that the factor .should not
be less than five or six. Now with this great variation of
nearly three to one in existing practice in the matter of
wing strength, it is necessary to be careful in comparing
different designs of machine, for it is evident that in some
cases the petrol capacity might be nearly doubled merely
by cnttin.g down the weight of wing structure without
going outside the limits of existing practice.
In dealing with the question of wing structure
weight, therefore, the comparison between one aeroplane
and another must be based on the assumption of a con-
stant or uniform factor of safety. On this basis for a given
type and class of construction the wing-structure weight
will vary as the cube of the span. Also for a given flight
velocity, which is the proper criterion to take, the gross
load supported varies as the square of the span, and con-
sequently, the weight of the wing structure, expressed
as a percentage of the gross weight, increases in proportion
as the span in increased.
The following are not actuaj figures, but they arc
sufficiently near actual figures for the purpose of illus-
•rroc.Inst.CE., Vol. OXCVIU,
tration. We will assume the gross weight of a ma-
chine as 2,000 lbs., and its span as 40 feet, and we will
take the \reight of the aerofoil or wing structure for this
machine to be 20 per cent, of the gross total, that is to
say, it will be 400 Ibs.f We will take it that in this
machine the total freight capacity is 30 per cent, as in the
earlier example.
The Big Machine.
Now let us take a machine of twice the span,
namely, 80 feet. The gross weight will be 4x2,000 lbs.
=8,000 lbs., and the weight of the wing structure, on the
law just given, will be eight times as great as previously,
that is to say, 3,200 lbs. or 40 per cent, of the gross
weight ; this will encroach, to the extent of 20 per cent.,
on the freight capacity which is now reduced to 10 per
cent, as compared with the previous 30 per cent. Hence,
although a gain may be made by an increase in the size
of a machine, from the point of view of the relatively
less military load, this gain will be partially, wholly
or more than wholly, discounted by the increase in the
weight of the wing structure ; we have only to go a little
further than in the above example and the machine will
have no surplus or freight-carrying cay>acity at all. Clearly
an advantage in flight range can only be secured by in-
creasing the size up to a certain point, after which, any
further increase is detrimental.
The forcgomg figures are only given for the purpose
of illustration, if I were to give real figures the results
would not be greatly different, though it may be said in
fairness to the big machine that the foregoing figures
have been based on a high factor of safety, and the result
given may therefore be looked upon as in the direction of
t)eing an exaggeration.
By a simple mathematical demonstration (which it is
not necessary to enter into here) it may be shown that the
size of machine of greatest range or duration of flight (as
determined by its petrol capacity) may be defined
for any given type of wing structure (monoplane
or biplane, for example), and tor some stated factor of
safety, as that at which the weight of the win9 structure
is equal to twice the weight represented by the military
load.
This is an important result ; it is not altogether exact
lor many reasons— it may, from a mathematical stand-
point, be regarded as a " first approximation " ; but it
can never be far from the truth, and it is a result which
should be " writ large " wherever the question of aero-
plane size is debated, to prevent those with whom the
decision rests from being carried away by. the grandiose
suggestions of the charlatan.
Factors of Safety.
It is so easy to juggle with factors of safety, and
questions of strength and scantling, so as to show an
imaginary advantage in the design of a large machine,
that the present warning requires the maximum pubUcity
possible. In some cases, and I think we may be generou5
enough to say that in most cases, the designer who thinks
he can get everything he wants out of the bigger machim
actually deceives himself ; also the fact that not infre-
quently he may be comparing a construction based or
all the latest knowledge and improvements in material
with something inferior, may-be a design dating from
two or three years back. This may lead to a false con-
clusion. Thus any improved material or methods of
construction which may be applied to a large machine
may, with unimportant exceptions, be likewise applied
to a small machine.
The matters which tend in some slight degree to modify
the result above given as defining the design of greatest
range do not lend themselves to discussion in a non-
technical article ; I propose to deal with these elsewhere.
It may be said here, however, that the influence of these
disturbing factors is not serious ; I am convinced that some
of the large machines which have recently been projected,
and in some cases actually constructed, will not in the
t Incli.ding other flight organs whose weight varies in like ratio.
LAND AND WATER
February 17, 1916-
lonfj run justify thoir, oxi<;toncc ;' cither, their range of'
flight will lint be so great as hoped or their powers of
thght will be sacrilired in some respect, or possibly they
will be found structurally deficient. The best that can
be hoped is that they will demonstrate that the factor
of safety really necessary is less than has hitherto been
regarded as essential. Or perhaps that there arc
better methods of wing construction available than those
at present adopted. Either of these eventualities, if tnie,
would justify some increase in weight in accordance with
the rule given above ; the size of machine at which the
weight of wing structure is twice the constant load, will
be greater if the factor of safety be lowered or if wing
stnirture design in the matter of weight saving be found
capable of improvement.
As a numerical illustration two examples may be
given, illustrating condition of maximum (relative)
capacity :
(i) Single-seat machine. Military load assumed
r= 160 lbs. :
Lb. Per cent.
MiHtary Load .. . .. 160 8.0
Wing Structure, etc. .. .. 320 16.0
Petrol Capacity .. .. .. 520 26.0
Fuselage complete with landing
chassis and Power Installation . . 1,000 50.0
Gross Total Weight
2,000
100. o
(2) Two-seat machine. MiHtary load assumed == 320 lb. :
Lb.
320
640
640
1,600
3.200
Per cent.
10. o
20.0
20.0
50.0
100.0
Military Load
Wing Structure
Petrol Capacity
Fuselage, etc.
Gross Total Weight
Question of Resistance.
We may now pass from the question of weight saving
to the question of resistance. It is frequently stated,
and it is to some extent true* that, in the matter of the
coefficient of resistance, the big machine possesses some
advantage. Evidently an increase in size only renders it
possible to reduce the coefhcient of resistance, it is" up
to " the designer to make the most of this possibility.
Clearly, if it can be shown that in practice the exigencies
of constructional art allow of a big machine being built
with a less coefficient of resistance than a smaller machine,
the range of flight will be increased proportionately, that
is to say, the range of flight, for a given percentage of
the total weight in petrol, is inversely as the coefficient
of resistance.
It is to-day well understood that the resistance of a
flying machine may be treated as made up of two com-
ponents— the aerodynamic resistance due to the flight
organs proper and the direct or " head " resistance due to
the body and its appendages. The large machine may
imdoubtedly have somewhat lower relative resistance as
due to its flight organs, that is to say, its aerodynamic
resistance per unit weight is less ; but the extent to which
the small machine is at a disadvantage from this cause
is comparatively unimportant, it is not a serious handicap.
The difference in the body or fuselage resistance is more
considerable ; it is sometimes possible to design a large
machine for the execution of any given duty with com-
paratively little increase in the Juselage.
If we could assume the resistance of the fuselage to
be an invariable or constant — no matter what the size of
the machine may be — it would be possible to make out a
case for a very much larger machine and that based on the
consideration of weight alone. If the military load be
taken to be the same in any case (the problem being to
specify for a given duty the machine of greatest flight
range), the fuselage might be designed to vary but little
with variations of size, but the same does not apply to
the landing chassis and other sources of direct resistance,
at the best the saving in the case of two machines whose
weights are in the ratio 2 : i, does not amount to more
than 10 per cent, of the total. The portion of the
direct resistance which is due to the alighting gear, and
in the case of the naval type or seaplane, due to the hull
•James Forrest Lecture. Proe.Inst.C.E., C XCVIII., p. 388.
or float, will inevitably increase the larger the machine,
and so in respert of these the increase in size will be of
little relief to the designer.
In most of the designs which have at present been
prepared or carried into execution, the relief which is
theoretically to be obtained by a careful design of the
fuselage has certainly not been realised to the f\ill, and it
would almost seem as if the designers were not alis'e to its
importance. Sometimes two or more engines have been
fitted independently, external to the fuselage, and in such
a case it is at least doubtful whether any saving; of resist-
ance has been achie\-ed at all. ' '
The employment of more than one engine in an aero-
plane instead of diminishing may seriously increase the
risk of failure. Unless so powerful an installation is
fitted that one engine alone (or two engines out of three)
will fly an aeroplane, no increased reliability or advantage
from the .subdivision of the power unit is secured. The
usual reason for more than one engine being specified is
that at present the aeronautical motor of three or four
hundred horse-power is virtually non-existent in this
country. Thus it is at present scarcely possible so to
design as to take advantage of size in the one respect in
which size may in some degree justify' itself.
Military Future. '
In conclusion, it is manifest that the future — the
military future — does not and cannot lie with the
machine of great weight and dimensions. Even if the
methods of aerofoil construction of the future permit ol
the necessary factor of safety being obtained on half the
weight so far found possible (which does not seem highlj
probable) the machine of o^'cr two or three tons weight
will remain the exception rather than the rule.
It has already been pointed out that in exceptionaT
cases large machines of special type may be needed foi
the carrying of giant bombs or torpedoes, or perhaps
for the transport of some heavy material unit such as a
mountain or field gun either as a whole or in parts. Also
the Naval aeroplane may in certain cases require to be
built on a larger scale than would otherwise be necessary
or desirable in order to permit of it being sufficiently
seaworthy when afloat in bad weather. These special
types however come outside the scope of the present
articles, Each case requires to be considered or discussed
on its individual merits.
The full and complete theory of maximum range
has not been dealt with as being too highly technical ;
if some of the disturbing factors are taken into account
it is possible to make out a case for machines somewhat
larger, perhaps 20 per cent, larger or heavier than given ;
on the other hand, the best size of machine will ordinarily
be less than stated since the last few miles of range are
only obtained at the expense of a disproportionate in-
crease of total weight which means tonnage ill disposed
and an undue expenditure of petrol in the performance
of any given duty.
The February number of the Asiatic Review is speciallj
devoted to Russian writers and affairs, and is noteworthj
for the inclusion of an article by Mmc. Olga NovikofY, in
which the writer shows clearly tlie unity pervading Russians
of all classes with regard to the war and the necessity for a
successful issue. Those familiar with Mme. Novikoff and
her work will see, from this article, the tremendous change
that the war has wrought on Russia, and the way in which
social and domestic problems have been shelved for the
pursuit of the more vital issue. An article on German finance
and the Caucasian campaign in the Review is of more than
ordinary interest, and as a whole it may be said that the
character of the Asiatic Review is more than maintained in
this distinctively Russian number.
A History of the Royal Welsh Fusiliers, by Howel Thoma;
(T. Fisher Unwin, 3s. 6d. net) is a breezy little summary o;
the doings of this famous regiment from the time of its
formation up to the end of the South African war, and is,
at the same time, an accurate liistorical record of the Roj'a'
Welsh Fusiliers, for the author, himself evidently a Welshman,
has been sufticicntly jealous of the honour of the regiment
he describes to miss nothing, and to ensure that liis work
shall be of unquestionable veracity. It. is worthy of note
that lie has been but little concerned witii history' that does
not directly affect his subject. The result is an admirablv
concise volume, extremely intcrcstine in character
J
February 17, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
WAR AND THE BANKERS.
By Arthur Kitson.
THE present safety and strength of British Banks
is due neither to the so-called " gold basis,"
nor to the abihty or honesty of the men who
manage them, but to the public belief that under-
neath the ridiculously small quantity of gold — which
is nothing more than a very thin veneer, in comparison
with the credit resting on it — rests the national credit
comprising the entire wealth of Great Britain. Our
legal tender paper money is " as good as gold," not
because the Bank of England holds sufficient gold for its
redemption — which, of course, it never does — nor any-
thing like sufficient, but becausti this money is backed
by over /i8,ooo, 000,000 of wealth of every description !
If Great Britain had been blessed at any time during
the past half-century with a statesman who really under-
stood this subject, and who had had sufficient inde-
pendence and moral courage, the present system would
have been scrapped, and a sound, rational banking
system would have replaced it which nothing could shake.
What basis for bank credit can be safer or stronger than
the National Wealth ? W'hich would a Foreign Power
prefer, the guarantee of a London Bank or that of the
British Government ? How determined British bankers
were that the obvious lesson of the 1914 crisis should
be construed to their advantage, may be seen from the
writings of one of their most able apologists, Mr. Hartley
Withers. Mr. \\'ithers' book War and Lombard Street
was published at the end of 1914, andhere is his diagnosis
of the trouble and the lesson he wishes us to learn. In
his preface he says : "I only produce this brief outhne,
because there is one good reason for trying to make the
meaning of these events clear at once. This is, that they
gave a wonderful proof of the enormous strength of Eng-
land's monetary power, and a full recognition of their
strength may be useful now." In his first chapter
(page 3) he says : —
It (the financial crisis of July and August, 1014) was an
unpleasant string of surprises, but it was not brought
about by any internal weakness in the English banking
system. The fury of tlic tempest was such that no
credit system could possibly have stood up against it.
In fact, as will be shown, the chief reason far the sudden-
ness and fullness of the blow that fell on London was no-
thing else but her own overwhelming strength. She was
so strong, and so lonely in her strength that her strength
overcame her. She held the rest of the world in fee with
so mighty a grip that when she said to the rest of the
world " Please pay what you owe me," the world could
only gasp out ! But how can I pay you if you don't
lend me the wherewithal .-'
Curious Reasoning.
It is a little difficult to know how to answer such
reasoning. Let us examine his version of these important
events. Financial authorities have been educating the
public to believe that the safety of bank credit is due
entirely to the fact that it is all redeemable in gold on
demand. They have also fostered the belief that credit,
unsupported by gold, is dangerous. They talk of Ger-
many's " paper money pyramid " as worthless. Naturally,
therefore, as soon as the Balkan trouble arose in the
summer of 1914, the holders of cheques, bills, promissory
notes and other forms of credit took the bankers at their
word and rushed to have these credit instruments re-
deemed in gold. And the bankers couldn't produce 5
per cent, of the gold needed ! The hollow pretence of
gold-redemption was at once exposed. Any commercial
firm unable to meet its bills of acceptance when due
is considered unsound, and is forced into liquidation, and
the fact that various sums are due to the firm — but
unavailable — is insufficient to save it. Why does not
the same rule apply to the banks ? Everyone knows
that the moratorium was a confession of insolvency for the
time being and ruin was only avoided through Mr. Lloyd
George's prompt assistance in offering the National Credit
as security, and in issuing an abundance of one pound
and ten shilling notes as legal tender — a measure sug-
gested years ago by the late LordGoschen and vigorously
opposed by Lombard Street and Thrcadneedle Street.
Our banking system is surely reduced to hard
straits when excuses, as those made by Mr. Hartley
Withers, are offered as an explanation of the Crisis of
1914 ! Expressed in plain terms, the gist of Mr. Withers'
argument is as follows .— Whilst the payment of fbUgalioiis
in gold on demand may be an evidence of financial strength,
the inabililty to do so is an evidence of " ovcrivhelming
strength ! " Mr. Withers even intimates that the crisis
was due to the "madness or wickedness " of the public in
demanding fulfilment of the bankers' obligations !
An Analogy.
Supposing the Captain of a passenger ship should
advise his passengers that in time of danger their only
safety lay in each one possessing a ship's life belt, why
should he consider it an evidence of their madness or
wickedness if during a heavy storm or collision there
should be a general rush foj- life belts ? And what would
one say if, when the ship was sinking and the passengers
had discovered that there were not enough life belts for
even 5 per cent, of those on board, the Captain should
say to those doomed to be drowned : " My friends,
your fate is not due to any ' inherent weakness ' in our
method of safeguarding the lives of those committed
to our charge. The truth is, your predicament is a
' wonderful proof ' of its ' overwhelming strength.'
We have a monopoly of life belts, but we don't happen
to have more than a few here. We lend them to other
shipowners and our position is so ' overwhelmingly
strong ' that we are always lending and consequently we
can never keep more than a small percentage for our-
selves ! "
Can we wonder that the so-called " Gresham Law,"
which is a complete denial of the law of efficiency, is
accepted as a mathematical axiom among men who
can reason in the fashion of this financial expert ? If
our " overwhelming strength" is due to the uncollected
amount of gold oie>ing to us, what becomes of the much-
vaunted " payable on demand " claims ? The Gresham
Law — which is another of the many economic fallacies
found in orthodox financial treatises, and which has
SORTES SHAKESPEARIAN.^,
By SIR SIDNEY LEE.
PARLIAMENT : ORDER OF THE DAY.
T^e Hvte approaches,
That will with due decision ni'ike us know
What we shtll say we have and what we
ewe.
Thoughts speculatize their unsure hopes
relate,
But certain issue strokes must arbitrate :
Towards which advance tht war.
MACBETH, v.. iv., 16-21.
MINISTERS ON THRIFT.
It is a good divine that follows his own
instructions; I can easier teach
twenty what were good to be done
than be one of the twenty to follozv
mine oivn teaching.
MERCH.\NT OF VENICK, I., U.. 13*
17
LAND AND WATER.
February 17, icjiG,
done duty for the bankers for several centuries — ought
to be given its quietus. Put into plain English; it means
tliat the only good money is that which the Bankers
provide or promise to provide. This " Law " says,
" bad money drives out good money, but good money
cannot drive out bad money." The acceptance of this
" law " depends entirely upon one's interpretation of
the tenns " good " and " bad." It was observed
centuries ago that where a cheap money (that is,
clipped coins, paper money), was circulating freely,
any attempt to cause the circulation of gold coins of full
weight, failed, l)ecausb there were always enough smart
and tricky people about to m(^t or clip such " good "
coins and make a profit by selling the gold clippings.
And naturally if paper was acceptable as currency it
was extravagance to use an expensive metal like gold.
The Gresham Law.
Now the curious thing about this law is, that it is
contradictory to all the laws of efficiency, evolution, and
common sense. To take one out of thousands of every-day
examples roofing material formerly consisted of expensive
metals, such as lead and copper. Tliis gave place to
tiles and slating which were much cheaper and far more
sanitary. According to " Gresham's Law," " bad "
roofing has driven out " good " roofing. Similarly cheap
Bessemer steel has driven out expensive wood, brass,
and stone, for thousands of purposes, thereby increasing
the safety and comforts of society. In the language of
the " Grtshamites," this means that " bad " material
has driven out the " good." Cheap paper printing and
bookbinding have driven out expensive parchment,
engrossing and engraving. Hence the " bad " printing
jness and machinery have driven out the " good "
liandicraft ! In all the ordinary affairs of life we judge of
the comparative merit of two things by actual trial, and
the one that survives is pronounced the better, that is
better for the, conditions under which the trial was made.
Why should money be any exception to this general
rule ? If paper money can perform all the functions of a
gold currency, why use the expensive metal ? As a
matter of fact, to-day, 98 per cent, of our currency is
paper, and the alleged necessity for gold is a pretence,
but it enables the bankers to draw the same interest for
the use of paper as they charge for the use of gold. This
I bcUeve is the real secret of their insistence on main-
taining the so-called '' gold basis."
Had Sir Thomas Gresham been born two centuries
later, his observations on currency would doubtless have
led him to a totally different conclusion from that ex-
pressed in the so-called " law " which goes by his name.
He would most probably have formulated his conclusions
as follows : — " Our greatest philosopher, Sir Isaac
Newton, has shown us that the direction of motion is
always along the hne of least resistance. Applying this
truth to the industrial world, to the activities of man-
kind, we lind that men always seek to gratify their
wants with the least expenditure of energy. Expressed
in economic firms, the tendency of industry and trade
is constantly towards cheapness — towards the abolition
of value. Under free conditions, therefore, cheap money
must necessarily drive out dear money. This follows
from the teachings of philosophy and is confirmed by
experience and observation." "Cheap" money does not
necessarily mean money that is inefficient. Steel is
enormously cheaper than gold, but a steel bridge is
infinitely safer and better than one of gold. Financial
writers — like Withers — who extol our bank cheque
currency, are unconsciously denying the validity of the
Gresham Law which they profess to uphold. Cheque
currency is the cheapest form of money ever known, and
has driven out gold currency to an extraordinary extent.
And but for our legal tender laws, gold currency would
disappear entirely. As l.mg as it performs the function
of money, cheap money is the best money, and must
of necessity drive out dear money.
Much satisfaction has been enjoyed by our Press
over Sir Edward Holden's reply to the bombastic speeches
of Herr Helferich, the German Minister of Finance.
Sir Edward's reply is said to be " crushing." No doubt
our enemy is getting into serious financial difficulties.
The mark is falling rapidly in comparison with the
monetary units of neutrals. He may already have had
to sell all liis investments abroad. He may have to part
with all his gold. But, I repeat what I have said in a
previous article, so long as our enemy's industrial and
productive activities remain unimpaired, so long as he is
{)ermitted to exchange his products in sufficient quantities
or such material and goods which he cannot produce
and which are necessary for his food and manufactures,
he cannot be economically destroyed, even if the mark
should lose 90 per cent, of its former value ! A nation
can exist without gold — a metal which, except for use in
certain arts such as jewellery and dentistry, is probably
the most useless and most readily dispensable we have.
Let us give the Devil his due. Let us reverse the
conditions. Supposing Germany had destroyed our
Navy and blockaded our coasts, where would our precious
banking system be to-day ? Where would our pound
sterhng be ? Does anyone imagine that our banking
system would have stood the strain that Germany's has
without crumbhng up ? We have seen that before a
single shot was fired our system collapsed ! Indeed,
the London banks depend absolutely upon foreign com-
merce backed by the credit of a wealthy nation possessing
the freedom of the seas, without which our gold supplies
could never be renewed. Were our coasts blockaded
they would collapse in a week !
A Real Comparison.
The real comparison of Germany's banking systpm
with that of Great Britain's is to be found in their relation
to the industries of each country respectively. The
Germans themselves admit that they owe their unpre-
cedented commercial and industrial development largely
to the policy of their bankers. Judged by the highest
standard — namely, the development and growth of a
nation's industries, it must be admitted that the German
system has proved itself to be immeasurably superior to
ours. Do our bankers intend to assist British manu-
facturers to capture German trade in the future ? If
they do, they must alter their policy. \Miich is best for
a nation, the possession of great and varied manu-
factures, of numerous engineering works, ship-building
yards, electrical undertakings and general industries,
or a monopoly of the world's banking business ?
How much employment does the latter give in com-
parison to the former ? Would cither the United States
or Germany be willing to exchange its iron, steel and
electrical industries for the whole of our banking busi-
ness ? Is it not better for a nation morally, pecuniarily,
physically and. socially to be able to employ its people
as scientists, agriculturists, mechanics, engineers,
chemists, electricians than as bank clerks, chauffeurs,
footmen and butlers ? I repeat that the thing that
matters to us is, whether our industrial and productive
activities are to be developed ? Are we producing com-
modities, food, minerals and other necessities as well as
manufactured goods in sufficient quantities to meet the
public needs, and to meet the national expenses ?
The loss of our banking monopoly may injure a few
hundred or at most a few thousand people. But our
loss of the world's markets in trade and commerce will
mean the beginning of the downfall of the British Empire.
TO HELLAS.
Long, long ago, in times forever gone.
Was dreamt that mighty dream of peoples free,
Its immortalities of Marathon,
Of Salamis and of Thermopylae ;
Heroic love that shrank not, could not shrink
From risk which daunts the mediocre heart
Won victories through worth to do and think —
The Titan worth to play the Titan's part :
Hellenic ranks to valour nature-nursed,
Hellenic rulers of Hellenic race.
In daring practised and in peril versed,
Rejected weakness, failure and disgrace —
And now can thine 'neath bribes or threatcnings covvet
Where fraud's force failed and Persia's utmost power ?
':-. \y. R.'VGG.
Glimpses of Inner Russia, by Gustay Genrychowitch
(Simpkin, Marshall and Co., is. net), is a little volume of
Russian sketches from which one may learn much of the
real Russia. Some of its. sketches are concerned with the
effect the war has had on Rxissia.
.0
February 17, igib.
LAND AND WATER
CHAYA.
A Romance of the South Seas.
By H. de Vere Stacpoole.
[Synopsis : Macquart, who describes himself as lucky
when adventuring, hut unlucky as Satan when speculating, finds
himself in Sydney down on his luck. He has a wonderful
story of gold hidden up a river in 'New Guinea and a chance
acquaijitance, a sporting man about town, Tillman, offers to
introduce him to an apparently sporting and really wealthy
wool-broker, Curlewis, with a view to financing his scheme.
The night before the interview Macquart, sleeping in a park,
not having the price of a bed on him, makes the acquaintance
of Houghton, a well-educated Englishman, also out of a job.
Tillman, Macquart and Houghton go to Curlewis' office, and
Macquart tells Ms story ; Screed the partner of Curlewis, is
also present, but takes no part in the conversation, going on
steadily with his work. They resent his presence, and when
Curlewis turns down their proposition, tJiey feel it is due in an
uncanny way to Screed's antagonism. Macquart's story of
how the gold came to be hidden and deserted is most thrilling
but conveys the impression that he himself took an active part
in the work, though he talks of a dead man named Smith.
Macquart walks out of the office with a bold air, remarking
that it needs a great man like Rhodes, not " a sane business
man," to grasp the proposition. Soon after the three have left
Screed leaves the office telling his partner he will not be long.
He finds the three adventurers at a well-known bar ; he mentions
lothem Macquart's story has interested him, and asks them to his
house that evening. They go. He provides them with cigars
and whisky and sodas, and together they pore over maps and
charts of New Guinea. Screed finds Macquart's chart is
confirmed by an Admiralty chart. He agrees to put up £1,000,
having first carefully tied up Macquart and his friends by a
cleverly worded letter of promise. He also undertakes to find
them a ship, he himself having secured an option on a suitable
vessel — a yawl. They are to meet next Monday to go over the
"Barracuda," as the yawl is called.']
CHAPTER V.
Captain Hull.
SAN FRANCISCO might have possessed the greatest
harbour in the world, the chance was thrown away
for want of a genius who would have included all
the great waterways known now as San Francisco
Bay, San Pablo Bay and Suisun Bay under the generic name
Harbour. Sydney was wiser and gave the great bay which
Nature presented to her its ''proper name, it is really a nest
of harbours ; all sorts of creeks and coves give wht riage and
anchorage to all sorts of craft.
Farm Cove is the naval anchorage, and beyond Farm
Cove, in the direction of the Heads, lies a narrow bay used
mostly for fishing boats and yachts of small tonnage. The
Barracuda was anchored here, and here next morning at seven
o'clock, Screed and his companions turned up to inspect the
yawl. They hired a boat and Tillman sculled them across
to her. There was no watchman on board, and so whilst
making their survey they could talk unhindered.
Tillman was at once taken with the craft. He was a
born sailor and his life in Sydney had not dimmed the
instinctive eye that told him at a glance the worth of the
Barracuda as a sea boat. She was, as Screed had said, a fifty-
footer, decked over all, possessing a cabin aft that woul give
accommodation to five at a pinch, a tiny fo'c'sle forward and a
caboose where one could scarcely swing a cat, but which was
good enough for all their purposes. She had two boats, a
collapsible and a four-oared clinker-built scow, possessing
mast and lug sail. She was white painted and the brass-work
had been polished up till it shone in the morning light, the
rigging both standing and running was in perfect condition,
as were the spars, including the spare booms and gaffs stowed
on deck ; the blocks were in perfect order, the narrow white
planking of the deck holy-stoned and scrubbed till each
teak dowel showed, and there was not a scrap of raffle or
canvas bucket out of place or a loose rope end to be seen.
" She's a peach," said Tillman.
He led the way down below to the cabin. Though the
tiny ports were closed and the sky-light, there was no trace
of must or cockroaches, or that fusty smell that comes to an
old ship or a vessel that has been neglected ; the bunk bedding
was good. Tillman, who had taken command of the in-
specting party, poked his nose everyv/here, into the tiny pan-
try, which contained everything in the form of crockery ware
necessary, into the lazarette and the lockers. He opened the
ports, glanced at the tell-tale compass overhead, then, leading
the way on deck again, he inspected the fo'c'sle, noted that
all the cooking arrangements in the caboose were in order,
that the Rippingille stove was next to new, and the pots and
pans poUshed and speckless.
Then he turned to Screed.
" Well," said he, " all I can say is she is ready for sea,
and I'd start in her this afternoon if the provisions and water
were aboard."
" There's nothing wanting," said Macquart, " except the
charts and chronometer and the sailing orders."
" I'm glad you are of my way of thinking," said Screed.
" I'm not a practical seaman myself, but, as I told you, I have
some interest in shippving, and I was sure this boat would fill
the requirements. She is easily handled, I know that from
Mackenzie, her last skipper."
" She'll handle herself." said Tillman. " I shouldn't
mind taking her round the world with only Houghton here
to help. You could heave her to for a rest whenever you
wanted, she'd sleep hove to. Well, I will sign on for one,
and there's no use wasting time asking Macquart or Houghton
if they object to coming because the dinner napkins haven't
pink fringes. How long will it take you to get the provisions
and everything on board ? "
" A week will do it," said Screed.
" Let's fix it, then," said Macquart. " To-day is
Wednesday. We'll start this day week, weather permitting—
that is to say, unless there's a hurricane blowing."
" This day week," said Screed, " and now I must get
back to the office ; unlike you people, I am the slave of Time.
I will figure out the stores list during the day and put it in the
hands of Macdermott. He'll do everything, charts — stores —
everything. However, the three of you might drop in and
see me to-night after supper to go more closely over details,
and I will have a duplicate of the stores list to show you."
They rowed ashore, and Screed went off in a hurry to his
office, leaving the others to return to the city at their leisure.
" Screed's ashamed to be seen with us," said Tillman,
" not that we are so disreputable, but he's an awful old stick,
or pretends to be, and I suppose I have a reputation, rather,
for jocularity and high hving ; well, it don't matter as long
as he stumps up the coin. Come along, you chaps, I'm going
to have some breakfast."
The three proceeded from the waterside to the city. It
was a glorious morning, with a blue and blazing sky and wind
enough to temper the heat. The white gulls fishing in the
harbour came drifting on the wind occasionally right overhead
and their creaky cries mixed with the rumble of traffic and
the bustle of the wharves ; the spirits of early morning
and summer, of youth and adventure were abroad, and
Houghton knew again that it was good to be alive.
Macquart was in high good humour. That mysterious
person never smiled, his gaiety only finding expression in a
certain contained vivacity of manner and movement unmis-
takable when you knew the man. This morning, as he walked
side by side with Tillman and the other, it was very noticeable ;
Macquart was in feather. Everything was going well with
him, his plans were succeeding to a charm, the ghostly
treasure he had been carrying about the world for the last
fifteen years, the phantom treasure that had nearly ruined
him, was about to materialise, soon he would be touching gold,
red, warm, chinking gold.
Macquart, as he walked, scarcely heard the chatter of
his companions ; he was seeing yellow, his past was forgotten,
the present scarcely felt and the future entirely absorbing
his thoughts, when, turning a street corner, a hand clapped
him on the shoulder and a voice cried :
" B y Joe, by all the Powers ! "
Tillman, wheeling round at the sound of the voice, saw
the questioner with his hand still on Macquart's shoulder.
A big, sailor-like man he was, rough-looking and badly dressed,
yet with no touch of the fo'c'sle about him.
Macquart looked blighted, the blood had left his face,
leaving it a dingy yellow ; he seemed at a loss for words or
breath, but only for a moment.
" Why, it's Captain Hull," said he. Then turning swiftly
to Tillman : " I'll see you to-night," he cried, " at the place
— you know. I want to have a word with my friend, Captaiti
Hull ; haven't seen him for years." He gave Tillman a wink
19
LAND AND WATER
February 17, 19 16
as if to imply that there was more in all this than he could
explain at the moment, then, turning, he walked off with the
Captain, leaving Tillman and Houghton to go their way won-
dering at this new development and somewhat disturbed in
mind.
Hull said nothing for twenty yards or so. He was chuck-
Ung to himself as if over some joke he had just heard. Then
he said : —
" Who were them guys ? "
" O, two men I picked up," said Macquart. " Sydney
chaps — What are you doing here ? "
"Sydney chaps were they," said Hull, seeming deaf to
the question. " Mugs for sure, un-fort'nate mugs."
He slapped his thigh as he walked, seeming to commune
with himself still over some joke ; his last words were scarcely
compUmentary to Macquart, but that gentleman did not show
umbrage. Macquart was not indeed in the position to take
umbrage at anything Captain Hull might choose to say to
him. He looked now, as he walked along with his com-
panion, Uke a predatory bird subdued and led by its captor.
Captain Hull, after a few moments more of internal com-
munion, suddenly broke silence. All at once he began
speaking as though he and Macquart had only just met. Up
to this, he had been gloating over his prey, now, of a sudden,
he struck. ,
" Well," said he, " this is a surprise. It is so ; and to
think it's lower year and more since we parted. Fower year
and more since you left me blind with tlie drink in that pub
at San Lorenzo and bolted with me money."
" That I did not," said Macquart. " It was an accident.
I was as drunk as you. I was nailed by a crimp."
" O, you was nailed by a crimp, was you," said Hull, as
though quite open to be convinced ; " pore chap, and was you
shanghaied, maybe ? "
" I was."
" And yet four days later you was cutting the cards at
Black Sam's on the Barbary Coast and gaoled for assault
an' drink same night, paying' your fine next morning with the
money you choused me of. How do you make that out ? "
" It's not true," said Macquart. " I don't know who
stuffed you up with those hes. It's not true — that's all I
can say, and I leave it there."
" And are you still on the old treasure liftin' job," asked
Captain Hull tenderly, and quite ignoring the denials of the
other, " or was that a lie as well £is the others you spun
me? "
" That was no He," cried Macquart, flushing under the
torture of the last five minutes ; without a rag of his new-found
self-respect and self-satisfaction left he caught at the one bit of
truth, as a naked man might catch at a cloth to cover himself
with. " That was no lie ; the treasure was there, it's there
now and only waits lifting."
" I believe you ain't wrong," said Captain Hull. " I've
always took notice that the biggest liars haven't no mem'ries,
but gives different change every time they spins the same yarn ;
but you always stuck consistent to that yarn of yours, and
so it was, maybe, I put up my two hundred dollars on a half-
share lay — Come in here." He stopped at the door of a
restaurant.
" What do you want going in there for ? " asked Mac-
quart.
" I'll soon show you — you follow me, for you've got to
pay."
He entered and took a seat at a table near the door,
Macquart sitting down also.
" Have you any money ? " asked Macquart.
" Money ? " rephed Captain Hull, taking up the menu.
" What's that — is it a herb ? Money — let's see ; 0, ay, money,
I remember now, round stuff it was, made o' metal, if I remem-
ber right. No, I ain't got no money, and ain't had none since
I can remember. Power years ago I saw the last of my money
— you boned it. Waiter, kim here."
The waiter approached, and with a huge forefinger, Hull
indicated his desires upon the menu.
" A porterhouse steak, two kidneys and bacon to toiler,
scrambled eggs, toast and coffee, and look sharp — for two,
yes, make it for two and this gentleman pays."
Macquart seemed resigned. He said nothing whilst
the food was being brought, then, when it was on the table,
he fell to on it as readily as the other. During the meal, the
two men were entirely amicable, Uke two jackals that had dis-
covered a carcase they fell to, and all disputes were put aside
till the meal was done with.
Nearlj' a sovereign's worth of food having been destroyed,
Macquart paid, and the pair left the cafe and took their way
towards Market Street. Captain Hull, well fed now, was
slightly more amicable in his manner towards Macquart.
Captain Hull had pretty keen instincts. He had met
Macquart when the latter was walking with two " Sydney
chaps," Micquart had exhibited ready money in the cafe,
Macquart was evidently on some job here in Sydney, and Hull
determined in his own mind to stick to Macquart like a
leech.
He scented money.
Hull, to describe him more fully, was a big, blonde, blue-
eyed man, much battered by the sea and the world and
himself. Children Uked him. There were terrible things in
his life, he had fought and drank and rogued and ranged
through all the parallels of latitude and all the years of his
discretion ; not a shipowner from 'Frisco to London Docks
would have employed him, unless on a sinking job, and those
sort of things aren't done now, much. He had been kicked
out of New Ireland, he had smelt Norfolk Island, he had a bad
name in Callao — yet, somehow, children liked him. But he
was a hard case all tiie same, with one redeeming virtue,
however, only to be expressed in his own language — he had
never gone back on a pal.
Ttie streets were crowded, and as they walked along,
Captain Hull looked into the shop windows, examining the
goods displayed therein and making remarks upon them to
his companion. The two men might have been the best com-
panions taking a morning stroll through the city, but it might
have been noticed that the conversation was mostly on the part
of Captain Hull. That gentleman having inspected ladies'
petticoats, jewellery, and the contents of a hardware shop,
paused before a tobacconist's and, seized with the desire to
smoke, entered, bought two ci|ars, keeping his eye on Mac-
quart all the time through the fascia, paid for them, lit one,
and came out again— to find Macquart gone.
The thing seemed impossible. He had never lost sight
of the elusive one, or only for the momentary time required
to pick up his change and hght his cigar ; all the same, Macquart
had vanished. Not a sign of him was to be seen in the crowded
and bustling street.
" Fitchered," said the Captain. He stood looking to
right and left. He could see quite a long way, and the crowd
was not dense enough to prevent him from picking out Mac-
quart's figure had it been visible, but Macquart had vanished
just as the rabbit vanishes when the conjuror places it under
the tall silk hat, and just as surprisingly. Captain Hull
might b"^e asked himself whether the whole business was
not an illusion, only for the fact that he was a man ungiven
to self-questioning.
" Well, of all the swine," said he, recovering his
breath and his swearing capacity at the same time. " Give
me the slip, has he ? Turned hisself inside out whiles I was
lightin' a see-gar? Blest if it ain't "San Lorenzo over again,
and if he ain't sold me the same old dog, b him. Well,
"we'll see." He walked along in the direction of the Paris
House, passed it, and entered a bar.
Here he stood with his elbow on the counter, and a whiskey
before him, thinking things over.
Losing Macquart was like losing his purse. The Captain
was very hard up indeed, broke to the world — to use his own
expression, and Macquart seemed flush ; but the money part
of the question bulked small in his eyes beside the fact that
he had been done. And now, as he stood thinking things over
and feehng his defeat and weighing it, a new idea came to
him. Macquart was on some paying job ; the fact that he had
money, and the fact that he was so anxious to get rid of him
— Hull — pointed in the same direction.
He had lost not only the few pounds he might have
squeezed out of Macquart, but the chance of standing in over
some shady business. i
This thought so infuriated him that he finished off his
whiskey at a gulp and started off for pastures new. He wan-
dered into Lamperts, and the first person he saw there was
Tillman, who was standing at the bar with Houghton and talk-
ing to several jovial- looking strangers.
Tillman was in high feather. Somehow or another, news
that he was leaving .Sydney on a venture had leaked out,
probably from his own hps. Before taking Houghton and
Macquart to Curlewis, he had talked of something mysterious
that he had up his sleeve, something in which the profits
would be enormous — if it panned out. You can fancy him
with his straw hat on the back of his head and a cigarette
between his fingers telling one of the boys of what he was going
to do. " Never you mind where — a new place and a new thing
and fids of money in it, bags of coin "
Curlewis had also been talking.
" Well, I must be off," Tillman was saying. " Can't
waste any more time on you, Billy. I've business to attend
to." He took Houghton's arm and led him off. Neither of
them noticed Hull, whom they would certainly have recognised
as the man who had taken Macquart off that morning, and the
swing door had scarcely closed on them when criticism broke
out at the counter.
" God help the business that B )')by is attending to,"
said Billy, a bibulous-looking youth i.i check-tweed and with
a cigarette in the corner of his mouth. " I reckon I know it,
too. They've got a new barmaid at the Paris House."
" No, it aren't that," said a gentleman, with a face like
February 17, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
Chaya, a iiomancc of the South Seas-i
tiated by Joseph Simpion, R.H.A.
Macquart looked blighted, the blood had left his face, leaving it a dingy yellow.
a horse and a diamond horse-shoe in his cravat. " Bobby's
on some sure enough lay ; he's been tryin' to get Curlewis into
it. I heard a chap sayin' Cur had told him all about it, a gold
mine hid somewhere up north. Bobby has been goin' about
the last few days with a crazy-lookin' guy that's got the loca-
tion of the mine, a chap with the hair growin' through his hat
an' his ten toes stickin' through his boots."
Captain Hull, who had obtained a whiskey, stood wth it
in his hand, waiting to hear more, but the conversation turned
away from Tillman to horses, and, finishing his drink, the
Captain went to the telephone-box in the corner, took the
directory, and turned its pages laboriously till he found what
he wanted. Then, with the address of Curlewis and Screed
in his mind, he started off.
Certain that the crazy-looking guy referred to by the
horsey man was Macquart, he was now more convinced than
ever that something was up, and quite determined to be in it
or to spoil everything.
He reached Curlewis' office, went upstairs, gave his name
to the clerk, and in a few minutes was admitted to the inner
office and sanctum of the firm,where Curlewis was standing with
his back to the stove, with his hands in his pockets, talking
to Screed who was seated at his desk.
Hull, hat in hand, made a scrape, half turned to see that
the door was shut, and then spoke.
" Which of you gentlemen is Mr. Curlewis," said he.
" I've somethin' to say to Mr. Curlewis and it won't bear
repeatin' before anyone else."
" My name is Curlewis," replied the chief of the firm,
" and you can say whatever you Uke here. This is Mr. Screed,
my partner — sit down."
" Well, now," said the Captain, taking the seat pointed
out to him and placing his hat on the floor. " Did you by
any chance in the last day o • two come across a guy by the
name of Macquart. I'm not askin' to be inquisitive. I have
my meanin'."
" I take you," replied Curlewis, " and I can give you an
answer straight. I have during the last day or two come
across a guy by the name of Macquart — What about
him ? "
" Ah. there's the rub," said Hull. " I'm not askin' to
be inquisitive, but did this chap lay any proposal before you
with regard to money or mines or such like ? "
" You may take it from me that he did," said Curlewis ;
" a very big proposal — what more ?
The Captain was silent for a moment. Then ue said :
LAND AND WATER
February 17, 1916.
" Well, that's what I wanted to be at. I reckon you are
goin' in with him on some deal, and all I have to say is, where
he goes, 1 goes."
" I don't quite understand," said Curlewis.
" This way. If I don't get half shares with Macquart,
I'll blow the gaff on him and bust up the business."
Screed, who was writing, or pretending to write, moved
uneasily. Curlewis smiled.
" Well, my dear sir," said he, " go and blow the gaff on
this person as much as you please, it is no affair of mine. I
have nothing to do with him. I refused his plan to hunt for
gold in New Guinea and there's an end of it."
" New Guinea," said Hull. " So he's on the old lay.
1 ought to a' guessed it ; swab ! Well, I'm sorry to have
taken up your time, but might I ask you where he's livin' now
or where I might find him ? "
" I should think most probably if you wait long enough,
you might find him in gaol," said Curlewis. " No, I cannot
tell you where he hves, the gentleman did not leave his visiting
card behind him."
The Captain picked his hat up from the floor, rose from
his chair and hung in irons for a moment ; Screed, at the same
time rose in a leisurely fashion, put on his hat, and
collected some letters as if for the purpose of taking them to
the post.
" Well, good-day to you, gentlemen," said Hull at last.
" I've lost my time and yours, and there's no more to be said ;
but let me once lay my hands on that gink, and Lord ! won't
I treat him lovely."
He went out, and, disregarding the lift, thundered down
the stairs.
In the street, he took off his hat and \viped his brow with
his coat-sleeve.
It was a comfort to think that Macquart had failed to
rope in Curlewis, but it was rather a cold comfort, considering
the fact that the Captain was at his last half-crown. He walked
away down the street, revolving this latter fact in his mind.
The fo'c'sle stared him in the face, To the after-guard
users of the sea, the fo'c'sle is the last resort, the last threat
of Fate. Hull, a once Master-mariner of decent repute, had
been driven into the fo'c'sle time and again these latter years,
and now the prospect was opening before him once more.
At the corner of the street, he was standing with his hands
in his pockets cursing his luck and Macquart, alternately,
when someone spoke to him.
It was Screed.
" Captain Hull," said Screed, " a word with you."
" Good Lord ! " said Hull, recognising the other, " why
it's Mr.-^"
" Screed, yes, that's my name. I want to speak to you
for a minute, walk with me down the street and we can talk
as we go. I may be of ilse to you. Now, see here, what's
all this about that man Macquart ? What do you know
about him ? "
" What do I know about him," burst out the Captain.
" I know this, he's the biggest blackguard that ever walked on
two feet."
" I know that," said Screed, " or, at least, that he is a
very considerable scamp; what I'm getting at is this : became
to a friend of mine with a proposition about buried treasure
in New Guinea. Now, clear your mind of all prejudice —
do you know anything against that proposition. I mean, is
it wild-cat or genuine ? "
The Captain was silent for a moment. Then he said :
" It's right enough. I b'lieve the stuff's there and the fellow's
been tryin' after it for years, but he's such an onnatural bad
'un, he's never been able to pull the thing off. He had me on
to it ; we all but got a chap in 'Frisco to put up the coin
for an expedition, then he ran crooked with a friend of the
chap's — ran crooked over a ten cent business — and the deal
was off. He finished up by boning all my coin and leavin'
me drunk in a pub in San Lorenzo fower years ago. Now, I
ain't much, but I'm straight over a deal and I've run guns
and smuggled and done many another job off the O.K., but I
ain't an out-and-outer. No, I ain't an out-and-outer. Mac is,
an' that's why I want to g t hold on him. I wants to punch
that chap's head, I'm sufferin' to punch that chap's head^
I'm "
" Don't talk of punching heads," said Screed. " That's
not business, and you are wasting time. Macquart has got
his expedition together through a friend of mine, and he is
starting with two other men to pull this gold ; the only doubt
I have is that he seems such an extraordinary villain, he may
more intimate knowledge of this man. Now, Captain, I have
here a job for you. Take yourself out of Sydney to-day so
that there may be no cliance of your meeting Macquart, and
call upon me to-morrow morning at eight o'clock. Here's my
card with my address."
The Captain took the card between an immense finger
and, thumb.
" I'll come," said he, " but I'll let you know pretty plainly
I'm bust, broke to the world ; half-a-crown is all I have, and
God knows where I'm to get the next happenny."
" Here's a sovereign," said Screed, " and go slow with
it. Don't get on the liquor, whatever you do, for that would
spoil all, and Sydney is full of temptation. Get out some-
where on the harbour side, have as much food as you want,
but no drink — and, above all, don't talk. Don't mention this
affair and don't mention my name. If you do, I'll call off
and you may whistle for Macquart. See here. Captain, you
may pull out of this a rich man. Remember that, and don't
spoil the chance of your life. I'm reckoned a lucky man,
and any business I take up goes through. Nine hundred
and ninety-nine men out of a thousand would not go on with
this affair knowing what I know about Macquart. Well, it
does not put me off. I don't care a dump for a man's charac-
ter, so long as his scheme is good and so long as I know his
character and can take precautions against it."
" I reckon you'll have to take a pocketful of precautions
if you're dealing with Macquart," said Hull.
" I have come to that conclusion," replied Screed.
T
by some chance " ,
" I get you," cut in the Captain. " Be some chance, he'll
do these two guys in. He will so."
" They are good men," went on Sceed, " and I have
warned them to be on the look-ou' , an 1 1 will warn them
again, but one must take all preca tioi, and that's where
you come in. You are older than tUc^ are, and you have a
CHAPTER VI.
The Outfittixg.
ILLMAI? and Houghton, little knowing of the Hull
incident, and Macquart Uttle knowing of Screed's
interview with Hull, the work of storing the
Barracuda and getting her ready for sea went on
apace.
One thing Tillman noticed. Macquart took up his
residence on the yawl and would not leave her. Once, when
Tillman wanted a messenger to go up town after some fittings
that had not arrived, he asked Macquart to go, and Macquart
refused, alleging a sore foot.
Macquart slept on board and did his own cooking. Held
by the deadly fear of Hull, he scarcely shewed himself on
deck, and when a boat put off from shore he inspected her
through one of the ports before coming up to receive her.
" 1 can't make out what's up with Macquart," said
Tillman to Houghton. " Looks to me as if he was keeping
hid from something."
" He's a rum customer," replied Houghton. " I expect,
maybe, he owes money ashore ; anyhow, it's none of our
business."
They had indeed plenty of business to attend to without
troubhng about Macquart. Though the Barracuda was
reckoned ready for sea, there were all sorts of matters to be
put right and adjusted, all sorts of things to be thought of
considering the fact that the expedition might last six months
or more. Caulking tools and material, for instance, had
not been supplied or thought of, and they were faced with
the difficulty that Screed was no sailor and therefore they had
to overhaul everything for themselves. Screed, moreover,
though he had mentioned the fact that he was putting up
a thousand pounds, had a terrible eye towards expense, and
they had to submit every item to him and often fight to obtain
what they wanted.
" I'm blest if I'd have imdertaken the job if I'd known
Screed was such a crab over halfpence," said Tillman one
day in disgust. " I've been fighting him over the provisions.
I want victuals for nine months, and he has only made out
for six. I told him plain it wouldn't do ; he seemed to think
we could victual up there on the Guinea Coast ; he doesn't
care if we go short — well, I knocked him on that. I told him
we couldn't get anythirg up there but Beche de mer and
cocoanuts ; of course, 1 was talking through my hat. I
don't know but that we mayn't strike a co-operative stores,
though it's not likely ; anyhow, he gave in. Then there's
guns. Three Winchesters and three Colts automatics was
my ultimatum, with two hundred rounds apiece. Lord 1
how he squealed ; but I got 'em."
" He talked a lot about that thousand pounds," said
Houghton. " I don't believe this set out will cost him more
than three hundred. The Barracuda isn't lost money, he
can sell her when we come back."
" You mean, if we come back," said Tillman. " We
are taking an awful big risk, and don't you make any mistake
about that."
(To he continued.)
[The opening chapters of Chaya have appeared in Land and Waikb of
February 3 and 10.]
22
Supplement to Land and Watkii, t'l-rnuary '24, lfil6.
AQUASCUTUM
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The opinion of Officers
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XI
Sapplemtnt to Laxb *sd Water. Februam 54. WW.
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1916:
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very often. Apart from
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i A Message |
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rhe Major: Hullo, Dunlop! Glad I
met you. 1 particularly wanted
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don't mean for the Army, of
course, but for the private user.
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The Major: A friend of mine is
wanting a Dunlop and the local
agent says he's not got one and
can't get one,
Dunlop: Some other firm has
pushed a few sets on to him, I
expect We were rather pressed
some time ago, but that is all
over now.
rhe Major: Thanks, I'll tell my friend,
and no doubt he'll insist on
having a Dunlop.
Dunlop: I should— it will pay him,
and I am sure you will agree
with me that one ought to support
British firms if one can.
DUNLOP
RUBBER CO., LIMITED,
Foundersof the PneumafieTyre Industry,
Aston Cross, Birmingham.
14 Regent Street, l.ondon. S.W.
Paris; 4 Rue du Colonel Moll.
/-
Trad*
Mark.
y •
XII
LAND &W ATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2807.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1916. [^"^J-'s"^° *^t price sixpence
jewspaperJ published weekly
llll ho'iis Raemaeken
Uravcn eiciutively lor " Land and H'od'r.'
THE BLOCKADE.
February 24, 1916.
L .\ X D A X D \Y .\ T E R .
LAND & WATER
Empire House, Kingsway, London, W.G.
Telephone: H'3LBORN 2S28.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 24, 1916.
THE AMERICAN CRISIS.
A WASHINGTON telegram quotes Mr. Lansing
to the effect that Germany's policy regai'ding
submarines makes the situation between that
' country and America as grave as it was when the
case of the Liisitania was recent. But this surely must be
an under-statement. The issue between the two Govern-
ments then was not merely that Americans had been
killed, and killed without justification. It was that they
had been killed in spite of the clearest kind of warning
that America would hold Germany to account if, in the
sinking of merchantmen which Germany had threatened,
any American citizens should suffer. The injury therefore
was not an injury only to the victims. It was an outrage
on the sovereign dignity of the State which, by its warning
had pledged itself to protect — or avenge — them. And
if this was the situation in May and June of last year,
how does the case stand as between two countries in
February of this ? Has Germany done anything to
assuage the wounded pride of the great Republic of the
West ? Regrets and apologies she has always been willing
to offer. That she had no wish or intention to murder
Americans she has always been ready to profess, though
the profession must sound strangely to those who saw the
advertisements published by the German Embassy
cautioning Americans against taking ship in the doomed
liner. She has been prepared to compound her felony
by proffering blood-money to the widowed, orphaned
and bereaved. But from the first Mr. Wilson has made it
clear that such things would not be enough. Expressions
of regret, he said, might suffice in ordinary cases, but where
life had been taken by an illegal and inhuman act, unpre-
cedented in the history of modern war, where over a thousand
men, women, and children had been sent without challenge
or warning to their deaths, nothing short of a disavowal
could suffice. Twice — in May and June — was this point
insisted on. In July the President sounded a sterner note.
Even disavowal and reparation could not wash out a
rjpctition of the offence. If murder was risked a second
time, such an act, said Mr. Wilson, must be " looked upon
as deliberately unfriendly." If Germany persisted, then
she would be steering straight for war. And as the cases
of the Arabic, Persia and Ancona show, Germany has
persisted. When, therefore, Mr. Lansing is reported as
saying that the situation is as grave now as it was in IMay
last year, it can only mean that a breach seems very near
indeedr
For obviously, the diplomatic position is greatly
aggravated. And it is not aggravated only by many
repetitions of acts previously defined as " dehberately
unfriendly." It is almost a greater aggravation that the
Kaiser's personal representative in the American capital,
has been profuse in promises, glibly made in his august
master's name, that Germany would not only sink no un-
warned liners, but no ships at all, without securing the
safety of their passengers and crew. That this promise
was definitely made after the sinking of the Arabic cannot
be questioned. But it was a promise that Berlin never
has confirmed. And now it seems evident that Berlin
never will confirm it Nor can it he doubted that each
and all of Count Bernstorff's promises have been made in
the full knowledge that they would not rccci\-e the (lucs-
tionable honour of the Emperor's endorsement. How,
then, has the situation been kept open so long ? It can be
partly explained by Count Bernstorff's singularly fascinat-
ing personality — more, possibly, by his unscrupulous
dexterity as a diplomat. But the master cause of Mr.
Wilson's long-suffering has been his countrymen's aversion ^
innate and deeply felt, for any participation in any Euro-
pean quarrels. To avoid such entanglements might
almost be called a death-bed bequest of the Father of his
Country. To become a party to such entanglements • is
complicated to-day by the very recent descent of so many
iVmericans from the peoples now at war. No Govern-
ment could be blamed for hesitating over a decision that
would seem to many of its citizens to involve them in a
parricidal strife. If we add to this, as our columns show
to-day, that the Germans have played upon this string
by a not too skilful, but singularly effective press cam-
paign, we shall realise that to Mr. Wilson and his associates
have been hai^d put to to find an honourable excuse for
peace. But National honour is a thing more sacred than
traditions, a bond more forceful than any sentiment of
ancestry. And America, once forced into a national
decision, will not be threatened by any divided sentiment.
However good a German the hyphenated may wish to
be, when tlie country of his adoption speaks as a nation,
it will be his chief anxiety to be a good American.
What then will the upshot be ? Our Naval Corre-
spondent, Mr. Pollen, has maintained in these columns
from the first publication of the first Lusitania Note,
that there could be but one issue to the controvers^^
America may not wish to become a belligerent. But
she will not be left with the option of remaining neutral.
The breach with Berlin is inevitable because Germany's
persistence in high seas murder is inevitable. Twenty
months of hostilities have opened the eyes of the War
Lord and what is of more moment, the eyes of his people,
to the realitj'' of sea power, and its appalling consequences
to the sea impotent. It is a reality that cannot be
evaded or concealed by keeping the High Seas Fleet in
harbour and so saving it from destruction in battle. The
purposes of sea power are manifold, but they can all be
achieved without battle and they can be achieved simul-
taneously. To seize the command of the sea, to use the
sea for the transport of armies, to destroy the trade of the
enemy, to protect our own trade from the enemy's attack,
to organise the overseas supply of those who possess the
command, these are things that were not done in succes-
sion, but all at once. For the most, the forces that
secured the one secured the other, and by the same action.
As Mr. Pollen points out to-day, we threw away perhaps
the greatest of our wasted opportunities in not including
with all these assertions of sea sovereignty the most
effective of them all — namely, an instant strict blockade.
To have done this while the blood of Belgium still ran
red, while the civilised world still quivered with anger
and pity, would doubtless have made it possible for us to
announce such applications of the doctrine of the con-
tinuous voyage as would have made the economic isola-
tion of Germany complete.
At first sight it seems sheer madness that Germany
by quarrelling with America now should jeopardise the
receipt of such American supplies as still reach her
through the neutrals. That she takes this risk is an
index of her graver internal difficulties. Something
worse than the actual sufferings of the people must
threaten the people's leaders. If the overseas supplies
of the Germans have been grievously straitened, those
of the Allies are already ample, and in war material are
growing daily. It is not merely that these things mean a
steadily growing military strength of the other. They
are intolerable because it is becoming apparent to the
people that their leaders have misled them — misled
them in saying that Germany's future was upon the sea,
misled them into a war which their failure on the sea must
turn into a crushing defeat. The war party, if it cannot
save Germany, must at least try to save itself. It must
then strike at these continual manifestations of Great
Britain's sea strength with any weapons and any means
that offer. To men in so desperate a position as this it
is mere wapouring to talk of moral right and %vrong.
Hmuanity, justice, legal precedents — these things are all
uf less account even than the scraps of paper Germany
has so consistently ignored.
LAND AND WATER.
February 2J,, I'jiO
GERMAN LOSSES.
A FINAL STATEMENT CALCULATED TO THE END
OF THE YEAR 1915.
By Hilaire Belloc.
A VISIT to what is ^^•ithout doubt tlie best source
of information in Europe, the permission to
publish some part — and asutficient part — of the
evidence there obtainable, and what I hope to
be a clear exposition of this evidence enable me this week
to put before my readers a statement of the enemy's
losses up to the end of last year, which will, I trust, be
conclusive.
I have hitherto published in this journal frequent
examinations of the enemy's losses.
In the earlier days of the war, an analysis of this kind
was necessarily very uncertain. The methods whereby
results could ije controlled and corrected, were not yet
based upon any full experience. A'arious forms of e\i-
dence later obtainable with increasing amplitude were in
the first months of the campaign totally lacking. It was
not until the course of tirne produced a greater exactitude
that the analysis of the enemy's losses could achieve its
full value.
Roughly speaking, the uncertain period with a large
margin of error lasted into the early months of 1915.
It svas with the spring of that year that the oppor-
tunities of analysing the German lists, of comparing them
with other forms of evidence, and of reducing the margin
of error to reasonable proportions began. With the sum-
mer, these methods were fully developed and by the
autumn they were complete.
To give but one example. In the early days of
the war, the average delay in tlie publication of
names upon the enemy's lists' was not established at all.
It was not until well "into the winter that this essential
factor in the calculation could be set down even approxi-
mately. It was not till the following summer that we
f ould arrive at our average of delay with exactitude. And
this tarcUness in reaching so important a result was due
to the fact that certain names were not included until
several months after the date of the casualties referred
to.
Here is another example ; in the first fightmg which
was open fighting with troops in perpetual and rapid
movement, one was only able to calculate the proportion
of wounded to dead upon the known average of the past.
Given a certain number of dead, one multiplied by six or
seven, and reached a very approximate and doubtful figure.
No one had any idea what the proportion would be when
the novel form of trench warfare which has now charac-
terised the war for fifteen months, began. It was not
until this novel form of warfare, trenches subjected to
the modern high explosive shell of all calibre? and to the
shrapnel of the quick-firing gun, and to high explosive
mining, casualties from sickness under those conditions,
from shock, etc., were present in a very large number and
over a cpnsiderable space of time, that the proportion of
wounded and sick to dead could be exactly established
for such conditions.
In the last few months my readers will have noticed
that the calculations published in these columns not only
claimed a much greater exactitude than had been possible
in the past, but also repeated without hestitation con-
clusions already arrived at. There was no need to correct
and diminish former estimates, because the mass of evi-
dence available had become so large that the results
obtained were certain. The margin of error had been
reduced to a very small fraction indeed.
II.
!Huch about the time when this mass of evidence had.
as it" were, crystallised, and was beginning to give ils
permanent and indisputable results, it happened that (for
various reasons which need not here be discussed) a change
of mood came over great sections of opinion in this country.
There was a great increase in the depression of those who
had always exaggerated the strength of the enemy, and
there was a considerable increase in the numbers of tliuso
who seemed actually to delight in taking the gloomiest
possible view of the situation. It was only a mood ;
but it was a mood which spread rapidly, wliich sometimes
took violent forms, and which, in the absence of a strong
censorship, began to take a general possession of the
public.
Nevertheless, there is one authority to which,
happily, the public has lent attention, even at the worst
moment of this mood — which one may set at about two
or two and a half months ago. That authority consisted
in " official " pronouncements.
It was recognised that the men who had made it
their business all their lives to compile and correct such
statistics were worthy of a hearing. And it was guessed,
though perhaps only imperfectly understood, that the
soldiers at Headquarters in the great AUiance, and particu-
larly in France, had through the mass of their own sta-
tistics, through the enormous number of documents,
taken upon the field, public and private, through the
nij'riad examinations of prisoners, a power at their
chsposal of arriving at exact conclusions, which power
was infinitely superior to anything that could be exer-
cised by any private individual.
The conclusions thus arrived at by the Bureaux
of the Higher Command, particularly by the French, were
to some extent made public. The French Government
gave not infrequently, certain large and general results
which had been arrived at.
In a greater degree, though in a degree highly res-
tricted, details of the methcds used were communicated
to not a few of those whose business it was to follow and
explain the war in public journalism. Much of what was
told them was not for publication. It could be used, but
its nature was not to "be divulged.
The ^•ery lengthy articles which have appeared in
L.VXD ASD Watkk in the past enjoyed certain advantages
of this kind. Most of what appeared in them had no
such oflicial basis, but were due to the author's own
deductions. Occasionally an important piece of evidence,
however, was available and was used. In neither case
could the author claim any official authority and the critics
of this journal, together with those who, while not directly
attacking its conclusions, published of late almost any
statistics, however wild, that could feed or continue tin;
depression now passing, wcve free to quote what was said
here as no more than a baseless private opinion. It was as
a fact, in any case, much more than that, for it was
always backed up by detailed reasoning and the full
quotation of the sources upon which that reasoning was
based. But, it had no sanction.
I have recently obtained permission to give, with
regard to a considerable part of the evidence obtained,
such publicity as will, I think, confirm my readers in what
they arc about to follow.
I shall begin by showing how we can arrive with an
absolute certainty that we are at least not exaggerating,
at a certain minimum of the German dead up to the end
of the year IQ15.
It ' is upon the total real number of dead at
any moment that the greater part of casualty statistics
must be built, and that is why I make it the first
point in this final, and I hope decisive, study. If I
were merely to say that we know the German dead, u);
to the end of the year 1915, to exceed one million, it would
be mere alfirmation. My readers will see that such a
statement can be rigidly proved.
February 24, 1916.
LAND AND W A 1 H. K
The minimum certain number of German dead
up to the end of the year 1915.
In what follows, wc sliall bo dealing, of course, only
with tlic deaths of men actually mobilised and forming
part of the German armies. We leave out of account
altogether the indirect effect of war upon the vital sta-
tistics of civilians and of all auxiliary persons, not actually
forming part of the mobihsed force.
Our point of departure is the official lists published
by the German Government from the outbreak of the
war to the 31st of January 1916.
Note, at the outset, that to take this date, January
31st, 1916, is to weight the scales heavily against our-
selves. One must always do that in any calculation
where an emotional bias may be present. It is the pro-
cess known in commerce as " taking a conservative esti-
mate."
The actual average of delay between the death of a
German soldier and the appearance of his name in the
lists is still over six weeks. From the end of 191 5 to
January 31st, 1916, is barely four weeks and a half ;
conclusions based upon the lists published up to, and
including, January 31st, ^1916, are certainly therefore
within the truth on that account alone.
The number of lists published from the outbreak of
the war to January 31st, 1916, is 860 ; the last of these,
the 860th list, was published on January 31st itself.
The total number appearing upon these lists as
dead, after all corrections have been made for errors and
for repetitions and admitted omissions, is 651,768.
If, therefore, the official German lists were complete
on this point, our fundamental piece of statistic would be
already arrived at. We should know the German dead
to be somewhat more than, but certainly not less than
650,000 up to, and including, the last dav of the year
1915-
We know, as a fact, from many other sources,
which will be dealt with later, that the German official
lists are inaccurate, misleading and incomplete. But
the particular methods by which this particular figure
has been upset, and the true figure arrived at, are at once
striking and conclusive.
(i) In the first place the number openly given
(651,768) is not, even by the enemy's own showing the full
number. There is, by imphcation, another number to
be added from another part of these same lists.
Over and above the number officially admitted as
dead, the lists give a certain figure for the " missing."
Now the " missing " can only conceivably cover three
categories ; (a) prisoners in the hands of the Allies ; {b)
deserters ; (c) dead.
The first of these three categories (a) is known \\itli
precision. It is not allowed to be published, but the
figures are the common property of the Higher Command
in all the Allied countries ; the second category (b) is
certainly an extremely small one, desertions from the
German army, over the Dutch frontier are known within
a small degree of error and arc quite insignificant. Deser-
tions into the lines of the Allies, now happily growing in
frequency, appear in category [a] among the prisoners
held by the Allies. The remainder, category (c) inus(,
and can only, consist of the dead, who have been left upon
the battlefield after an enemy retirement, or in captured
trenches without there being evidence among the enemy
of theii' death. The only other possible category con-
ceivable would be that of desertions within Germany
itself, and the hiding of the deserters by their friends and
families within the German lines. Without for a moment
exaggerating, as is so often foolishly done, the political
organisation of the Germans, it will be admitted that the
number of these must be quite negligible.
From this part of the calculation then, we can arrive
at a certain minimum number of dead, over and above
those appearing as " Fallen " in lists. We deduct, then,
the known number of prisoners ; we allow some small
percentage for desertion, and we arrive at a remainder
which represents the very minimum number of the
Germans who, though dead, appear under the category
of " missing."
If that category is as much cut down and falsified as
are others later, to be dealt with, then the remainder so
arrived at — the minimum of " missing " who are, as a
fact, dead — may be very largely increased. But, at anv
rate, it cannot be diminished. And that minimum, that
remainder which we get from German lists of " missing "
themselves, compared with our known number of
prisoners gives a figure of well over 160,000.
The German lists, therefore, officially admit as dead,
either directly or by implication, over 810,000 men up
to, and including, the last day of 1915.
That the real number is ver>' much more, we shall
proceed to prove.
Special Lists.
(2) It has frequently been remarked in th'ese columns
that an excellent way of checking the German official
lists was the careful comparison of them with lists pub-
lished by private authority, by trade-unions, professional
corporations, and the like. The results of this method
has been cited in L.\nd and Water in the past, but no
particular cases have been quoted except those which were
available to all from their publication in the daily papers.
I am now in a position-to give particulars which ought
I think, to close the discussion upon this point.
They are {a) parochial lists drawn up in the villages
and published there with a legitirrtate pride as a proof of
patriotism and for the information of the villagers ; {b)
a great number of unions of various kinds, religious and
industrial, who also give lists of their dead from date to
date to their subscribers ; {c) similar lists given by large
employers of labour from time to time ; what similar
employers in this country call a " roll of honour " ; {d)
associations formed for the purposes of sport ; great clubs
of this nature, etc., which pubhsh similar lists.
Now, before beginning our examination of this very
valuable supplementary evidence, let me describe its
peculiar weight.
The German Empire publishes, as we have seen,
official lists of dead, wounded' and missing. We shall
later be able to show how and why, these are gravely
and increasingly incomplete. But it also furnishes in a
larger measure notice to the families of men who have
fallen.
There are great masses of the population who have
no opportunity of seeing the official lists, and who would
not be able to search them thoroughly even if they were
available.
The Government, after certain unavoidable delaj^s,
privately notifies the family of the deceased. It is clear
that any considerable failure to do this would soon cause
.grave discontent. Those alHccl countries which actually
forbid the publication of any general lists, are equally
constrained to notify the families privately when one of
their members is killed.
It is from these private informations that the special
evidence we are about to examine is compiled.
It will be clear that if there is any concealment and
diminution of the real numbers in public lists, that con-
cealment and diminution will much less affect the private
communications referred to.
To take the averages of deaths per 1,000 mobilised
men at any date, arrived at from these private lists as the
full and absolute total of losses by death, would probably
be to make too great a concession to the enemy. But at
any rate, we are certain that the averages are not less
than those appearing from such lists. The authorities
may conceal even from a certain proportion of the
families, or very gravely delay, the notification of death.
But it will hardly send notification of death as certain
imtil it is beyond doubt. There may be a tiny fraction
of error from occasional misinformation, as we know
happens in our own case, but it is quite insignificant in the
.general total. The chance of error is all the other
way.
Now, before giving the results of these lists, and
giving the reader the averages shown by them, I must
first make it clear that the method is reaUy representative
and wide spread. I will take the categories therefore,
one by one.
(a) The local lists (published and obtainable in Ger-
many for some months) are the first category of evidence
to which we turn for the checking of the official lists.
Of a \'ery large number, those which were specially
selected for minute and continual analysis were taken
from the most widely differentiated parts of the Empire.
The greatest care was used to avoid any partial effect of
trade, race, or locality ; so that the combined result might
LAND AND WATER
February 24, 1916.
be tIioroii.e;hly roprosontative. TIum. h>is (wiiich are
j;,'ot lip by private initiative and refer to special districts
which desired an exact record of their sacrifices and of
tlicir patriotism to be maintained) are based, of course,
upon the private not-ices received by the families of those
fallen. They afford an excellent check by which to test
the official lists, and to prove their incompleteness. For
these local lists give us not only the dead but also the
exact total of men mobilised in each district, so that
we can mark upon any particular date the per-
centage of deaths at that date, andur ctui cslabUsh exactly
the rate at which the number of deaths iiureases.
(b) The next category consists of lists drawn up by
a number of great unions or associations, mainly prole-
tarian.
Some of these are religious, some industrial. Like
the first category, these also are based upon the notices
of death which the Government sends individually to
each family, and are far more complete than the general
official lists. They give us, of course, the total number
of men mobilised as well, so that the percentage of deaths
for any given moment can be exactly ascertained The
figures to follow cover no less than 14 such lists and apply
to a very large proportion of the ]>opulation.
(c) The third category consists of what we call in
this country " Rolls of Honour." The great employers
of labour in the German Empire were in the habit, for
some time, of publishing in continually extending lists
the names of all those of their employees who had been
called up as soldiers, and showing at frequent intervals
the number who had given their lives for their country.
l*"or the purposes of the e%'idence I am about to call, three
such rolls of honour were specially selected upon the
same principle as governed the first two categories : to
wit. their universality. The first Roll of Honour is that
issued by a great industrial enterprise which has branches
and shops throughout the whole Empire. The two
others are concerned, one with the grocer\- trade, the other
with the refreshment trade ; and ])Oth are distributed
throughout the whole Empire in hundreds of branches.
(d) Lastly, the fourth category in this kind of evi-
dence is that of the clubs or associations formed for the
encouragement of various forms of sport. These lists
also contain a very great number of names, and the five
which have been chosen in particular for this analysis
arc distributed more or less indifferently up and down
the country.
Now the first point which emerges from an analysis of
these private lists is this : That for the first few months
of the war, these private detailed lists do not differ very
ap]jreciably from the official lists. H you contrast the
results obtained from both forms of evidence, it is not
till the beginning of the winter of 1914 that any very
grave disparity between them clearly appears. It has,
however, already appeared very sensibly by the month
of January. 1915, and if we take some time about the
middle of January for our point of departure, we shall
arrive a few months later at a very remarkable result.
W'c shall see the course of the death-rate established by
the detailed private lists rising regularly and uninter-
ruptedly, while the course of the death-rate drawn from
the general public and official lists as regularly declines.
After seven months from January, 191 5 — that is
by about the middle of August, n) 15— the difference
between the total of deaths obtainable from the average
of the private lists and that obtainable from the public
lists (which alone have hitherto been rjuoted in this
country) is already well over 150.000.
Here is another way of putting it ; the official lists,
although the fighting is exceedingly severe up to tli(>
autumn of the year, 1915, and particularly through the
summer of 1915, show upon the whole a regularly declin-
ing rate. The private lists show no such decline.
If the selection of priAate lists were a small one this
peculiarity might be due to the accident of some particu-
lar occupation or some particularly heavily tried locality.
But scores of such lists" grouped in four great categories,
and covering great masses of the army drawn from all
classes, from all occupations and from all regions, cannot
possibly suffer from such a cause of error.
I have already said that the rate of increase, month
by month, of the dead in these private lists was singularly-
even. How regular it is. the following statement will
sliow.
Taking the deaths reached by the middle of January
as one hundred, about fifteen on the average were added
for the month of February ; twelve more for March,
twelve more for April, between fifteen and sixteen for
May (when there was the first tremendous fighting in
Galicia) ; rather more than sixteen for June (which was
the month of the long struggle on the San) ; and about
the same amount for July. Not all the lists carry us as
far as August. Those that do, show, as might be ex-
pected, no apjjreciablc diminution for that month.
Now, the reader who is merely given these short
results of a detailed and prolonged analysis might object
that some particular small list thus privately drawn up
could conceivably be exposed to influences vitiating its
accuracy. The oflicially published lists are biassed to-
wards reducing the number of dead. But, on the other
hand, the private lists might not think it worth while
to print all the names of their men mobihsed, but would
naturally take a pride in showing how great had been the
sacrifice of a particular corporation or district.
An inspection of the actual lists would, of course,
make an end of that argument, but as that is impossible,
I can cpiotc figures which are, 1 think, equally con-
clusive.
It is clear that if the private lists were drawn up
\\ithout regularity and precision they would show very
great differences among themselves, as a fact, thej'^ agree
in such a fashion as to compel the conviction that they
represent a true average of wastage by death.
If the reader will compare the numbers appearing in
each category mf)nth by month, and see the monthly
rate by wliich the number of deaths grows, he can hardly
avoid the obvious conclusion that so dose an agreement
of such independent witnesses demonstrates their
accuracy.
Thus if we start with the third week of January, 1915,
and note the numbers as they increase month by month
in each category, for the months during which this
e\'idencc was obtainable, we disco\er the following very
similar tables. :
(a) Here is the growth for the first category, that of
the village parislie-, mainly peas:intry :
January . . . . 100 May . . . . . . 156
I'^bruarv . . . . 115 June 171
March .. ..128 July 187
April . . . . 139 August . . ' . 204
(b) Here'is the growth for the second category, the
various reHgious and industrial unions, drawn mainly
from the industrial proletarian; :
January . . . . 100 May . . . . . . 155
February .. .. 108 Juno .. .. ..172
March .. .. 125 July 186
April . . . . 140 August - . . . . 203
It will be seen that the rate is very nearly the same
as the first group ; the only difference being that the
peasants were suffering more severely in the earlier part
of the year, as might be expected from the fact that the
industrial population would in some trades be called upon
later.
(c) The " Rolls of Honour " drawn up by great em-
ployers of certain forms of labour mentioned above,
give the following rate : —
January . . . . 100 May 155
February (not before me) June . . . . . . 172
March .. .. 128 July 1S2
April . . . . 142 August . , . . 198
(d) The sporting Clubs and Societies give :
January . . . . 100 (estimated not all give statis-
tics so early)
February . . . . 117 (full statistics)
March . . 128 May 156
April . . . . 139 Juiic 175
me.
The figures after June in this category are not before
It is impossible in the face of such close agreement
in averages clrawn from hundreds of sources and covering
the whole country to doubt their accuracy.
The argument put forward in this section may, then,
be summarised thus :
You have, in spite of continued, ceaseless violent
• art;..'. Hv- number of deaths in the official lists declining
February 24, 1916.
LAND ANE WATER
t.oco.ooo
900,000
aoo.ooo
Too, 000
boo, 000
S60.000
4oo,ooo
'500,000
200,000
[toe.ooo
.up "
£^S.?!l
10
to
(on the whole) from January 1915 on into the summer of
that year. This decline in the number of deaths appears
in public documents, quoted throughout the press of
Europe and America. It is immensely to the advantage
of the enemy to hide in such documents, which arc in-
tended for general cjuotation, the real rate of his losses,
particularly as these become really serious and approach
the margin of his reserves.
« On the other hand, you have a series of documents,
suffering from no such motives, regarded as private, not
quoted abroad and the value of which the enemy seems
for some time to have failed to seize. These last are
compiled from the most accurate source possible, the
individual notices of death sent separately to each family.
They are in some cases connected with the fmances of a
trade union or benefit society, which must keep an accurate
record or suffer ruin, but which on the other hand, would
certainly not exaggerate its liabilities. These private
lists cover many hundreds of thousands of the population.
Though showing noe.xact mechanical agreement, they tally
closely, precisely as good independent pieces of evidence
dra\\-n from various and quite separate sources will
always tally closely. Finally, the death-rate obtainable
from this source of evidence is precisely what would be
expected from the nature of the fighting over the time
it covers, while the death-rate discoverable in the public
lists is more and more incredible as time goes on.
The conclusion is inevitable. The private lists
gave us the true death rate, the public lists, at first care-
fully and fully maintained, gave us as the year proceeded
figures less and less reliable.
Now what is the ligure we arrive at for the true num-
ber of deaths at, say, the beginning of November ? The
reason for taking that date, two months before the end
of the year, will be apparent in a moment.
In order to answer that question, we have but to
conti^ast two curves each representing the increase in the
number of deaths between the middle of January and the
middle of August 1915. Tiie lower of the two curves, the
dotted line represents the incomplete official death lists, the
upper full curve, represents the far more complete rate
discovered by the private lists.
We cannot draw from known figures the latter full
curve to the end of October, as wc can the lower dotted
curve, because many of the private lists cease to be ob-
tainable before that date, but we can prolong it in a Une
of dashes at its existing rate for the remaining ten weeks.
We have a right to regard it as continuous because fighting
of the heaviest kind went on during those ten weeks
which included the great offensive in the west, the end
of the violent struggle in Poland, and the invasion of
the Balkans. It will be seen that by this method, we
get, even as early as the beginning of November, a ligure
of over the million.
Now, making the fullest possible allowance for a
fall in the real curve after the moment in August to
which it can be traced, and for the decline in the death
rate during November and December, during which there
has been little fighting, it remains absolutely certain
that the total of deaths by the end of tlie year is well over
the million. How much over we have not full evidence to
1915
guide us. It has been put by very competent authority
at a million one hundred thousand, but admittedly only
as an estimate. That it passes the million is mathe-
matically certain. Even the ofhcial lists, by impUcation
or by direct statement, come to within 19 per cent, of
that minimum ; and that although they omit much the
greater part of deaths from disease, shock, accident and
exposure. The figure of at least one million, therefore,
at which we have arrived by the calculation just given,
for the deaths up to December 31st, 1915, regarded as a
minimum and as a minimum certainly below the truth, is
not to be denied.
Other evidence of the incompleteness of the
OflBcial Lists.
When one presents a mathematical argument, how-
ever cogent, it is inevitable that some fatigue should
accompany the following of it. There are many upon
whom detailed calculations of this sort have no hold.
I can imagine such a one saying : " Lengthy calculations
have never convinced me. ^^'hat I do feel is that, from
what I know of the accuracy of the Prussian lists, a genera-
tion ago, in the war of 1870, and from what I know of
the whole Prussian system to-day, I have a general belief
in the accuracy of any official Prussian document ; and
I shall not regard the othcial lists as inaccurate unless you
can provide some simpler and even self-evident test of
their inaccuracy."
It is fortunately perfectly easy to meet that kind of
objection. Wc have to hancl, among many proofs that
these official lists are thoroughly unsatisfactory and incom-
plete, and wilfully so, two separate, particular, pieces of
proof which are final.
The first is drawn from the official German Usts of
wounded during the great offensive in Champagne last
September. It can be shown now beyond doubt that
those lists are thoroughly incomplete.
The second proof is based upon the demonstrable
omission of prisoners from the official lists.
I ^^•ill now gi\-e these forms of proof in their order.
L
Proof of the falsity of the German OflScial
Lists by an Analysis of losses
in Champagne.
Two months after the great offensive in Champagne,
it was thought by those who were occupying themselves
with these figures that the time had come to contrast
the official German lists with the reahties of that battle.
The average delay in publishing the casualties upon
these lists, is, as we have said, six weeks or a little over.
Two months, therefore, it was imagined, would give one a
sufficient margin of time upon which to work. No atten-
tion was paid to the general German statement that " one
division had fallen back a mile or two and had successfully
stood the shock while the reserves came up." As a mili-
tary statement that announcement was without meaning
and was made merely for the benefit of neutral civilians.
LAND AND WATER
February 24, 1916.
The prisoners alone amounted on this sector to the
tqiiivalcnt of about one division and came from very many
divisions. But tlie official hsts were another matter.
Those units which were known to ha\e been present on
the sector attacked were noted, and tlie casualties referring
to them in the Hsts were set down.
Wounded, killed and missing the total number of
names appearing at the end of the two months was
85,032. Of these the dead were just barely over 24,000,
the prisoners just under 20,000, hut the number of ■d--ounded
admitted on the lists was only a little more than 41,000.
We cannot here apply any exact lest to the omissions
of dead. The only way of knowing the number of
German dead in that particular action was counting the
dead left behind by the enemy and these, of course, were
inferior to the real total ; for the radius of action of the
artillery went much farther than the limit reached by the
French advance. But when we return to the proportion
of wounded, we get clear proof that the lists are mislead-
ing.
You have here a proportion of wounded to dead of
1.7 : that is, 17 wounded to 10 dead. Now a proportion
of that sort is impossible. Sometimes when you are
dealing with very small bodies and a purely local effect,
you may get proportions of that kind. But where large
numbers are concerned you never get anywhere neai^ it.
If we take the corresponding figures for the French and
for the English at the same moment, we get on the average
forty-five wounded for ten killed.
It is clear that the compilers of the German lists did
not mention a great number of the wounded. Perhaps
they omitted the lesser cases.
A further watching of the lists throughout December
and January which might have modified this conclusion
merely confirmed it. Names kept on coming in, and it
will probably be found when the lists for February arc
complete that even in these five months after the battle
names continue to appear. But the new names do not
change the incredibly small proportion of wounded to
dead.
II.
Proofs of the falsity of the German Official
Lists by an Analysis of ihe number
of prisoners.
It occurred to those who are following this matter
in detail that the most conclusive tests of the accuracy
or falsity of the German lists would be afforded if it were
possible to analyse with exactitude the statistics of
prisoners now in the hands of the Allies. It was a cate-
gory in which there would be a special temptation to
inexactitude, and therefore one which, if it proved accurate
would be a conclusive test in favour of the German official
record.
The task was not an easy one because the prisoners
taken from a particular unit would be taken at \'arious
times and also Ijecause the units were in many cases moved
from east to west and vice-versa.
In order to be certain of one's result one had further
to be very careful not to confuse the active, reserve, and
Landwehr regiments of the same number.
A series of imits were therefore chosen with regard to
which one could be certain that they had never left the
front upon which they were originally engaged, and that
there was no confusion between active, reserve, and
Landwehr fractions. The calculation was made with
much more than tlie ordinary allowance of delay in the
publication of names, because it was rightly imagined
that this category' of losses would appear upon the lists
more slowly than any other.
Now here is the result.
A list was drawn up by the French .Vuthorities
giving the names, regiments, etc., of a great number of
prisoners drawn from the units thus chosen. This list
was then carefully compared with the names appearing
in the German hsts. The difference between tiiis com-
plete French list and the admitted losses upon the
official German lists was not only greater than in any
other category, but was almost ludicrous. It was over
69 per cent.
Out of every hundred names of prisoners detailed
by the French, 30.8 only ai>peared as corresponding names
upon the German hst of losses i
There were very great differences between different
units. In the worst case the German Commander, for
some reason best known to himself, or the German
Central Authorities, had virtually suppressed all they
could of the capture : less than 6 per cent, of the real
mmibers were admitted upon the lists— 94 per cent,
were not recorded by the enemy !
In the best case nearly 65 pei cent, were admitted
and only just over 35 per cent, were omitted from flie
enemy's record.
But the average was that which I have given above.
Very nearly seventy per cent, of the names standing upon the
French lists and representing prisoners actually in the French
camps were found to be omitted from the German lists.
I shall show next week what this loss of certainly
one miUion in dead by December 31st, 1915, means in
total losses to the Gejrnian Army up to that date, but
meanwhile a word may not be amiss upon the significa-
tion of that figure of one million dead in 17 months of
war.
It does not mean anything excessive in comparison
with the general losses in this war. It is a somewhat
higher amount in proportion than the losses of the Allies
in the West— but then the Germans have been fighting
on two and e\'cn three fronts. It is more than they them-
selves admit — but only 19 per cent. more. It does not
mean that a mobilised force of nine millions is exhausted
in men (though nearly exhausted in reserves) . There is
nothing marvellous or abnormal, as this great campaign
goes, that a force should lose by death .64 per cent,
(or, say, one man in 153 — for that is all it .comes to) per
month of the fighting.
What would be remarkable, abnormal and actually
miraculous, would be the ridiculous figure of half a milhon
which was current a short time ago. It would be utterly
incredible in connection with the known losses of the
Allies and with the known character of the fighting. Such
statements are only put forward to defend a brief or to
support a policy. That sort of bias is worthless in war.
All that should be tolerated in so extreme a peril is the
sober grasp of reality.
SOME TEST GASES.
[Independent evidence of the flagrant inaccuracy of the
German casualty lists is provided by Mr. H. Warner
Allen, the special representative of the British Press
juith the French armies. He writes as follows.]
" I have received, on unquestionable authority, figures
which make it at least legitimate to regard with the gravest
suspicion all information provided by the enemy as to his
losses. The French have often noticed that the total German
losses in killed, wounded, missing and prisoners announced
for a gi\'en regiment during a gi\'en i)eriod is considinabl\'
less than the number of prisoners alone taken from that same
regiment during the same time. The result has been tiiat the
department specially charged with this task has been able
again and again to "convict the official German casualty lists
of flagrant and deliberate mistakes by merely comparing them
with the French lists of prisoners.
"The following statistics concern four regiments which
have been continuously engaged on the Western front.
The 108th Regiment of the I2tli German Army Corps lost
during a certain period 403 ])risoners according to the French
official records. The German casualty lists acknuwledged
■during the same period 259 prisoners, and of these 2i> arc not
included in the French returns. There is a shortage therefore
of 144 men, or 35.7 per cent, of the total.
"The Ii2th Regiment of the I4lh German Army Corps
lost 234 prisoners according to the French, but the German
lists acknowledge only 4H, of whom 34 do not figure in the
I'rench records" In this case there is an omission of 186,
or 79.4 per cent.
"The i44tli Regiment of the i6th Army Corps lost 94
prisoners, of whom only five figure in the German lists, and
the other 89 men, or 94.6 of the total, are supposed by their
misguided countrymen to be still fighting, whereas they are
certainly in French hands.
'" The 153rd Regiment of the 4th German Anny Corps
lost 196 jirisoncrs, but the Germans officially acknowledged
only 58 of these, of whom six are not named in the I'rench
returns. Therefore, r38, or 70.4 per >i-nt. of the 15 irdj
have been omitted from the German list."
February 24, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
CAPTURE OF ERZEROUM.
Absence abroad upon work, the results of wliich
appear in the preceding article, compels me to
complete my notes of this week twenty-four hours
earlier than usual. I am writing them upon the Monday,
instead of the Tuesdaj', and the telcgrartis upon which
they are based carry me no further than those received
in Paris by three o'clock of the same Monday afternoon,
the twenty-first of Februai-y.
Erzeroum was fortified, mainly by German engineers
in a fashion of which the elements appear in the accom-
panjdng sketch.
Erzeroum is covered on the East, the South, and the
West by high ranges.
There is high land also to the West of the town, but
it does not concern the system of fortification, as no
works seem to have been erected upon it. To the Nortli
this small enclosed plain in which Erzeroum stands
lies open ; it is protected only by a marsh tl^rough which
and from which flows the western Euphrates, the upper
waters and sources of that river.
In such a district an army, especially an army
^^^
Gorge of Gurdji Bo^ha.z
<ni«
''^""'t%.''»
Soad to 'Mbusch.
and the South.
Great Maia Eastern
Upai isTtxmtCur
&Kars,& to Rail-
head at San^kamish
tiotfcu-distant,and
possibhj bz^mighf
nearer to pass
since outbreak, of
theUkr-.
operating in winter, and more especially an army de-
pendent for its success upon some kind of siege train
[we are not told of what calibre were the largest present
with the Russian forces, but it may be doubted whether
anything very heavy was present] is tied to roads.
Three roads lead through the Southern and Eastern
Ranges covering Erzeroum. One from Oltv, ultimately
from Batoum and the Russian Black Sea httoral, takers
advantage of the gorge at A , the Gurgi Boghar, to pass
the mountains.
The second— by far the best to-day and the great
main road of in\-asion at all epochs — comes through the
Eastern range by the " Camel's Pass " at B : the Bcoe
Boyonn. Its summit is but a few hundred feet above
Erzeroum, the town itself standing some 6,000 feet above
the sea. Not only is this road by far the best of the
three, but it also leads to the Russian railhead some
70 miles off, from which a further light railway may
have been built in the last few months. It is far the
best avenue of communication and could supply munition-
ment more rapidly than either of the other roads.
A third road comes in from the South, crossing the
very high ridge of that range (it has summits of over
9,000 feet) by a pass at C, which is the nearest of the
three to the city.
It was clear to those who designed the defences of
Erzeroum that on these three gaps or " gates " in the
hills were the very points of any system of fortification.
Each was guarded by a system of its own.
Supposing the main one of these three gaps to be
forced— that of the Deve Boyoun, which was most in
peril, from its leading directly to the Russian bases, a
rather inexplicable inner series of works had been con-
trived of which it is difficult to see the ultimate use, and
which appear to have done nothing to help the place,
during the recent fighting.
At T there is a sort of rocky horseshoe of high hills,
precipitous to the east and south— that is towards the
Deve Boyoun Pass, and the main road— but sloping
away gradually down to the north. This height is called
the " Top " Mountain : the " Top-Dagh," 'and on its
escarpment a whole line of works were stretched— r, 2.
and 3 are called the " Azizie " works, i and 3 closed
works, 2, the middle one, open. 4 and 5 two isolated
closed forts facing south. Lastly, on an isolated hill at
D, enfilading the valley east of the Top-Dagh and com-
manding the high road is the fort called Ahkali.
I have said that it is not very easy to see why these
inner works were constructed at all : at any rate, under
modern conditions of range and observation. For if
the Deve Boyoun at B is forced and the heights on each
side occupied these dominate T and D and master all
the plain below.
Lastly, there has been constructed — still more
puzzling and apparently equally useless in these last
few days — a continuous line of ditch and rampart all
round the town at E, E, E, from a quarter to half a mile
outside the built-on area and nearly eight miles in
perimeter.
None of these inner works appear to have had effect
last Aveek. The hills covering the town appear to have
been mastered first by a force carrying the northernmost
gap at A, the Gurdji Boghaz, and then, by an almost
simultaneous successful attack on B.
It was this attack along the main road, delivered
with all the advantage of a neighbouring railhead and a
good road for the artillery (so far as that could count in
the depth of the snow) which decided the affair.
The point B on sketch I is, as we have said, the pass
called Deve Boyoun. It has been much more strongly
fortified than either of the other two " gates " through
the moimtains and was thought to be impregnable.
Let us examine the details of this piece of ground.
The fortifications 01 tne Deve lioyouii pass cuiisist
in four groups of works.
To the north of the pass (which at its summit runs
through a very narrow gorge) rises very steeply a height
called the Tafta. The escarpment is towards the gorge
and road. From the summit northwards the ground
slips away and downwards till it rises again in another
escarpment which we will describe in a moment.
On these Tafta heights which flank the north of the
pass are three works which we may call the first group.
I have numbered them on sketch II. : i, 2, and 3. i is
a very important closed work and sweeps with its fire
the whole of the road rising up to the summit of the pass,
2, and 3 are open works which serve merely as supports
to the principal fort i, and help it to sweep the approaches
towards the summit of the pass, and to prevent the
principal fort i from being turned by its Eastern flank,
where there is a certain amount of dead ground.
This first group of works is the one demanding our
6^
n.
TromKarsSc
^^Sarykamish
r andthe ^
^ 'Railhead.^
■To ^si^
'BattEryofY-
Lah. Hm -y
chief attention because, as we shall see in a moment, it is
the master-group of the whole system.
Behind it and further to the north lies what may be
called the second group, which I have marked upon
sketch II, with the numbers : 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, g. This gro'^p
of six works contains one closed work. No. 5, the others
are all open batteries. 7, 8, and 9 are advanced works
LAND AND WATER
February 24, 1016.
delaying the approach to 5. while 4 and 6 are only of
use as (lankinR 5 and prcvcntint; its bcinp turned.
Now it is: imjHirtant at this stage of the description
to grasp the fact that the ridge upon which 4, 5, and 6 are
placed does not dominate and control the Tafta hill just
above the pass. The idea of building fort 5 with its
Hanking and supporting works was not to stand up
against a force which might already have captured the
great principal fort i on Tafta. The idea was rather to
prevent fort i from being turned.
The German engineers appear to have argued thus :
" Tafta is too strong to be rushed and can stand against
anything the Russians have by way of a siege train. It
is true that the munitionment and th(? main strength of
the army must come along the road. But still, some
slight deviation from the road is possible ; and unless
we guard the flanks of the principal work on Tafta, the
enemy can turn it round by the north. So we will create
a new set of works to prevent this." To this decision the
position owes the group 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. 9, which I have
callod the second gro\ip. But Tafta once taken the
second group loses its value at once and the northern side
pf the pass is clear.
On the southern side of the pass just eastward of the
summit, is the spur or ridge called " The Mountain of
Ahmed," the Ahmed Dagh. Its highest point at
10 is crowned with a closed work. AH roimd its edges
arc a series of open batteries which command the road
las it rises up towards the pass) and the plain of Passine
10 the East; while an isolated work upon the lower
hill towards the plain (marked 11, on sketch II) server, as
a support to retard anv attack upon the Ahmed Dagh.
]-inally this set of fortifications (which may be called
tlie third group) contains upon a summit at the extreme
west the battery of Lala hill, which guards the flank of
the principal work 10, but does not comniand the road
in any way. No. 10 and batteries all round the edge of
the Ahmed Dagh are useless if Tafta be once taken, for
Tafta commands the road more thoroughly than 10 docs
and the open batteries on the northenr edge of the Ahmed
Dagh just south of the road could not stand against
whoever was the master of Tafta.
The fourth group is to the Ahmed Dagh or third
group what the second group is to Tafta, the first. It
is a system designed to prevent the Ahmed Dagh from
being turned by the south just as the group 4, 3, 6, 7,
8, 9, is a systeni designed to prevent Tafta being turned
by the north.
This fourth group consists in a closed work, No. 12
on sketch II, with two batteries, above and below it, at
11 and 14. The-^e stand on the edge of another spur or
ridge ovcrlookin,^ the plain. Finalh', this fourth group also
has its support, two large batteries, standing on two twin
summits to the south and called (from the names of villages
near them) the battery of Ekhlikhan and the battery of
Tchatarli. The object served by these last two works is
threefold ; they prevent any force from using the track
which here goes over the hills to rejoin the main road
beyond the summit of the pass, and so turn the Ahmed
Dagh position. Thej' sweep all the approaches to 12,
I"; and 14. And they prevent any body of the enemy
from using the very steep dead grounil at A on the
northern side of a deep ravine which here would give an
opportunity, were its approaches undefended, for a
comparatively small force to turn the whole of the fortifi-
cations by the south.
It will be seen from the above that the whole system
is based upon Tafta : It has been constructed with the
idea that no one would attempt to take Tafta directly
but the Russians would try to reduce the main position
gradually by the two flanks, northern and southern.
But the Russians, aided by circumstances of which
we know nothing, struck directly for the main position
and carried Tafta before most of the other works were
reduced. The struggle Ix-gan upon the afternoon of
Friday the nth. By the 14th, two works at least had
already been caixied at the point of the bayonet. The
afternoon of Tuesday tlie 15th, so far as one can gather
from the telegrams as yet to hand (in Paris up to 3 o'clock
of Monday the 21st) tlie whole position uas mastered
and the road over the simimit of the pass was held by our
Allies, who were then marching directly upon Erzeroum
beyond. Those units (portions of three army corps)
which were garrisoning the city evacuated it. leaving
behind them, however, a great mass of material and
stores, all the heavy guns in the forts, and a very large
number of lield pieces as well.
A little before midday on Wednesday, the i6th,
the Russian cavalry rocfe into the city and was
soon joined by the separate columns which had been
coming up tlvough the passes A and C (on sketch I)
through the hills to the north and the south. All next
day, Thursday, and Friday afterwards, were occupied
in pursuing the rapid and partly disorderlj' retreat of the
Turks. What was left of one division, the 34th, was
captured wholesale, and by the evening of the day 240
field pieces were in Russian hands. The Turkish troops
were already' scattered into three separate fragments, one
retreating north-west towards Trebizond, the other due
westwards by the road Erzinguian, and a third south-
ward along the road to Diarbekir. Which was the largest
of these fragments or whether any one of them can be
said to constitute the main body we afe not told.
V^ Kavs
1
Tci (ci;ista
0^^^ N^ Mosul ,
Q ... » ;;, « k Jqo ii30<yJruiad Mouatdinoas /////
It was inevitable that a success so rapid and so
unexpected, and one of so much political consequence,
should give rise to a great mass of speculation with regard
to its strategical results. These speculations are premature.
We do not know the concjition of the roads nor what num-
ber of men the Russians can spare for what will now be
their lengthening communications far away from their rai.'
head beyond the frontier. We do not even know how
far they command the Black Sea, though we may guess
that their command has been suHkicntly complete to
prevent reinforcements and munitions from reaching
Trebizond ; since the fall of Erzeroum was most pro-
bably due to the interruption of this line of communica-
tion. They may find it necessary to march north and
hold Trebizond before they do anything else. If they
are not compelled to use a large force thus, their most
obvious course will clearly be to try and strike at the
Bagdad railway, and the most convenient point for that
would be Diarbekir — 140 miles from Erzeroum : they
are already at Mousch with their southern or left wing.
Any considerable Russian force at Diarbekir would
menace the existence of all Turkish forces in Mesopotamia,
but the march is a difiicult one through a mass of des-
perately confused and high mountain ridges of the
Armenian Taurus. The only certain thing we can say is
this upon the strategical situation created by the fall
of Erzeroum : that it will compel a Turkish concentration
towards Armenia. It may relieve the pressure upon the
small British forces in Mesopotamia, it must almost
certainly postpone to another season the difficult and
now perhaps impossible scheme for invading Egypt.
This latter, once it is fully appreciated, will release
for the general purposes of the Allies, much the greater
part of the forces concentrated for the defence of the
Suez Canal. And it is perhaps the renewed availability
of this force for action elsewhere which is the chief
consequence of the fall of the capital of Turkish Armenia.
H. Bi:i.LOC.
10
Febraary 24, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
NEW SUBMARINE CAMPAIGN.
By Arthur Pollen.
A BOUT ten years ago, when the Navy was sup-
/% posed to be divided between the historical
/ % and the viateriel schools, a distinguished
A. JL admiral — of the latter persuasion — is said to
have given this extraordinary reason for declining certain
measures for encouraging the study of naval history.
" There was no advantage," he said, " to be got from it,
because history was after all only the record of other
people's mistakes." As if the principle of the drunken
Helot had not always been the most fruitful stimulus
to wisdom ! Certainly this war has been no less fecund
than previous wars in teaching by the method of trial
and error. The catalogue of unquestioned sea blunders
is too long a one to exhaust. There have been gross
errors on both sides in the preparation of naval force
and in the theory of its use. What have we paid and
what have we yet to pay for our failure so to organise
the brain power of our navy, that Admiralty programmes.
Admiralty plans and Admiralty administration were
projected , laid and conducted according to doctrines
which the clearest thinkers have always held, and eighteen
months of war have once more proved to be right ?
What is the price that the Allies must pay for the failure
of Great Britain to reahse from the lirst that our sea
power was the Allies' greatest asset,. and should therefore,
from the first day of the war, have been used with the
completest rigour that was possible ? Had our reply to
the outrages on Belgium been the proclamation of a
strict blockade, no neutrals would have dared to protest,
for all neutrajs were then boiling hot with indignation
at the hideous and recent iniquity which had been done.
W'hat has the shortage of cruisers cost us ? What might
it have cost us had the Germans expected a war with us ?
The humorist who said that our 1910 fleet consisted
of "Dreadnoughts that submarines would chase off the sea,
and of submarines that would not even have a Dread-
nought to chase," was not so grossly wrong after all.
We had no defensive plans against submarines ready.
Our neglect of mines was inexplicable. Our failure to
provide for the orderly and scientific development of
na\'al gvmnery was almost insane, when it is remembered
that the Dreadnought policy could only be justified
by the use of guns being brought to perfection.
Non-Use of Naval Power.
What saved us from the worst features of our de-
fective preparations was that our enemies fell into almost
precisely the same errors. Still we did much by our
non-use or mis-use of naval power to make things easier
for them. The folly of limiting the Fleet's action bj' the
Declaration of London no longer needs emphasis now
that a Minister of Blockade is to be added to the Cabinet —
a tardy recognition tliat in this matter we still have our
sea power to use. The blunder of trying to take the
Dardanelles by ships alone, the far greater blunder of
failing to recognise, when its impossibility had been
proved, that military success had been made impossible
by it ; the rejection of the advice to treat the bombard-
ments as demonstrations only, and on their failing to send
the army destined for Gallipoli into Serbia — all these things
can be traced to the non-recognition of the truth that the
application of the principles of right strategy and right
technique, is not a matter of instinct or of impulse,
but can be ensured only where a duly constituted staff
brings the weight of universally accepted and imper-
sonally expressed principles to bear on practice. What
would we not have given in October, 1915, to have had
in Serbia the 200,000 men put out of action in Gallipoli ?
Yet in Mafch, 1915, they could have been sent through
Salonika to our Allies' help without difhculty or opposi-
tion.
Germany's blunders at sea have been even more
flagrant and far more disastrous than our own. We
do, after all, possess in our capital ship fleet an asset too
(A'erwhelmingly powerful for our command of the seas
to be questioned. The enemy could not take that com-
mand from us, though we were free to misuse it. All
Germany's naval action has followed from three things :
Her folly in not foreseeing that Great Britain must be
arrayed against her ; her folly in going on light-heartedly
with the war after our opposition became certain — in
the apparent belief that the land fighting would be over
before the sea pressure began ; her folly in expressing
by mere savagery her resentment at her £300,000,000
fleet being valueless. The submarine campaign was,
though the most effective, not the only one of her cruel
and senseless expressions of her anger. The mine cam-
paign against trading ships, the bombardment of the
undefended coast towns, the attacking of ships by air
bombs — each of these was but an outlet of the same
unmeasured fury.
The little neutrals — Holland, Denmark, Sweden
and Norway— have never had it in their power to deal
with Germany over these atrocities to puissance en
puissance. America, manifestly sincere in wishing to
keep out of the war, and no less sincere in trying to
bring back naval war to its old legal standards of
humanity, could alone so deal with Germany. And
she will do so before the eventful chapter is closed. If
it is inevitable that Germany should proceed with a new
and more devastating campaign with a larger and more
powerful submarine, then it is also inevitable that the
condemnation by neutral countries of her conduct — so
long held in abeyance — must take active shape. The
quarrel between Germany and America/'so long and so
patiently kept within bounds, must then become an
open one, and when America finally speaks out, the
other neutrals can hardly remain silent.
Germany's Counterstoke.
Is the new German submarine campaign inevitable ?
It seemingly is. The first campaign has failed to lift
the blockade — its professed object. Our losses in mer-
chant shipping have been heavy. Between 500 and
600 out of 8,000 in ig months of war. But our shortage
of tonnage to-day does not arise primarily from the toll
which the enemy has taken. The requirements of the
fleet, the still greater requirements of our military ex-
peditions over sea, have taxed the merchant navy four or
five times more greatly than the enemy. Nor is this all.
The merchant tonnage of the world, British as well as
neutral, is less, not only by British ships sunk and with-
drawn for military purposes. It is less by the whole
German merchant mariile that has escaped capture.
And the demands of the belligerents both for war supplies
and for food, clothes and other necessaries from overseas,
has become enormously greater. Notwithstanding, then,
war's inroads on trade, a greatly diminished merchant
shipping has witnessed enormously greater demands on
its carrying capacity. And in this fact will probably be
found the governing consideration that makes the new
German campaign inevitable. Its object is no longer
to terrify Great Britain into letting food enter Germany.
Its object is to prevent food entering France.
To cut off the sea communications of an enemy, to
keep them open for ourselves and our friends, these
are the equal and immediate objects of commanding the
sea. How valuable the achievement of this object in
the case of France has been may be gathered from the
single fact that £90,000,000 of goods left the port of New
York for France in 1915, whereas in normal years
£30,000,000 represents the total exports of America tc
that country. French imports from other countries arf
no doubt as strikingly increased. The imports of al
belligerent countries, and especially those that Russis
is getting from Japan, must be fabulous. While, then,
Germany feels every day the growing strain of her isola-
tion, the Allies are showing every day a growing strength
from their sea supplies. It is to sap this form of strength
that the new submarine campaign will be directed-
U
L A N D A X n W A T E R
February 24, 1916-
Ha'; Germany any other possible sea counter-stroke
open to lior ? The simplest and most ob%-ions would be
ti) strike (^nt and defeat the Grand Fleet. Is this possible
t D Germany to-day ? \Nill it ever be po?^sible ? There
have not been wanting those who would make us believe
that the danger is a real one. Mr. Hurd is determined
that we shall not forget that Germany's resources in
ship building are " almost, if not quite, equal to our own."
" If we had worked our hardest in this country since
the opening of war and Gennany had done the same,
we could not have maintained the margin of superiority
that we possessed when the war opened. That is one fact.
Germanv, moreover, would have been gaining on sea in
ships which the lessons of the war had shown to be of
the greatest military value."
Of course, if (iermany can build ships as fast as we
can, and botli build as fast as possible, it is obvious
that our percentage superiority rruist decline. But it
may be consoling to remind ourselves of what that per-
centage s\iperiority was. We began in the North Sea
with 24 capital ships to 19, a difYcreuce of five— about
2/1 per cent. In the Mediterranean we had Admiral
Milne's three battle cruisers, from which the Goebcn
escaped, and one battle crvtiser was not commissioned.
Since those days, as Mr. Churchill told us in November
of that year, we should have been able to add 15 new-
ships to Germany's three ; and presumably Australia has
becoinc available for the main theatre of war. Of ships
built and building in August, 1914, then, if there had been
no losses on cither side, we should have the 24 Dread-
noughts in commission at the Spithead Review, plus five
plus 15, or 44 ships toGermany's 22. The margin is obviously
enormous, especiallv when it is remembered that behind
the British fleet stands the French fleet of capital ships,
entirely without obvious employment at the present
moment. It is still more striking when we remernbcr
that nine of our ships carr\ 15-inch guns, two 14-inch
guns, 17. 13.5-inch guns, and 17, 12-inch guns. Against
these, Germany lias 15 armed with 12-inch guns, and seven
svith ii-inch. The gun strength must be something
like three to one.
17-inch Gun Controversy.
The point of Mr. Kurd's warning, is an echo of the
17-inch gun controversy. When he says Germany is
" gaining " on us, he cannot mean that Germany will
have built more new ships, but that while in ships of
pre-war design we have a superiority, in the new type
the numbers would be more likely to be equal. Every-
thing then seems to depend upon the lessons of the war
and the use which each side has made of them. The
main lesson of the war has surely been the higher hitting
efticicncy of the bigger gun. The Falkland Islands really
taught us nothing new on this, because no one has ever
doubted that a 12-inch gun really must be \-astly superior
to an 8-inch. But the Dogger Bank might have taught
the Germans that their old theory that 11 inch and 12-inch
guns would be as effective as 12-inch and 13.5s., was
utterly fallacious. Their theory was wrong, because this
imderestimated the range at which actions could be
fought. We may also, it seems, assume that a lesson was
learned at the Dardanelles, and one as obvious to the
Germans as to ourselves. The Queen Elizabeth could not,
of course, destroy and take the Narrows forts, but the
testimony that her guns were more effective, because
more accurate, than any others, is both general and
widely known. By the end of either January or of
March, 1915, then," the new lesson of the war may be
said to have become clear. It was that there was a
material advantage in increasing the cahbre of the guns.
Is this the lesson which Mr. Hurd has in mind ? The
matter is of considerable interest because in the spring of
1914 there was a very general impression that the Gcs-
mans had already then resolved on putting 15-inch guns
into the four ships of the " Ersatz Worth " class, then in
contemplation. But if, instead of proceeding with their
15-inch programme, they have, " profiting by the lesson
of the war," gone to 17-inch, it is clear that they cannot
have made this departure before the Do.gger Bank fight,
for until then no conclusive evidence of the bigger gun's
superiority over the already very big gun was available.
\\'hile if Germany waited until April for evidence of the
suoerioritv of the monster gun, then she cannot have begun
her plans for a 17-inch gun until very much later. In
either case, it will be long before one is seen afloat. But
in either escnt, as it would take at least thirty months
to design and make and build new guns and mountings
and ships to carry such guns, we arc not likely to sec
17-inch guns afloat for another eighteen or twenty
months. But, if GermanV began in August, 1914, with
the deteriuination to build 17-inch gun ships, it would be
a diftercnt matter.
The advantages of the big gun in naval war arc
briefly these : —
(i) At long range it is more uniform in its shooting.
This arises largely from the fact that its initial velocity
is lower. In guns of the same calibre, those of the higher
velocity are less accurate than those of the lower.
(2) Heavier shells maintain their momentum longer
than lighter shells. The greater the range the greater
the danger space. Consequently an error in range which
would be fatal to lighter guns hitting r^ight not be fatal
to the heavier gun doing so.
(3) The larger shell makes a splash in the water,
which is much greater both in height and in volume than
the lighter shell. It is therefore easier to see this splash
at a great distance, and so it is easier in the first instance
to find, and afterwards to recover when lost, the range at
which the gun will hit.
(4) Finally, the heavier shell delivers a more smashing
blow, and as it can carry a far greater blasting charge, its
destructive charge is very much greater.
The public discussion of the 17-inch gun shows that
there is some misapprehension on points i and 2 above.
The point to bear in mind is this : In choosing a gun for
long range fire we want the ma.\imum velocity combined
with the maximum uniformity of shooting at the desired
distance. Diagram I shows how three shells of different
weights and starting at different velocities lose their speed.
Timiqe^fOOqydi. lOOOOj^ds. ISDOOj/df- SOCWjds.
30001 1 ■
2S001
feet
/>er
second'
2000'
iSOO'r
lOOOV
\2S00.
\/eet
I
SOO'^
klosicfVebcitifin&soii.pT^a:^!^ hi/to! Vdjd^Joa^persec.
B . " . &70U>. . . „ 29S0fi:,. .
C 870li. .. . „ 2100ft.. .
V - n ,17^011) „ „ „ 2300ft. .
(A) is the velocity curve of the i:\merican 5-inch gun,
which it will be seen, starts at 3,000 feet a second, falls to
1,700 feet a second at 3,000 yards ; to 1,100 feet at 6,000
yards, and to just over 900 feet at 9,000. The weight of
the 5-inch shell is 50 lbs.
(B) is the American 12-inch gun with a muzzle velocity
of 2,950 feet, and firing an 870-lbs. shell. This gun loses
400 feet velocity in the first 3,000 yards ; 300 feet in the
next 3,000 yards ; 250 feet inthe next 3,000.
(C) is a gun of the same cahbre firing the same shell,
with a muzzle velocity of 2,100 feet only. This gun loses
less of its velocity because it starts slower. These three
instances show iis that the lighter the shell the greater
the drop in velocity, the higher the velocity the greater
the loss of velocity ; the heavier the shell the greater the
maintenance of velocity.
(D) is a conjectured cur\-e for a 15-inch gun, which
we will assume to start with a velocity of 2,300 feet, and
to fire a projectile of about 1,750 lbs. 'Such a shell might
lose less speed initially than any of the other three and
12
February 24, igi6.
LAND AND WATER
continue? to lose less and less as it went on.
The second series of diagrams will make the meaning
of the first clearer. In this series I show what may be
called the stages of a race in which A, B and D engage.
The 5-inch, the 12-inch and the 15-inch shells arc seen
starting level. At 1,000 yards the 5-inch lias already
fallen behind the 12-inch but it leads the 15-inch. At 6,000
yards the 5-inch shell has fallen greatly behind, though the
i2-inch still leads the 15-inch. At 9,000, the 5-inch has
long been out of the race, and the 15-inch leads the
12-inch by a short head. At 20,000 the 15-inch has
beaten the 12-inch by four and one-tenth seconds ; the
12-inch has beaten the 5-inch by nearly half a minute.
Nothing can better illustrate the staying power of the
heavier shell, for in this case remember, the starting speed
of the 12-inch was something like 750 feet per second the
greater.
Now mark with regard to these diagrams of the race
that the advantage which the 15-inch shell has over the
12-inch is enormously less than that which the 12-inch
has over the 5-inch. The advantage of the 17-inch over
tiie 15-incli would be correspondingly reduced. In fact,
for practical purposes, it may be said to have no advantage
at all. And consequently, we are reduced to points 3
and 4, namely, the greater visibility of the splash and the
greater the smashing effect of the bigger shell, g
Weight and Numbers.
Now, when we get to these points we have a second
matter to consider. And it is this : If you decide to
adopt the bigger gun, it means that you can only carry a
smaller number of them for any given displacement or
expenditure. It is no answer to say that you can build
bigger ships to carry the same number of bigger guns.
For your total shipbuilding and gun-making effort you
will still have a smaller number of guns. As a rough
formula, the weight of guns with their mountings, ammu-
nitions, etc., tompare as do the cubes of the calibres. On
this principle, a 17-inch gun double turret would represent
37 times the weight of an ii-inch turrent ; 2-8 times a
12-inch turret ; twice the weight of a 13-5 turret, and be
one and a half times as heavy again as a 15-inch turret.
If Germany then has decided on the 17-inch gun for her
new ships, her total shipbuilding and gun-making capacitv
can be expended upon half as many more 15-inch gunned
ships as 17-inch gunned ships. It seems to me that she
could only decide upon a smaller number of ships with the
more powerful gun if she were perfectly certain first, that
the 17-inch gun is more likely to hit at a great range than
the 15-inch ; secondly, that the decisive naval battle
would be fought at a range at which this advantage of
17-inch guns would have full play. For not otherwise
would a Power already so inferior in numbers sacrifice
the very great and undoubted advantage which numbers
confer.
Now as we have s(5en, it is improbable that the 17-mch
gun would have any hitting superiority over the 15-inch.
But it is quite undoubted that fifteen guns have a very
great hitting advantage over ten guns. For at long
range so many uncertainties nuist necessarily be present '
— uncertainties of range, of aim, etc., that the probability
of making hits increases out of proportion to the increase
of the number of guns. A broadside of eight guns would
have a great deal more than double the chance of hitting
than a broadside of four. Nor would the splashes of six
17-inch guns, be more visible than those of eight 15-inch.
Those that choose the 17-inch gun therefore, would choose
solely on the ground that a single shot would have a
better hope of sinking or disabling, and would probably
not so choose unless they were extraordinarily confident
of bringing a greatly improved standard of marksmanship
into use. A further consideration must be added. Off
Heligoland we fought at 6,000 yards — we could see no
further. Is it wise to build for long range only ? At
short range numbers are everything. So much for
general theory.
As to the practical question as to whether as a fact
the Germans have decided upon the 17-inch gun and are
actually re-arming their old ships witli it, and have done
both as a result of war experience, I have to confess a
considerable scepticism. War experience, as we have seen,
would not have been available till April last. Is it
conceivable that Germany would have decided upon a
revolutionary na\'al policy at so late a date in the war ?
She would hardly delay making up the lost ground.
No battleship has ever yet been built in a shorter time
than two years from the completion of the design, The
Dreadnought was actually constructed in eighteen months
from the lajing down of the first plate, but in this case,
four of the five turrets were taken from ships previously
ordered, so that the element which takes longest in the
production of a battleship, viz.
were already provided.
the guns and turrets,
1%
IS
Jleioooj^ds.
soo/t.
J^e 9000j^ds
f:
15'
Jit 20000i^ards
SOSecozids
4-1 Sees
1
As for tlie re-arming of old ships, it is no doubt
physically possible that Germany's five 'ii-inch gunned
Dreadnoughts could be converted from carrying
six turrets of these pieces into ships carrying two single
17-inch guns and two ii-inch turrets. But it would
mean the virtual re-construction of the entire ship, and it
would probably take longer to change over these five
ships than to get ten 17-inch guns afloat in two new ships.
The 12-inch Dreadnoughts could ,iot be converted to
17-inch ships, without a similar reconstruction.
Finally, two reflections are in place. It is no use
our making ourselves unhappy on the question of the
surprises in naval construction that Germany has in
store for us. Nothing we can do now in the way of deter-
mining on new ships can bear fruit in completed shi]:is for
at least twenty months. If Germany actually got ahead
of us between last January and last May, as Mr. Hurd
seems to think, it is too late for the present Board to
remedy the mistakes of Mr. Churchill and his colleagues.
We must trust — as it seems to me we can trust — with
absolute confidence to the very great margin of strength
which we possessed in August, 10x4, and to the great
additions to that strength which the purchase of foreign
ships and the completion of those already in hand, have
enabled us to make. Half-a-dozen ships carrying 17-inrh
guns could make no material difterence to naval'strengtli.
We ought to have added between twelve and eighteen
15-inch gunned ships before a single German ship with
the large guns is afloat. Akthur Pollen.
That virtue brings its own reward and evil its own
punishment is the keynote of Unrest, Mr. Warwick Deeping's
new novel (Cassell and Co.. 6s.). A temperamental lit, of
i-estlessness led Martin Frenshani to run away from his wife
\yith a bold, black-eyed American woman, of whom he soon
tires. For his wife, in the meantime, there rem»«ns the
problem of how to comport herself and gloss over liis absence
so as to deceive friends until he shall return to her, as she
confidently expects he will. • The book is a study in cun-
trasts, in high fights and strong shadows --tlR re "arcf vury
few haU-tones iu it. But its inti-rest is sustainta.
T ivn A>-D WATER. Felrrriaiy 24. 1:^^
THE AMERICAN CIML W AR.-II.
Some Lessons to be Learnt from it.
By Jote Puci—
tfe
tihaX a _
to — > *^ i^^.B&i— t^ »ewr ■heed » «
a BB 1MSI be left to
K tfc svWcr's tzaai^ fe^^»t * ^^ °*^
Z^mT^^Ur^^ •« «^ 5*^^ of sdf^tooewt-
TfcpIiriiM h<n «< Ak L^* Dtrscc. via ttrrr
^ wiik a ^canr. «BKa ^^j_ ^^ ,^ fp|»«» — Jimms -A Rate, aao tMS wMt-
— ^.? iiiiiiii T ^^o kars* ScImbk das' cap*3?^ ^"<' ~ '^^x Sac a "w^
^ ^_, ^ .^aa SEiTC wSn^ ' . _
i^^jerfed to Aar ■■rflB'f**- •** ^^^ Tfe resalt of i^ N ~ - - - -
cacTv Aor E^m Hoobr. Ar-'- " raeaa
___ _je»u's» t^ai al ao X<»Aer- -^ ^•'•^ '
1^^ ^I_r*li|^IaKr' ' Xmonr 3ed. a«i the
* ^ ^ " Aat tkc RsA «P be «^ a series '^i^[5^ .£
0» - II ■■! «■« t»c iBH ^ — « was a serae- ^fLa'TlirLjf .k<.
. ..ii. ^MEHK-rssir g^hff a we wmasoaa ^srtme^ was exprc i» mii j ^^p »"
sack as
i-,.=« B«ikeN«tkka«dtfceleso^A««^tkE
loorid was latter. TW tMC c«r wten LJBCCJQ at fasa »^«g>
tke li^ s«*al aad g^e
Ct^ vs aat tke a^ to
-^x -cs* » »«-»^ «~ ^fceprafccBdlfcekirfoii— — — -
TktaxarfsBcmisv. tke heaite of moBt anves: tbey *xjrfd hxvt iMai
tr'- IWBtrndi destrorod the cn^al m— es ei Ae fe^ w^b c* - -
-,.-1^' ir:=v 'fet the farces B« the ««a{na had bees iof?^ a«i ^^a«<i -
3 War »ee dU aoK ta«^^ l*e XotA had pae^ Ae watm^
mnmUeM. h h^ aat q«iy 11 ■■■* i* t^ ■■ I'" '^^
^a^s^wfeihe litithadtniaedit^aadboA iwiwr and 11 it^^
,«dsd ie* to t*e- f '*?^!!S:^ ,^°g«*^^ ^,.-
^^^^cec~ ««R eiecaed fcr tie v««es of tor laaic aaa dMfasabes. We ■anaj
-, .-.-. -^ Wtkervac ¥<m amt ^aod m ooail ada|A to
J«e Wt«y piaii^fc Iwies are of the.\»ena«gy^ « ik« ™ .
-, ^^ ^ ,e«x seem aae patnotk aad sfaadad «f cA-atiaa bew»d thy <^ **^. "^ /^^
f^™L!L. - . - .^ , - UcksTA thr l*^ Cci-ad Frzaic nwiwiiir too. Oat Ob
H^*r--^ ^^^^^^^^^ The strfy «* that
" "^^l^ifi^ilfiL "aTr - »d Lerfas «i ^ CwS Wa
Febrnary 24, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
in&vidaal. and we most eucoarage that individnal to nse
hBfanins and good sense and to kara sdi-^diance.
These qoahties come readay to Tohmteefs. If dkfwJi^
^ neva foiigotten. yon can produce cut of the votentecr
the feiest soitfieT in the wwfcL The present canmaiai
has dtOTO It- Look at the adnevonents of the London
Temtoriak and the Ianra<Jrire Toritorials. Or taW
divisions of the new volmteer annv. sndi as the^di and
the 15th. If you nnite a strict corporate training with
ipdividDal initiative and rehance you evolve the periect
hghting "lan
There is one other point in this connectioo on wlucfa
we may get some iostmction from American experience.
It is the question of drafts. \Tha>e\-CT new levies are
raised on a brge scale there is a taodency to make than
into new nnits. and to forget the importance <rf keecins
jP, tfre stro^th of the old onits, who have had some
Bg^itzi^ experioKe. In the earlier part <rf the Civil War
new recmtts were formed into new regiments, and the
old battalions wwe soon rednced to a conple of com-
panies. It was a veiy bad s\-:ftOTi, and ^lennan. in a
^Aoos passage m hf? ^frT-H.■^ recoants the tTOoMe it
led to. One St resohiteiv refused to
create new re.-n^ Ji its original regiments
2. \\ r^-,---y=m
"BMtJt was morthanonlimij. i«^jm-
^« o«nsehf«s lore not been free front Has
"?^«F™*d Territflrial battafioos ^n been sercir
*Ped-^ Thar second ine ii»«»aK«^ wttrli ihiriJi have
been drafting battafions far dbe fvst !?■>■. vse afcned to
««>*r themselves independeu nsats^ „tod tUod
battaions were oeated far diafting pvpob-v
at^tlHse defiebed battafians^ aoai^bl
^"^ ^*?. ^ ^""^ *^ ^ort of the ^eA mxns
m tte wodd if yoa orer-straiB than. ^^
Alagypntt of trcadi warfare oocagts in
^^ c. m < Whr>l antly aifeeting airf imj^i w. U^
Btt to do th^ yon mast have rnnnt.1i nmi If jon bave
not^c them the positian iaevftaUv gets j^rffitfd. Ae
pai^i^^d trenches are poor. aad'isTry gjdbotsoldKx^
«o««taii^to n«fc» dbonfan and. if there is an
yac^ to neejgs danger. It e a sobfect epon nttch
ttaeanbeno<«baiceofoi»wn. To keep a nnber
Mweaknnite oniflie &t and to treat these Mils » if thev
tadtliOTfan«ri«gth.isan^)|ytoconrtdBBter. It k
""■^ «i*a to die battaScns ^eneeives and to the
!^^i^ ^ is one practical point on which w?
might wen leam from Ax3»ican
GERMANY AND THE U.S.A. PRESS.
By Cyril H. Brvtheftoo.
IN exvn- town of coii>ideraUe size in the United
- there was at the oatbreak of the war at
;t^-. one agon of the German Gorcnunent.
His bosmess was to see that the s\-nnathie5 of
the Gemaan-.^mericans were translated into anv sort of
actoMi that might be beneficial to the Fatheriand, to
spoid Gennanv > mone\- for this purpose if necessarv
and to remain imT^ibl^. The practical ofaiccts of Iik
n n mctuded ac>-tlmig from circrdatiw bunis
p^utioiB to stop the sale of mnnitions to the AbIk to
Wowmg np bridges. To speak more accnratelv his
m^^ was to cause these things to be done: His
firstbosin^ wonid be to get in tooch with some locaBv
mflnenml German wbr«; zeal for the Fatherland extwded
il possible his own. Throi^ the latter the business of
marshalhng all the available political and financial
mflnencem the town cooid be carried on withott dffi-
CT^-. The hrst thing to be done was to get money or
the pr«n^ of it for the purposes in rantempbtioo
oeaiKc the German Gotexnment, with its cnstonarv
?!!Pr5L™, ^^ niatters. insisted that the Impexi^
sto^fnnd shotiki not be depleted as long ^fmds
tor the carrymg 00 of the good work conld be rais^
HKaUy.
•• Slush Funds."
The mon«r being raised or promised, the first effect
]^ <l^t«i to bnnsmg newspaper iRiaence to hear
mpobhc opmion. In many cities there woe aheadv
German newspapers. In others thev inoneAateh-
WareA A«»«derabfepartofthepaperwaswritteii
n &,ghsh. mo«K campaign raaterial.nBT order to get
tnose papers widdy citcnlated. the newsnndors wire
given not only the whoie of the monej- reoa.^ fc«B tW
the papers, bat a bonas as wcfl. The cost of
, the paper was paid by focal patriots oc ont o€
r.r^ '^"^V^ \ '° addition to the daily Genian
F -iw. anjtetrated weekly was sometimes i^ned.
«=* J«T^°^^°^ howENTer. that the fact that a paper is
ostexsTb^ a German paper miK necessarilv detriTfawi
possible a daOy or weekly paper pnrportiH' to be an
5n^^^^ 5^ "^ •"""^^ It was conceived to be
^moremportanttogetootan-Irish paMT. .\nd
^«^ these (osualh issoed far econootr'^*^ h«n
tne Geriian paper s press' appeared in dne <:o«Ke.
mnif S?^ r.^^ **** «*«Sv sevvxal New York
^2«ster \ week, once a writer of pocncnaphic^^
Or. Dember* which makes a speoalit^ ^Tah^ I
r««= v.y^^ "^ ^ Opn ^Wrt. e&ed bv Pari
^-arn^aMaayjrbepmtoeniovanation-^rid "
and noe sold tm most Bieral'texiK to the
^^aaades^ In tks naiy t^ JkaaicaB ws
c^">»hMe with a farndaUe ^*^ f£
hleaalure windi far fa»»TTyi nasons ifci
i^anxionstop^thesalefll
.™^ 2^ ■■ ^"^^^ «^ •'^r was fivwr at fl^
<■ OK war. Oe ' invisible ^;ent " was aT
r" ^'"'*?*''qP°^*g''faftfcc Santa F^
'**" Been dBnonaaraUv iKhIhim ii Vm. -*
In oOcr otKs, Bb San FnuKBOD i^t «e ^w (^ tfi»
dnty work we done thnHeh tie TTmrAir- "^
more viaMe actor was a ridTaad
keeper oamed Schwartz. He it
SORTES SRAKESPEARL\N.€.
% Sa SOKSEY LEE.
THE M:aSIAXS IN
Bttitr ieamus tie frrr cittks mf Oe emsL
THE .\DMIKALTY A.VD T^ -TONNAGS*
DEBATE.
^•^^ *f* ii*j thmi en u«r zkrr
^*fTf9t*^mi, amd cmm pmt *^m t»
AW» ABOCr XOIHiJWi. H. S. SMI
FAITH IN L':!vD TERST.
ll^tn OMTj ^ did sttm t»stiiis stm^
T« fKit Ae wmrU mssmrwmtr wf m mot.
LAND AND WATER.
February 24, 1916.
tlie German brewers while the latter in their clubs and
elsewhere dealt with the merchants and bankers. Their
publirations included a German daily, a (ierman weekly,
u purported American weekly, and an " Irish " weekly.
An Amusing Incident.
An amusing incident occurred in connection with
the last-named. The President of a bank, with many
Irish depositors, a loj-al Canadian with numerous rela-
tiv-es at the front, was asked to advertise, without charge,
in the first number of the Irish Times, which was repre-
sented to be a denominational organ dealing with local
affairs. He rather thoughtlessly consented. To his
horror when the first mmiber appeared (from the press
of the local German daily), it was devoted exclusively to
the most violent abuse of the Allies and panegyrics on
ticrman Kultur, while he himself was depicted as a warm
supporter of the venture.
It is plain, however, that only a very small section
of the American public could be reached by such publica-
tions as these. The real business was to control the
sentiments of the established American daily papers
wherever that could be done. Such papers were too
expensive to buy outright nor could their owners or
editors be bribed directly, except in a few cases. They
could, however, be reached in another and a very simple
v/ay. A representative of the influential Germans of the
town waited upon the newspaper owner and said in effect,
" Discover an immediate sympathy for the German
cause or we will take our advertising out of your paper."
And as there was no one to perform a like office for the
AUies, it immediately became plain to the newspaper
owner that he had everything to gain and nothing to lose
by complying with their request.
Successful and well-established papers could not, of
course, be reached in this way or, in fact, in any way
Several Eastern papers with which the \vriter is familiar
were offered ten thousand dollars if they would print six
" inspired " editorials, and all refused. But many
struggling papers and papers with venal editors succumbed
and commenced to " root," as the baseballers say, for the
Germans. Thus in one Western city of nearly 600,000
inhabitants, at least eighty per cent, of which arc pro-
Ally in sympathy, all six of the daily papers arj pro-
German. In one case a sum of over fourteen thousand
dollars was subscribed by the German brewers to the
campaign fund of a candidate of the paper in question,
part of the consideration being that the paper should
))rint a series of articles by or rather furnished by the
("lorman authorities to the notorious " Jimmy " Archi-
bald.
Advertising as a Bludgeon.
In this way, that is to say by using their advertising
as a bludgeon in some cases, by the direct payment of
money or the promise of political support in others, the
Germans in America have been able to command a
ridiculously large volume of newspaper support for their
cause. It has had little effect on the opinions of the mass
of the people, however, for the reason that most people
road the daily papers for news only and the news, dealing
largely as it has done with the exploits of Papen, Boy-Ed
and tiieir subordinate bombsters and arsoneers, passport
forgers, purvej'ors of fraudulent manifests and affidavits,
suborners of congressmen and bank officials, etc., to say
nothing, of such trifles as the Lusitania and Persia
massacres, has had anything but the desired effect.
Besides which the weekly papers which are widely
and thoroughly read, like Life, Harper's Weekly, Collier's
Weekly, The Saturday Evening Post, The Outlook and the
New Republic, have never wearied of the task of showing
the Germans up in their true light.
More subtle and therefore somewhat more have
been the efforts of Mr. Hearst. When the Germans
" secured " his support, the Kolnischc Zeitung en-
thusiastically observed that it was worth three army
corps. Hearst owns directly about a score of papers, all
of the " yellow " variety, including one printed in (ierman.
It was in this paper that a cut appeared entitled " This
is how the German soldiers make the British run," or
words to that effect, the same cut having previously
been printed in one of his other organs under the in-
scription "British Infantry pursuing a retreating German
Column."
These papers being known as Hearst papers cannot
do much lirfrm except among the poor foreign element in
New York and Chicago, where they are most widely circu-
lated. But in addition to these Hearst .controls the
policies of many papers with which to all outward appear-
ances he has nothing to do. In some cases as, for example,
that of the Washiii'^ton Post, he simply threatened to
start a rival paper m the City if he were not allowed to
control the policy of the incumbent journal. In other
cases struggling papers who bought his news service
have got into his debt and have to do his bidding or be
put out of business. These papers controlled by Hearst
arc much more violently pro-German as a rule than the
papers he owns outright.
Hearst's News Service.
Hcarsfs International News Service is really his most
insidious weapon, for not onlj- does it serve many hundreds
of papers, many of them journals of the highest standing
that cannot get the Associated Press franchise, which is
limited to one paper in most large towns, but it ser\'es out
pro-German campaign material in the guise of news.
For example, the average daily paper getting this serv^icc
would not have time to stop and wonder why it received
thirteen pages of telegraphic matter on the Baralong
incident, an amount out of all proportion to its news
value. The editor would not sec it and the telegraphic
editor would pass it as news. They would not realise
that it was really German campaign material. In the
same way a statement purported to have been made by
Miss Boardman, head of the American Red Cross, that
Britain had held up Red Cross supplies destined for
Germany, and referring to it as the " most inhumane
act of the war," was given tremendous emphasis. But
the denial of the fact by the British Ambassador and of
both the fact and the alleged statement by Miss Board-
man herself were never sent out.
These few incidents must suffice to give English
readers an idea of what Germany has done to control the
American Press and influence the American people
through it. The results have been trifling as far as
Americans are concerned, but have, of .^course, conveyed
the impression abroad that innumerable American papers
are pro-German because they reflect public sentiment,
whereas they are simply hired or coerced into a vain
endeavour to control it. The real fact is that newspapers
or no newspapers, ninety per cent, of the American people
are and will remain, whatever the British Government
may do or fail to do, whole -hearted supporters of the
Allies' cause.
TO FRANCE.
Go forward soul of France that when aroused
Art pulsed with chivalry's intensest thrills ;
In perils greatest need the greatness housed
Within thee to its passion's fulness fills : .
Foe of humanity's relentless foe,
Blood thirsting power with its unholy chains.
Oh champion of the weak, that dost not know
The weakling's mood which palters and refrains-
Go forward : to subdue that power malign —
Its fury fails before the native steel
Of that great attitude, that temper fine,
Its stern endurance and its lofty zeal —
(}o forward soul ! The Sacrificial might
Of offered Self ensures triumphant Right.
F. W. Ragg.
The .^nglo-Ru-sian Hospital is now working in close con-
junction with the Russian Flag Day Committee who last year
raised ^50,000. There are to be no dual collections in the future.
A shilling book on The Art of Driving a Motorcycle
(Temple Press) forms the first manual of driving, as distinct
from mechanism. Motor cyclists will find this an extremely
useful handbook on driving and management, both of solo
machines and sidecar outfits. Gear changing, brakes, corner-
ing and skidding are fully dealt with, and the reader will find
himself fully grounded in"the road management of his machine.
February 24, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
THE GREAT SECESSION.
By Neoimperialist.
THE essence of the Imperial Task is to complete
the safeguards of union in liberty. We dare
never again risk any tragedy of disintegration
like that of the Great Secession of 1776. Such
a catastrophe may well seem unthinkable to- those who
sec such abundant e\'idence of the strengthened fellowship
of the Five Nations. But again sentiment is not. Govern-
ment. Itmust be remembered that the issues may never
be so crystal clear as in this present war. Should any
cause of quarrel on some such lines as that threatened
with America in i8c)5 again arise where the issue does not
involve such a fundamental challenge to liberty, there
might well be danger. At any rate, we must leave no
tares among the fine grain now sowing.
If the tangled history of thu troubles that led to the
Declaration of Indepentlence be examined, it will be
found that it resulted rather from lack of foresight and
political wisdom and experience than from any tyranny
on the one side, or any lack of good-will or rather the
existence of any serious ill-will on the other. As a fact,
apathy and indifference, which is so easily born of irre-
sponsibility, was the pre\-ailing mood among the colonists.
Those who give their minds to this important
question of the settlement of the Imperial problems
are encouraged by the profoundly different temper
and conditions which now prevail. Towards the
end of the eighteenth century the American colonies —
Virgmia, Louisiana, Maryland, New England, New
York — were entirely disunited, distracted by incredible
jealousies. The meanest limitation of outlook had been
bred by the purelj' commercial views of life and admini-
stration which they had naturally adopted, and, under
the shelter of the British Government, had never found
compelling reason to modify. Tiieir sectionalism was
carried to such a pitch that they would not even help
each other or organise a common defence against the
Indian raiders or the threat of the French.
The truth is, . that while the colonists had carried
out from England a certain general idea of the
principles of representative government, they had
never made more than a merely local application of them.
A common danger would have organised them into a
united American nation if they had not been cossetted
by Great Britain assuming the full responsibility of their
defence. As it was they were merely a collection of
inconsiderable and relatively impotent provinces. All
American problems, the chief problem of defence and
questions relating to any but merely local aspects of
trade and matters of purely local administration, had
been left to the King's Government in London. They
laboured under most of the disadvantages of decentralisa-
tion without the advantages of responsible freedom.
They formed not a state nor a nation, but a mere collec-
tion of hostile crowds, and it \\as more or less as crowds
that they revolted, as \\'ashington found in the heart-
breaking task with which he was confronted when
organising them after the Declaration into an ordered
and disciplined State.
As a contrast to all this we have now in free alliance
with Great Britain, four politically self-conscious nations
whose several provincial Governments have been welded
by a deliberate and reasoned process under the hammer
of experience into a coherent whole. While Grenville
in England and General Amherst in America were
unable to find any central authoritative body to treat
with, but were bandied about from one independent
local assembly to another, four fully accredited executives
are available to treat with the Governments of Great
Britain.
As regards the vital matter of defence, we may recall
that while the Americans of those days had actually to
be paid by the Government of Great Britain to defend
their own territories, to-day the four nations freely send
admirably equipped expeditionary forces to the other
end of the earth at their own charges. Again, from the
side of the mother country there is a complete abandon-
ment of all ideas of dominion, po.ssession, coeixion. If
a loose terminology, fruitful parents of cloudy thought,
still encourages certain survivals of false ideas, they are
rapidly disappearing. It must indeed be realised by
our overseas brethren that we are almost too sensitive
about wounding their susceptibilities.
We may well recall that such an unlightened states-
man as Burke could think of nothing more liberal than
a policy of divide ct impcra with regard to the various
colonics. Since Lord Durham's Hash of sympathetic
genius contrived the Canadian settlement and the tact
of Lord Elgin equitably administered it, we have
learnt many things. Mid- Victorian statesmen looked as
a matter of course to the day when the colonies, develop-
ing into considerable and politically self-conscious nations,
would demand their complete independence. Truly we
builded better than we knew. The links of Empire
have been welded stronger by every concession. So
much more powerful is fellowship than force. This single
fact is of all the most significant in view of the demands
that must be made upon us by the dominions in fulfil-
ment of their obvious destiny.
We have had experience. We have also vision.
There is indeed much in current history to comfort those
who realise that not by trade alone do nations live ;
that a fundamental ideal which burns away dross and
lights to a better path is an essential preliminary to just
go\ernment. None doubts now the existence of such an
ideal which is far above all merely selfish and sectional
interests, even if, in human fashion, it also embraces them.
What then in brief are the lessons that can be learnt
from the Great Secession? First, that altogether too
much has been made of the money question. There can
be no doubt, as the latest historical researches abundantly
prove, that Great Britain throughout the controversy
was most patient, even if, judged by the standards of our
time, her statesmen were rather undiscerning. She never
put forward much less pressed, a claim for taxes for
imperial defence, but joy a part only of the money neces-
sary to secure the safety of the American settlements
against their neighbour enemies. It is often forgotten
that Grenville was not in the least intransigeant about
the Stamp Act or the Tea Duties. He offered to accept
any alternative plan to be devised by the colonists them-
selves for raising the necessary funds, only declaring the
simple truth that Great Britain impoverished by the
Seven Years War, could no longer be responsible for the
entire cost of American local defence. He even considered
the question of American representation in the British
Parliament. It was a curious leap of imagination for so
conventional a statesman, and he was overwhelmed with
eloquent ridicule by Burke, who with the essential
conservatism of his temper resented the considerable
reforms which he rightly foresaw would be necessary in
the British Parliament. Perhaps we cannot fairly
blame Bukke for not seeing so much further than the
horizon of this time, but it is likely that had he supported
instead of opposed Grenville's liberal idea the fatal
schism in the Anglo-Saxon race would never have taken
place.
Again it is not always realised that there was in
general no passionate anger against the mother country
and no spontaneous demand among the colonists for
secession. A capable energetic miniority of extremists
adroitly handled an apt occasion of quarrel provided by
the blunders of unseeing statesmen. Apathy and in-
difference was indeed the general atmosphere, while the
considerableloyalistminority was too far away from home
and too distracted in council to prevent the catastrophe.
Even a year after Lexington it was with difficulty that
the Declaration was carried and that only as the price
of the active help of France for the Secessionists' cause.
It seems clear that if the colonists had even gone part of
the way to solve their own American problems and had
organised themselves into a nation the fatal breach would
have been much less likely to occur. The catastrophe
was inevitably the result of the facile policy of drift.
Great Britain must not after a century's added experience
and the chaos of an even more exhausting war repeat
her mistake.
LAND AND WATER.
February 24, 1916.
ARTISTS AS WAR RECORDERS.
IT is a remarkable fact that the pageantry of war aad
the clash of arms has all through the ages failed at the
time of enactment to arouse the artist's talent to
portray them. Even during the centuries when
internecine strife was incessant and when men of genius
abounded, capable of using the magnificent scenic material
at tlieir disposal, inspiration never seems to have impelled
them to hand down verisimilitudes of subjects that must
have been present at their very doors. Even Velasquez,
the greatest artist of all time, could only depict with courtly
dignity a scene devoid of all action, " The Surrender of
Breda." Turner, who was in his prime during the Napoleonic
era (a landscapa and seascape painter, it is true, but one by no
means devoid of the idea that he could limn the human figure)
never put on to canvas what might have been triumphs in
colour, both earthly and aerial, but rested content with a
very uninspired " Battle of Trafalgar."
Of reputations founded on the painting of warlike
themes there have been many, but with few exceptions
none have been gained contemporaneously with the event.
Meissonier arose half a century after his " 1815," and Miss
Thompson a quarter of a century after the " Roll Call. '
De Neu\ille, the greatest of all battle painters, Detaille and
X'erestchagin are practically the only artists of renown who
participated in the events which they chronicled or have
had anything more to insure their accuracy and trutli in
detail than hearsay evidence.
And now it would seem as if even to-day the greatest
war scenes that the world has ever witnessed would pass
away without any of the great combatant nations producing
an artist whose genius would impel him to hand on to
posterity the unriyallcd feats of heroism and gallantry, let
alone the tragic sides, that have marked its progress. As-
suredly had one such been forthcoming the compelling
spirit would have caused his appearance ere the war had gone
so far into its second year.
A Great Exception.
It would really appear as little less than certain that the
only mantle that has fallen has alighted on the shoulders of
a denizen of a country and a race less likely than almost
any other to produce an artist of fiery impetuosity and de-
nunciation, and on a man whp has not had innate in his blood
the great incentive of patriotism to impel him forward, as
has been the case with Mr. Louis Raemaekers, the Dutch
artist, since the very outset of the war.
The public of every nation on whose behalf he has taken
up his pencil, owes him a debt of gratitude that can only be
repaid by furthering the propaganda which he so earnestly
strives to disseminate, and this can in no wise be better done
than by .encouraging the reproduction in their most accurate
forms of the grim realities, the scenes of rapine, slaughter,
and desolation, and the indictment that he has brought against
those who are answerable for them.
It is fortunate that not only do his cartoons lend them-
selves admirably to the reproducer's skill, but that that
skill has never been so capable as to-day of translating work
created by the pencil, the crayon, or the flat tints of colour.
Meissonier, Miss Thompson and others owed their vast
popularity to the skill of engravers who were able to repro-
duce in their thousands pictures which would otherwise have
been seen only in public galleries or private collections.
But present processes of reproduction allow of its l-,eing done
witiiout the intervention of another's hand ; iience their
groat merit. It is no exaggeration to say that tlic thousands
of visitors who still flock to the Exhibition of Raemaekers'
Cartoons at the Fine Art Society's in New Bond Street, and
who have the opportunity of comparing originals with repro-
ductions side by side, cannot distinguish b.-twecn them save
by a slight reduction in size.
The enterprise of Raemaekers' publishers wliichhas pro-
duced these fascimiles, enables the public to obtain practically
all of them that are deemed desirable for publication at a cost
for one iiundred of two shillings each ; for that number of
subjects, selected by the artist, will be published very shortly
for tlie sum of ten guineas, in a sum{)tuous volume which
will furnish not only to the present day, but to the future,
the most unexampled record of an altogether unexampled
event in the world's history
SOME BOOK REVIEWS.
In a four volume work entitled The War Manual, Lieut. -
Col. C. C. Anderson has set out to combine the various military
text books in existence into one single manual. Two volumes
have already been published by Messrs. T. Fisher Unwin
at five shillings each ; the first of these deals with the
theoretical side of war, strategy, the laws and usages of war,
martial law, and general information concerning the British
Empire and other nations from the military point of view,
as well as a section devoted to first aid to the wounded.
The second volume, just published, is devoted to recon-
naissance, strategical concentration, marches, intercom-
munication, the attack, the defence, and field work generally.
It must be said that the author has done his work well,
extracting from the dry bones of text books the essence of
their matter, and presenting it in such a form that the junior
officer, in search of a method for getting at his work in the
quickest and best possible way, cannot do better than take
these two volumes to help him in his study.
We await the following volumes of the series with con-
siderable interest, and trust that the high level set by the
first two parts of the work may be maintained to its end,
for by that means a concise cyclop;edia of military informa-
tion, of extreme value to the soldier, will have been produced.
" War Letters of an American Woman." By Marie van Vorst
(John Lane.) 6s.
These letters are addressed to various friends, and they
all concern the writer's experiences of the war, in France,
in England, and in Italy. Since the writing is often done from
the American .Ambulance in Paris, there is much of the extreme
pathos of the hospital wards expressed— and much of the
writer's sympathy with the Allied cause and realisation of
German infamies in the first days of the war. Thus — " We
speak of the German system. What is it ? Within the con-
fines of a single country, a forced, autocratic materialism.
Whereas, as you see, this wide response of the British
Empire from shore to shore . . . this mighty answer,
this evidence of affection, this consolidation without com-
pulsion, why. it seems to me, that it is one of the finest
things in history ... 1 believe it all comes from a certain
idealism."
And again, with regard to the Crown Prince — " He packed
up boxes full of her treasures, tliem marked with the Red
Cross to ensure their resjxjct by the .'Mlied armies, and shipped
them to Germany, a robber who should have been a prince,
a murderer wlio should have been a knight."
Such expressions of opinion are numerous throughout
the book, and the temptation to quote is hard to resist. There
is, on every page, a broad understanding and depth of sym-
pathy that comes of having seen and experienced the rcall ics
of war, The letters as a whole form one of the best and most
human stories that the war has produced.
Lovers of detective fiction will probably not have for-
gotten Cleek, the " man of forty faces." In The Riddle
of the Night (Simpkin, Marshall and Co., 6s.), Mr. T. W. Han-
shew recalls CIcek for the solving of a murder mystery that
takes us little farther than Wimbledon Common, and yet
for breathless excitement and complexity will be hard to beat.
Unhke most detectives of fiction, Cleek is human enough to
acknowledge himself at fault more than once in the course
of his work, though the clues that lead nowhere are so many,
and the possibilities of this particular crime are so great, that
the most perfect detective would be forced to confess himself
bafiled at times. The identity of the miscreant is well con-
cealed to the end, and, save that there are almost too many
characters and too many false scents, a fault that many readers
will commend, the story is thrilling enough to satisfy the most
exacting.
There is much to amuse in Youth Unconquerable, by
Percy Ross (Heincmann, 6s. net), although the book consists
of frankly impossible situations and a good proportion of the
characters are' impossible people. The main exponent of
unconquerable youth is Cherry Hawthorn, who is introduced
to the reader in the midst of her Oxford career, just as she is
faced by the knowledge that, owing to her father's impro\'i-
dence, she will be compelled to earn her own living. \
delightful Scotch duke, an extremely witty aviator, and a
guardian with ideas of coercion more attuned to the middle
ages tlian to these times, are incidental to Cherry's career
and development. The cliief attraction of the book lies
in the interest attendant on happenings which we know to
have been quite impossible ; this, and the witty method of
writing, maintain the " grip " of the work to its end, and,
for the rest, it is a pleasure to meet with a book utterly devoid
of immorals, and frankly designed to amuse rather than to
point a lesson,
February 24, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
CHAYA.
A Romance of the South Seas.
By H. de Vere Stacpoole.
Synopsis : Macqiiart, an adventurer who has spent
most of his life at sea, finds himself in Sydney on his beam ends.
He has a wonderful story of gold hidden up a river in New
Guinea and a chance acquaintance, Tillman, a sporting man
about town, fond of yachting and racing, offers to introduce him
to a wealthy woolbroker, Curlewis, with a view to financing the
scheme. Macquart also makes the acquaintance of Houghton,
u well-educated Englishman out of a job, who has done a good
deal of yachting in his time. Curlewis turns down the scheme,
Ihougit Macquart tells his story in a most convincing manner.
His silent partner Screed believes in it, and unbeknown to
Curlezfis, follows the three men, asks them to his house, and
agrees to find the ship and the money, on seeing that Macquart' s
hidden treasure map agrees with an Admiralty chart. The
ship is the yawl " Barracuda." Screed, on the morrow, takes
ihe three men over the " Barracuda," with which they are de-
lighted. Coming away Macquart is overtaken by an old friend,
■one Captain Hull, who hails him as B — y Joe, and accuses
him of many mean crimes. Macquart gives Captain Hull
the slip, but unbeknown to him Hull gets in touch iinth Screed,
and enlightens him on the real character of Macquart. Screed,
thereupon plans a surprise. Tillman and Houghton, busy
on the " Barracuda," talk of the prospects of the voyage and
agree they are in for a big risk.]
CHAPTER VI.— {Continued.)
" I'm not afraid of the risk," replied Houghton.
"Afraid of it!" said Tillman; "Why, the risk is ah
the pleasure of the business. I tell you, I'm sick of living
here in Sydney and knowing every day what's coming next.
I want to get out and live."
" I'm the same," said Houghton.
The collapsible boat of ths Br.rracuda, proved rotten
m parts of its canvas. Screed suggested patching but
Tillman stood out either for a dinghy or a new collapsible. He
carried his point ; also the spare mainsail, if tried, would
have blown to tatters in any squall ; canvas, especially in
the tropics, has only a certain length of life even if little used
— this point was put right. A patent sea anchor was the last
infliction put upon Screed by Tillman, and Screed bore it,
though badly. Screed had this peculiarity, though he
fought over halfpence and about little things, he was lavish
when what he considered to be the essentials were at
stake. Thus, whilst he groaned and moaned over a few
square yards of extra canvas, the charts, compass, sextants —
there was a spare one — and chron meter were of the best.
The outfitting of the expedition took a fortnight instead
of a week, and on the evening before the day of starting,
Tillman, having given a last look round to see that everything
was good, took his seat on deck beside Houghton and Macquart
who were seated by the saloon hatch.
" Well, that's done with," said Tillman. " Everything
is aboard even to the tobacco ; twenty-five pounds of Navy
plug ought to last us, and I made the outfitters throw in five
boxes of Borneo cigars by way of langnyappe. — There's no
■drink — only six bottles of whiskey by way of medicine, and
a bottle of chlorodyne."
Said Houghton. " You've forgot one thing. Suppose
we have accidents ? "
" Well," said Tillman, " What then ? "
" Where's your surgical instruments and things ? "
Tillman sniffed. " Much good they would be without a .
surgeon. We haven't got to have accidents. We can't
afford luxuries of that sort. What do you think you're going
on — a yachting cruise ? "
" I know something of bone setting," said Macquart,
■ ' and I can stop bleeding from an artery — -used to be able to
do so."
As he spoke, a dusky form emerged from the fo'c'sle
hatch, stood erect, and then going to the side leaned over
the rail looking shoreward.
It was Jacky, the black fellow secured by Screed to act
as cook and deck-hand. Jack was used to the sea, he could
steer and was a first-rate boat hand. Two natives had been
in the original programme, but on second thoughts Screed
had declared for only one, and wisely ; in an expedition of
this sort the native element is always best reduced to a
minimum. Natives can't think much unless they can talk
together.
Tillman, having seen the anchor light swung, smoked
another pipe, then the three adventurers went below and
turned in, unconscious of the surprise that Screed was abo\n
to spring upon them in the morning.
CHAPTER VII.
The " Barracud.\ " S.-mls,
TILLMAN was on deck just before sunrise, and as
the sun broke over the hills Macquart and
Houghton appeared, rubbing the sleep from
their eyes and yawning. Jacky was skipping
about in and out of the caboose getting breakfast ready,
and the sounds and smell of bacon being fried filled the air.
It was a lovely morning, the white gulls were fishing on
the ruffled blue water of the harbour and a warm, stead\-
land wind was blowing favourable for the Heads.
Jacky, leaving the cooking for a moment in abeyance,
skipped below to lay the table in the cabin, whilst the others
hung on deck talking and leaning on the rail with an eye
shoreward for the boat that would bring off Screed and the
pilot.
" I'm blest if that nigger doesn't remind me of a bounding
kangaroo," said Tillman, " and he seems to have a dozen
pair of hands ; look at him cooking the breakfast and laying
the table at the same time, and he was more use getting the
stores on board than half a dozen thumb-fisted stewards
would have been."
" Look," said Houghton. " Here's the boat."
A white painted boat was putting off, two men at the
oars and two men in the stern sheets.
" It's not the pilot boat," said Tillman. " It's Screed ;
but who is the chap beside him ? "
Macquart was standing with his hand shading his eyes
watching the approaching boat, then he turned and went
below.
As the boat came alongside, Tillman threw the ladder
down and Screed came on deck followed by his companion ;
it was Captain Hull.
" So 3'ou are all ready to start," said Screed. " Well,
I -have brought you a new man, a friend of mine. Captain
Hull. He is also an old friend of Macquart 's. He is going
with you as supercargo. ■ He understands all about the
business, and as you are a bit short-handed, you will find
him useful — but where 's Macquart ? "
" He's below," said Tillman, taken aback at this new
move ; " but this, I must say, is a surprise. A word with
you."
He led Screed forward.
" What on earth have you brought that chap for," said
he. " I remember him ; he met Macquart one morning in
the street and they went off together. What's the meaning
of it ? How do we stand ? "
" You stand just this way," said Screed. " Macquart
is one of the biggest blackguards on God's earth. I didn't
know all about him till recently. Hull is the antidote to
him. Please trust me in this matter, for my interests are
yours. Macquart would have done you and Houghton in
like the babes in the wood if you had gone alone with him.
Hull is the iron grip I will keep on him. Hull has been let
down by him. Hull knows enough to hand Macquart over to
the police, and he's strong enough to hold Macquart down,
and he's straight enough to suit me ; he's a spirit level com-
pared to Macquart."
" My God ! " said Tillman. " What a ship's compaay
packed away in this ten-cent boat."
" Oh, you'll get on all right, but you must never forget
there's a live bomb-shell aboard, and that is Macquart. Put
your trust in Hull and back him if there's trouble. I have
told him I would tell you everything and warn you. Don't
ever lose your temper on this job, don't get heated up with
the idea that Macquart is a rogue and worse — of course he
is. A half million of bidden money means roguery somewhere.
Macquart most likely did John Lant in years ago. I'm
pretty sure he did, but we mustn't trouble about that ; what
we want is to lay hands on the money. Now come aft ;
Macquart is down below, you say, hiding from Hull most
likely. I'm going to confront them."
He led the way aft, and then he went down to the littk
cabin, followed by Tillman, Houghton and Hull. Macquart
was seated at the table. He had started breakfast on some
bread and a tin of sardines. Dumbfounded at the apf)earance
of Hull coming off with Screed, he fancied that the whole
19
LAND AND WATER
February 24, 1916.
expedition was blown upon, and he was filling up before
receiving his marching orders.
But Screed, when he entered the cabin, appeared quite
unconcerned, in fact he was smiling.
" I've brought a friend of yours on board." said he,
" Captain Hull ; he has asked to join this e.xpedition and
1 have let him. He is saihng with you as supercargo— this
is him."
Hull, entering the cabin last, stood for a moment gazing
11 Macquart, who was now standing up, a smile gradually
beaming across his broad face. One might have fancied
Macquart to have been his long lost brother.
" Why, it's me dear friend Joe," said Captain Hull,
" or do me eyes deceive me ! Why, Joe, you've grown fat
since I lost y' last, fat you've grown and bustin' witli pros-
perity you look — well, if this don't beat all! "
Macquart's face shewed nothing of what was going on
inside of him. He held out his hand to Hull.
" This is unexpected," said he. " So you're going with
us ? Well, that's to the good ; a capable navigator is always
useful even if we are a bit crowded."
He sat down and helped himself to another sardine, and
in that moment Screed seemed to glimpse the full formid-
ableness of this man who had suddenly received such a
knockout blow in such a manner.
Jacky had followed them down .with a huge dish of fried
bacon and eggs, and the whole crowd now took their places
at the table, a terrible squeeze, whilst Jacky, skipping on
deck again, fetched the coffee. Houghton was the only one
at that breakfast party who did not understand the new
development. It astonished him that Screed should have
sprung this stranger upon them at the last moment ; he
remembered vaguely Hull's face, which he had glimpsed that
morning more than a fortnight ago, but he said nothing.
It was some move of Screed's, and if Tillman was satisfied
it was not for him to complain.
" Well, gentlemen," said Screed, as the meal drew to-
wards an end, " we'll soon have the pilot on board now and
the wind is favourable. One last word to you. This ex-
pedition means a lot to us all. Captain Hull here knows
what we are after, and his share will be arranged between
him and Mr. Macquart without touching either your shares
or mine ; let there be no dissensions between any of you ;
work for the common end, for only in that wav will you pull
the thing off to a profit. When you come back here with
what you are going in search of you will find no worrv, no
difficulty in taking your profits. Once I have touched and
. told the stuff, I will give each of you a cheque for your amount.
You may think my share in this business only consists in
fitting out this vessel and starting you off. Far from that,
my real help comes in when you are back with the stuff.
Remember this, if you had the Barracuda up to the hatches
in sovereigns, you would be poor men, simply because you
could not convert your sovereigns into credit at a bank ;
to no port in the world could you take them with safety and
without being sniffed over by money-changers or customs —
that's all I have to say."
He rose from the table ; he had narrowly watched
Macquart's face during this speech and fancied he had caugl t
the faintest trace of a smile, the vaguest ghost of a hint at
derision. He could not be sure, but the fancy made him
more than ever satisfied that Hull was in this business.
They came on deck just as the pilot came alongside in
his petrol launch. Tillman, who had taken on the duties
of skipper, knowing more about the management of small
craft even than Hull, had arranged the watches in a general
conference on the day before, picking Jacky to act with him
as port watch, and Houghton and Macquart for the starboard.
The advent of Hull would not disturb this arrangement. Hull
declared himself ready and willing to act as spare hand and
to assist in any way that might be useful.
" I ain't particular," said he. " I've all my life been
used to masts and yards and a quarter deck a body can turn
on. I'm free to admit this soap-dish is a new thing to me
and this pocket handkerchief work with gaffs and booms is
outside my line. If Mr. Tillman here has a better clutch on
'em than me, well, then, he's my skipper ; if he's a bit dicky
on the navigatin', well then he can reckon on me to lend him
a hand."
He meant it. Hull on board the Barracuda was as much
out of his element as a trout in a child's aquarium. He had
been used to space ; fore and aft rig confused him ; though
used to vast spaces of canvas, the mainsail of the Barracuda
seemed to him vast in proportion to the hull, the swing of
the main boom agitated him. He was obsessed, in fact,
with the idea of the smallnoss of the craft, an obsession that
would wear off in time. The pilot was a friend of Tillman's
who supposed they were off to the islands, and he came, not
because he was wanted, but to give them a send off.
When he came on board. Screed shook hands all round
and departed for shore. Then the anchor was hove short-
Hull, Houghton and Jacky at the windlass, the jib and
mainsail was set and the anchor brought home.
The live feel of the little craft when she was free 0;'
the mud sent a thrill through Tillman who was at the wheel,
the way she answered to lier helm delighted him. Followed
by the pilot boat, she passed cove after cove of the lovely
harbour, gliding like a gull on the wind she opened the Heads
and, now, before them, like an enchantress holding the gifts
of death or fortune, stretching towards them the lure of
youth, lay the blue and boundless Pacific.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Argonauts.
THEY had dropped the pilot, the Heads were passed
and the white digit of Macquarie lighthouse lay
behind them and on the port quarter.
Tillman, at the wheel, was feeling more and
more the fine qualities of the Barracuda as a sea boat, for out
here the sea was fresh and strong, the tide coming up against
the wind and foam caps breaking across the hard shoreward
green and meadows of distant azure.
The old Greeks knew seas like this when they spoke ot
the sea as a country haunted by Proteus shepherding the (locks
of ocean, and Jason might have steered the Argo through the
same blue fresh weather when he set out on the same old
quest of treasure and adventure.
If Tillman had ever heard of Jason and the Golden
Fleece, he had, no doubt, forgotten them, nor would he have
been in a humour to draw parallels even had he remembered
that far-off adventure. Yet the Argo departing on her won-
derful voyage was a sister ship of the Barracuda spreading her
sails to the winds of the Pacific, freighted with dreamers,
and bound on a business equally adventurous — and almost
equally fantastic.
Houghton was standing holding on to the weather rail
and talking to Hull. Macquart had taken his seat plump on
deck by the galley and was engaged with a needle and thread
on a rent in his coat, which he had taken off. Jacky, the
native, was in and out of the tiny fo'c'sle putting things in
order, and as Tillman looked at his companions, at the bound-
less sea and the receding Heads, for the first time the true
inwardness of 'his business broke upon him and the true nature
of the responsibility he had taken up so lightly.
Bobby Tillman had been one of the Sydney Boys. Spend-
ing money, yacht and horse-racing, living too well and recover-
ing from the elfects, lial been amongst his main occupations
in life. An adventure to a New Guinea river for the puj-pose
of recovering half a mi lion of gold there cached had seemed
to him a gorgeous and light-hearted business. Out here,
faced by the sea and his companions, the full knowledge of
the fact that this was an undertaking of all undertakings the
most desperate and dangerous, was now coming to him, and
with it the sense of his responsibility.
Had the crew of the Barracuda consisted of religious
sailormen, and had the oijject of their quest been a cache of
Bibles for distribution amongst the heathen, this voyage
would not have been destitute of danger. But the quest was
gold, and gold in its most dangerous form — abandoned
treasure.
Tillman was not thinking of this as he steered. He was
reviewing his dubious companions, seeing them as though it
were for the first time Houghton he knew and could trust,
Macquart he guessed to be a scoundrel, both from Screed's
words about him a 'i from the promptinj^s of a vague instinct ;
and about Macquart the most disturbing fact was this peep
of the devil through a fascinating personality. Hull was much
more understandable. Hull, sp.ung on them at the last
moment by Screed as a check upon Macquart, carried his
certificate of character in his face, and it was not a first-class
certificate by any means. Still, instinctively Tillman felt
Hull to be far more reliable than Macquart.
Jacky, the black fellow, was an entirely unknown
quantity.
This, then, was the crowd, small in number, yet full of
possibilities which Tillman had to deal with and hold tog'.ther,
and with which he had to face tiie sia, the weather, unknown
natives and the passions possibly to be roused through the
nature of the quest and the natures of the seekers.
Tillman never turned a hair. This irresponsible and light-
hearted optimist, this trifler with life, this haunter of race-
courses and main prop of Lami)?rts, recognised all the difh-
culties and dangers of his ])osition to the full, yet heeded them
not. He felt himself standing on a sure rock,. and that rock
was the fact that the Barracuda was proving herself a splendid
sea-boat. So he stood, twirling the wheel, till, Macquarie
Lighthouse wiped away by distance, he called Jacky to the
helm, gave him the course and joined Hull and Houghton at
the weather rail ; then the three sat down on deck by Macquart,
20
r
February 24, igi6.
LAND AND WATER
iiuitLc 0/ ttie Houth Heas.i
[itlustiattU, bjj Jvoep/i aimpiiott, HM.A..
" Well, I have brought you a new man, a friend of mine, Captain Hull."
who had finished his mending, and Tillman producing a rough
chait of the East Australian seaboard began to lay down their
course for the instruction of the others.
Here we are," said he, " almost level with Broken Bay,
twenty-eight hundred miles or more from Cape York and
Torres Straits. We keep our present course till we strike
Longitude 30° — that's just level with the Sohtary Islands.
Then we strike more north, so, 'till we're level with Great
Sandy Island ; keep on so till we hit Latitude 20°, avoiding
the tail of the Great Barrier Reef and then strike bold nor'-
nor'-west through the Coral Sea, and then nor'-west for the
Straits. We are going outside the Barrier Reef, you see ;
all the steamer lines and most of the trading ships go inside
the reef, but we're going outside. I've talked it out with
Screed. He wanted me to go inside and hug the coast, but I
decided not ; we're in no hurry, and 1 11 take plenty of sea
room. Level with Cape Grafton it's pretty difficult water.
There's the Madelaine Cays, there's Holmes Reef — ^we have to
strike between those two."
" How long will it take us to hit the Straits ? " asked
Houghton.
" All thirty days if we have good weather," replied Till-
man. " Maybe, two months if we haven't — you see, we've
got the current against us."
" Well, I'm not the man to complain if it took us a twelve-
month," said Hull. " Good grub and plain-sailin' is all I
asks, s'long as I'm not divided from my friend, here, Mac.
Mac and me is Si'mese pals — ain't we, Mac ? "
Macquart grunted ; lie had taken a pipe and some tobacco
from his pocket and was bu.y cutting up twist. Tillman
listened and wondered. He knew from Screed that Hull
had a " clown " on Macquart, that Macquart had played HuD
21
LAND AND W A T E K
February 24, 1916.
false. He did not know the full extent of the division that
existed between the precious pair ; all the same, he did not
hke Hull's bantering tone and tried to change the subject,
but Hull persisted.
" We ve sailed the seas together and always shared equal,
haven't we, Mac ? and now we're sailin' anci sharin' again,
just as in old times."
" Just so." said Macquart.
" And we'll be rich together when we've hit the stroke ;
why, Mac, we 11 be drivin' in kerridges, you and me."
" That's so," said Macquart. " There's enough for all.
I'm a plain man and want little in the way of worldly goods ;
there's enough for the lot of us — when we get the stuff back
safe and sound."
Houghton, who did not catch the undercurrent in this
conversation, struck in.
" Lord ! " he said. " It will be splendid, if we pull it
off. I never knew what money meant till I found myself
without it, and I never believed, really, in this expedition,
'till now we've started."
" We've got to pull it through," said Tillman, " and
it will take some pulling." He rose to his feet and went aft,
Houghton following him.
Hull and Macquart found themselves alone for the first
time, and Hull, who had just finished filling a pipe, lit it and
took a few pulls. He was silent for a moment, then he
spoke :
" Mac," said he, " who are them two guj'S you've let into
this bizziness ? "
" Well, you ought to know," replied Macquart, " seeing
you've been up Screed's sleeve for the last fortnight."
" That's true," said the Captain, " but it was precious
black up that sleeve. He hid me away and fed me well, but
not one word did he let out, only the promise to put me even
with me dear friend Mac."
" Do you mean to say, he didn't tell you all about this
expedition ? "
He did," said Hull ; " told me enough to make me know
it's the same old lay you've been on for years. Why, Mac, it
was the New Guinea gold you was singin' about in 'Frisco
fower years ago, that time you laid me out with a dope-drop
and left me stranded at San Lorenzo, and it's the New Guinea
gold you're after still. I know that much. What I want to
know now is two things : first of all, who are them two guys
and wha are they worth on this job ? "
" Oh, they're just Sydney chaps," said Macquart.
" Nothing much ; f'ou ;hton hails from England, got stranded
in Sydney and I me him in the Domain. Tillman, he's a
first-rate hand at aili ig a boat like this. Did you expect me
to go on this joy iide single-handed ? "
" Not by no manner of means, else I wouldn't have come
aboard to help you, Mac. Why, I hunted for you like a lost
child after you give me the slip outside the 'bacca shop.
I wouldn't have you go alone on this traverse, not on no
account, you may be sure of that. Well, now, to come to the
second point. What are you after ? "
" What do you mean ? "
" I means what I says. You've been always a-gettin'
up expidishins or tryin' to get them up to go for this stuff ;
is it flap-doodle or is it real ? Is the stuff there, or is it bun-
kum ? "
" I give you my word of honour "
" I wouldn't take your word of honour on no account,"
said the Captain. " I wouldn't deprive you of it, Mac ;
answer me up : is it real ? and if it ain't, answer me up what
you are af er. If j'ou plays me crooked, I gives you my word
of honour I 11 twist your neck. There's no police here, Mac,
and no crowner s jury."
" You may take it from me it's the solid truth," said
Macquart. " The gold's there and only waiting to be lifted."
.\s he spoke, he raised his head and expanded his nostrils,
as though sniffing the treasure.
A great gull passed in the blue sky above, its shadow
swept the white deck and bellying mainsail of tne Barracuda,
and its voice came on the wind as it glided away to leeward.
Houghton had gone below, Tillman was at the after-rail,
leaning o er smoking and contemplating the wash of the yawl.
Jacky was at the wheel.
" It's there as sure as I'm here," went on Macquart,
■' unless an earthquake has swallowed 'he river bank."
Once Maccjuart go: on the subject of the treasure, he
became almost a different man. There could be no doubt at
all of his genuineness on that subject.
" Or someone has been and scooped it," put in Hull.
" What d you mean ? " said Mac([uart.
" I moan this way. I meets you fower j^'ears ago and you
was talkin of this hive ; I meets you to-day and you're talkin'
of it still. Ho.v many people have you given the office to
over this here bu ness that's what I want to know ?
" No one." said Macquart. " not a soul. It's God's
truth that since I saw you in 'Frisco four years ago till the
other day, I have not hit one man who would have been of use
to me. How could I ? going about the world in rags. Once
or twice I had a chance to make some money, and I did, but
the luck turned against me. No, it s the cold truth, since I
seen you last I haven't had a dog's chance. Then I met
Tillman, there, in a bar in Sydney, and I was so gravelled I
told him the whole yarn over a drink ; he took it up hot, then
I met Houghton, tliat other chap, in the Domain and intro-
duced him to Tillman, and the result is we're here."
" That's so," said Hull. " We're here right enough,"
Macquart looked at the other out of the corner of his
eye.
" The thing I can't understand," said he, " is how you
are here. We'll be better friends if we are straight with one
another." Hull gave a short laugh at this. " And leaving
friendship alone, you have set my curiosity working — how
the deuce did you pick up Screed .' "
" I'll tell VQU," said Hull. " When you played me that
dog's trick and slipped your cable outside that 'baccy shop.
I saw them two guys, Tillman and Houghton, in a bar. 1
remembered sightin' them with you, and I listened to their
talk. Then I put two and two together, and got my claws
on Screed. Screed's got no great opinion of you, Mac, speci-
ally after the yarn I spun him of how you choused me in
'Frisco. Screed knows I know you and your dog tricks, and
he's put me aboard to see fair play between you and them two
pore unfortunits. I'm your natural guardian, Mac, till we
get the boodle safe to Sydney, and then I'll be your pardner.
You've got to give me half of your scoop. D'you understand
that, Mac ?
" When we get that stuff to Sydney, you can have half
my share," said .Macquart. " There s no use in my pretending
that I'm satisfied you have a right to it, but there it is ; you
have got the bulge on me and there's no use kicking."
" Not a bit," said Hull, " and I'm agreeable to be friendly
through the voyage and home again, but don't you never
imagine I'm asleep. Snorin' on my back, I'll still have one
eye open on you, Mac, and both fists ready to scrag you if you
play any of your monkey tricks."
He rose up and went aft to take his turn at the wheel
leaving Macquart still seated on the deck and revolving, no
doubt, the situation in his mind.
(To be continued.)
Most people admire, and a good many are going to wear,
the tiny turban hats of tulle with a huge tulle bow gathered
and poised with great lightness on the top of the crown.
Some of these tulle turbans are gathered into a close-fitting
border of velvet, others into a circle of conventional and
flatly placed leaves.
Sleeveless coats are being worn, and are almost inevitable
accompaniments of the tea frock. Taffetas and ninon are
being much used together, and a charming little tea-time gown
seen the other day had a skirt in alternate bands of black
taffetas and ninon mounted on soft white silk. The short
coat was of taffetas only, the deep cut armholes opening to
show the ninon sleeves and body of the dress below.
There is a future and big business before the enterprising
tailor who will feature severely tailored coats and skirts cut
with enough flair to mark them as up-to-date. Nothing
looks better than a plain coat, fitting well in at the waist,
and from there branching downwards in strongly marked
pleats. All it then needs is a well cut full skirt of corres-
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Fine net pretty blouses with deep net shoulder capes are
amongst the latest arrivals. The capes are cut in very prim
Early Victorian fashion, and in some cases button right up
the front and up the throat. Attractive though these blouses
are, they will, even with the most careful handling, be difficult
to wear beneath the average coat without much creasing
and tumbling. The idea is, however, that they will be worn
outside like the usual turn-over white collar, and the effect
will be a picturesque one.
Attractive spring gowns of sprigged and quaintly pat-
terned silk are being shown at all the big dressmakers, and
these are ruched, puffed, and flounced to such an extent that
even the most slender wearers will verge on the voluminous.
There are no very strong colourings or startUng desigi.\s. The
patterns are small and unobtrusive.
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22
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your tyres on a back wheel, and it was replaced
by a non-skid and fixed on to a front wheel, where
I am pleased to inform you it Sj^ill remains and
is making me wonder if it will last the war out"
y M LOP
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service. Wind-proof and waterproof.
With detachable 'Kamelcott' lining £5 10 0
With fixed Sheepskin lining - - £6 6 0
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xiv
LAND&WATER
Vol. LXVI No. 2808.
THIIRSD-W MARTH c> rnrft i-publishf.d ast pr ic e sixpence
iiiuxvoi^x-v 1 , ivirti%.<^n z, xyiu. La nkwspapkrJ published weekly
/Ji/ Louis Raemaclcers
THE PROMISE.
" We shall never sheath the sword until Belgium recovers all, and more than all that she has sacrificed."—
Mr. Asquith, The Guildhall. November 9, 1914. (Repeated in the House of Commons, February 23, 19i6.)
LAND AND W A I !■. U
M;n( li .;. i()r(),
Mttinii a («iin in u Turret at Krupp's.
Luccvvork of Steel, N'lilcan Works.
Hut of the Cnpe of Hope, Oberhauscn.
LUnOGKAPUS BY MR. JOSHPIl PHNNELL, NOW ON MEW
LEICESTER GALLERIES.
[Major Haldanc Macfall writes on this exhibition on page 18.|
AT THi:
March 2, TqiCy.
LAND AND \VA 1 !• R
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THUKSDAY. MARCH 2, 1916.
AMERICA'S CHOICE.
THE hitter which Prt.'sidcnt Wilson has addressed
to Senator Stone brings the United States to
tlic brink of the great choice. Is it to be a
sovereign nation or is it to be an amorphous
system. miKhty in potentiahties, but lacking the central
])nri)ose, the will to live and to preserve its rights and its
iionour, that is (he soul of a nation? The question is in
the balance— has been in the balance since the outbreak
of war. That catastrophe harl vast repercussion across
the Atlantic. Nowhere had the idea that the world of
the futme would be wholly subject to pacific and arbitral
methods taken so deep a root as in the United States;
nowhere had democratic development assumed directions
0 entirely contrary to the idea of the State as an organised
military system ; nowhere did the war come -.. ■■> nuhv
hock to the cuniiit tendencies of thought.
I'rom the first the dominant sympathy of the country
was with the Allies. This was due in jiart to the intimate
nlations-speec h, trade, tradition, literature, and so on—
between the United States and England and the spiritual
sympathy with RepubHcan France, but still more to the
leiocity of the (ierman invasion of Belgium, which
revolted the moral sense of the people in an unparalleled
d-^M-ee. There wero, however, very powerful discordant
<1( in(!nts in the sentiment of the country, some definitely
l)ro-German, some merely anti-English, some who, like
the extreme pacifi-^ts of the Bryan school, were driven
into a kind of pro-(,erman i)osition by their determination
to resist the prevailing tendency.
Nor were there wanting encumbrances which gave
strength to these impulses. The operation of the blockade
inevitably led to friction with this country. It would be
unjust to suggest that American opinion ever seriously
regarded that fri( lion as in the same category as the
piratical crimes of Germany, but it seemed to check the
strong current of feeling. It periodically diverted atten-
lion from the grttat issues of humanity to the meaner
;<rievances of trade, and gave a certain groimd for that
balancing of one against the other which fitted in with
the essential puri)ose of the. country.
That purpos;; was to avoid being involved in the
struggle. Broadly speaking, it is true to say that there
is not and never has been an uncompromising pro-war
party in the United States. The majority of those who
sympathise most strenuously with the Allies have not
really advocated intervention. They have not seriously
contemplated more than a breach of diplomatic relations
with Germany. The reasons for this are many ; the
tradition of isolation from the Ivuropean fjuarrels, the
lack of means of prompt intervention, the strong cross-
currents of interest and, finally, the sellisii desire to enjoy
the unparalleled harvest which the war has brought to
the American merchant, farmer, trader, and financier.
The country has never experienced such a period of
overflowing prosperity. Indeed, no country in the
worid's history has had such an inrush of sudden wealth.
It is converting the United States magically into the
great credit country of the world, and tbc continuance of
the war promises to leave New York the financial centre
of the nations. ,.
But meanwhile there is a de^p undercurrent of dis-
quiet which finds its e.xpression, strwlcntly m the fa"«! "i
Mr. Roosevelt, gravely and anxiously in the case of Mr.
Ivliot of Harvard. It is fell that the vast profits which the
United States is deriving from the agonies of Euro|)e arc
deariy bought if the moral leadership of the nation in the
worUl is being sacrificed to obtain them. The view
that the country has no part in the great issue that is
l)eing fought out in Kuro|)e wears thin and false. That
i>sue is seen to be wlK^ther demoi-racy, of which the
United States has been th<- standard-bean r, is to survive
on this earth or to jjerish under the heel of Prussian
militarism. The Ututed States cannot be indifferent
to that great issue. Behind all this there is the con-
sciousness that in IIk; light of the war the isolation of
America is discovered to be a fiction. There are many
candid Americans wlio admit llial the name endorsed
on the back of tlu^ .Monroe l^)clritie is not the name of
the United States, b\it the name of Gn-at Britain- -that it
is the British Navy alone that to-day gives validity to
that Doctrine and stands between Prussia and the
realisation ot its dream of comjuest in South America.
It is considerations like these which are distiiri)ing
the best minds and leading them to ask whether the
United States is proving equal to the great challenge
that has come upon the country in common with the
rest of th<! worUl, whether, in short, the United States
can finally stand aloof from the struggle without sufffiring
a profound moral defeat. Presidi-nt Wilson througliout
has been conscious of the challenge, but he has conceiv<d
if to be his fimction not to force (jpiniini, but to leave it
to mature and only act when a<;tion would give him the
maximum of public sui)port and the; facts wotild provide
him with an indi>i>utabie case. He has sought to give
effect to the two main jMirnoses of America— the desire
to keep out of the war, ayd the dettirmination to secure
respect for the rights of the nation. Those i)urposes,
however, cannot be reconciled without a strain. Germany,
realising the difficulties of his position, has sought to
(hvcrt the mind of America to the contemplation (ti \tt
own interests, and hungry traders have not bren unwilling
to believe that the British mastery of the seas, which
interfered with their commerce, was an encroachment
upon the sovereign rights of the United States.
But the essential falsity of the balance between the
piratical crimes of (k-rmany and the British Navy's
interpretation of the laws of sea warfare has become too
flagrant to be ignored, and it would be an entire mis-
reading of President Wilson's jjolicy to assume that he has
sought to igncjre it. He would not have a breach if it
could be avoided because he believed that not only was
it in Ameri(;a's interest that it should te outside the
struggle, but also because lu; was conscious that the
preservation of its neutrality might prove to be an im-
portant service to the belligerents and might give the
worid the advantage of a powerful and impartial influence
in the hour of settlement.
But the challenge which Germany has thrown out
to him on the subject of armed merchantmen brings the
President to the brink oi the. precipice. Germany has
declared her intention to sink armed merchantmen, the
President has refused to regard defensive armaments as
ajnstituting a ship of war. This refusal, coupled with
his determination not to forbid Americans to travel in
British ships, makes the clash betwec.n the two countries
apparently inevitable,
The letter to Mr. Stone, in our opinion, leaves no
doubt that the decision of the President has been taken.
No one who has studied his can;cr can doubt the iron will
that dwells behind this calm and peace-loving personality.
He would go into the war with the grief that possessed
the great souls of IJncoln and nl i>ee, but he would go
into it with the stern resolution that was theirs also.
" These are the times that try men's souls," said
Thomas Paine in the first of those clarion calls which he
wrote by Washington's camp fires in the dark nights
when the American nation was (X)ming to birth. I'he
soul of America bore the trial and came through it ,with
boundless possibilities. Eighty year, later came thi;
second great ordeal, and again the United Statc:s emerged
purified, enlarged in outlook, united as it had never been.
To-day it stands on the brink of yet an<;ther searching
test. It will be the greatest test of all. It will decide
whether the United States is only a miscellaneous aggrega-
tion of appetites or whether it is a nation grown fo man-
hood and shouldering its task in this world in the spirit
of the mighty founders of its greatness.
J, A X 1 ) A N L) w A r 1-: R
March 2, iQi6-
THE BATTLE OF VERDUN.
By Hilaire Belloc.
THE enemy lias laumlied, with the (icrnian por-
tion of his forces, that fn"Pat offensive in the
West which was expected and upon which will
turn the future of the war.
It is already generally known as the battle of Verdun.
All opinion has by this time clearly seized the vast
import of the affair.
Whether the enemy's action be premature or not,
whether he. has struck too soon and must pay the price
for having struck too soon, wo cannot tell until the issue
is decided. Nor shall we know until the ofhcial history
of the war can be written (if then) whether he was at
liberty to strike later, e\en had he so willed.
Let us not forget at the outset what may be lost sight
of in the intense anxiety of the moment and in the dramatic
interest of a battle at last joined, that Ihc whole thing is
yd que more proof — if proof ivere needed — of hoiv numbers
tire now ihc determining factor of the u'holc campaign.
In a sense, this has always been true. In a sense it
is true of all war. But it is particularly true now ; and
that truth will be the better emphasised if I take the
opportunity of recalling to the i^eadcr wliat wa.; pubhi.hed
in Land and Watkr with regard to the impending attack
not longer ago than February lotli, under the title " The
Chances of a (ierman Offensive."
What I put forward in these columns upon tlic loth
February was as follows : —
1. That the enemy's whole strategic plan was already
governed by the exhaustion of his useful reserve. As
against this exhaustion the Allied superiority in numbers
was getting more and more striking.
2. In such a numerical situation the enemy was in
need of a very immediate offensive. To quote the words
written " Anyone standing in the shoes of the enemy's
Higher Command at this momenE must be contemplating
somewhere a vigorous offensi\e upon a large scale.".
. .3. Such an offensive would have an immediate
]wlitical object. If it could do more, well and good for
the enemy ; but e\en if there was only tlie capture of some
thousands of prisoners and some scores of guns the enemy
would hope to produce an effect both at home and
among neutrals. His ultimate object would, of course
be much more the breaking of a front.
4.. This coming great offensive would almost certainly
be delivered upon the Western Line.
5. It would probably be delivered upon two selected
sectors in conformity with the successful strategy of the
enemy last summer in the East.
All this the enemy has done.
The plan is fully developed after ten days of action,
save for the last point which only the future can show
to be well or ill founded. I-'or we cannot yet tell whether
the enemy, as is still expected, will proceed to strike at
vet another point in order to create a great salient between
the two, or whether he will confine himself to developing
the present action solely upon the sector already engaged.
The German and French Objects in this Battle.
The essential fact to remember is that it is the
balance arrived at by the end of a struggle which
alrtne decides its value. This is true in all war. It is
true of the most dramatic and conclusive decisions, such
as Sedan, in which one side is, in a military sense, des-
trov'ed in a few hours, at no grievous expense to the other
sidfe. It is equally true of the longest, dullest, and most
inconclusive of military operations, sUch as, for instance,
the last campaign of Marlborough.
We have in the case of the Battle for Verdun
particular examples of this truth.
There are three points which are the objects of the
enemy.
His main object, of course is to break the
French front. He proposes to deliver a blow so
violent or so prolonged that at some moment during
its delivery the French resistance shall crumble
and the whole of that part of the line go to
pieces. In that case he obtains a decision. .\t the very
best, for }iim, he might conceive the possibility of getting
right through, separating the French armies, linding him-
self able to act upon the flank of either part, and in general
determining the campaign in his favour, so far as the
Western held is concerned. If he can achieve this,
enormous losses (spread over a fortnight of the most
violent lighting) and the expenditure of the greater part
of his accumulated munitions, are well worth his while;
he migiit have 300,000 men hit. and yet achieve his
object. For in the end. not hundreds of thousands, but
millions, of his opponents would be out of action, and the
decision in his favour arrived at.
Scrond in importance is something very different.
His desire to break the French front he must have known
to be an enterprise very doubtful of achievement. Failing
this he might yet obtain results of high political value to
him at the moment, ^hc capture of very numerous
prisoners, guns, stores and other trophies would impress
neutral opinion at a moment when it is essential that he
should prevent one army at least, and perhaps two, from
appearing in the near future in the field against him. He
, would impress the insxifhcicntly censored and insufficiently
disciplined Press (and tlie financial powers behind it) in
the \\'est. He would affect the parliamentary form of
(iovernment, which is so thoroughly imadapted to war.
At the loss of many men he would have prevented the
appearance of more fresh men against him, and could hope
to shake the moral of his foe, at least on the civilian side.
Even if he did not obtain a great measure of positive
success; e\'en if he were not able to point to numerous
guns captured, great masses of munitions fallen to him
as booty, and thousands of unwounded prisoners, he
could still have a singular effect upon that same opinion of
neutral, disaffected, and independent or treasonable
elements of the Alliance, by the mere name of Verdun.
It is a point with which the soldiers in command ai'e least
concerned, for in the military sense it is meaningless.
But it is still a p. int of political valu3 and the enemy
knows it well.
Supposing at the end of such a business he could only
point — at the expense of a quarter of a m.illion men —
to a few thousand prisoners, and a normal number
of pieces remaining in his hands as the result of an
advance over live or six miles of country, but could
say that his troops had entered even so much as the
eastern ruins of Verdun, beyond the Meuse river, the
name " A'erdun " would still do its work. Men continue to
think of this geographical area — this single circle of a
few miles in 500 miles of line — as though it were a fortress
of the old days of fortresses. It has become in the
minds of miUions during the last few days the test of
success to discover whether the enemy does or does not
attain even the ruined houses in the suburbs.
Still greater would be the effect, of course, if the
whole French line were to fall back behind Verdun and
that area as a whole to be occupied by the enemy. That
the line should fall back intact, that its new position
should be stronger than the old, that the French losses
should be not a third of the (iermans, that those German
losses should be such that their offensive power should be
crippled in the West for months to come —all that would
be set against the accomplishment and counted little.
The merC' attainment of the area called Verdun
on the map— no matter at what price —would have the
political effect I have described.
These three points, therefore, the first alone a military
consideration, are in the enemy's mind.
Unlike what is the fase with simpler situations, the
corresponding French object is not a mere negation of
these German objects. You cannot in this instance
simply contrast the two opponents and state the success
of the one in tenns of the failure of the other.
The main French object in the whole matter is the
infliction of such military losses on the enemy, in com-
parison to those suffered by themselves, that this great
March 2, igi6.
L A N D AND WATER.
offensive of liis shall be, a strategical defeat. Gn that
alone is the whole energy of the French command deter-
mined. Whether upon this single sector of the heights
of Verdun, or as is now possible, rather than probable,
upon another sector also (should the enemy extend his
own plan to a double movement, attacking upon two
distant sectors before the offensive is concluded), the
object of the Alliance is to render that offensive as
expensive as it can possibly be made.
The retirement of the French from one line to another
until the main position was reached was conducted solely
with that view. Each new position chosen, but in
particular the main ridge which has been the scene of
the tremendous fighting sjnce Friday last, is regarded
strictly and solely as a condition which compels the enemy
to sacrifice masses upon masses of men. And the test (jf
French success or failure at the close of the great adventure,
if the line can hold unbroken, will not be the ultimate
position of that line, but the higher proportional
exhausting and dwindling of military capacity which the
effort may have imposed upon the Germans.
The Contrast in Method.
Such a calculation or scheme on either side is possible
from the contrasting ideas of the two commands.
We have in the whole of this great battle a contrast
between a certain French strategical conception and^ a
certain German tactical tradition, each enriched by new
experience gained in this war.
The general French strategical conception at work
is familiar to readers of these columns. In all its forms
there underlies that conception the detaining of an enemy
superior offensi\-e by the smallest number which can
sustain the shock, and the maintaining in reserve of all
that can possibly be so spared, with the object of bringing
such fresh forces into play just at the right moment to
achieve a maximum result. From the smallest details
to the largest plans, this strategical conception is seen
underlying the operations of the French command.
You have it in that vast business the Battle of the Marne ;
you have it in the particnlar instance of the two fresh
divisions which were launched witTl exact art at the
precise moment necessary to reco\er the plateau of
Douaumont last Saturday.
It is obvious, and has been ob\-ious all the years
during which this conception has been discussed, for
and against, up and down Europe— it has been obvious
especially during the present campaign— that such ideas
can only be translated into reality by the successful
exercise of a \ery accurate calculation in things as much
moral as material. Upon the moral side comes in the
peril (and therefore the art as well) of all such methiods.
If you overestimate the resisting power of your few
troops which take the first .shock, you suffer irremediable
disaster. If you mistake the exact moment for the counter
offensive, you suffer disaster no less.
It is a method perilous in the extreme, but, like all
risky work, yielding a harvest corresponding to its
peril if it succeeds.
We do not know with what number of men the
first shock was received at the week-end ten days ago.
We know that the enemy launched against the first
French line from Brabant round to Herbebois elements
drawn from at least fourteen divisions. The first shock
was probably taken by elements drawn from not more
than three French divisions.
As the operation developed larger bodies were
brought into play by the enemy. By Saturday last
men from 25 German divisions wer« already at work.
Correspondingly the French resistance, as it fell back
from line to line was fed by new material. We do not
know, again, how many French units took the assault,
last Saturday from assaulting, bodies representing 25
divisions of the enemy, but we know tiiat they were still
deliberately left inferior in numbers to their assailants.
We can be fairly certain that even by Friday — after
a week of the strain — the French Higher Command had
not moved its general reserve at all ; and that all the
work done round Verdun had been done by the troops
assigned to that sector, including the local reserve;
though it is possible that before the close of Saturday,
the 26th, certain new units had come up from another
portion of the line.
The German assault showed once niore the unbroken
tactical traditions inherited from two centuries of War.
and this coupled with the extension and confirmation ol
it by the experience of the present campaign. It was a
blow struck upon a comparatively narrow front with .i
very dense mass of infantry whose charge had been
prepared by the heaviest of artillery work — that is., the
whole of his method. Just as the French proposi to
succeed through exactitude in an art and through a
perilously close calculation which suits their genius; so
does the Prussian tradition rely upon the peculiar advan-
tage it possesses, the certitude that no losses will destroy
the cohesion of its infantry. The Prussian claims, not
without justice, that his type of discipline can maintain in
being for days a " battering ram "of a density, weight and
momentum superior to any other service. That it can
therefore deliver a blow of an intensity superior to what
any other service could deliver ; because no matter how
packed the achancing bodies, and no matter how enor-
mous the consequent losses, eitlier they will not break,
or, if they break, fresh bodies will at once b^ ready to
renew the charge.
We saw that principle at work upon the Grand
"CouronneiS months ago, where it broke down altogether
and failed. We saw it months afterwards upon the
Dunajetz, where the new lesson taught Ijy the Wav of the
new scale upon which heavy munitions must be pro-
vided, had been learnt by the Prussian Higher Conunand.
and, where it was aided by the great inferiority of the
enemy in that same matter.
We are now seeing precisely the same tactical tradi-
tion being put to the supreme test against the steep,
straight hills of the Meuse.
II.
THE ACTION ITSELF.
The public has noted from the telegrams of the last
ten days the advance of German troops over a certain belt
of ground (five miles in width at the broadest and a little
over three at the narrowest). There is a danger, as wa
have seen, that this movement may distract our attention
from the real nature of the fight and confuse in our judg-
ment the main issue.
The advance of the enemy and the retirement of the
French were throughout all the first live days of the
great battle no more than preliminaries leading up to the
final situation, which was fully reached not earlier than
the seventh day, Friday, February 25th.
Upon the previous evening, that of Tinu'sday,
February 24th, the h>ench line, falling back in a manner
to be later described, had reached its principal dTensive
organisation, a certain ridge to which we will gi\'e a nam:
for the sake of clearness (though it has no local nam.', as
a whole) and will call " The ridge of Louvemont "—
from the nam? of the principal village standim; upon
those heights.
It was only at this moment, the evening of Thurs-
day,'the 24th, that the last dispositions of the French for
meeting the great attack, which had been so long fore-
seen and prepared for, were fully taken. And it is onl\'
on the next day (Friday) that the body of the action
takes final form.
In other words, what happened from Saturday, the
igth February, up to the evening of Thursday, the
24th, was no more than the successive abandonment
by the French in good order — with the loss of guns indeed,
and with the falling into the enemy's hands of perhaps a
tenth of their first line men — of one line after another
until they had reached that upon which they had jilanned
to stand. On the fortunes of that last line the issue
would turn. I shall brietfy r\-eicw the details of thes3
preliminary retirements.
Details of the Retirements.
\
It was. as we have said, during the course of Saturday,
the 19th Fcoruary, that the enemy opened the action
by an intensive bombardment with his heavy artillery,
against the first advance line of the French, .\fter this
intense bombardment, co\ering about forty-eight hours
of time and extending from the Meus'e at Brabant to the
neighbourhood of Ornes (that is, over a shallow bow
L A N D AND W A T E R .
Marrh z, 1916.
curved northwards, tlie full extent of which was about
eight and a half miles in length) upon -Monday, the 21st
Febniar\', the artillery preparation ceased and the
enemy launched his fust infautry, drawn, as obsen-ation
showed, from th;; elements of some fomteen divisions.
It is especially important to obser\-e at this moment,
tlie morning of February 21st, the difference which already
begins to appear betwei-n the French and German
tactics in these great offensives.
The corresponding action of the French in Cham-
pagne five jnonths ago will be remt^mbered. There, as
here, the offcnsi\o was preceded by forty-eight hotirs'
bombardment with hcav\- artillery at long range. There,
as here, the infantry assault was laimchcd immediately
after. There as here, the fust line trenches and all their
organisation were swept over by that advance ; the
survivors of the defensive, dazed and almost impotent
under the effect of the recent bombardment, were cap-
tured. '
But when so much is said of the similarity between
the two situations, a great contrast at once appears.
The French attack had been delivered against the German
line, which had been bidden at all costs to hold, which
was full of men, and had trusted to its power, even after
bombardment, of breaking the French infantry attack
by rille and machine-gun fne before the trenches w-ere
reached or carried. No gims were moved back. So far
from their men being moved back, reinforcements were
ordered to push up to the front the moment the bom-
bardment should cease. As a consequence, upon a front
of rather over twelve miles, the French captured 20,000
imwounded prisoners, some scores of guns, the whole of
the first line organisation, killed more than 30,000 of the
enemy, and put out of action the equivalent of several
corps, all the work of the first blow.
Here, before Verdun, five months later, the French
line (which was now the defending one), had received no
such orders to hold indefinitely, but had, on the contrary,
been regarded as no more than an advanced position from
which retirement would be conducted back and back
until the main organised defensive position was reached.
As a consequence, the enemy when he attacked over
this front (of eight to nine miles in all its sinuosities)
upon Monday the 21st, cut off perhaps 3,000 men, in-
cluding woimded, and found himself at the end of the
day in possession of two small batches of the front only,
not two miles in e.\tcnt. the largest of which w'as the
wood of Haumont and a portion of the wood of Caures.
Upon the flanks, in front of Herbebois and in front of
Brabant, he was stopped. Meanwhile, under the cover
of this first line of resistance the retirement was continuing.
During the following day, Tuesday the 22nd. the
covering troops left in the front line delivered sharp
counter offensives, retaking part of the wood of Caures,
and still holding the enemy up upon the wings. These
blows were only struck to cover the retreat that was
proceeding behind them. On the night of that Tuesday,
the French again retired on to a third line, and on the
morning of \\'cdncsday were standing along positions
stretching from in front of Samogneu.\ to Ornes ;
these positions — the two ends of the line — are protected
by steep banks shelving tip to them. In the middle they
pass through the valley and village of Beaumont.
It is to be remarked that upon every series of posi-
tions thus taken up by the French as they retired, a
difficult assault by the enemy had to be delivered. He
was compelled to lose heavily in each process : \ery much
more heavily than the defenders.
The assailant still coming on in dense bodies and the
covering line still being left far inferior in number and
still subject, of course, to preliminary intensive bombard-
ments before each attack, holds this line As well as it
can during the Wednesday but is beaten bacK at Beau-
mont in the valley, the wings with their ravines to protect
them standing firm.
By the Thursday' morning it is found that the French
have withdrawn in the night to yet a third line which
runs from near Champneuville — from the Meuse in that
neighbourhood — very slightly north of east, terminating
south of Ornes, which has been abandoned.
On that Thursday the German attack, in which
elements from fifteen or sixteen di\'isions have already
been noted, swarms through the intervening space
and assaults at the usual price the third line so formed.
When darkness fell upon the Thursday, the French
again drew back to their final disposition, that is the main
ridge covering Verdun— on which this struggle was to be
decided.
They abandoned Champneiuille leaving only com-
paratively small forces upon the narrow hill which stands
in the bend of the Meuse. Their last line now lay on the
ridge of Louvemont to make its stand.* It stretched from
Vacherauville round by Louvemont in front of the Farm
of Chambrettc and so round eastwards and southward
again across the Douaumont plateau until it fell to the
plain of the Woeuvre to the east below, and in that plain
it was being withdrawn somewhat nearer to the base of
the hills. This last portion of the retirement, that on
the plain, was conducted without molestation throughout
the whole of the next day, Friday, the 25th.
Meanwhile upon the morning of this same Friday
the 25th, the French forces stood massed upon the main
^mmi^mi'^v~*9 I
I
^VERDUN ^^% \ "^N
VIZ
f . f T Mik^
Marcli 2, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
ridge, which wc have called the ridge of Louvemont, and
awaited the final and decisive shock.
In each stage of these four retirements they took
their toll from the enemy in his increasingly numerous
bodies of attack, but the climax of the fight would only
begin after this Friday, when the final dispositions had
been reached.
The battle, extending over five days, had given
the enemy results in prisoners somewhat inferior to the
two days in Champagne, in guns much the same. The
action was but begun and already the expense at which
the assailants had attained these results was far higher
than the corresponding losses had been in Champagne.
So far the French had fallen back through broken
country. They now had reached a main position which
is essentially one great connected height opposed like a
wall to the enemy's assault.
The battle for Verdun is a battle for the possession of
that wall : The French hold it with the object of inflicting
the greatest possible amount of losses upon the enemy.
The enemy suffer those losses day after day with the
object of piercing the French defensive line or turning
it by the left or the right. The test of success in the
one case is an enormous wastage in the enemy's military
power through losses and through exhaustion of munitions;
in the other, at the best, the breaking of the French front
(an unlikely thing), at the least the occupation of the
area of Verdun, five miles behind the ridge, which area of
course no longer represents a fortress, but is simply a
geographical expression for one portion of the five
hundred mile line, the occupation of which, even if there
were no military results attached to it, would have for
the enemy the very high political value already described.
To understand the action which is still proceeding
wc must examine in detail the nature ot this ridge, the
success or failure in holding which js for the moment the
test of this great action.
The Ridge of Louvemont.
The elements of this position may be judged by the
accompanying sketch. Upon the :\Vest runs, in its
deep trench, the obstacle of the river Meuse and it
could not be passed* by the enemy with the object of turn-
ing this position because it is everywhere under fire of
the French from the left bank. The water level of the
River Meuse gives the lowest point in the ground, and wc
will reckon heights from that water level.
On the East is the tumbled clay plain of Woeuvre,
the many wooded streams of which carry water levels of
50 or 60 ft. higher than that of the Meuse. Between
• Just in front of Vacherauville at the point marked A in the
sketch map II there is a ford which can be used with difficulty in peace
time, but it is under the guns of Charny ridge and at the same time
under tlioss of, or rather just behind, the summit of Poivre.
the Meuse and the Woeuvre rise tliose hills called " the
Heights of the Meuse," a portion of which form the ridge
in question.
These hills are in sharp contrast to the plains of the
Woeuvre below them. They rise from it very sharply
indeed, as sharply as do the north and south downs rising
in the escarpment from the Weald. The heights are not
ranges of peaks, nor even rounded summits, but large
plateaux up to which there lead from the Meuse valley on
the one side, and from the Woeuvre plain on the other,
steep coombes often wooded; ravines which bite deeply into
the plateau formation. They ha\'c very steep banks.
The plateau is not absolutely level, of course. It has
slightly culminating points, low waves of land, as it were ;
but the general aspect once one is up on the top of it is
that of a plain. The highest line of this plateau linked
together in one imaginary line forms the Fi-ench position
covering Verdun. The main portion of it, that from the
Meuse to Douaumont, is in immediate contact with the
German assault. Further south the French line is still
pushed out in front of the hills and lies parallel to their
base through the plain at their feet.
It will be observed from the sketch map II that the
semicircular position from the Meuse round along the
highest points of the hill of Poivre, passes just behind the
village of Louvemont, comes round the little wood just
south to the Farm of Chambrettes, thence begins to curl
round southwards, and finally reaches the culminating
point of the plateau of Douaumont just in front of the
village of that name and at the point where the old Fort,
which has now been dismantled for eighteen months,
used to stand.
This defensive position,'which I hav^e marked upon
sketch II by a thick black line, rises gradually from the hill
of Poivre to the cirJminating point where the old Fort
of Douaimiont used to stand. The highest part of the
Poivre ridge is not 400 feet abo\-e the river, the neck
of land just north of Louvemont is 20 ft. higher. The
little wood in front of the farm of Chambrette is well
over 500 ft. above the river, indeed, nearly 600 ft.,
while the culminating point of the })lateau of Douaumont,
where the old Fort used to stand, is 560 ft. above the
Meuse. The plater lU further south, which has not yet
been attacked, is of much the same nature. It continues
to bear for sixty miles the name of "Heights of the
Meuse."
It will be clear from the above that the main part
of the French pos ition, that which lias stood the tre-
mendous assault of the last week, is, in its most general
elements, a horsesh oe, with its culminating or terminating
point at Douaumoj at.
If one were i;o express it in the simplest possible
form, eliminating ; ill the complexity of the ravines which
intersect it, one wi juld express it as in the accompanying
LAND AND WATER
March 2, 1916.
sketch III., and from this will bo at onco apparent
the decisive clmracter of that culminating point where
tlie Fort of Douaumont once stood.
^ 7[A< suaxeduw stagts
qfche rctirejtunt
We shall sec in a moment the critical character of
the successful German attack upon that decisive point
and the effect hitherto obtained by the French counter-
offensives "against it. Had the enemy not set foot upon
the heights of Douaumont, the whole ridge would ha\'e
remained intact in the hands of the French, and all the
assaults against it would have been so much piu'c loss.
The battle, \yhich closely resembles the great defence of
Grand Couronne in front of Nancy that laid the founda-
tions of Marne, would in that case \\z\c formed an
exact parallel to this fonner action, and would ha\c
promised a . complete success. But the enemy ha\c
carried .one. point' of the ridge, and that the highest point,
transforming the whole situation. (This was the reason
that the news of the capture of Douaumont summit so
gra\ely affected those who knew the ground and caused
them to await so an.\iously further news of the develop-
ments resulting from it.)
Next let us examine, by turning again to sketch
II., the conditions under which this main defensive
position must be attacked by the enemy. We would
again begin by the left or west, and work round to the
right. The hill «i Poivre stands up sharply from the
Mcuse, and can only be carried by charges directed
right up its wooded western side or southern end. The
steep slopes, which begin to rise gradually before the
ridge is reached, are nearly 400 ft. in height and their aver-
age slope is about one in nine, with some steeper portions
here and there. Immediately at the foot of these slopes,
which lead up to the narrow plateau of the Hill of Poivre,
is the high road leading from Beaumont to Vacherau\illei
which lies in a deep valley. Beyond that valley there
is a second ridge running from the big bend in the Meuse
in front of the villages of Champneuville and Samogneux
out northwards and eastwards. This ridge is lower than .
and is dominated by, the Hill of Poivre. It is not a
united line, but is cut by a saddle which the road from
Samogneux to Vacherauville takes advantage of. The
western part of this ridge, that part lying immediately
in front of Champneuvilk', is called the Hill of Talou.
We have next in order the village of Louvemont
(or to be more accurate, its ruins). In front of this sector
the ground slopes away for some distance gently and we
only get steep banks just before it phuiges down to the
Bcaumont-Vacherauville road. It is a country of open
fields, thus sloping down from the village of Louvemont,
presenting a clear lield of tire.
Next, as we go westwards, the Wood of Les Fosses
at the head of a deep ramified ravine, is in German hands.
But the highest point of the jilateau lying back from the
wood is in I'rench hands, ;ind thence to the wood is a good
field of hre for the defensive.
When we reach the little wood which stands before
the Farm of Chambrette, we are at 1:he only point in the
whole defensive line which is not the; stronger for rapidly
falling ground in front of it. There is here a sort of neck
of high ground, joining the horseshoe ridge with the hills to
the north. This " neck " is defined', by a country road
which follows it. It is very narrow, the rising slopes of
the combe on the west being separated from the falling
escarpment of the bank on the east by only 800 yards.
From this point the plateau of Douaumont begins.
Steep slopes everywhere impede the momentum of "the
assailants. These slopes, however, from their very steep-
ness, give their assailants this ad\-anta ge that they present
not a little dead ground : that is. ground so steep that
the fire of men on the height abo\e cannot reach it.
From the plateau of Douaumont onwards, the line
falls down on to the [)lain of the Woeuvre and ceases to
be connected with the ridge of Louvemont, but runs
through the plain of the Woeuvre, which is here about four
hundred and fifty feet below the hills and very sharply
marked by an extremely steep escarpment. It passes
in front of the station of liix and thence in afi almost
straight line south-eastwards.
The Attack on the Ridge.
On Friday, the 25th. the Germans began their attack '
upon this horseshoe of the Louvemont ridge.
There were, as we have seen, two points the mainto
nance of which was essential to the French. The Hill of
Poivre at one end of the horseshoe and the plateau of
Douaumont at the other.
If the Hill of Poivre were carried, the whole of
the horseshoe was turned, the Germans would be in the
liollow of it behind the ridge. The troops upon the ridge
would have to withdraw as best they could. Those' at
the far end by Douaumont might succeed in getting back ■
to Verdun, but those on the Hill of Poivre itself, and those
in Louvemont, and e\en many to the cast or right of
Louvemont, would be destroyed. At the best only the
southern and eastern part would escape. Meanwhile
the entry to the town of \'crdim from the north would
lie open.
The other and more, dangerous point was the plateau
of Douaumont itself, which is somewhat higher than the
Hill of Poivre. We have seen of what effect its capture
would be. It would be a more decisive blow even than
the rushing of the Hill of Poivre, for it would cut off the
whole mass of the defence on the ridge and would
dominate Verdun itself — an uninterrupted view of less
than five miles. »
The enemy attacked on FViday all round the ridge,
from the Meusc right round to the escarpment of the
Plateau of Douaumont, losing \ery hea\ily, and effecting
nothing. But he coulcl not make as full an artillery pre-
jiaration as he desired, for he had not yet fully brought
up his heavy gims. It w-as not till the early morning of
the Saturday, February 26th, that the full" blast of the
attack was at work. It struck, of course, all around the
ridge. Indeed, with such great masses of men, it was in-
credibly dense upon that very short curved line of six
miles. But while the attack came from all roimd the
curve the main objects were still, of course, the Hill of
Poivre on the extreme left and the tableland of Douau-
mont on the extreme right.
Now the Hill of Poi\ re has in front of it, filling up the
bend in the Meuse, a narrow falling ridge of land called,
as we have seen, the Hill of Talou.
A few men may ha\c been left for a short time
by the French upon this advanced ridge, but not for any
purpose of holding it permancntlj'. For the Meuse
was behind it, and the retirement of any large bodies
from it would therefore have been difficult.
Already in the course of FMday it had been aban-
doned.
On the other hand Talou could not serve as a point
from whence the Germans could work against the hill of
Poivre on account of a factor which is very important
in all this fighting and which we have not hitherto
mentioned. All the further bank of the Meuse (a great
" S " of hills from north of Chattancourt to the abandoned
fort upon the ridge of Charnv), remains in the hands
of the I'-rench and has indeed not been attacked by the
Germans as yet, save with distant heavy artillery fire.
At ranges of from 3,000 to 8,000 yards from the left bank
of the river, the French guns beyond the Meuse can
direct their fire against the Hill of Talou and its neigh-
bourhood. Most of them can also fire upon troops
attacking the river end of the sides of the Hill of Poivre.
Poivre resisted successfully all that day, Saturday, the
26th, and still stands at the moment of writing.
The Germans came in mass after mass up Poivre
Hill, up against the easier slopes, which stand north of
and in front of Louvemont, out of the wood of F'osses
and through the Farm of Chambrette (which they
occupied), hut with f articular wcif^ht ai^ainsl the Plateau
oj Douaumont. It was on this sector that the Germans
March 2, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
at last came near to effecting their purpose. It is liero
that they will perhaps continue to attempt success, and
we must particularly note the way in which their assault
upon it was delivered upon that Saturday morning.
We have already seen upon the sketch map II and
noted in the text the numerous deep ravines which bite
right into the tableland of Douaumont. Ravines with
steep and usually wooded slopes, the ends of which reach
up to, and fade upon, the flat of the plateau.
It was up one of these thus biting deep into the
plateau that the great attack of last Saturday morning,
the 26th, was launched by the enemy and the result of it
was successful in seizing the highest point of the table-
land above.
The nature of this d':tail, which might lia\e deter-
mined the whole battle, deserves our close attention, and
I will describe it as ininutcly as is possible from the rare
and disjointed accounts which have come to hand.
The reader will first note isolated on the plain of the
Woeuvre, a [double hill (which 1 have marked L upon
sketch II) and which is known in that covmtrysidc as "Th<'
Twins of Or'nes " from the village at its feet. The heavy
artillery of the enemy which concentrated upon the plateau
of Uouaumont lay largely behind these heights and in
the woods immediately beyond to the north at a range of
from 7,500 to 8.000 yards. It is said that the German
Emperor watched the operations from the soutliern
slopes of these twin hills, which command in their \ie\\
the ravine leading up to the plateau of Douaumont.
This ravine I have marked upon the sketch map H
with letter R — R. It is known in the neighbourhood as
the "Val" or Valley of Bezoneau.x. Its upper part is
wooded upon high steep banks and the semicircle
at the end, the wood being generally known as that of
La Vauche. It was up this ravine and through the covering
of the woods clothing it that the great attack of last
Saturday morning was launched. The German infantry
also swarmed up the spur which stretches north-east-
wards from Douaumont and the site of the old Fort.
As they passed tlirough the wood and as they approached
it in the oj^en valley below, they were subjected to a very
murderous fire from the I-'rench artillery ; they received
the full force of the French rifle and machine gun fire as
they left the wood and began to top the slopes.
There would seem to have been at least five, and
perhaps si.x, separate attacks, all of which were beaten
back with very severe losses. A seventh attack launched
just before 10 o'clock in the morning and undertaken by
the 24th Brandenburg regiment carried the 300 yards
between the edge of the escarpment and the ruined remains
of the old Fort. The survivors swarmed over the broken
heaps of concrete and masonry which afforded perfect
cover from the rifle and machine guns in front of them,
but also, of course, afforded a strictly limited area from
which they could not immerge, and which the French
could, in turn, deluge with long range shell fire. If at
this moment, before midday on Saturday, the 26th, the
assailants had had the momentum to go further than the
ruined site of the old Fort, the wliole position would have
been turned and lost as surely as if the Poivre at its
other end had been forced.
The French counter-offen.sive was launched inmie-
diately with the strength of two diyisions, which probably
suffered heavily enough, but which succeeded in flooding
past the ruins of the Fort upon either side and holding the
plateau, with the exception of the " pocket " formed by
the ruins of the Fort, which apparently the survivors of the
24th Brandenburg regiment continued to hold. It would
seem that they were still holding those ruins, though
nearly encircled, when darkness fell upon the evening of
Monday, the 28th.
The position of the Fort of Douaumont, giving a view
right down to the Meuse valley, five miles away, and to
the higher towers of Verdun itself, as well as slightly
dominating the whole plateau, was, obviously, of great
value to the enemy.
It is tr;tic that taking and holding a culminating
point of this" kind does not exactly mean what it meant in
the older warfare, when bombardment by the liigh
explosives at very long range did not exist. You
cannot bring up artillery for instance to such a position,
nor does its slight advantage of a few feet in height over
the sitrrounding fields enable you from it to carry the
trenches that face you. But if it could be freely used, it
would give observation, and the reinforcement of those
who first seized it would admit a turther advance which
would henceforth • be easy through being down hill.
To lise a loose metaphor, to stjcurc the position of
D.)uaumont heights by a large body with ample com-
munication behind it, would mean the scaling o( tjie
parapet. But a small body nearly surrounded and not
having good communications behind it for ample rein-
forcement, is in a \ery different position. .Until we
know thaf all attempts to seize formally the plateau of
Douaiunont have failed, the position remains critical. But
the successful counter-offensive of the F'rench on Saturday
morning destroyed the immediate advantage which the
cnemv had for one moment clearlv obtained.
Trench Line 021 7^ndcu/7/i^Ii^28
£R
The situation by noon of Saturday and continuously
through Sunday and Monday was, in this narrow field,
that of sketch IV.
Meanwhile the action continued and developed
further south and east. While assaults were being
delivered all the way round the horse-shoe from the
Meuse to Douaumont itself, further attacks were launched
during Sunday in the plain against the little projecting
knob "of the "plateau of Douaumont which stands jtist
north of the village of Vaux, and down in the plain
there was very heavy fighting for the station of Fix
on the main line frorn Paris to Metz. This station is
shown on sketch I, about a mile and a half from the
village, which gives it its name. All this part of the
plain is commanded by a conspicuous lump or billow of
land that is flatteringly called " Hill 255." This
lump, or open field, is nowhere more than 100 ft. above
the brooks of the neighbourhood, and is 50 or 60 ft.
above the level meadows round its base. It is not
marked on my sketch, but stands about z\ miles due
south of Fix station. But field artillery working from
the slopes just behind it commands the fields. .\
very \'iolent effort was therefore made by the enemy to
take this height all during Sunday and Monday, but up to
Monday evening they had failed. During the Monday
also, the 28th, the operations continued to develop south-
wards as far as Manheulles, which was violently attacked
from the east all day, but where the French held the line
and no impression was made beyond a slight retirement
to the western end of the village.
At this incomplete stage in the great operation, we
are compelled to leave the account at the moment of
writing, Tuesday, February 2qth. I'urther news, whicii
may decide whether the continued enemy offensive shall
obtain the ad\'antage, or whether the defence shall be
securely established, has not come to hand.
But in the news of the next few days this point
must be clearly and constantly borne in mind : if the
defence holds the enemy has suffered a severe defeat,
probably of lasting effect, for his tosses in the attack,
deli\ered as he has delivered it and continued for so long
hjive been incomparably heavier than his opponents.
H. Belloc.
[O'ccing to the exceptional importance of ike
battle of Verdun, and the space therefore given to
it, the continuation of Mr. Belloc's article on
German losses has had to be held over tintil next iceek.
LAND AND WATER.
March 2, 1916.
A CALL TO ARMS.
[This is Ihc sona oj a sailoniuin, ■written on hoard a buttle ship in the North Sea. The poet, ivho prefers anonv-
mity, gives utterance here to the very spirit of the British Fleet, well knowing that in any hour he and his
comrades may bs " called out to ihc fray once more " to bear -their part in " the desperate dcathward dance."]
"M /TEN of Great Britain, Sons of a stalwart race :
% /■ Sparks of tho fierce eternal Fire
I ^U I Tlwt springs from your breeding place :
-L ▼ -M.. Knights of a World-flung Chivalry :
Males of majestic ire :
Heralds of Freedom's \'ictory,
Can it be that ye faint or tire ?
That your arras grow weak and j-our ardour cold,
That ye talk of Honour but seek for gold,
TJiat your he:uls are cast in a craven mould
And shrink from the iron task.
Mem'ries of mighty men of old,
Deeds of the men they led,
Flung on the screen of Tim3 unfold
The valour that Britain bred ;
Wellington, Nelson, Cochrane, Drake,
Nicholson, Anso.i, Moore,
Cromwell, Gordon, Grenville, Blake,
ilen great and grim and dour ;
Tlic blood they shed and the deeds they ilia.
Form they a mighty pyramid
'Neath which the crumbling bones lie liid -
Bones of a Race that is.
As babes ye sat at your mother's feet.
And listened with bated breath
To the tales of the heroes to whom defeat
Had only one synonym— Death.
Fear ye to weave for your babes afresh
The tales that ye once lield dear ;
Of bullet-scored, shell-shattered, war-scarred flesn.
And its Spirit that knew no fear ?
Years on in the cool of the evening's calm.
In country homestead and peaceful farm.
Shall your children hear of your strong right arm
Or cowardly selfishness ?
Backward for many a hundred years
Stretches your Roll of Fame,
\\ctted with many a myriad tears
But never a tear of shame ;
Fonvard into the Mists of Time
Flashes the search-light beam,
Lighting the heights that you must climb
By the light of the dreams you dream : —
Dreams of a mighty work begun.
Dreams of a duty yet undone,
Dreams of a fearless Freedom won
For Nations as yet unborn.
Come ! Rally your wrathful, resistless ranks,
Out to the fray once more ;
Render yoiu- gentle and knightly thanks
To these Teutons who ask for war ;
Gird up your loins and get you forth,
" Ouit you like men, be strong,"
Teach them the strength and the weighty worth
Of the swords that your fathers swung.
Doffing your caps with a courtly grace.
Blast with your cannons and bid them trace
The course of the currents which interlace
Round the lockers of Da\y Jones.
Tender to women, but stern to men,
Knightly in word and deed,
Fierce be your Goillikc angtr wlicn
Felons transgress your Creed :
Short be the shrift of the Loveless hound
W'lio rapes, pleading riglit of war —
Captain and private alike are bound
By Chivalrie's changeless Law.
In the Courts of Heaven a mau is great
Not by his rank in a Tinu-bound State
But by tlie measure he doth create
Of Love pure and undefiled.
Swift, stern and clean be your sword and heart,
Fearless your foe-ward glance,
Staunchly and steadily bear your part
In the desperate, death-ward dance.
Wide are the doors of A'alhalla's Halls
Ye Bearers of Britain's Might,
Jovous the voice of old Odin calls
" 5lore Britons to dine to-night.''
Onward ye Sons of the Deathless Dead,
Onward ye Warriors grim and dread.
With lofty mien and measured tread,
Jiiward to Victory,
ENVOI.
Where the winds of the earth are scattered
.^ud torn by the shrieking shell.
And the blood-sodden earth and shattered
Reeks foul witii the stench of Hell,
Fare ye woU m^rrs' mm, bear ye well m.rry lujii,
What of blood, what of grim:;, wliat of tears ?
In trench or in town, where's thj iieart that is down ?
What's this fretwork of folly called f^^ars ?
Fare ye well m3rry m^n, bear ye we'll msrry mm,
Wliat of Love msrry men, wha:t of hate ?
When all's said and done, why hurl hate at a Hun,
When by Loving ye prove yourselves great ?
Bear ye well m^rry msn, fare ye well m^rry men,
What of Life merry men, what of Death ?
Lose Freedom, lose Love, and the Heavens above
Shall mock at your panting for breath.
[Here the poem properly ends, but the poet has been moved
to add these two stanzas, entitling one " A Hops " and
the other " A Prayer."]
A HOPE.
Great God Most Mighty of Love and Peace,
Is Thy Message for ever \aiu ?
Strikes never tlie hour of Thv sons' release
From the self-riven bonds of" Cain ?
Must brother for ever with brother fight ?
Is Love lost for evermore ?
Or is it that Wrong siiall give birth to Right,
And that Peace shall be born of War >
As boys shake hands wlicn their hght is done.
And vonquislied hand clasps the hanrl that has won,
Great God, shall it be that this war begun
In hatred shall cease in Love ?
A PRAYER,
We crave no remittance for sins that are oast,
Let us pay our just debts and be free.
No shelter we seek from the shell's sudden blast
Such thmgs as must be, let them be.
We kneel at Thy feet with no boast on our lips
'I hat our cause is more just than our foe's.
With no priest-ridden follies for blasphemous " tips "
Du we dare to insult Him who Knows.
13ut this. Mighty God of our Fathers, we plead,
Iho' Thou smitcst Thy sons, keep us true to our Creed,
I hat our King and our ICmpire may never have need
1 o blusii for one act or feel shame for one deed
I hat is wrouglit by the hand of a Briton.
Finis,
March 2, 1916.
LAND AND W A T E R
A TEST OF NERVE,
By Arthur Pollen.
BEFORE these pages are in the reader's hands,
the second chapter of the submarine war that
commenced just over a year ago will have
begun. As ' has been pointed out in these
columns many times, the only novelty we may expect in
the attack on the ships that now supply Great Britain
and her Allies, is that it may be carried out by means
more effective for their purpose than those which Germany
has hitherto employed. There will be no addition to
our enemy's ruthlessness, for the simple reason that he
has exhausted ruthlessness already. The threat to stick
at nothing is not a new threat, nor is his excuse that
British ships are armed a new pretext. The whole pro-
gramme will be found complete in the Note sent to the
United States a week before the first submarine campaign
was due to begin. As 270 British, Allied and Neutral
vessels have been sunk or attacked by submarines, mines
or aircraft, xmtkout waniins, it is a programme that can-
not have any new f rightfulness added to it. The only
question then is : are the new German submarines likely
to be very greatly more effective than their predecessors ?
It is well to remember that they might be twice and
three times as effective without coming near bringing
any of the Allies to the straits they must be brought
to if Germany is to benefit materially by her new effort.
I say " materially " advisedly, because it is clear that
she may benefit morally if losses on a new scale at sea result
in any serious disturbance of the public mind. The success
of the Zeppelin raids in creating the appearance of a
])anicky condition will no doubt fortify the Germans in
the ho]:)e that a larger and more destructive \ o icy at sea
must intensify whatever unsettlement of opinion is
already manifest. And if, as seems not unlikely, the
stroke at Verdun is the beginning of a determined effort
to do something decisive, then we may expect that the
new submarine campaign will be far from being the only
naval effort that Germany will make. For that matter
the Moewe is still at large, and only last week we heard
of further victims that have fallen to her. Their pas-
sengers and people were c.irried to Teneriffe by the
Wcstbwn, which was subsequently scuttled. My con-
jecture of February loth that the Moewe would operate
Trinidad
Aug. 18
Jan.lO.i9is
in the hunting grounds of the Karlsruhe has been con-
firmed. And it may interest the reader to be rerninded
of the previous captures which have been made in this
neighbourhood. The sketch map shows the sequence of
the Karlsmhe's successes between August and October,
1914, and of the captures made by the Kronprinz Wilheltn
and the Prinz Eitcl Friedrich in December of the same
year and in the spring of 1915. The great majority of
these captures, it will be noted, were taken withii) a
hundred miles or so of Fernando de Noronha, in the
neighbourhood of which the Moewe's new victims have
been captured. Running down a ship like the Moeivc is
never a simple business even when the area of activities
can be almost exactly defined, simply because the
area is so extensive. A larger question is : does she
carry guns for equipping other German ships that may
have escaped from internment ? As to this we have no
information, but the thing is clearly not impossible. In
addition then to a fresh submarine campaign, we may
have to prepare ourselves for further depredations by
surface ships.
But if Germany's effort on land is to be supplemented
by the utmost she can do at sea, she can hardly confine
herself solely to the destruction of merchant shipping,
although in destroying merchant shipping, it is hardly
necessary to remind the reader, she would be doing much
more than inflicting so much commercial loss upon her
jcnemies. For it is on this shipping that France and
Great Britain are wholly dependent for their ability to
carry on the war with success— a point that those should
remember who arc tempted, when they hear that our
shipbuilders' activity has been deflected from war ships
to merchant ships, to jeer at "Commerce" being pre-
fen^ed to war. F'or obviously our command of the sea,
even if established by an overwhelming naval victory,
would be a Pyrrhic success if we were unable to use the
highways of the sea which we command.
Chances of Battle.
The question, then, remains : will Germany dispute
this command ? She might challenge Sir John Jellicoe's
fleet to a decisive battle. The challenge might
take the form of a sortie of the whole High Seas
Fleet, with every auxiliary in the way of destroyer
and submarine at its disposal, and with every ship
furnished with all the mines it could carry. This
fleet might either attempt to break north about, thus
making an engagement with the Grand Fleet inevitable ;
or it might strike boldly into the Channel, cut our com-
munications with France, and thus drive us to defend
those communications by a Fleet action. An alternative
course, the possibility of which I have already discussed,
is a delaying action in northern waters, half of the high
seas fleet being sacrificed to enable the other half to
gain the Atlantic. The objective of the escaped vessels
would be to join hands with as many as possible of the
fast liners now interned in North American ports ; to
arm them, and then attempt a complete if only a temporary,
blockade of the coasts of France and Great Britahi. If
this mixed fieet of battleships and armed meichantinen
could isolate Great Britain and cut off the whole of its
supplies, it would obviously not be many weeks before
the country would be reduced to very serious straits.
Neither of these alternatives seems to me in the least
degree probable. I disbelieve in the first because I
cannot persuade myself that Germany can have so
redressed the inequality of her naval forces as to make
a set battle a likely undertaking. We saw last week
that if both sides completed their known programmes as
they stood in August, 1914, our numbers would be more
than double the German numbers now, and our gun
power considerably more than three times as great.
We do not know what either side has done in the way of
shipbuilding bej^ond their known programmes.
The following table shows the date (in Roman figures)
of the laying down of each German Dreadnought, and (in
Arabic numerals) of its completion. From this it appears
that Germany has never completed more than four capital
ships in one single recent year. Next, in the last three
years, the average time that ha^; elapsed between the
laying down and the completion of each ship, has been
LAND A N D W A T E R
March z, 1916.
34.1 months. Now it is a rommonplace of shipbuilding
that the time taken to build a ship bears very httle
relation to the time necessary for constructing the hull,
engines and equipment, other than armament. The
lest of shipbuilding capacity is to build gims, mountings
and turrets.
Now the maximum production of Germany up to the
year iqi4. was nineteen 12-inch gun double turrets
ior the jjrogrannne for a single year. But for our pro-
gramme of i()i4, the ships promised for completion for
the Koyal Navy, Brazil. Turkey, and Chili aggregated
1 1 ships against the German nia.ximum of four, and a
tonnage of 28^,500 against the tierman 104.000. These
siiips were to carry thirty-eight 13.5 double turrets, eight
13-inch double turrets, and seven 1 2-inch double turrets,
liearing in mind tiiat the amount of work in producing
larger guns, turrets, <;-tc., increases roughly as the cube of
the calibre, then lifty-three 12. 13.5 and 13-inch turrets
are equivalent to more than scvcnh-live j2-indi turrets
It will thus be seen that while in tonnage our 1914 pro-
grannne was a little less than three times greater than
(iermany's maximum output, our ordnance production was
practically four times greater.
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It is now barely twenty months since the war began.
Is it conceivable that a country which had never built a
larger gun than the 12-inch, had never built war ships
at a faster rate than jour per annum, and had taken
nearly three year; for the construction of each, that
had never produced more than a cjuarter of our proved
capacity in armament — could so have multiplied its
resources as to produce in twenty months a homogeneous
squadron of say six 15-inch gun ships ? It would mean
that Krupps had multiplied its productive capacity by
nearly five, even if we ignore altogether the time that
must be devoted to making the new plant, new' designs,
and experiments and tests before guns and mountings of
he new calibre could be undertaken at all. For this
reason then, if for no other, it seems to me that the first
alternative, viz., of Germany seeking a decisive action at
sea, is unlikely.
As to the; second, the whole thing turns upon this.
Could a sufficiently large portion of the German l^'leet
get away from our ileet into the .\tlantic, and hold the
.Vlantic even with the help of the escaped liners, lotv^
( nough to bring about the military result required ?
This, of course, is no less than to bring Great Britain to
a starving point. Let us, for purposes of argument,
assume that Germany has completed, say three, heavily
armed units and that we have completed nothing beyond
the iqi5 programme. That *vould give Germany 25
ships to light our 42. Let us further assume that by
sacriticing every destroyer and light cruiser she has
got, Germany could force the British squadron into
dcfensi\c manoeuvres and so get half her force past
us unengaged. What start can this force obtain? it is
inconceivable that it would be more than a very few
boura' s*art. If Sir David Beatty has all the available
battle cruisers under las command, i.e.. the ^4 Lions, the
Indefatigable, the 3 InftexilAcs. with the Neie' Zealand and
Australia, he would have a squadron of 10 ships with a
maximum of speed of 28 knots and a minimum of 25. In
a race across the Atlantic, say 3,000 miles, he could give
a 20 knot fleet — and as a fleet the escaped 12 German
ships could not go faster than this — nearly a day's start,
and still get there lirst. .'\ud this leaves out of account
altogether that the pursuit would be followed up by such
of the 32 slower British capital ships that survived
the action with the German 13. The problem of such a
manoeuvre as this, it seems to me. needs only to be stated
for the improbability of its success to be apparent. For
6ven if the whole (ierman programme succeeded up to the
point of arming the escaped liners, all our modern ships
would be moved from the North Sea to the Atlantic,
and the Germans would be kept far too busy trying to
save themselves, for their programme of isolating Great
Britain to ha\e any chanco of being realised.
But a third course is not impossible. This would
take the form of attempting to draw the British Fleet
into action on, or south-east of, the Dogger Bank, where
the water is both .shallow and near enough to Heligoland
to lend itself to preparation for action on German lines.
This preparation would include the laying of minc-
lields and the pro\ision of submarine rendcivous. The
tactics of battle would be directed towards drawing the
British Fleet into areas so prepared — the idea being that
the mines and torpedoes could rectify the inequality in
the gun power of the two sides. It is precisely this form
of battle which the British Commander-in-Chief will most
certainly decline. So long as the German I-Teet is. as a
fleet, powerless to question our use of the high seas, to
seek its destruction at any risk is unnecessary. .\nd
bearing in mind again that Germany's objective, in all
this sea activity, is at least as clearly the destruction of
her enemy's moral stability as the destruction of her
military power, the public must be prepared to hear a
(ierman boast that the North Sea has been entered, the
British Meet challenged and the challenge declined.
Administration and Agitation.
Looking then all round the subject we have quite
plainly and frankly to face a position in which our enemy
will use every sea resource he has, with the utmost
resolution and ruthlessness. Such incidents as the
destruction of the Maloja will be repeated, and next
time not, perhaps, within sight of Dover, but on the
high seas. How are we going to bear ourselves under
this strain ? It is fervently to be hoped that should
things become serious there will be no recrudescence of
agitation to shake public faith in the Admiralty. The
attempt to make us believe that Germany had built
a squadron of 17-inch gun ships and was re-arming her
old ships with them, has failed, but it was an excuse for
calling for greater \igour. Next we had the suggestion
that the .\dmiralty was out of touch with the fleets, and
incapable of giving unity to our naval action. The
inference was that only one man was capable of restoring
the reality of power to our sea forces. The British people
have a curious inclination to believe that when things are
wrong, it must be., in the power of some person, with
whose name they are familiar, to put things right. But
things are not wrong, and if they were they are far too
complex for so simple a solution.
There is no way now of making good the absence from
our administration of that staff organisation which would
ensure right doctrine and the best methods being applied in
any case. But in/the, course of actual war something
like it has, as a fact, been evolved. The Nation said,
in its issue of I'ebruary iq, that a closer co-operation
between Whitehall and Sir John JeHicoe was imperatively
necessary. But it is ^ necessity that has never been
ignored. Mr. Balfour, Sir Henry Jackson, Sir Henry
01i\-er — these are not men who decline or forbid confi-
dence. The Fleet is to-day in closer — because in less
formal — contact with headquarters than at any time.
If ever it was governed and directed by its own best
brains, and in the light of its own experiences, it is now.
And no other method of governing it is either desirable.or
possible. Let 11s, then, be ready to bear 'whatever we
must bear, in the certainty that the best is being done
— and will be done. Akthl'K Pollkn.
March 2, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR.-III.
Some Lessons to be Learnt from it.
By John Buchan.
[Mr. John Buchan in these admirable articles points out
the parallels that exist between the North in the
American Civil War and Great Britain in the present
conflict. Some of these arc extraordinarily exact,
notahly the lack 0/ trained men and , the engrained
objection to compulsory service ivhich President Lincoln
in face of great opposition passed into law and which
once it was law the country readily accepted.]
THE North found the men ; after many months
it found out the way to train them ; it had'
also to find the riglit kind of leadership.
Strength, even discipHned strength, is not
enough.
■ Lincohi, as we have seen, began the war without
any kind of aptitude or experience. His Cabinet was in
the same position. It contained several able men, such
as Seward, Chase, and Stanton, and of these Stanton did
his best to make it impossible for the President to con-
tinue in office. Lincoln's most dangerous foes were those
of his own household. It was not the first time in history
that a great war had revealed members of Govern-
ment intriguing against each other. Moreover, the
North had no generals of such commanding ability and
experience that they could safely be trusted. Again,
the President of the I'nited States was in a peculiar
position. Under the Constitution he was the chief execu-
tive olficer of the country, and performed many of the
functions which elsewhere belonged to the monarch.
Lincoln, therefore, whether he wanted it or not, had to
assume the direction of the war.
We sometimes talk lightly as if the only thing in
war was to find a good general and give him a free hand,
rnfortunatelj" in a modern war, in which the existence of
the nation is at stake, the matter is not nearly so simple.
To beat the enemy you have not only to win field victories;
or rather to win the right kind of field victory you must do
more than turn out good troops and good generals. You
have to use the whole national strength against your
opponent, military, naval and economic, and therefore,
unless the great soldier is also, like Napoleon, a great
statesman, the supreme direction of the campaign must
lie in the hands of a civilian Cabinet. That is to say,"
the Cabinet decides upon the main strategic plan, which
involves all kinds of questions of policy, and having
so decided it chooses the best men it can find to carry out
the military and naval parts of it. Once these com-
manders have been chosen they should not be interfered
with. Till they ha\e failed they should be trusted.
Now to discover and apply a continuous strategic
policy you need a Cabinet loyal within itself, and a
Cabinet instructed by the best expert advice which can
be procured. Lincoln had an extremely disloyal Cabinet.
All its members wanted to beat the South, but they all
thought that thej' could do the job "better than the Presi-
dent. They were amateurs, but 'unfortunately they
believed that they were expferts. That was bad enough.
In addition there was Congress, which was filled with a
collection of talkative people who did their best to hamper
the Government. Rarely has any representative assembly
cut such a poor figure in a great'crisis as Congress did in
the American Civil War. Artemus Ward said •the last
word on the subject. He observed that at the previous
election he had deUberately voted for Henry Clay. It was
true, he said, that Henry was dead, but since all the
politicians that he knew were fifteenth- rate he preferred
to vote for a first-class corpse.
There was also the Press, which was quite uncensored,
and which spent its time in futile criticisms of generals
and statesmen and in insisting upon policies which would
have given the enemy a complete and speedy victorj'. It
was always trying to make journalistic reputations for
generals and so foist them upon the Government. But
the worst thing of all was that there was no body of experts
to advifc the Cabinet. There was no General Staff at
Washington. The good soldiers were" all in the field.
There had never been any real Staff in peace time and it
was impossible to improvise one easily in war. Hence
Lincoln had to conduct the campaign himself, with small
assistance from his colleagues, with no help from Congress
— very much the other way — with no real military expert
advice at his elbow, and under a perpetual cross-fire of
journalistic criticism.
The First Northern Generals.
The result might have been foreseen. The first
generals were appointed largely because of political and
journalistic clamour. Indeed it is difficult to see how
they could have been appointed in any other way, for
there were no real formed reputations. The good men
had still to discover themselves. General after general
failed and was recalled. Transient and protesting
phantoms, they flit over the page of history. Some of
them were men of real ability, like McClellan, who was
enthusiastically hailed in the North as the " Young
Napoleon." He failed, largely no doubt owing to Lincoln's
interference, and he disappeared. Others succeeded, some
of them competent men like Meade and Burnside, some of
them by no means competent like Hooker and Pope and
Banks. Lee used to complain in his gentle way that the
North always dismissed its generals just as he was getting
to know and like them.
They usually began with flamboyant proclamations
announcing that they were going to whip the rebels in a
month, and then they were hunted from pillar to post
by Lee and Jackson. Pope, for example, declared when
he took command that his headquarters would be in the
saddle ; and Lee, when he heard it, observed drily that
that would be a more proper place for his hind-quarters.
The chief army of the North, the Army of the Potomac,
was commanded by no less than six generals, and all
but one were dismissed for failure. But while these
unfortunate people were degraded, all sorts of incom-
petents who had strong political interest were retained
in their commands. Most of the generals of the North
had one leg in the camp and the other in Congress. It
RAEMAEKERS' CARTOON.
The Prime Minister repeated in clear and
emphatic tones in the House of Commons last week,
the pledge -which he had given at the Guildhall
on November gth, 1914, using identical uords 7f''"'
oite slight addition : — ■
We shall never sheathe the sword which we
have not lightly drawn until Belgium and I
will add Serbia — recovers in full measure all
and more than all which she has sacrificed,
until France is adequately secured against
the menace of aggression, until the rights of
the smaller nationalities of Europe are placed
upon an unassailable foundation, and until
the military domination of Prussia is wholly
and finally destroyed.
When this promise was originally made at the
Guildhall, the cartoon which is reproduced as
our frontispiece was drawn by Louis Raemaekers.
It is evidence of the deep impression which the
declaration made on the mind of Neutrals — an
impression zahich has been increased by the em-
phatic manner in ivhich the declaration was
restated at Westminster last week. Germanv under-
stands its significance.
L A nm:> and wa t e r .
March 2, 1916.
remind?; one of those armies of seventeenth-century
Scotland whicii were directed by the General Assembly
or the Scottish Parhament and were terribly harried by
Montrose. In Macaulay's phrase, an army is not likely
to succeed if it is commanded by a debating society.
Lincoln showed his greatness by hving through this
dismal period and not losing his courage. Gradually
he brought Congress to heel. Gradually lie established
a dominance over his colleagues, and even the impossible
Stanton fell under his spell. Gradually he purged the
army of politiccd influence. Above all, as the war ad-
vanced, he made a zealous inquest for military capacity,
and he began to discover leaders on whom he could rely.
He has been much blamed for interfering with his com-
manders during the earUer campaigns, and the charge is
just. But he was in an almost hopeless position. He had
the howling politicians beliind him and before him
generals who showed no real grasp of the situation. He
conceived it his duty to interfere, and he often interfered
foolishly, for he was still learning his job. But by and
by he discovered the true soldiers— men who had fought
their way up by sheer ability — men like Hancock and
Thomas, Sherman and Sheridan. And above all he
discovered Grant.
Grant.
There is surely no romance in all military history
raore striking than the rise of Grant. At the beginning
the North had cried out for brilliant generals, people who
made " silver-tongued " speeches, people who could
be hailed as young Napoleons. But the Napoleons and
the silver-tongues vanished into obscurity, and the North
found its salvation in a little rugged homely man from
the West, who had done well in the Mexican war, but had
failed since in every business he had undertaken and had
become a byword in his family for unsuccess. He never
spoke a word more than was necessary, he was unpre-
possessing in appearance and uncouth in manner, but
he was a true leader of men, ■ His habits had not always
been regular, and the Pharisees of the North cried out
against his appointment, declaring that no blessing could
go with such a man. Lincoln replied by asking what
was Grant's favourite brand of whiskey that he might
send a cask of it to his other generals.
If Grant can hardly stand in the first rank of the
world's soldiers he was the very man for the task before
him. He had iron nerve, iron patience, and an iron
grip of the fundamentals of the case. Lincoln inter-
fered with his earlier generals, but he never interfered
with Grant. He knew a man when he saw him. There
is a pleasant story in Grant's Memoirs of his first inter-
view with the President after he took supreme command.
" The President told me that he did not want to know
what I proposed to do. But he submitted a plan of
campaign of his own which he wanted me to hear and
then do as I pleased about it. He brought out a map
of Virginia and pointed out on that map two streams
which empty into the Potomac, and suggested that the
army might be moved in boats and landed between the
mouths of these streams. We would then have the
Potomac to bring our suppUes, and the tributaries would
protect our flanks while we moved out. I listened
respectfully, but did not suggest that the same streams
would protect Lee's flanks while he was shutting us up."
Lincoln made no more suggestions. He supported
Grant during the terrible days in the Wilderness when
the whole North was crying out against what seemed
to be needless slaughter. The President had learned the
truth of a favourite saying of Scharnhorst's : — " In war
it is not so niuch what one does that matters, but that
whatever action is agreed upon shall be carried out with
unity and energy."
Staff Work.
The confusion in the leadership was reproduced in
the very general dislocation of the Staff work. The
problem of the North was very much our own problem.
The original regular officers had been excellent. One
French critic considers that the West-Pointers were better
trained than any other officers in the world at the time.
But they were too fcft to go round. The large new armies
soon outgrew the supply of competent Staff oflicers,
and a trained Staff is the one thing most difficult to im-
provise.
• We are all too apt to ask from the Staff an impossible
perfection. Even the great Berthier nodded, and a
volume could be filled with the mistakes of Napoleon's
Staff officers. Efiicient Staff work in the modern sense
really dates from Moltke, and it was efficient simply
because his whole Staff had been organised and trained
before the war. In a struggle of improvised armies
the Staffs will rarely show anything like a high average
of competence. There will be some officers of the first
quality and very many hopelessly bad. Both North and
South suffered in this respect. Hooker's Staff work at
Chancellorsvillc was little worse than Longstreet's at
Gettysburg. At the beginning of the war the North
made the mistake of ranking Staff duties too low, and it
was only much rough handling which drove out this
heresy.
'Towards the end of the war the Staffs on both sides
had enormously improved, and remain to this day ex-
amples of what can be done towards training Staff officers
in the stress of a campaign. Lee's amazing stand in the
Wilderness and Grant's ultimate victory would alike
have been impossible with the Staff organisation of the
first two years.
Light and most interesting are the " Priixstan Memories
1864 — 1914," of Mr. Poultncy Bigelow, which Messrs. (i.
P. Putnam's Sons have just published. These memories
go back to the time of the Franco- Prussian War, and they
throw many vivid sidelights 01. Prussian character Iwth iu
comparatively humble and exceedingly exalted quarters.
The Kaiser and Prince Henry were playfellows of Mr. Bigelow
in his boyhood ; they were Red Indians together, and it is
evident that the author has a liking for Wilhelm II. Bismarck
he particularly disliked, and the whole atmosphere of tiie
Prussian Court seems to have jarred on him. It is a book
to be read by all who wish to gain insight into German
character. The experiences described are all first hand ;
and the general effect which they leave on the mind of the
reader is the extraordinary ignorance that has prevailed and
that still to some degree does prevail in this country on
the true nature of the German people.
The latest addition to' Messrs. Duckworth's admirable
half-crown Readers' Library is Life's Great Adi'cntme, a
book of essays by Francis Stopford, which was originally
published in 1912. These essays deal Ughtly with the deeper
problems of life — problems which nowadays occupy the minds
of so many more persons than they did four years ago. It
may be remembered that a favourite topic four or five years
ago was England's decadence, mainly the result, as we know
now, of German inspiration. The writer would have none
of it. " Neitlier' you nor anyone else," he obsei'ves to his
friend Epicurus, '•will convince me that the day of our
decline has dawned." The following brief passage reads
e\en more to the point to-day than when it was written. " The
true test of right living is not death in the odour of sanctity,
but readiness to so fight, to so suffer, and last of all, if need be,
to so die, that whatever calamity confronts us, the noblest
traditions of our race shall continue vigorous through our
actions. This may appear so small a matter, regarded from
a personal point of view, that it can well be left to chance ;
yet the life of the nation must hang on it one day — whether
in this decade, or a century lience, who can tell ? "
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
AND AFTER
MAnCH.
Tho Reoraanisation of the Empire: Couiiaeh of Pprffictlon.
liv SiK FRASris I'locoTi (late Cilicf Justioe of FIoiic Konc).
One Conilition of Vktorv. Hy Cai-tain V^am. Battink.
Vox PoiMili. By tiie KT. Hon. the Kap.l of Cromer, (i.e. I!.. o.M.
The Cry for Authority in' Fraiiep. lly the Abui; ¥.v.\R»t DliiNET.
• In Oremio Deonim "': a Kuper-Hiiitorical Pliantaisy (Berlin, 19- ?).
By SIR Thomas Barci.av.
Er.isinns. the VAacnioT of Kiirope. By PROP. Fosrnir Watson. H.l.lt.
La Itataille .!e I'Vuer: Imprcssjons d'un T(-nioin. By KMILE Vakuervei.uk.
I his Worhl's PLioe in the Universe. By A. P. Sivsttt.
Infant Mortality; a I'rohlem of the Land. By WlUIAM A. BRENn. M.D., B.Sc.
The Chilflren's Fowl. Bv Consihnoe K. JlAin.
'The Riime Tongue hut not the Same Langnage': some Impressions in tlie
Tnitejl States, 1914-15. By Gertride Kincstox.
' Holy Uus.<.ia.' By the III. IlEV. BISHOP BURI (Bishop for Xorth and
Central Kurope).
Tile Return of Rouiseau: a Reply to Mr. Mallock. By CECii. Chesterton.
Wilful Wuote, Woful Want. By F.DiTH Sellers.
The Forests of Kussia and their Present Importanc* to the Allies. By E. P.
STCBBiKd (Head of the Forestry Department, Edinburgh University).
Lord Hardirigc's Viceroyalty. By A. TCBUP ALL
London : Spott'iswoode & Co., Ltd., 5 New Street Square.
Marcn z, 19 16.
LAND AND WATER.
THE GOLD FETISH.
By Arthur Kitson.
THE meeting of the Associated Chambers of Com-
merce this week wll mark an important step
in our foreign trade pohcy. The members of
our commercial bodies are fully aroused to the
necessity of preparing for the coming trade war which
will be waged relentlessly at the conclusion of present
hostilities. The most urgent question, however, which
will doubtless occupy the attention of these bodies will
be the establishment of Industrial banks for assisting
British merchants in extending their trade and commerce
throughout the world. Tariff measures will prove of
little avail against the enemy, unless accompanied by a
radical change in our banking and iinancial methods.
Many members of our Chambers of Commerce have
written expressing their interest in — and in many cases
their agreement with — the articles on the Banking Ques-
tion in Land and Water. Some correspondents,
however, have expressed surprise that they have been
devoted principally to a criticism of our existing Financial
.System, whilst little has been said to indicate what
system should replace the present one. To such critics
it is sufficient to say, that before one can erect a new
building on the site of an old one, it is necessary first to
clear away all the rubbish and obstructions.
Our Banking System as I have hitherto pointed out,
is founded on several glaring fallacies. It is the product
of greed, ignorance and superstition. I have already
exposed one or two of these fallacies, such as the Gold
Basis fiction, and the so-called " Gresham " law, but
other errors equally glaring remain to be exposed and
eradicated before we can attempt to replace the present
institution with a better one.
Fallacious Principles.
Already many proposals have been offered to the
Government regarding what their authors believe would
prove salutary changes in our credit and monetary arrange-
ments, but these proposals are not likely to receive
serious consideration by the authorities until the current
theories and principles of finance are shown to be
fallacious.
The chief object of the writer of these articles is to
endeavour to convince the British public not only that the
existing financial system is , inadequate, dangerous and
costly, but that owing to the false teachings of financial
writers, the public has been defrauded of the free use of its
own credit for industrial and commercial purposes. Since
the War started, events have shown that the credit of
Great Britain is worth several thousands of milhons of
]wunds sterhng. On the other hand, the credit of all
tlic British banking companies combined is only a frac-
tion of that of the British nation. How is it then, that
the British Government compels the nation to sell its
superior credit for Bank credit and pay interest charges
for the exchange ? That " the whole is greater than a
part " is an elementary mathematical axiom. Why does
not the axiom hold good in financial matters ?
The credit of Great Britain comprises that of all the
British people and its institutions. Why then does the
Government enter into such an apparently foolish
l)argain as the exchange of the more valuable credit for
the less valuable and pay a premium ? The answer
is that the gold superstition still dominates the minds —
not only of the Government — but of the vast majority
of the citizens of this country. The average man still
believes that there is some special virtue in gold when
used for currency purposes which does not exist in paper.
It is the prevalence of this superstition that has cost this
country untold millions in interest charges which might
have been saved. And just as the poor benighted heathen
are victimised by their priests and sorcerers and induced
to pay to have their homes freed from imaginary devils
and evil spirits, so the average Britisher has been willing
to pay for the use of gold where paper would have answered
equally well and would have facilitated his business to
precisely the same degree.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer is reported to have
boasted in a recent speech in the House of Conunons
that every £1 note issued by the Government is redeem-
able in gold on demand. It" is to be hoped the public vnll
not take Mr. McKenna at his word, otherwise we shall
have a repetition of the Midsummer crisis of 1914. The
inference the Chancellor wishes us to draw from his
statement is, that our legal tender notes are valuable
because they can he redeemed in gold. So long as this
superstition prevails, so long will our producing classes
be taxed for the use of credit and currency, which, under
more enlightened conditions, they might have at practic-
ally little or nothing save the cost of service plus a small
tax for insurance.
Actual Facts. '
Let us at once face the actual facts. 7/ in the fulttre
our currency and credit are to be based on gold, aiid if they
a,re to he made redeemable in gold on demand, then our
industries, our trade and commerce must bs restricted. In
other words, the limit of enterprise and industry must be
the amount of gold that our banks are able to control and are
zailling to make available, and as for capturing German
trade, we may as laell abandon all our efforts. On the other
hand, if the people of this country hope greatly to increase
their trade and commerce, if they have any serious inten-
tions of capturing German trade, the gold basis will have to
he abandoned as being insecure and insufficient, and the
much safer and broader bxsis of the national credit will
have to replace it.
The statement made by Mr. McKenna regarding the
ability of the banks to redeem their obligations in gold
• has already proved to be incorrect. The real test was
made at the end of July and the beginning of August
1914, and nothing has happened since then to invalidate
or alter the result of that test. -Of course, what Mr.
McKenna means and what the bankers undoubtedly
mean when they speak of " gold redemption " is, that
so long as the public is content to take gold in small
quantities, the banks are able to perform their obhgations.
If the question of time be ehminated, any bank might
undertake to issue a million pounds of credit on a gold
reserve of one hundred pounds. But in financial matters,
time is always the essence of the contract. If the pubhc
demand gold redemption, they want redemption im-
mediately on demand, and not some months later — at
the banker's convenience.
It would undoubtedly be possible in the course of
six months for London Bridge to carry all the traffic that
now passes across the Thames in a single month. Sup-
posing during a Zeppelin raid, all the Thames bridges
were destroyed except one. Naturally the traffic would
be seriously disorganised. At the same time, this one
remaining bridge would no doubt enable the traffic to
continue, although greatly reduced, and at very serious
cost and delay to the London merchants and manufactur-
ers. The same is true in regard to the redemption of
credit in gold. In short, the gold standard and the gold
basis mean that trade and commerce must bs cut down
solely in the interests of the money-lending classes, in order
that they may be allowed to continue their control of credit.
A Serious Indictment.
One of the most serious indictments brought against
the gold basis will be found in a paper* read by Sir
Edward Holden of the London City and Midland Banking
Co. before the Liverpool Bankers' Institute, in December,
1907, immediately after the United States currency panic!
I cannot do better than reproduce Sir Edward's ex-
planation of the depreciation of securities in gold at that
time. His illustrations form one of the most complete
exposures of the blighting and depressing effects upon
trade and industry exercised by this gold superstition,
ever pubUshed. Sir Edward illustrated the condition of
the banks by a triangle which showed that credit
is necessarily restricted by gold, regardless of the enormous
wealth possessed by the nation in other forms. He first
* " The Depreciation of Securities in Relation to Gold
by Blad?s, East and Blades.^
(Publishod
LA:^D AiND WATER^.
March 2, 1916.
ria '•
the line
dcmancl
states — what is often forgotten — that loans create bank
credits, and if we regard all the Banks in London as one,
the business of banking becomes little more than a matter
ot book-keeping — the transfer of credit from one person
to another. He then proceeds as follows : —
The right sfde of the triangle shown here represents the
loans of tln' whole of tli: banks, and the left side represents
the cash Inilanoc or reserve. If, then, you draw a line from
the left of the base and equal to the base, you get the cash
credits in existence. If Iheli.iansand credits as represented by
the two sides of the triangle were the only two elements which
bankers had to take into
consideration, then there
would be no necessity
for them to restrict their
loans at all. and tradei-s
could increase their
.^ , ^ business and obtain loans
-JP/ N^ ad lili'.um. Hut there is
^/ — - — ^^ another element, and a
most imj^wrtant one, to
be taken into considera-
tion, and it iti the fact
that all the credits as
represented by the left
side of the triangle and
drawn from the base, are practically payable on
and in gold, assuming of course, that I5ank of
England notes represent gold.
Itverv banker must therefore, make up his mind by what
amounts his credits are liable to be diminished, both in ordin-
ary and extraordinary times, and when he has thus made up
his mind, he ought to" keep that amount of available resources
in gold, or as a means of olitainmg gold. Let us consider,
then, (hit th^ base of the triangle consists of gold, and it
is the ratio of the base of the triangle to the total credits
(both created and cash credits) which restrict bankers from
increasing undulv their loans. If business increases imduly,
and if bankers continue to increase the loan side of the
triangle, of course concurrently increasing tlieir credits, and
not Ix'ing able to increase tlu-'gold base of the triangle, then
evidently thev are getting into danger, and the only judicious
course which "they can pursue is to curtail their loans, curtail-
ing an undue increase of business, which curtails the credits,
and thus re-establish the ratio.
You here see the direct connection between trade on the
one hand and gold on the other, and that it is not so much
the production of gold as the amount of gold which can be
obtained for the purpose of increasing the bankers' reserves.
I venture to think that the above explanation will enable you
to come to the conclusion that, if the gold base of the triangle
cannot be increased, then the danger spot is the LO.\x.
I want you to remember that the banking system of
every country has its triangles, and that the principles enuncia-
ted above, exist in every triangle of every banking system
based on gold in the world ; that being so, it is clear, generally
speaking," that the business of tht- world is carried on by
means of loans, that loans create credits, that the stand-by
for the protection of credits is gold, and that therefore gold
controls trade.
It may happen that the trade of one country grows by
leaps and bounds, the loans and credits, of course, following,
while the trade of other countries remaips normal. What,
then takes place ? The gold base of the triangle of the lonner
becomes too small, and it is necessary to enlarge it. How is
the increase effected ? It is effected hj: the representative
bank of the more prosperous country attacking the gold Imsis
of the triangle of other countries, and the instrument by which
th.' attack is made is the rate of discount. By this means
L'uld will !)(' attracted from the bases of the triangles of other
countries, and unless those bases are too great for the adequate
protection of the credits, the representative banks of those
countries will meet the attack bv also putting up their rates.
But it may happen that the trade of every country has in-
creased bv leaps and bounds, and that all loans and credits
havCalsuincreased. Then the light biggins by c-very country
putting up its rate, first to prevent its base being dimmished,
and, secondly, to increase it if possible.
Let us clearly understand the meaning of this very
lucid and tnithfiil illustration. Our producing classes
are being urged to dt) their best to capture German trade.
Now no extension of trade is possible under present
conditions except through the increase of bank loans.
Supposing that these loans are granted and the enterprise,
skill and industry of our peoole are rewarded by a great
increas'j in trade. NN'hat certainty have they that they
will Ix- permitted to kc(;p this trade ? And wliat is to
The answers are (i) that since trade depends upon
the credit allowed by the banks, which in turn depends
upon the amount of the gold reserves, there is absolutely
no certainty. (2) That the limit is gauged neither by
the cnterpri.se of our people nor the extent of the markefK
open for British goods, but by the same accidents, ev;^nts
and conditions which make all our industrial operations
so uncertain, viz : — the imports and exports of gold.
Now London is the only free gold market in the world.
Supposing therefore that after the War, Germany or the
L'nited States, or both, determine to wage a relentless
commercial war for the World's markets. Not only will
they attack by endeavouring to undersell us. but they will
try to cripple us in our most vulnerable spot : — viz, oju
Gold Market. By withdrawing gold from London they
can compel our banks to reduce their loans to British
merchants, and our efforts at capturing German trade will
be fruitless. And the only weapon of self-defence our
bankers control is the Bank rate ! In a former article 1
gave an illustration of the relation of gold to credit and
commerce by means of this inverted pyramid.
If we apply Sir Edward Holden's conclusion-, to th.e
hgure of this inverted pyramid, we shall see at a glance
how the movements of "gold affect our trade and com-
merce. We have as before a comparatively smrll amount
of gold supporting an enormous \olume of credit, bank
loans, etc., on which
rests the vast business
interests of the nation.
Now this volume of
credit is supposed to
bear a certain relation
to the gold reserves
held by the banks.
Exactly what this is.
the public can never
tell, for the reason
that only two banks
in London publish their gold holdings, viz. :— the Bank
of England and the London City and Midland Bank, of
which Sir Edward Holden is its very able chairman.
Of course, tliis relation necessarily varies from time
to time, but no banker would go on indelinitely increasing
his loans without increasing his gold reserves. And vice
versa, if his gold reserves are shrinking the prudent
banker will necessarily be compelled to call in that pro-
portion of his loans corresponding to the redtiction in his
reserves. Now the ratio of gold to bank credit m practice
i^ supposed to vary from 10 to 20 per cent. Supposing our
foreign competitors succeeded in withdrawing £5,000,000
in gold from the Bank of England. The bank loans
must be reduced to the extent of £25,000,000 to
£50,000,000 to preserve the previously existing ratio.
And by withdrawing this credit, of course the trade and
commerce dependent on such loans are destroyed.
Our Fig. 2 graphically represents the disastrous
elTect on credit and commerce by this export of gold.
Sir Edward Holden's Liverpool address was a very frank
admission that the gold basis— together with our free
gold market— places British trade and industry at the
mercy — not only of our trade competitors but— of the
buUion dealers" and speculators of the world! His
illustrations show that any long continued period of
indu.strial prosperity is made impossible by the restric-
tions imposed by the gold-redemption system. He
further shows (no doubt unconsciously) that the gold
basis is a brake upon the wheels of industry, continually
interfering with the rate of production. Here also is the
explanation of the phenomenon that periods of prosperity
are inevitably followed by periods of depression.
Increased trade demands increased banking facilities
- -increased loan.s— but the moment credit is increased to
meet this demand, tlK; gold reserves are strained, the bank
rate is raised, loans are called in. the brake is applied .0
the wheels of industr\-, production is checked, employees
are discharged, enterprise is discouraged, and the extra
demand for nicmey and credit, which prosperous times
retpiire, is choked off !
In short, our financial system destroys prosperity,
and reduces trade to tlu^ amount of gold available. So
that the mechanism of exchange, instead of facilitating
trade at all times, actuallv checks it. It first stimulates
industry, and then destroys it. The gold basis has
bL'come both the life and death of Trade.
March 2, 19 16.
LAND AND WATER.
OF SUCH IS OUR KINGDOM
By Eden Phillpotts.
SO close to the sere waste was the colour of him,
that not until .alongside did one perceive this
snuidge of tawny was no part of the dead heath
and fern, but a youth in khaki resting on a
boulder beside the highway.
" Bit off more than I can chew," he said. " This is
my hrst dav without crutches and I've gone too far."
He had one stout stick beside him and no more.
" Could you get on with an arm t'other side ? "
" Yes, to rights, if it han't asking too much."
His village home lay two miles off and we started
for it.
" I came up over as gay as you please, and thought
I was all right ; but I can't travel like I could afore I
was hit and my foot's properly tired " he explained.
" Wounded in France ?
" No— (ialhpoli. Only a touch and I'm well again,
but it gets tired. Got a week at home after hospital ;
then I join up."
" You're pretty young j'et."
" In sight of twenty," he said. " But ten 3'ears older
than that I reckon. "
" The war's turned a good many boys into men."
" In a way. It's funny being back to Widecombe
and seeing what was my hfe, and what seemed good
enough not much more than a year ago.'!
'■ It's all shrunk a bit —eh ?
" That's just it, " he said eagerly. " If that iddcn
the ver}' word ! It's all shrunk — all of it. Afore I went,
Dartymoor seemed a tidy big place and I couldn't picture
a bigger ; but now " He broke off and laughed.
' When I came out of hospital and down to Newton, I
lifted my eyes and said, ' Now for old Dartymoor.' And
if vou'd believe it, I looked for Hey Tor Rock up in the
s'.<y ! And then suddenly I see two little grey mole-hills
far down under, and there was Hey Tor Rock. I left it
a mighty big thing and come home to find nought at all ! "
"You've seen some real mountains meantime .■* "
" So I have then. Home's shrunk — that's the word.
E\ervthing's shrunK' — the blessed people have shrunk
1 reckon ! "
" It's your new point of view. Shall you go back
farming ? "
" I wonder about that," he said. " There's some-
thing good to it. It never seemed particular good much
before, but just life. I'm very fond of cattle. But it
wouldn't be the same again. Though home's got small
in one wa\', it's got big in another. You take it for
granted till you've been away from it and got knocked
about. Then when you came back you find there was a
lot more to it than you thought."
" You see more of the truth of it? " He nodded.
He presented the interesting spectacle of an intelli-
gent man, whose ideas ran beyond his power of ex-
pression ; but it was easy to see what he was feeling.
" Do you want to go back ? "
" I do. It's not the same things being up against
Turks as Germans. I want to do my bit against Germans.
There's more to it. I'd sooner knock out one German
than ten Turks."
" I can understand that. But you don't want to be
a soldier all your time ? "
" No. I'll be very glad to come back to my father
I believe. All the same I wouldn't, have missed it.
You can't never be the same again. I tell the starred
chaps that they don't know they're born and, what's
more, they don't know they're 'fenglish. dood Lord !
If they was to go out into the world '&nd see what our
pals in the war think of tiie Lnglish. And our own
—the Canadians and Anzacs— every riiother's son."
■ We rested awhile and looked down through twilight
at the tiny hamlet of Widecombe— a nest of cots with
little fields spread on the hills round about under the moor,
and a church tower above grey, naked sycamores.
" That's my home," he said, pointing to a farmhouse
on the nearer slope. " I see trenches wherever I look
nowadays. I thought I knew how to dig before I joined,
but I didn't even know how to dig. 'Tis funny to see
labouring men digging now. You want to yell at 'em."
Wc parted presently at his outer gate and he was
generous of thanks.
" Four of us have joined up since I came back,"
he said as we shook hands. " Of course, I can't put it
before 'em like truth ; but so soon as the chaps begin to
scent out a bit what it means, the right sort go along."
" And the wrong sort ?
" They ain't no blank good whether or no," he said.
" There's men down there who say to your face that 'tis
all one to them whether Bill or (ieorge reigns over 'em.
And you can't make 'em sse different. You can put 'em
into khaki, of course, and get 'em a bit nearer to being
men ; but there ain't no brains to work on."
He limped off climbing the hill again ; and where
the moors sank to amorplious masses of gloom under
gatliering darkness, onr returned with imagination
(piickened and an emotion of large satisfaction after the
soldier's talk.
For it echoed the mo\'ement at work in millions of
youthful minds ; it promised the certainty that in
measure of their intellect, the potei^.tial fathers of the
race to come will face life after the war in a larger spirit,
with heightened imderstanding and far wider \-ahies than
of old. And that comprehension, like a dawn, is brighten-
ing the eyes of all the Empire's children, now meeting in
the flesh for the first time, and mingling in such sacred
service for their common ^Mother, that henceforth, from
])alm to pine, and pole to pole, must quicken a mightier
spirit and throb a steadier heart.
On the morning of this day I had read the biggest
word on the subject that had yet appeared in a public
print —a word of flame, well showing how once again
the soul that inspires our Empire's self-governing colonics
may be sought to breathe wisdom and the new life into
the aged Motherland ; for in Canada, Australia, New
Zealand and the Cape shall be found a Medea with en-
chantments great enough to bring new youth to the
I'nited Kingdom. IMr. Hughes, the Prime Minister of
Australia, has been sworn a Member of the Canadian
Privy Council and attended a meeting of the Cabinet —
an event at once unparalleled in the chronicles of limpire
and golden with infinite possibility.
SORTES SHAKESPEARIANv^,
By SIR SIDNEY LEE.
THE KAISER.
He hath iiu friends bul who arc friends
for fear,
Which in his greatest need tvi'l shrink
from him.
RICHARD HI., V. ii.. 201.
THE VOTE OF CREDIT.
The strongest castle, tciver cr tiivn,
The go/den Inllcf ben's it dczvn.
THE PASSIONATE PILGRIM, xix.. 29 30.
TO THE CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTOR.
77iere are inore things in heaven and earth,
Hora'io,
Than are dreamt of in )our philosophy.
HAMLET. L. v.. 165-7.
LAND AND WATER
^farch 2, 1916.
THE ART OF PENNELL.
And the Graft of Germany at Work.
By Haldane Macfall.
BECAUSE of these things that Pennell's sKJlk-d
hand has limned, I write these impressions of
the latest phase of his art in a vast camp of
armed men where battalions upon battalions
lie along the ridges as a division prepares itself for battle.
One's mind travels back some thirty years to the day
when one was learning the craft and subtlety of battle
oneself, little foreseeing the world tumult that lay forward ;
and, curiously enough, out of that distant calm comes to
me amongst many impressions the work of a young
American —Joseph Penncll. He and his charming wife
were cycling over the Canterbury Pilgrimage and he was
laying the foundations of that sound reputation for
journalistic art which he has steadily increased ever since
— he illustrating and she writing their delightful ad-
ventures. I use the word " journalistic " in its best sense.
The pen line was harder and the hand more mechanical in
those days ; but the drawings were fine stuff, and, like
most of Pennell's work, are amongst my art treasures.
Pennell, like several of the young American illustrators,
must have been under the intluence of Viergo in his
beginnings ; but as his hand's skill increased, he rapidly
developed a free use of the pen line which led nj^ to the
s?rics of exquisite pen-and-ink landscapes that make
the HifiJiways and Byways series of English County
histories one of the finest achievements of modern
illustration.
Poems of Masonry.
From the best artists of the age, Pennell has taken
and added to his technical mastery of the pen-line, until
his large drawings of cathedrals and other buildings
have become poems in the interpretation of masonry.
Curiously enough, his small pen-and-ink work always
holds something of the large vision ; his very large
drawings lack this largeness, and, for all their charm, seem
to be deficient in strength and breadth. This paradox
of technique is easily accounted for, when we come to
weigh the strength and the weakness of Pennell's vision
and utterance, and above all his psychology and artistic
character, with a glimpse at his intellectuality. One
does not take the trouble to examine an artist's soul to
this extent imless he be a tiiie artist —and Pennell is a
true artist. Nor can these drawings of " Germany at
Work," which appear on page 2 of this issue, be
appreciated at their real value until we under-
stand sometiiing of the psychology and craft of
the man who made them ; and who, all unv.itting of
the thing he has done, has by his very coldness of vision
and lack of jiassion added to the damning indictment
against the Prussian.
Perhaps the worst inlUience under which Pennell
came was the masterful, aggressive, and mentally un-
scrupulous soul .of Whistler. No man ever talked more
utter trash about art and in a more exquisite way than
Whistler : no man when he set to work to create art
more ruthlessly rid himself of his intellectual falsities
and surrendered himself more to the thoroughly emotional
achic\ement of the impression he desired to utter.
Pennell, realising the high artistic achievement of the
man, accepted and became missionary to the falsities of
his intellect, and thereby limited his own powers. We
see it again and again in the notes which he sets down
in his catalogue to " Germany at Work." For instance,
" all great work, like great art, is the carrying on of
tradition." This is a half-truth which fails utterly
to grasp the significance of art ; it's just the old
beauty fallacy in its nightshirt. Obviously art is eternal
but craftsmanship has evolved, and it is precisely in the
aping of a dead tradition that all art endeavour finds its
grave. We see Pennell's intellectual .self-deception again
in such a passage as " the gasomet(Ms are built inside the
great castles, and so become picturesque instead of
eyesores," bywhich he reallymeans that the thing which
man calls a gasometer is a hideous thing and astutely
faked by the Germans in liiding it inside an old castle ;
yet the greater part of his notes are given to glorifying
factories and workshops to the disparagement of castles
and cathedrals ! Now this dishonesty of intellect you
will never find in Pennell's artistry : the moment, like
Whistler, he stops talking about art and sets to work to
create it, he reaches fine achievement. It is Dr. Jekyll
and Mr. Hyde.
His Artistic Utterance.
Let all Pennell's talk about art go. What are
the limits and the heights of his artistic utterance ? The
chief lack is absence of that passion or intensitv of feeling
by which alone the mightiest art is created. On the other
hand there is a serene sincerity of vision that gives a
rare dignity to the vision of the man. Take for instance
the drawing of " Within the Lacc-Work of Steel " in
the Vulcan Shij)yard at Hanaburg, with its fine perspec-
tive and cadence. Pennell confides to us that it was
"difficult to draw" and " e.vciting " ; we realise the
draughtsmanship but we get no hint of the excitement.
Or take the fine lithograph of " The Hut of the Cape of
Good Ho])e Steel Works at Oberhausen," with its beauty
of spacing and arrangement, and compare the cold
hard eye of this man who saw it with the eye of such a
poet as Rrangwyn or Millet or Meunier. Think of the
dramatic intensity of the appeal of this thing to Brangwyn,
and imagine what he would have given us, and we see the
vast gulf that separates what one may call in its highest
sense " pictorial journalism " from " dramatic art."
I am dwelling perhaps a little unduly and with
some insistency on this point of the cold deliberate
% ision and freedom from all temper in Pennell's display of
"Germany at Work" in order to press its high value to-day
from its very lack of passion. Brangwyn and Meunier
and Millet led the way in modern art to the revelation of
the glory and wonder of work ; but they did it with
intensity of temper and vision. Look at one of Brang-
wyn's men carrying a load along a plank gangway from
a great ship, and he gets the power of the thing with the
joy that an old Greek sculptor got out of carving an athlete
in marble. With Pennell, no. There is the record,
stated with exquisite detail and balance, of a witness.
In order to convince one of his joy in the thing he has to
j)rint it in the catalogue ; he has subordinated his art
to his intellect, and confined his emotional statement to
his self-criticism of the limits of his powers
Proof of German Intentions.
It so happens that it is as well so. If we needed
proof of (icrmany's vast intention to set out and over-
whelm the world, it could be found in this cold-blooded
evidence of Pennell's that is without bias or exaggeration
or sentiment — evidence indeed that is rather admiration
than condemnation. It seemed to thinking men until
a few years ago an unthinkable thing that a whole people
could have been organised into an ambition to one end.
But the German did it ; his ver\' narrowness of skuli
and that aggressive ignorance called Kultur helping
and binding his sinews to the fantastic endeavour.
The day the Royal House of Prussia dropped the Pilot
in 1890, Bismarck, as he stepped from the helm of State,
must have been filled with a strange wonder as to where
his teachings were going to lead the realm that he had
created with such astounding sKill and unscrupulousness.
He shook his head at the councils of the new bloods ; he
foretold the wreckage, be sure of it, or he had not been
dismissed the ship. But even Bismarck must have
stood a-wonder at the work the professors had already
achieved— the inoculation of high and low with the
views of Germany's destiny as the lord of the earth.
Every schoolboj', every student, spectacled doctor and
lawyer, grocer's boy, waiter, labourer, soldier, sailor,
l^arson, pauper, poop, and. king, had decided that this
slave-race of which they were, could by organisation
create Germany into a world-empire and niler over the
earth. To that end they bent their commerce, their
philosophy, their religionj their thinking, their God.
■March 2, iqxO.
LAND AND WATER
GHAYA.
A Romance of the South Seas.
By H. de Vere Stacpoole.
■ Synopsis : Macquart, an adventurer who has spent
most Of his lite at sea, finds himself in Sydney on his beam ends.
He has a wonderful story of gold hidden up a river in New
Guinea and a chance acanaintance, Tillman, a sporting man
about town, fond of yachting and racing, offers to introduce him
to a wealthy woolbroker , Curlewis, with a view to financing the
scheme. Macquart also snakes the acquaintance of Houghton,
a ivell-educated Englishman out of a job, -who has done a good
deal of yachting in his time. Curlewis turns down the scheme,
though Macquart tells his story in a most convincing manner.
His silent partner Screed believes in it, and unbeknown to
Curle-ivis, folloivs the three men, asks them to his home, and
agrees to find the ship and the money, on seeing that Macquart' s
hidden treasme map agrees with an Admiralty chart. The
ship is the yawl " Barracuda." Screed, on the morrow, takes
(he three men over the " Barracuda," with which they are de-
lighted. Coming away Macquart is overtaken by an old friend,
one Captain Hull, who hails him as B — y Joe, and accuses
him of many mean crimes. Macquart gives Captain Htdl
the slip, but unbeknown to him Hull gets in touch with Screed,
arid enlightens him on the real character of Macquart. Just as
the " Barracuda " is about to sail Screed takes Htdl on board
and unexpectedly introduces him to Macquart as a men}ber of
the crew. Before the ship is a day out Captain Htdl makes it
plain to Macquart he is on the look-out for his " monkey tricks."
CHAPTER IX.
A V'isioN OF THE Deep.
THEY passed the latitude of Point Danger with
the land a hundred and thirty miles to port,
drawing closer ashore till they reached 25 degs.
with Great Sandy Island showing away across
the blue and sparkling sea.
Never were adventurers more blessed by weather ; days
of azure and nights of stars brought them steadily north
with a warm, favourable wind that made life a delight. The
sails needed scarcely any handling, watches were kept anyhow
and Macquart, who had promised great things in the way
■of assistance in working and navigating the boat, " let go
all holts," to use the expression of Hull, and- retired into
himself, snoozing most of the day in his bunk below.
Hull, on the contrary, having promised nothing and com-
ing on board in fact as a supercargo, did much. He took
his trick at the wheel, helped in the navigation and slowly and
surely from the very first day, rose in ascendancy.
He was an older man than any on board, except Macquart;
he was a very big man physically and it would seem that he
possessed some pinch of that iron stuff of the soul that makes
for ascendancy. However that might be, the fact remains
that by the time they had reached the Point Danger latitude
the crew of the Barracuda had shaken themselves down just
as a chemical mixture precipitates itself. Tillman, who had
started as captain had, without recognising the fact, all but
given up his position to Hull. Jacky, the black fellow, owing
to his practical knowledge of the sea, immense activity and
quickness in the uptake, had come out of the galley, so to
speak, and risen to a sphere of usefulness even above Hough-
ton's. Macquart, who ought to have been leader of the
whole party, if not captain, had sunk to the bottom, and it
was the plain truth that here, faced with the actualities of the
expedition, he appeared to have no more sway upon the
fortunes of the business than any cockroach crawling in the
cabin.
I say " appeared," for Macquart was one of those men of
whom it is impossible to speak definitely, one of those men
who are never ro potent or so dangerous as when they appear
idle or innocuous.
Things were like this when an event occurred thUt brought
Hull even more to the forefront and consolidated his position.
They had passed the latitude of the Cumberland Islands, the
tail of the Great Barrier Reef lay by computation fifty miles
to port and ahead all that tangle of' reefs and cays stretchmg
from the Madelaine Cays to Flinders Reef. The wind that
had been holding fair and steady suddenly dropped and they
awoke one morning to find themselves drifting in a glacial
calm.
Tillman came on deck at six lr>^ his pyjamas and with a
tOTv-el over his arm ; he found that ^-cky had left the wheel
and was busy in tlie gallev. The Barracuda with her beam to
the swell was rolling slightly to the tune of creaking cordage
and swinging boom,' the air was still and breathless, and the
great sun was blazing upon a world of water and sky infinite
and wonderful in its depths and shades of azure.
The sea like a great veil of sapphire-tinted satin, heaved
in wide meadows of swell, there was not a ruffle on its surface
and all to the east it blazed back the light of the sun like a
mirror.
" My word ! " said Tillman. He stood for a moment
whistling and skimming the horizon with his eyes, when he
undressed and began to tub. Jacky leaving the galley for
the purpose of throwing buckets of water over him.
As he dried, Houghton came on deck followed by Hull.
" It's a dead flat cam," said Hull, standing with his
hands clasping the bulwark rails and his gaze fixed across the
sea, " and I'd sooner see a gale o' wind — I would so — I'd
sooner see a gale o' wind."
" What are you croaking about ? " said Tillman.
Hull ruffled at this and for the first time on the voyage,
showed irritation.
" You're a damn longshoreman." said he. " If you ain't
alive to the meanin' of a ca'm in these waters with the drift
we've got, you'll maybe liven up when we're aground on
some b y reef. She's been drifting half the night and
this thing may last for days. We're a long sight too close to
that there Barrier to please yours trooly — that's my meanin'."
Tillman, seeing the other's frame of mind, went below to
dress whilst Hull, cutting a chew of tobacco, stood with
his back to the bulwark rail, watching and criticising Hough-
ton, who was now being swilled by Jacky.
" I never can understand what you chaps find in that
sort of thing," said the Captain who was ungiven to super-
fluous washing. " If a chap was to swill water on me like
that I'd kick him blind instead of payin' him tebbacca to do
it same as you pay Jacky. It ain't nach'ral."
" It bucks one up," said Houghton.
The Captain, having no answer to this, walked aft. Then
seeing Jacky coming from the galley with a steaming coffee-pot
in his hand, he went below, Houghton followed him, and
breakfast was served. Canned kippered herrings, fried bacon,
and tomatoes formed the meal. Jacky had baked some rolls
the night before and there was ship's bread — which nobody
touched.
Hull's bad temper vanished before the food. His appetite
was enormous, and he was proud of it ; Macquart, never a
great eater, had come from his bunk unshaved and disre-
putable-looking and was seated before a cup of coffee. Till-
man and Houghton, fresh from their tub and fiUed with the
good spirits of youth were talking and laughing and Jacky,
having served the food, had skipped on deck again on Hull's
order to keep a look-out for anything he might see.
The Barracuda, rolling gently to the swell, kept up a con-
tuiuous whine, cordage, blocks, spars and timbers all lending
voice.
" She don't like hanging idle," said Tillman, " but
there's no use in her grumbling. The glass is steady for one
thing."
" Ay, it's steady enough," said Hull. " I'd sooner see
it dropping a bit, ca'ms like this get on my spine, for why
I don't know. It's maybe becos I was laid up in one once
in the old Monterey, a three master, she were, forty days out
of London bound for Durban. Head winds right to Bathurst
and a dead flat ca'm on the line. There we lay and rotted
two weeks, short o' water, and seventeen dozen sharks pokin'
their noses round her starn !"
At half-past eleven that day — three bells — Tillman,
who was rigging up an awning with the help of a spare sail,
had his attention drawn to Hull who was standing shading his
eyes with his hand and staring over the sea to port.
Tillman left his work and looked. A quarter of a mile,
(jr less, away a strange oily patch was visible on the surface
of the water and even as he gazed, suddenly, a little burst of
foam broke the sea surface.
He had no time to speak before Hull was on him.
" We're driftin' on to shoals," cried Hull. " Get the
boat out for towin, it's our only chance." He rushed to
the cabin hatchway and called to the fellows below, then,
turning, and helped by Jacky and Tillman, he began lowering
the boat ; when she was water-borne and floating alongside
he looked round.
" Where's Mac ? " he cried.
" He hasn't come up yet," repUed Houghton.
Hull turned, went to the cabin companion-way and dived
below, a sound of shouting and struggling was heard and next
LAND AND WATER
March 2, 1916.
moment Macquart, crimson in the face and seeming half
strangled, was literally shot upwards on deck as though
blown by an- explosion.
Hull on going below had found Macquart lying in his bunk
reading an old copy of the Bulletin. Ordered on deck and
refusing the order, he had found himself suddenly seized,
half-throttled, and thrust up the liatchway.
All the animosity of Hull for this old time partner of his.
all the hatred which he suppressed and kept under and
covered over with fair or jesting words had suddenly blazed
out. Tillman, though he had httle time to think recognised
this fact and took a momentary chill at the si{;ht of the fury
that had dwelt among them, hid away and sealed, suddenly
unbottled like this.
Seizing Macquart by the scruff of his neck, Hull rushed
him to the port bulwarks till the buttons of his coat clashed
against the rail.
" Over you get." he cried.
Next moment Macquart was in the boat, the tow rope
was made fast and she forged ahead, Tillman, Jacky, Macquart
and Houghton at the oars.
Hull remained on board shouting directions and attending
to the tow rope.
As Tillman rowed, some instinct prompted him to take
a peep over the gunnel of the boat. In the brilliant water
and seeming only a few yards beneath the surface, he saw
rocks streeling fantastic and variegated weeds to the tide.
Few things could be more disturbing than that sight here,
far from land and seemingly in the midst of the deep, deep
ocean. It had a touch of the uncanny ; and the swell made
it more terrifying still ; for the swell, though so wide-spaced
as scarcely to be noticeable, had the lift and fall of a fathom
so that now the rocks would be clear-viewed and now more
vague, and nothing is more soul searching than that trick
of the sea when it is played upon one in mid-ocean. But
the work on hand gave little time for thought. Of all the
labours of the sea, towing is the most heart-breaking when
the tow is of any size and unless the towing boat is properly
manned. They were unused to this special work, the idle
life on board the Barracuda had put them out of training and
the heat of the sun was terrific.
Macquart suffered even more than the others being older
and having less use of his muscles.
Tillman, who rowed stroke, kept his eye on Hull and took
his orders, and the Barracuda, now with her head turned away
from the threatened danger, was making slow progress almost
due east.
■' There's a baling tin somewhere in the bottom of the
boat," said Tillman, " fetch it up, one of you and give us a
shrice all round."
Houghton found it and did as he was told, and then the
weary work went on.
After nearly an hour of it, dazed, beaten, with scarcely
an ounce of energy left, they were suddenly brought to hfe
and full consciousness by a hail from the Captain.
A breeze was coming up from the southward. A huge
violet fan of ruffled water was spreading towards the Barracuda
still prisoned in the dead, crystalline calm.
They laid, the boat alongside and scrambled on board
just as the breeze touched the canvas and the main boom
swung to port. Hull had unlashed the wheel and when
they were on deck he ordered the boat to be streamed astern.
" No time to waste pickin' her up till we're clear of this
tangle," he shouted. " Get to your places."
) The mainsail had been set with two reefs in it for fear
of a sudden squall, the reefs were shaken out, then foresail
and flying jib were set and the Barracuda began to talk.
Making six knots and with the dancing boat following her like
a dog on a lead, she drew off steadily to the east nor' east,
leaving the region of shoals and reefs behind her.
Hull kept the lead going at intervals. Then when he
considered all clear water ahead he brought the boat in and
set a course to the northward. He had taken command of the
Barracuda. Without a word to Tillman or the others, he
bad stepped into the position of chief man on board and
leader of the expedition.
When the boat was secured, Hull, who was now at the
wheel, began to talk.
" We've been near done for by lazing and bad seaman-
ship." said he. " That was a point of the Barrier Reef,
which means to say we're out of our course by scores of miles,
and that's your fault, Tillman. I should a' took the sun
mjreelf and worked the reckonin'. No use in complainin'
now, we've got to make right and there's no manner o' use
talkin'. Then, again, the watches are all upside down,
we've kep' no proper look out, chaps have been lyin' in their
bunks that o ght- to a' been on deck. That's got to be set
right. Now then, you, whater you goin' below for ? "
" I'm going to fetch my pipe," said Macquart, who had
his foot on the top step of the cabin companion-way.
" You stay here on deck till I've finished talkin'," said
Hull. " You've got to do your bit along with the rest of us
and no skulkin'. Up with you and stand there by Jacky.
I'm going to pick watches with Mr. Tillman."
Macquart obeyed.
" I takes Mac," said Hull.
" And I take Houghton," said Tillman.
" Right you are." said the Captain, " and Jacky can help
as wanted. Now then, Mr. Tillman, you can go below with
the starboard watch, and you, Mac, can go down and fetch
your pipe and don't you be two minutes huntin' for it, or I'll
come after you and liven you."
.As Macquart went below, Houghton caught the glance
he shot at Hull and at the same time a glimpse of the enmity
that lived between these two men.
CHAPTER X.
Torres Straits.
\HEY passed Latitude 15° S. and entered the Coral
Sea, the weather growing warmer and the sea bluer
day by day, and the nights more tremendous with
stars.
To Houghton the farther they went the more did the world
of the tropics open like some vast and mysterious azure flower.
The steamer that brought him to New South Wales had
shown him little of the true mystery of this world of the sun,
but here, in the Barracuda, so close to the sea, so dependent on
the winds, so touched by the sun, life became a new thing
and the world a wonderland.
Nautilus fleets passed them and the foam flickers flung
from the fore foot of the yawl looked like marble shavings
on the lazulite of the sea. White gulls chased them and
flittered hke snowflakes against the burning azure of the sky,
and ever and ever the tepid wind pursued them whilst the
Barracuda snored to it, lifting her stern to the heave of the
swell and filling the hull with the whispering and slapping of
the bow wash.
Black fish walloped along, sometimes, as though racing
them, and gulls, fish, nautilus fleets and wind all seemed
bound and hurrying in the same direction — the Line ; the very
sea that bore the Barracuda seemed racing towards the same
goal, as though the world and all in it were pressing forward
to some great carnival of colour and light.
One evening they sighted Banks Island, swimming in a
pearly haze on the far horizon.
iSanks and Malgrave Islands stand out in Torres Straits
from the point of Cape York like twins.
" That's Banks," said Hull, " it's not the first time I've
seen it. What you say, Mac ? "
'• Well," said Macquart, " if you are sure of it what's
the good of asking me — yes, it's Banks Island right enough."
" Well, then, why can't you say so like a Christian ? "
flared out Hull. " Blest if you ain't growin' more like a
m'hogany image every day."
" We're nearly into the Straits," cut in Tillman, who
had been looking at the chart, " isn't it a bit dangerous to
hold on like this at night ? How would it be to heave to oft
the coast till morning ? "
" Heave to ? " said Hull. " Why, it's a'most a full
moon, and she rises less than an hour after sundown ; no, sir,
we'll hold as we are and run the Straits with the help o' the
wind. I've no notion of hangin' about waitin' for another
ca'm or maybe a gale, to pile us on them rocks ; glass is steady,
but glass or no glass, I'm goin' to push on. I'm mighty
anxious to raise that river."
Jacky was at the wheel. Houghton, belonging to Till-
man's watch, was below. They went down, and Hull, getting
the charts on the table, laid them out. There was the big
chart of the New Guinea Coast and Torres Straits and the
track chart showing their course and Banks Island.
Hull pondered over the big chart on which was marked
the point of disemboguement of Macquart's river. J
" When we pass Banks," said he, " we'll be a hundred
and eighty, or maybe, two hundred miles from the river
mouth, allowin' for current and not wishin' to pile her on the
reefs, I take it we'll be nosin' into the mouth of that river day
after to-morrer mornin'. // the wind holds. It's just on the
edge of Dutch Guinea. Y'see, up here, if the chart showed it,
would be the Fly River, that's all British. Well, Mac, you'll
have some pilotin" to do day after to-morrer mornin'."
Macquart's eyes were singularly bright and he seemed
to have shaken off the black dog that had been on his back
for the last week or so. Maybe it was the near approach
to the scene of his dreams, or maybe it was some other cause,
but cheerfulness had him in her keeping.
Houghton, who had tumbled out of his bunk to help in
the consultation, noticed the fact.
" Yes," said Macquart, " I seem to smell the place already,
\
20
March 2, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
ii'ii>iip,jj(<yiwrgw>?.wr»'-
Chaya, « Romance of the South Seat j
[inuslnilcd b<j Juieph Simpson, li.B.A.
"Over you get," he cried.
and I'm thinking you'll have your work cut out too, towing
her up unless the wind is dead astern."
" We'll do our endeavours." said the captain. " And
now, whiles we've got the chance with a good offin' and nuthin'
to trouble us, let's lay our dispositions. ' It's fifteen years and
more since you've been up that river, Mac— oh, I know all
that yarn of jiow you got the chart and location from a chap
named Smith, but we'll suppose you was one of Lant's crew
—we're all gentlemen here together, and there's no use in
hidin' things up. I don't want to get at none of your secrets
they wouldn't be no use to me, but what I do want to know
is this : How were them natives disposed that time you were
here, were they a fightin' lot or mugs readv to play their
souls for coloured beads ? "
" The natives are all right," said Macquart, " if they arc
treated right."
Houghton, who had heard Macquart'sstorv as told to Cur-
lewis, felt aghast at Macquart'scool half acceptance of Hull s
suggestion that Macquart had been one of Lant's crew. If
that were so, then it was almost certainly Macquart who had
assisted Lant in the sinking of the Terschelling with her crew
aboard, and who had, in turn, done away with Lant himself,
■' Well," said Hull, " we must leave it at that. I've never
more than snuffed the New Guinea coast, but whether they're
friendly or not, we've got the arms and the bullets to down
them with if they make trouble. Now we'll go o\'er them.
Mr. Tillman, will you fetch out your rifles and small arms for
an overhaul ? "
2T
LAND AND WATER
March 2, 1916.
Tiilman went to the locker where the arms were stored.
He had arranged with Screed for the arming of himself
Houghton and Macquart. Tliere were three Winchesters and
three Savage automatic pistols with ammunition.
He brought them to the table and Hull, having cleared
away the ch rts, the weapons were placed on it for inspection.
The ammunition was kept in another locker. Tillman fetched
the cases of cartridges and placed them by the rifles.
Hull made a careful examination of the lot ; then he
said :
" There's a rifle and a pistol apiece for us three. Mac,
here, is not a fighting man, Iiis business is to nose out the
stuff, our business is to s and by with the guns. Did you ever
by any chance see chaps out shootin' with a dog ? The dog
noses out where the birds is hid and the chaps with the guns
stand by to lire. Well, Mac's our dog — ain't you, Mac ? "
Macquart made no reply for a moment, then he laughed.
" You can put it like that," said he. " Well what
more's to be done ? "
The ( aptain loaded one of the automatic pistols and put
it in his pocket with a packet of cartridges. Then he loaded
the two others and gave one to Hougliton and one to Till-
man, also a packet of cartridges apiece.
" Being nearly on the spot," said he, " it's time for us
to get ourselves in trim ; the rifles can go back in the locker and
I'll keep the key." He placed the Winchesters and ammuni-
tion in the locker and pocketed the key.
As they went on deck Houghton recognised that what had
just taken place was not only the arming of himself and his
companions, but the disarming of Macquart.
He took Tillman aside. 'The moon had just risen and
was hanging like a great shield of burnished brass above the
sea line. Banks Island lay on the port quarter and
before them To res Straits lay spread in the mysterious light
of the new risen moon and the waxing stars.
" Tillman," said Houghton. " Did you hear what the
Captain said to Macquart ? "
" I did," said Tillman.
" You remember Macquart's tale, how John Lant, the
Captain of the Terschelling, took his ship up the river, cached
• the gold and tlien sank the ship with the crew in the fo'c'sle,
and how one of the crew, John Smith, had helped him ? "
" I do."
" How Lant married a native woman, Caya."
" Chaya," corrected Tillman.
■' Yes, Chaya — and how Smith did away with Lant, and
then had to escape without the gold because Chaya suspected
him."
"Yes."
"Well, Smith was Macquart."
" It looks hke it."
" Macquart it was that helped in the sin king of the ship; it
was Macquart who did away with John Lant. It's as plain to
me as that moon. My God, Tillman, if I had known I'd never
have come on this expedition."
" There's no use worrying now " said Tillman. " We're
here and we have togo through with it even if we are bound to
go hand-m-hand with a murderer."
" There's more still," said Houghton. " I see now why
Macquart let fifteen years go by without returning to look for
that gold."
• Why ? "
" Why ? Can't you see. Lant s wife, that native woman.
Chaya, was after him for his life when he escaped ; he would
not have dared to return till she was dead or had forgotten
him. He told me a yarn — he told us all — that he had been
years hunting about the world before he could get anyone to
join him in an expedition ; that was bunkum. The plain truth
is that he had not the courage to go back, he was afraid of
this woman. I feel it by instinct that he is afraid even now.
But fifteen years is a long time and he reckons that she is
either dead or, if alive, that she will not recognise him."
" If she is alive, and if she recognises him, we'll never
leave that river with our heads o> us," said Tillman.
" You have put it exactly " replied Houghton. " But
I'm not afraid of that. I don't lay much store by life, what
daunts me is Macquart."
" How ? "
" He makes my stomach crawl, he seems to me now the
incarnation of everything evil. I hate to be on the same boat
with him. He's a nightmare."
" He's not a bad imitation." said Tillman. "And the
funny thing is that up till a few weeks ago he was a pleasant
■enough fellow. He's been slowly getting disagreeable, some-
how, though he has done nothing and said nothing much ; it's
as if there was something in the sea air or the life a'board
that has made the badness in the blighter ooze out without
his knowing it — then this business to-night puts a cap on
everything."
" I'm afraid of him, and that's the truth," said Hough-
ton. " I'm not funking anything he may do to me or to us.
I'm afraid of him just as a man is afraid of a ghost or a devil.
I've often heard parsons talk of Evil and Wickedness and all
that, but I've never felt the thing till now. Yes, he seemed
all right at first ; that morning I met him in the Domain at
Sydney he fascinated me same as a fairy tale might fascinate
one — but now — ugh ! "
" Well, there's no use in bothering about that," replied
the other. " If you're out on the gold trail you can't expect
saints along with you, there's nothing collects devils like gold.
The thing for us to do now we are forewarned is to be fore-
armed. \Ve have to keep a precious sharp eye on this chap,
for I tell you, it's my humble opinion he'd do the lot of us
in just for the pleasure of the business, leaving alone the profit.
He hates Hull like all possessed, and Hull's got the bulge on
him. Did you notice how neatly the Captain has left him
without a gun — Hull's a peach."
" I tell you," said Houghton earnestly, " that though I'm
afraid of this chap, just because of what's in him, the thing I'm
really afraid of, as far as our success and safety go is, not
Macquart, but the woman — if she's alive."
■' Well, let's hope she's dead," said Tillman.
He shaded his eyes and looked ahead. Houghton, looking
in the same direction, saw a smudge on the sea and in the
midst of it a spark of hght.
" It's a steamer, said Tillman.
He called Hull, who was standing by the wheel, to
look.
" She s coming up fast." said the Captain. " A lot too
fast for a freighter, she's the Hong Kong-Brisbane mail boat
most like ; well, them's that are fond of steam may use it, but-
give me masts and yards. Now, there's half-a-dozen chaps
in brass-bound hats aboard that hooker as'd turn up their
noses at the hkes of you and me, but give 'em a head wind and
half a sea and what are they on ? A shower bath ! Swep'
fore and aft they'd be. I've had one turn as foremast hand on
a Western Ocean tank and I was swimmin' most of the way to
N' York. Look at her."
She was passing a quarter of a mile away. A big white-
painted boat, grey in the moonlight, crusted with lights and
with the green starboard light staring full at the little Barra-
cuda.
A faint strain of music came across the water with the
murmur of the engines.
"They'll be after their dinner," said Hull, "with the
ladies sitting on the deck and chaps in b'iled shirts smokin'
cigars over them. I've been deck hand on a Union boat for
a voyage, and I've seen 'em and I'd sooner be greaser on a
Western Ocean cattle truck than first officer on one of them
she male boats. There's some sense in qattle."
Houghton watched whilst the big liner pounded away mto
the moonlight and star shimmer of the night. That glimpse
of civilisation was inexpressibly strange, seen here from the
deck of the Barracuda, bound upon the wildest of adventures
and surrounded by the wastes of the tropic sea.
{To be cotitimtctl.)
Some of the most unostentatious, but none the less
invaluable war workers, are those women who go to the differ-
ent hospitals one or more days a week and help to mend the
linen there. Every day there is plenty of work in a hospital
linen-room and help is always wanted. Expert needlewomen
have rarely been able to use their skiU to better advantage
than by keeping sheets, table linen, etc., in good repair.
The latest way of arranging tulips is to place them in deep-
stemmed glass goblets, cutting the stalk to such a length that
none of it is seen above the edge of the vase only the pink,
red, or yellow of the flower itself. The tulips are packed
closely together, so that they are very hke a 'Victorian posy,
and the effect is certainly an original one, even if it lacks
somewhat in grace in the eyes of those to whom the stalk of
a flower is one of its most beautiful parts.
Once again there is a decided effort towards the crinoline.
If it is not the crinoline in actual reaUty, it is as passable an
imitation as can possibly be achieved in these days. This is
brought about by means of the hooped skirt, the hoops being
introduced just below the hips, and swaying rather gracefully
with each movement of the wearer.
The cold winds of the first months of the year will find
an antidote in the fur-lined motoring veils which protect the
ba k of the, head and the ears in the most efficacious manner.
These veils are lined downwards for al)out a quarter of their
length, and the fur used is generally squirrel lock on account
of its exceptional ligh ness. They fit cosily over close-
fitting hat, and make all the difference to the motorist.
}<;,ltwtnt to LAN* ASB Water, March 9,
AQUASCUTUM
FIELD i TRENCH COATS.
So many worthless Imitations are
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GENUINE letters from those who
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FROM THE TRENCHES :
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Capt. P.
" I have nothing but praise for its wet
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" I wore it continuously from the 13th
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of the time it was raining. I am glad to
say the coat kept me absolutely dry the
whole time." Lieut. 0.
" I have used one out here for six
months, and though it is now very shabby,
it Is still quite proof against any rain."
Lt. Col. L.
"Che Originals of ihe above letters
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The Original Cording s. Estd, 1839.
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New Illustrated List of waterproof coats,
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THE "SERVICE" COAT.,
A trustworthy waterproof is a pos-
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since getting wet is so often followed
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Also made with warm fleece
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,\ " Service " Coat, with this snug woollen
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. When ordering a "Senrict" Coat, or II to b.
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Waterproofers to H.M. the King
Only Addresses ■'
19 PICCADILLY, W. &35ST. jamess st.
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NET CASH PRICE,
X111
L A N I) AND W A T E R
Mairli 9, 1916.
To business men
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or rush work of any kiml.
If you need extra desks for
vour staff write for out
Catalogue No. 100 D
We
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44 Holbon Viadoct. Londoa. E.C., %l Victoria St.. S.W., 98 BIthoptfate. E.G.
IN WAR
As in Peace, Waltham Watches re-
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A Waltham wristlet is the best gift
for men on .\ctive Service — a
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Give your friend on Active Service a Waterman's
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Thresher Trench Goat.
Officially ibrought to the notice of all Officers commanding
Corps in the Expeditionary Force by the War Office last
winter. Although more copied than any other garment the
Thresher has never yet been equalled.
1 he 1 hresher successfully met the severest tests
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Wind-proof and waterproof.
service.
With detachable 'Kamelcott' lining
With Sheepskin lining detachable
£5 10 0
£7 1 0
For Mounted Officers, with Knee Flaps and Saddle Gusset, 15/6 extra.
IMMEDIATE DELIVERY.
Send size of chest and approximate height, and to avoid
delay enclose cheque when ordering. Payment refunded
if coat not suitable.
Thresher & Glenny
152 & 153 STRAND, LONDON, WC.
— Outfitters by appointment to H.M. the King.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVi No. 2809.
THTTT?c;nAV \TAT?rH n mrfi tpublished asi pr ic r sixpence
inuivoUAi, .viAlv^^n cj, igio. La ni:wspapi:rJ published \vi;i;klv
iiy tout-: tianiftiieke
Drawn exclusively /or "Land and Water."
VERDUN : STORMING " L'HOMME MORT."
Hohenzollern Madness.
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March g, 1916.
LAND AND \\' A T E R
LAND & WATER
Empire House, Kingsway, London, W.C.
Telephone : HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY^, MARCH 9, 1916.
THE TWO OBJECTIVES.
A LTOGETHER apart from its purely military
/^L siiE;niricance, the struggle still going on around
/■ — ^ Verdun possesses a very special interest as
■^ -*- illustrating the marked difference of motive
which now dictates the military policy of the contending
powers. These motives will in all probability become
more and more divergent as the war proceeds ; and it
will be well, if wo are to take a just view of the future
progress of the war, to take this opportunity of
examining them.
For about a fortnight the German forces have been
engaged in a prolonged and very violent attack against
that section of the French line which may be called the
salient of Verdun. The attack has been deUvered with
great determination and at an extravagant cost in lives.
So far it has met with no solid success. The French have
met it \vith forces kept deliberately inferior in number to
those of their opponents, and at an expense of life smaller,
out of all proportion, than that which they have been able
to exact. They have fallen back deliberately and at a
moment chosen by themselves from their original ad-
vanced positions, thus yielding certain ground ; but the
attempt to dislodge them from the line of heights which
forms their present main defensive position has so far
failed. That is what, up to the moment of writing, has
actually happened ; but it may be well to go further and
ask what the German command was really attempting
and why it was attempting it.
Of course, if the encny could have succeeded in
breaking through the French line and rolling it up, north
and south, such a result would be well worth the utmost
sacrifice of men that he could commatid ; for it would
be a decision and would for the moment, at least, put an
end to all danger to his security from the west. Most
probably he thought that he could do this. But even
if he could only have hoped to have found himself in
a position to compel the French to abandon the salient
of Verdun, and to fall back upon some other line behind
that city, a result which he valued would have been
attained.
Now, it is cjuite certain that that objective would not,
from the purely military point of view, be worth the
sacrifice of much-needed men which the enemy has
already made and which he must continue to make for
some time to come if he is to pursue; his end. If it occurred
— which now seems far from probable — it would not be a
decision, it would not put the Allied armies out of action
or relieve the enemy from apprehension as to the safety
of his \\'ostern front. The importance of Verdun as a
fortress has virtually ceased to exist, and all that the
Germans would have gained would have been so many
more square miles of almost useless standing ground. The
inference is that the objective] of the enemy is not [only
military, but also moral or, as one might say, political.
In pure strategy the capture of Verdun— or of the
ground upon which the forts of Verdim had once stood —
would be no great thing ; but the Germans evidently
think that it might have far reaching and important
political results. Not only would it reassure civilian
opinion in Germany itself, but it might prevent certain
neutral nations from coming in on our side, while pro-
ducing in others an im]M-ession that the Germanic powers
were still moving from victory to victory, ri^ully it
might affect in the same fashion civilian opinion in the
Allied countries, and especially in this country, and so
make it possible for Germany to conclude a peace on
terms more favourable than she can otherwise hope to
obtain.
It would be easy to tind in the enemy's own dispatches
conlirmation of this view of his present objective. Mr.
Belloc gives a striking example elsewhere in this paper.
The temporary cajjture of an important part of the
plateau of Douaumont was, so far as it went, a genuine
military success, and might well have been claipied as
such. The capture of the jort of Douaumont was merely
the capture of an empty shell. Nevertheless the
Germans claimed the capture, not of the plateau but of
the " fortress." That means that they were appealing
not to military, but to civihan judgment.
On the other hand, it is the principle of the f rench
commanders to take note of military considerations alone.
They will yield ground wherever they choose, an4 allow
the Germans to claim " victories " wherever they choose
provided they can make each advance sufficiently expen-
sive to the enemy. They will meet each assault with
the minimum number of men inflicting the maximum
amount of loss. They will be careful to keep in being as
large an untouched reserve as possible against the time
when in their judgment a decisive blow against the
enemy may most hopefully be struck.
Now these two policies, which appear in such
marked contrast throughout recent operations, really
depend upon the same consideration, which from hence-
forward must necessarily pro\-e the dominant factor
in the war. It is a consideration which has from the first
been continually einphasised in these columns. It is
now admitted, even by those who were at most pains to
deny or belittle it. It is the approaching exhaustion
of the German reserves.
A foolish suggestion has been put forward in some
quarters that this approaching exhaustion is di.sproved
by the gigantic effort which the Germans are now piaking.
This, of course, is the exact reverse of the trutji. The
effort does not disprove the fact referred to ; but the fact
explains the purpose of the effort. No one ever sug-
gested that the enemy was already seriously crippled by
the lack of effectives. What has been maintained, and
what is now admittedly true, is that he must ev'entually
iind himself so crippled — and that at no very distant
date — because he possesses no reserves sufficient to keep
his army at full strength by replacing losses. Therefore
he cannot afford to w^ait. Before that time arrives when
his reserves fail him, he must cither obtain a decision, of
which he probably now despairs, or alternatively must
produce so considerable an effect on opinion in Allied
and neutral countries as may enable him to make peace
on terms which shall at least leave his military power in
being. He has no choice save to make some move
which may give him the chance of producing such an
effect. If he awaits the event he virtually accepts defeat.
The ^ame considerations which make it necessary
for the Germans to force an immediate issue if they can,
dictate the wise policy of the Allies in refusing, so far as
possible, such an issue, until the enemy is further weak-
ened, and the exhaustion of his reserve begins to tell. This
is the settled policy of the soldiers, both French and
British, and it is an eminently sound one.
But the enemy's attack is primarily on civihan opinion,
and it should be our business to see to it that that attack
is ineffective. The soldiers, who alone are qualified to
judge in such matters, have the whole business in their
hands, as they ought to have. Th«y are determined upon
the military annihilation of Prus.sia as the only end worthy
of the sacrifices of this war. Tlicy believe that they can
achieve it. It should be our affair to see that they are
not embarrassed or diverted from their task by ajiy such
civilian clamour as the enemy ardently desires to see
raised in this country and elsewhere. They will strike
when they arc ready, and what we can all do is to await the
event with reasoned and therefore increasing confidence.
1. A \ D AND ^^' A T E R
March o. I0i6.
ATTACK ON WEST OF THE MEUSE.
By Hilaire Belloc.
WITH Monday, the fiftccntli day of this great
battle of Verdun, and the seventeenth since
the cannonade first opened, the German
offensive developed a new feature, the fate
of which only the future can determine, the motive of
which we can <Mily estimate.
I suggest that this motive is. immediately, to free
the ground in front of Poi\re Hill from French artillery
fire and so permit a -direct attack there unmolested
upon its flank. Ultimately, if the push is unexjjectedU-
successful and rapid, to turn the main position which the
I'Vench have'now sucoessfulK' held for so manv davs
frnni Uras to Douaumont.
It is clear that an ad\ance along the Western >ide
of the Meusc up to \'erdun would turn the main position
from- Bras to Douaumont ; that is, would get behind
and rend cr it untenable. The now large French force on
that main position would have to retireor would be lost.
The emniy's success or failure in this main or ulti-
mate object, does not depend upon his capture of the
advanced lines upon the (ioose Crest or behind Chattan-
court. I It depends upon his approach to and seizing of
the height marked on my map with a thieli black line H^li.
und Inioun in that country side as Charny Ridge.
1 will take these points in their order.
The First Advance.
If the reader will look at the general map printed
over page, which I must make tlie general reference
for the whole of this article, he will percei\-e that from
the point marked A where there is a small, pronounced
bend in the Mcuse v'wqv, to the point marked B nearly
h miles away, a sinuous succession of heights from two
to three hundred feet abo\-e the le\e] of the stream com-
mands its left bank.
In the first phase of the battle the enemy attacked
a thin F'rcnch covering line which lay from the \illage
of Brabant opposite the point " A," ran through the
wood and in front of the village of Hauniont, then tluough
the big wood of Caures and so Xo Herbebois Wood and
in front of Ornes to " C." By successive retirements
(as we have seen) the French on the Thursday night, the
fourth day of their retreat, the 24th of February, had
reached their main position nmning from the \illage
of Bras along the crest beliind the \illage of Louvemont
and so in a horseshoe to the plateau, village and fort
of Douaumont. This main position I liave indicated by
a line of crosses upon the map. All this German advance
was pursued along the right or eastern bank of the river
Meuse, with the result that the Frendi batteries upon the
sinuous line of hills across the stream commanded all the
coimrty occupied by the Germans in their ad\ance and
abandoned by tlie French in their retirement. French
batteries posted everywhere among these hills swept the
castcili country beyond the river in the lines of the
arrows and rendered the ground very diflicult for con-
tinuous enemy action. The only relief from this dominat-
ing fire was found, first in the \ery hea\y bombardment
to which the Germans subjected the French batteries
on this western side, secondly, of course, in the di.gging of
trenches by night to shelter the German troops occupying
the eastern side, and thirdly in the portions of grciund
which lay behind the slopes and were sheltered from the
shells. But all these three combined did not prevent
German action in this newly occupi(>d belt being gravely
hampered, and in particular the Cote du Poivre or
Pepper Hill,' the capture of which would have turned
the whole F'rench position, could not be successfully
assailed. The French position ujwn it held firm because
all the valley in front running u]> from V'aucherauville
and the hill called Talou was untenable under the French
enfilading fire from the further bank.
If the French had held their first line in strength as
the Germans chd in Champagne five months ago. and
had the Germans broken this first line, which thev j^ro-
bably believed to constitute the main French front (the
ilnc A-C from Brabant to Ornes), then the fact that the
French still held the western side of the Meuse woukl
have been of little advantage to them or hurt to the enemy.
The front once broken the whole I'Vench line would
have had to retire. At the worst a fatal gap would iia\«-
appeared in it. at the best it would ha\e had to fall back
behind Verdun. But of cmirse, the French were followin.,'
anentirely diflerent tactic, as we now know. So far from
attempting io hold their foremost positions in strength,
they left the smallest number of men possible to cover a
successive retreat and did not projiose to stand until the
main jxi.-iition, the ridge from Bra> Village to the l^latiau
of Douaiuuont was reached. Therefore the German
advance between the very foremost French lines at At"
and the main position on the hor.seshoe ridge between
Bras and Douaumont, an advance covering about one
mile a day at the broadest, as it did not so much as shake
the I-'rench line, left the l-'rcnch beyond the river quite
free to pound all that belt from the further bank of the
Meuse. The French batteries lying behind t he hills and in
the woods of the Goose Ridge, of Chattancourt of Mai re,
etc., and their fire observed and corrected from (h:-
summits, continually shelled the ground beyond the
stream at effective ranges of from _; to 8 thousand yards.
This, as we ha\c just seen, rendering the capture of
the hill of Pfjivre impossible, the great (ierman effort
was launched on Douaimiont Plateau upon Saturday thi?
26th of February and nearly succeeded, coming uj) the
ravine marked R-R on the map. Such an attack was
quite Tuimolested by the F'rench guns on the West of the
Meuse, and moreover had it succeeded would have cut
off all the h'rench upon the main ])osition and would have
invohed the destruction of the force there occupied.
The fate of that attack we know. It got no further than
Douaumont Fort and Douaumont Village where it now
stands apparently checked and lea\ing the French main
position intact. The battle reached tliis final form last
Saturday night, ^larch 4th, and remained in the same
situation on Sunday, March 5tli. For ten days the belt
of territory between Brabant and Poivre Hill had lain
largely at the mercy of the F-rench guns upon the further
or western bank of the Meuse. If the attack by Douau-
mont was to fail there remained the possibility of again
combining it with an attack upon Poivre Hill, if only
the belt in front of Poivre Hill, particularly the Hill of
Talou, could be saved the menace of French lire from the
other side of the river. With the immediate object of
achieving this, the enemy last Monday at the opening of
the third week of tlie great struggle began his first infantry
attack upon the left or western bank of the Meuse.
There happened there exactly what happened in the
initial great effort east of the river. The I'rcnch front
line had run before the battle from D to A, just in front
of the village of Forges. The Germans carried that
position upon Monday morning and apparently upon the
same day before the evening, attacked the long ridge
called the Cote De I'Oie or "Goose Crest." Before
evening thev had carried RegncHille and then tackled
the hill itself.
This crest (from' winch you dominate all the northern
part of the belt the Germans had just occupied beyond
the ri\-er) is a fairly level ridge with two rather higher
summits at either end, 4,000 yards apart. That mwx
Regni(-\ille. some 250 feet above the Meuse, is called
Hill 265 from its "height in metres above the sea ; the
other summit about 66 fefet higher is called the Mort
Homme. The enemy launched a division at Hill 265
and carried it. Early the, next morning they were in
occu])ation of the wood of C'orbeau.\ or " C ow Wood "
at the foot of the Mort Homme.
So far and no: further goes the news received in
London at the moment of writing this, Tuesday after-
noon. The heights directly overlooking the occupied
belt beyond the rivci- from A to as far as E are no longer
under the direct observation of the French gunners, and
the French line upon the western side of the Meuse runs.
Marcli 9, 1916.
LAND AND \^' A T E R
of this h'eight ?
or ran when the despatch left Paris on Monday night,
from in front of Bethincourt (which was still held) down
to the river somewhere abont F, following the dots and
dashes upon the plan.
Charny Ridge.
The immediate object, then, of this move is to clear
the left or western bank of the river of French gun
))ositions which render a decisive attack upon the left
of the French main positions Poivre Hill, impossible.
The ultimate object may be a new development upon this
front as active and determined as that which appears
to be now held in check upon the further front at Douau-
mont.
1 have said that such an ultimate object would be
tlie turning of the main French position on the Douaumont
heights, by an advance direct on Verdun along the
western side of the Meuse. I have also said that the test
of such a policy would not be the clearing of the advanced
positions but an approach to and capture of the Ridge of
Charny.
\\'hat is the importance
(i) It is the continuation of the Main position on
tlie other side of the river. Though lower (it is only 300 feet
above the river) it exactly prolongs the hill of Poivre.
(2) It is the last main position on this side covering
^'erdun. It is supplied by a railway running parallel
behind it and is close to every form of accumulated
supi^h'. It was the line of advanced works in the days
when" \'erdun was a fortress. Two dismantled and
abandoned forts stand on it to this day.
(3) It is a united open and continuous height from
the wood at H to the River at B with a long bare natural
glacis sloping down northward gently without an inch
of dead ground anywhere and enfiladed from the spur at
K so long as this is held.
On all these counts the reaching to and carrying of
th'j Ridge of Charny would seem to, be here the test of
enemy success or failure on the western bank as the
failure to carry the ridge Poivre- jjouaumont was the tes ■.
of failure on the eastern.
The Difficulty of Attack by the Woeuvre.
Meanwhile, the question has -Occurred to many
people in this country why the German attack, if it were
rhecked at Douaumont was not renewed further down to
the south from the \\'oeuvre Plain, so as to turn the whole
position round by the extreme right; There has, as we
know, been a violent attack upon the; village at Vaux,
and there have been some days ago attacks on I'.ix
Station and half the village of Manheulles has ])een
carried,
Upon the analogy of other actionsin this wai; when
the Germans have similarly attacked heights upon a
narrow sector and have failed, we might expect the battle
to extend gradually along the only line open to it— in
this case to the south. The Meuse forbids co-operation
between two attacks upon either side of it and one might
imagine, indeed many critics have stated it as probable,
that an attack foiled along the northern sector would
try its charges further and further southward in the hope
of effecting somewhere a breach in the defence of Verdun,
trying for weak places in succession one after the other
along the escarpment of the hills where they fall into the
plain of the Woeuvre.
That is what happened at the curiously similar
battle of the Grand Couronne eighteen months ago when
the Ciermans were broken in their attempt to force a
corresponding sharp set of heights covering Nancy.
Moreover, the fact that they attacked Vau.x without
success upon Friday the 3rd of March, a week after their
main assault on Douaumont was checked, might lead
one to such a conclusion.
But there are difficulties in working from thp
Woeuvre up to the heights of the Meuse which are not
apparent from the map alone, and it is the ignorance of
these difficulties which has, I think, misled not a little of
contemporary study on the estimation of this action.
The Woeuvre is a mass of clay, full of marsh 9,nd
stagnant ponds at this season of the year, and especially
after such a winter as this, a very difficult ground of
manoeuvre, and difficult or impossible save along special
lines for the motor traffic and heavy guns. 1 hjive
myself seen whole patches in it where the trenches were
interrupted by wet land. Neither side could dig, and
the marsh as effectively caused a gap in the lines as would
a lake.
Now in such a situation the only main line of attack
possible is along tlst high roads and the made causeways
of the railways. You can deploy troops, of course,
over the wet land — you can make some sort of going.
But the supply even cf small arm ammunition in a big
amount, and virtually all your pieces, tied to these
roads. Now the sketch map will show that these oppor-
tunities of advance are e.xceedingly rare. To be accurate
they are exactly four in number.
There is the road leading to Vaux from Diejijie
■•^which last village the French abandoned many days ago
ri the withdrawing of their line). This road (marked
' on the map), served for the narrow column of attack
which attempted Vaux and failed last In-iday.
Two miles south of this is the great main, national
road from Paris to Longwy and Luxembourg, by wav
of VAinn and Longuyon (one of the many places where
the clergy were massacred in the early days of the wm)
L A NM) AND \\' A T E R .
March 9, 1916.
along which a similar narrow column of attack advanced
successfully against Kix Station a week ago and was
repelled. Closely following this road runs the railway,
and I have marked it upon the above sketch map with
the number 2.
The third road is a small country road, but hard and
with a good surface, which runs eastward as far as
Moran\ille and then turns southwards making for
Chatillon, only on the reaching and taking of which
village can the assault of the heigiits with their crowning
batteries begin.
This road I have marked " j " upon tiie sketch.
It presents a characteristic making it very difticuit for
use in attack, which is that on reaching Moranville a
column following it -is presented in flank, and at the
short range of only j,4(M) yards, to batteries behind, and
obser\ing from the little lum]) of clay in tiie I'lain
called " Hill 255."' The approach to Moranville itself
is hidden from the observers by a little depression, but
the road going southward out of Moran\ille towards
Chatillon follows a slight cle\'ation above the brook called
Voche, and is murderously exposed, not onl\- to the field
guns just under the escarpment, but to the batteries on
the escarpment itself, and is under full observation from
the summit of the hills. That is why the Germans the
other day made so determined an attempt to capture
this obser\ation point and shelter for field batteries
called Hill 235. As we know, they failed, and probably
if we knew the details we should lind that they failed from
the state of the ground once the high road was left bv
the troops deploying northward against Hill 255.
But after this Moran\ille-Chatillon road, which is
so inconvenient for their purpose, there is nothing they
can use until you get to the great national road from
Paris to Metz, more than five miles away. This road I
have marked 4 upon the sketch.
It in its turn was the a\-enue of approach for a dense
and narrow column (supported by troops in a wood to
the north of the place) which did succeed in carrying
ManheuUes village ten days ago, but could not quite
reach the west end of those ruins.
It will be seen, therefore, that while we might reason
from our knowledge of the country that the enemy could
only use the few roads for his advance, and would there-
fore be compelled to advance in narrow columns, we also
find from experience that he has so attacked and has been
confined to that attack and has been unable to deploy in
the horrible mud of the W'ocuvre.
There is a further point to be considered in this
connecl.'on. Not only is the Wocuvre the impossible
soil I have described, but precisely because the enemy is
entirely confined in it to artificial causeways the
junctions of those catiseways are very vulnerable points in
his communications. Etain, Warcq, the cross roads of
Aulnois (which get their name from a farm in the neigh-
bourhood) Henneville, and the little bit of road just
south of Fromezey with its branches leading north and
south, Abaucourt and Moranville itself are under the
long range guns concealed in the woods upon the heights
of the Meuse. The very longest range involved, that of
E*tain and Warcq, is only 11,000 yards. The other ooints
are at lesser ranges averaging =5,000 to 8,000. Further,
the roads of approach over the Woeuvre are, in nearly all
their length, observable from the sunnnits, lying below
one as upon a natural map. All these things combined
make attack in strength from the \\'oeuvre at this time
of year exceedingly difficult, and break the parallel with
the Battle of the (irand Couronnc which developed south-
ward indeed when the first Northern attacks had failed,
but from much harder soil and in the height of the
summer.
Certain General Considerations.
While the great battle thus stands still undecided,
it may be well lo recapitulate certain general considera-
tions, most of them I fear already familiar to the reader,
but necessary to be borne constantly in mind, if we are
to understand the objects and methods of the opposing
forces.
(i) The French deliberately refuse to make a main
point of their foremost positions. Their whole theory
in tactics as in strategy reposes upon the reser\ed mass
of manoeuvre.
(2) Consequently we must alwaj-s expect advanced
positions at the beginning of an action of delay, that is,
when they are on the defensive, to be successi\-ely
abandoned, and this is not done without a loss of prisoners
and guns.
(j) The enemy is probably calculating in the main
upon a superiority of munitionment for the moment.
Hence his lavish expenditure for already more than a
fortnight. The lulls in the battle have nothing to do
with bringing up of guns, which occupy much the same
positions they did on February 25th, the fourth day of
the battle and the end of the retirement of covering
troops. They have to do with the replenishment of
shell, especiaily heavy shell.
(4) Even now after more than a fortnight of battle
the French have not moved their general reserve.
(5) Failing the breaking of the French defensi\-e
front as a whole, the only criterion of success or failure
is in the purely military sense, the comparative expendi-
ture in men. The whole French effort is aimed at making
this expenditure immensely greater upon the enemy's
side.
(6) But from the enemy's point of view there is an
obvious immediate political, as well as an ultimate
military object to be obtained. He will therefore cer-
tainly be prepared to sacrifice a very much larger number
of men than he has already sacrificed if by that ex-penditurc
he can put a few soldiers into the ruined suburbs of Verdun
town, as he has put a few soldiers into the ruined suburbn
of Soissons town. Meanwhile he is hoping to deplete the
French reserve of shell.
Certain Details.
The scandalous scaremongering about the Fokker
machine is now dead, but the following points may be ol
service.
The Fokker is simply a French Morane machine.
It existed as a Morane machine in (iermany long before
the war. The German copy of the Morane machine wa?
not a rough copy but an exact copy down to the smallest
details and down to measurements of a millimetre foi
nearly all its parts. There is some difference in the
angle and cur\ature of the wings. There is the replace-
ment everywhere of wood by metal, save in the battens
of the wings. It is slightly more complicated in itv
apparatus of alightiitg (though preserving the character-
istic " M ") and there is a little difference in the rudder.
While upon this subject we may note the correction
of a false German Communique which I think has not
been noted in this country. This communique appeared
on the 28th of January aiid stated that starting from
the 1st of October, 1913, the Germans had lost up to that
date (the 28th of January) 16 aeroplanes and the Allies
63. The statement is simply a falsehood. The true
figures for the period were 13 English losses and 17
r>cnch, making a total of 30. The ascertained German
losses in the sanie period were 11 on the English front
and 20 cm the iMcnch front, making a total of 31.
This somewhat belated information leads us to
insist once more upon the utility — I should say the
March 9, lOiG.
LAND AND WATER
necessity at this stage — of frequent official pronounce-
ments. The Government had possession of these liguix's.
\V}iy on earth did they allow the C.ernian lie to go un-
contradicted ?
A correspondent has sent me a typical piece of enemy
propaganda in the shape of a piece of rubbish published
in a Swedish paper, which appears in Gerrnan interests.
This nonsense is curiously like the sort of thing that
has been scattered broadcast by the same agency in
America, and it confirms one's judgment upon the nature
of this propaganda m neutral countries, which has bcttn
remarked on repeatedly in L.WD .■xnd W.\tek.
It gives the J^ritish casualties, aj)art from sickness,
at over a million (!) The casualties of the other Allies
are given with a little less e.vaggeration. Characteristi-
cally enough it is more accurate about the Russian
casualties than about any other because, presumably,
it is supposed that the Swedish public will have a better
chance of judging. But the linglish figures are enough
to test such stuff.
GERMAN LOSSES.— (Continued).
FINAL STATEMENT CALCULATED TO THE END OF 1915.
31 MILLIONS IRREDUCIBLE MINIMUM.
IN pursuance of the analysis dependent upon in-
formation, the basis of which my readers already
know, I will continue and conclude in this week's
number the calculation of German losses.
We must remember in this calculation that we are
only concerned with a minimum. We are estimating
a number below which such losses cannot fall.
The groundwork of the whole calcuiati on is the
number of dead.
We arrived, in the first part of this study, published
two weeks ago, at a clear and conclusive minimum with
regard to the number of German dead \\\> to the last day
of 1915. We have conclusive proof that this number is
not less than one million.
Our problem, therefore, is to establish the very least
number of men " off the strength " of a force in this war
at a moment when the deaths alone in that force amount
to one million.
The readers of this paper are familiar wnth the fact
that such an estimate involves two ciuite separate ele-
ments :
(i) We have first of all to establish the number of
men who can never return to full active service because
they are either dead or prisoners, or rendered by wounds
or by sickness permanently unfit for the firing line.'
(2) When we have established this chief element
we have to add to it yet another, to wit, what has been
called here " The permanent margin of temporary losses ";
That is, the number of men in hospital who will return
to the army, but are for the moment off the strength.
So much being postulated let us begin with the
estimate of permanent losses up to the end of the vear
1915-
L — Permanent Losses.
Permanent losses are made up of four categories
which, between them, cover the whole ground : —
[a) The dead.
[b) The prisoner.^.
[c) The " disabled wounded," that is, the woun-
ded who can never return usefully to the
fighting line.
((/) The " disabled sick," that is, those who,
similarly disabled by sickness contracted
in service, cannot retiu'n usefully to the
fighting fine.
[a) The Number of Dead.
This we already have, and it is the basis of our
calculation. It is a minimum of one million up to
December 31st, 1015. We kno\y that even the official
lists come within 19 per cent, of that truth, and we have
noted the conclusi\e arguments which make the full
number certainly more than 19 per cent, atiove the
official lists. We shall in amon^ent see how this basic
(i) As an example of liow it iriay be more' and cannot be less, we
may take the proportion of deaths from disease. The proportion of
such deaths admitted in the German lists is less than 3 p.-r cent, of
the total deaths. Even allowing, as we have, for the iinpi irfection of
those lists to the extent of one-fifth, this would give for the <leaths from
disease not so much as 6 per cent, of the total? Yet, on the analogy
of one large category of troops fighting in Northern !■' ranee
under conditions less rigorous than some of tltose the Germans
have had to suffer in the East, and exactly erihivatent to tl lose which
they have had to siiffor in the VVc.-^t, the rea'l proportion of dc aths from
disease tc the total deaths turns out to be not '. (lor cent but iu-t
over g per cent.
number of one million should be treated in our con-
sideration of the other categories.
[h) The Ntimbet oj German Prisoners.
This is known accurately for the Western front, and
has, I believe, been communicated for the Eastern front.
It is the fixed and wise policy of the Allies not to
inform the enemy with any detail w.th regard to the
prisoners he has lost. But I may, without indiscretion,
give a minimum number which will, when the full official
statistics are available, be discovered to be -mthin the
truth. A quarter oj a million is no exaggeration, but
200,000 is far too low a figure. It is a very small
number when we consider the length of time over
which the operations of the Germany Army have been
conducted, and shows with what skill the co-ordination
of every retirement was arranged.
(c) The Wounded.
In this category, we must begin with a gross number
from which deductions will be made '\u due course, to
arrive at the nett estimate.
Our basis of calculation is necessarily here an analogy
with the known figures of corresponding losses in the other
forces engaged, coupled with, and modified by, certain
considerations peculiar to each force engaged.
Let me begin with the figures most familiar to
readers in this country, the Colonial and British figures.
The most carefully analysed British figures publicly
available are those of Jaimary 28th last, referring to the
final date, January 9th.
The total number given for dead in France and
Flanders (which is the only proper basis of comparison
because the naval ligures of course, have no relation to
Land warfare and the Gallipoli figures are abnormally
swelled by the e.Kceptional death rate from disease, and
the cramped positions . there held) is 87,268 ; the total
number of wounded 259,207. This gives to every man
dead almost exactly 3 men wounded.
But that figure is, for proportion of the British
wounded to dead in France and Flanders, too high ; for it
docs not include as dead any of the missing.
It will be remembered that when we were finding the
number of German dead, the deduction of prisoners from
the total of missing gave us an important additional item.-
We must try and make a similar item for the British
lists. Unfortunately, an essential clement in the calcu-
lation is lacking. We know to within a very close figure
what number of German prisoners are held by the Allies.
We do not know to within a similarly close figure, nor
within a few thousand, what number of British prisoners
are held by the Germans. Some time ago a rough official
estimate was made that there were no less than 32,000
British prisoners in (lermany. But that was a minimum
figure. The (Germans themselves, not officially, but in
public prints have, I believe, boasted of far more. At
any rate, neutrals hav'c been told of more. I believe we
are exaggerating tlie niunbiT of dead among the missing
if we put them at 10,000, but let us for the sake of weight-
ing the scales against ourselves, put them at 12,000. We
shall then have for the number of wounded to every man
dead in these last official British figures, just over 2.6.
To be accurate, 2.61 1
We will scale this down to 2.6 and start uoon that
basis
LAND A N D W A T !• R .
Marcli 0. IQI^").
Tho Britisli figures .qivo then about 2.6 men
wmiudod to one man killed or dead. (1).
' The separate (Colonial statistics give us a proportion
not very different.
\Mien we turn to other statistics, portions of which
1 may aihide to, but the details of which are not public
property, we have a rather hij^her multiple. To one man
dead 3.35 wounded in one large category ; in another
large, category, to one man dead, 3.4.
If we ask ourselves why there is this difference
between the lower British and Colonial multiple and tiie
rather higher multiple in continental cases, the answer
is that the maximum, or nearly the maximum number of
troops in the field were being used from shortly afti-r the
beginning upon the Continent, while in the case of the
British and Colonial contingents the army iii the field
has immensely increased from the beginning of the war
onwards. /
What has been the effect of this ?
To answer that question we must appreciate the fact
that the proportionate mortality is nuich higher in
trench warfare than in " open " or " moving " warfare.
At the beginning of the war you had such ratios at
6. 7 and even 8 men wounded to one killed. It was only
after the fixed trench warfare began that the ratio fell
to 4 and 3.
It is clear that in a field force fighting, not on immobile
lines but with movement throughout August, September
and much of October 1914 — three full months — and after
that continuing uiiincreased for fourteen months mainly
occupied in trench warfare, the number of wounded to the
number of dead will be higher than it will be in the case
of a force which was small while open lighting with
movement was going on and got larger and larger after
the higher mortality of trench warfare had begun.
We should have, therefore, roughly, for our Conti-
nental average something over 3, although the Britisli
and Colonial average gave us something under ;.
In the particular case of the Cierman Army we ha\e
further to note that the whole of the liastern held has
been characterised by a very much larger proportion
of fighting with mo\ement to trench fighting than has
been the case with the Allies in the Western field.
If it be true of Continental troops in the Western
field that, counting the open fighting and the trench
fighting together, the multiple is somewhat over- 3, then
it will be true of the (Icrman aniiy as a whole that the
multiple will be still greater, because, though their lines
be largely immobile upon the Western field, yet upon the
ICastcrn fiekr (where first and last more than a third of
their forces have been engaged), there has been continual
movement.
The general conclusion is, then, that the number of
wounded is to the number of dead in the case of the
( Icrman service appreciably more than three to one.
The Cierman lists are here of hardly any use to us.
They give us the impossibly low multiple of 1.7 to 1.8
men wounded for each man dead — which is nonsense.
If we take the number of dead, then, in the Cicrman
service and multiply it by 3, we ha^•e a figure for the
wounded in the same ser\-ice which is quite certainly a
minimum.
We may write down that minimum, then, at three
viiUion.
But when we have thus established a minimum
gross total of wounded our task has only begun. For we
nave next to decide what proportion of these icounded
have iiithin the eoursc of 17 moiilhs, returned to the fii^httw^
line.
\\'e here approach much the most difficult part of the
subject, that upon which our terms are least capable of
definition and that upon which exact statistics are most
difficult to establish.
11) The proportion of wounded to killed is ol nurse int)r}v.< usly
liiSher when you take the case of a particular action, especially an
action in which there is a grc.ir deal of nioveiuent, and in wliich nun
appear in the open. I'or in.stance. at Loos it was 4.5. In the French
offensive in Champagne it was 4.7. In such a great offensive as that
which the Germans are now undertaking on the Verdun section it is
])erhaps as high as 4 for the moment, in spite of the dense forma-
tion in which the enemy atlacks.
But this verv hijjh rate would be a most mi^Icadin); one to adopt
at the present moment and ns applied to the whole year, because after
the lapse of manv monih.< yiu get a greater addition to the dead
whr ultiniateh' die from .sick'<?ss and wounds and also Ijccause, as is
said in the^text, the proportion of wounded to dead in the trench warfare
is luuch lower than in open ni ovcmcnt.
I'nfortunately this, the least certain factor in our
calculation is, at the same time, among the most im-
portant. Vox it is clear that if we grossly overestimate
or under-cstimate the number of wounded who ultimately
return to acti\-c ser\ice, we shall falsify our conclusions
alto(.;ether. An .'Vrmv's iwrmanent loss at any moment
tloes not consist in the number of men who have been liit
or sick up to that moment. It consists in the number f)f
men who are at that moment oft the strength from all
causes whatsoever. And this last figure is obviously
in a large degree affected by th(> ]>roportion of returns,
^'ou cannot bring the dead to life. Vou cannot, as a
rule, release your prisoners. The first two categories of
our four categories are therefore absolute.
But you can so cure many of your wounded men
as to rencler them as useful as tliey were before.
What is the proportion of men out of all tho-c
wounded who thus return to full active service?
The difficulty of answering this cpiestion resides in
the fact that over and above the number who really
" return," that is, who are fit at last for the same strain as
they left before they were wounded, there is a certain
margin (and it is a large one) wliich can conceivably be
used in capacities of \'arying usefulness, or at the worst
can be kept inde'initely on the books of an army in the
hope that sooner or later they may be put to some kind
of use. .
Out of a thousand men hit, 350, let us say, will be
found,back again within such a space as a year in exactly
the same capacity as they left before they were wounderi.
But over and above these there will be a number difiicult
to establish (it may be 200. or e\en 250, or it may be as
low as 150), who are not fit for the duties they left and
will not again be capable of full active serxnce. but can be
put on to less onerous duties (clerical, sanitary, prison
and frontier guard, communication work of certain kinds)
thus releasing men fitter than themselves to take their
places under the full strain of active service.
A-fter the lapse of a very considerable period such
as 17 months (and that is the period of war we are con-
sidering up to the end of ic)i5) very great numbers of those
wounded in the earlier part of a war will have been
returned to the army from the hospitals as "cured."
But in the same long period there has come in with regard
to the use of the imperfectly cured and with regard to the
use of those who, though as much cured as they ever will
be, are permanently the worse for their wound, another
factor in calculation which it is of the utmost importance
to seize.
During a certain short period alter the outbreak of
hostilities, the iniperfeelly cured, the men who thouoh still
capable of some service will never be the same again, can
be absorbed by various forms of auxiliary work. 'J hey
can be used for the different services I have mentioned
la small proportion of the lighter work upon communications,
hospital work, clerical work, etc.). and in this capacity ihev
replace filter men than themselves, but this " ab'iorption "
of inefficicnis is soon exhausted. After thai, if you retain
them in your service as fart of your " paper army,
you either have to create fobs for them b:hind Ihc fight-
ing line, which jobs are pcrfecllv useless and merclv
serve to swell your force on paper, or you 7nust frankly
admit them to hs of no service to you bx'ause they cannot
go into Ihc firing line and there is nothing for them
to do elsewhere. Later, some of them come into use with
the expanding necessities of the various auxiliary branches
as the war proceeds (the medical for instance). But these do
not check iiic decline of .the real fighting strength for there
are no more fit men for them to replace.
Now the number • required for medical help, for
guarding prisoners, neiJtral frontier guards, policing
occupied cities, etci, it4 not very great. The work of
communications i<;.i in 'a veiy large degree, work which
must be conducted hy able bodied men. There is onl\-
a limited projwrtion of work which you can hand over
to the less efiicient.
In general, over and above quite a small fraction of
\our " returns," the oixly returns that count arc the returns
'jit for full active service:'' What arc the gross returns in
such warfare as this, and what the net residuum of really
fit ?
As to the gross returnt ^vc have a good working rule of
March 9, 191O.
L A X D AND W A T E R
tluinib with regard to them. On the average 60 per cent.*
of the wounded are regarded as cured and are again ])ut
at the disposition of the military authorities. Tiuit
average is exceeded in many particular cases, especially on
the Western front where there are excellent communica-
tions, fair climate and elaborate hospital facilities close at
hand, numerous well provided towns, ample and ex-
cellent water supply, ample medicaments, a wealthy and
numerous civilian population to give help.
It was often not nearly reached on the Eastern front
where, especially in winter, all these conditions were
reversed.*
But that medical task once accomplished there
remains a second task for the authorities governing the
armies in the held, who alone can decide what the man
thus returned to them is really capaljle of doing.
It is when they come to making tliis last selection
that the much smaller munber of those who arc actualh'
sent back to perform the same duties as they performed
before they were wounded or sick, begins to appear.
An exact calculation of that reduction is exceedingly
dilhcult to make, because the stages between ser\-ices
which even a sick or maimed man can attempt to render
and full active service arc subject to innumerable
gradations.
The man in the highest authority who deals fust with
the returns as a whole will give you the highest hgure.
As voii go down to the more local and particular
authorities the hgure rapidly dwindles.
When you come to the regiment it is surprisingly
I'jwer than it was at the base.
When you come to the company officers — who
nlone can really test a man's capacity to undertake the
lull strain ^\hich he was undertaking before he was sent
back from the front — ihcy would gi\'e you the lowest
hgure of all.
Xow it is precisely that last or lowest hgure — the
company or battery figure — which is the only one of real
value. How many men sent back wounded from the full
work .and strength of the fi.tjhting line come back to the
same sort of ;;ervice as they left ?
\\'hen you ask that question you get indeed \-ery
varying answers, but answers which show a very large
diiuinution of the original 60 odd ])cr cent, who were
ri'lurned from hospital as " ht for service."
No one can profess to expert knowledge in the
matter, there are no detailed statistics beyond the first
rough ones. One can only rely upon the experience
of the men who have to handle and detail for duty the
smaller units. But I think I am well within the mark if
I say that by the time one is considering the active work
in the fighting line not more than two-thirds of the original
mnuber sent back from hospital find their way to the full
service which they had left.
I may be wrong here. The real number of those
who actually return fit for full service may reach as high
a proportion as 40 per cent of all those originally
iidmitted to hospital for wounds. Let us take it at so
liigh a figure and call it 40 per cent.
Then we have in the category of wounded who can
no longer return /o full active service in the German Army.
up to the end of i<)i5, and who are therefore permanently
off th2 strength 1,800,000 min.
It is that figure less the few who, at iirst, replaced
fitter mill thin thsmislves in ' th:; auxiliary s.;rvice.-;.
Scale the ligare do'vn as generously as you will and you
will not get it bjlow 1,600,000.
(rf) 77j;: Sick.
There remains the category of the sick.
This category is exceedingly impartant for 3 reisan-;.
Fir.3t that it is never published in any of the lists available,
secondly (and consequently) that public opinion ujver
allows for it. Tiiirdly that, in the main, it a-'c )aats for
the very large difference between any published list of
casualties, however accUrati), and the real number " off
the strength." ■ 1. .:.,
We can only take very rough figures and remember
to weight the scales as heavily as possible against
jursilvos— but rough figures wj have.
'•' (".[:.t un >\y^z\x\ liaipitals U u'c iu.i;li lii,:^',i-;r li^nro-i. N' )l i')ly in
.his comilry.
• c.f. corUvLU lliiu;4iri,iii lioipit.vl rcptirU wliirli •^.)L thi\)ti.!ii to Hi
Miintry Jtiring the winter lis;htin'.j in tUc; C.up.ilhiaiu a ycir u..;u
fluJ appeared in tUu London press
We know trom the experience of the Allies certain
main facts which, however broadly, help to guide us.
First : Tiie proportion of sick in this campaign has
been far lower than was expected or than has commonly
been known in the past, because there have been no
epidemics, save in one or two isolated fields of the war. ■
Secondlv : The number of sick discharged as cured'
is a much larger percentage than the number of wounded
discharged as cured.
Lastly we have the fact that, from the nature of
the war during 15 months before the end of 1915,
the trench warfare produced sickness (and especially
sickness of the sort that disabled a man) largely in pro-
])ortion to the severity of humidity and cold. The
enteric group which was the cmse of the older armies has
largely spared the present war, but frostbite, pulmonary
disease and the rest have been in excess of the old ratio',
in proportion at least to other ailments.
Considering all these things, how shall we arrive at
a fair minimum of the number of men no longer of full use
on account of sickness ?
Let us first of all make a very large allowance indeed
for the complete cures. Let us call them 70 per cent.
That is, of course, a great deal too high upon any'of the.
evidence obtainable among the Allies. But precisely
because this element of the problem is a vague one are
we under the necessity of allowing for the very largest'
])ossible margin of error.
In the same way we will not take the observed j)ro-
portion of sick to wounded as being pretty well ccjual
in all the sanitary formations (not, of course, the hospitals
at home) at any one moment as a whole. We will take it
as only two-thirds.
If we admit those two elements we get as low a
figure for the whole war up to the end of 1915 as two
million admissions to hospital from sickness of all kinds
whatsoever in the German service. Of these again let
us admit that 70 per cent, arc complete cures, sending
the man back to exactly the same duties as he could
discharge before he entered. That again is an admission
heavily in favour of the enemy and much beyond
the truth, but we adopt it for the same reason, and
we allow that, of two milhon cases, 1,400,000 return as
strong as they were before to their old duties.
That leaves us 600,000 men lost from permanent
sickness in the period up to the end of 1915 off the full
strenyth to the enemv.
SORTES SHAKESPEARIAN/E,
By SIR SIDNEY LEE.
THE PRAYER OF GERMAN FINANCE.
God save the mark!
ROMEO AND JULIET. UI., ii.. 5,?. and
\. HENRY IV., I., iii, 56.
THE RETRENCHMENT COMMITTEE'S REPORT.
Nothing zvill come of nothing : s-pea/c
again.
KING LEAR. I., i., 89.
GER.MAN-AMERICAN DIRGE.
/ shal^ despair; there is no creature
loves me.
And if I die, no sonl xvil^ pity me.
RICHARD in., V. iii., 2I0-I.
L A K D A N I) \\- A T E R
March 9, njiG.
So lar wc lia\c now cstiiblishcd all the four categories
of absolute jx-rmanent loss.
The first category arrived ai b\, the call illation
already presented to my readers gives us one inillioii dead.
The second category gi\es us about a quarter 0/ a
milliun prisoners.
The third category, the permanently disabled
wounded, gives us 1,600,000.
The fourth categorj', the permanently disabled from
sickness gives us 600,000.
\\e should have altogether from these categories just
under three million — 2.850,000 men.
Before leaving that point of the permanent loss I
nuist emphasise again the deliberately low figures ad-
mitted.
To say that for every two men dead in a prolonged
war you ha\e barely three men maimed is obviously to
put Xhv maimed far too low. To say that for every three
men disabled by wounds >ou have little more than one
man disabled by sickness is to put the disabled from
sickness far too low. But I am admittedly putting things
at their very minimum. / am putiini; them as they n-uuld
b: put by ait enemy who should have to convince as iccll
IIS he could some neutral statesman that his losses were
of the very lowest sort.
Well then, to this number just short of three million
(2,830,000) which are the minimum permanent dead loss,
what have we to add for the wounded and sick that will
ultimately return, but are still in hospital or in con\ales-
cence ?
There agam we have the analogy of the Allied
statistics to guide us. The average period in hospital
and convalescence is four months. The admis.sions to
hospital per month counting those only who will ulti-
mately emerge cured and counting sick and wounded
together cannot jwssibly, for an army of the (ierman
numbers, be less than 100,000. W'c have, therefore, to
add to our total a floating balance of 400,000, and we
bring to the end of the year an irreducible minimum
off the strength of three and a quarter million.
******
Broad Checks on this Minimum Estimate.
Whenever in human affairs an estimate is based
upon no more than the careful addition of absolute
minima, it is necessarily so much below the truth as
to pro\oke ridicule.
If, for instance, I were to take the minimum con-
ceivable income, judging all circumstances most favour-
ably for the taxed and against the Treasury, of ten
wealthy men, \ should cheat the Exchequer badly. The
tax gatherers' estimate might double that minimum ;
it would at any rate enormously exceed it.
Have we any other methods by which to check our
result and to decicle, not perhaps by how much it is too
little — for it is necessarily that — but at least that it is
too little within a large amount ?
We have several.
(i). — We have the knowledge conveyed by the Intelli-
gence Uepartrtients that the Germans created no new
formations after last I-'ebruary ; that their losses up to
that moment had on the a\-erage been at the rate of close
on a quarter of a million a month, and that their drafts
since that moment had been on an average about 200,000 a
month.
l-'rom this external check one arrives at losses a
great deal above ji millions.
(2). — We have another exceedingly \ aluable check of a
general sort. It is the fact that the total amount off the
strength of a force at any moment is actually greater than the
casualty lists up to that moment, because sickness and other
" causes more than make up for the return of wounded.
Every contemporary army of the Allies to-day. and every
army of the past confirms this truth.
(3). — \\'e have the following invaluable point upon
the condition of the German effectives at the present
moment :
The Erench Class '16 after many months of training,
is not yet in the fighting line. Few ^■olunteers from it
were admitted. But much of the (ierman Class 16,
from which very many volunteers have been admitted is,
and has been for some time, in the fighting line as we
know from ])risoners. Only a fifth of it or so remains
in the depots. .\nd that although the average (ierman
l)eriod of training in this war is less than half as long as
the Erench.
These last two ])oints combined are conclusive as to
the relative exhaustion of enemy numbers.
As for Class '17, the Iwench ha\c called it up, the
Germans have " warned " it.
Neither process has an effect upon the calculaticjn,
because, when the (iermans shall begin to train their
Class '17 they propose to give it but a few weeks' training.
The Erench arc quite at their leisure to begin the training
of their Class '17 (which they called up on the 1st of
January) and they intend, as their deliberate policy is,
to give it a training at least as long as that which its
elders have already enjoyed.
(4). — Lastly there is the rough and general but
absolutely sound rule of thuinb. The real total wastage
of an army long in the field, is always more than four
times its dead.
When the history of the war can be written with all
documents available, no careful student of the
situation will be surprised if the total German losses
of every kind up to the end of 1915 prove close on
four millions.
1 he conclue ion would seem to be as follows : —
A man making out the very best case for German
losses, pleading as a German would plead to some neutral
power to pro\-e the continued resources of his armies,
could not by any form of argument whatever, get the
losses below three and a quarter million up to December
jist, 1915.
4> * * * 4c i|<
There is no object in making calculations of this sort
save the discovery of the truth.
Those who ridicule them as " mere arithmetical
work " are in intelligence and science exactly on a par
with the yokel who ridicules the doctor for using a ther-
mometer to take the temperature in a case of fever.
An estimate of numbers is the \-ery soul of judgment in
war.
I have been at pains to put the very lowest
figures admissible by any man who regards the problem
seriously. I know very well that those figures are below
the truth. But I ha\-e set such an absolute minimum
down fully and with proofs because I think that in a great
crisis of any sort, national or personal, a grasp of reality
and not some drug of illusion is the resource of men.
I shall turn later to the much vaguer and less
ascertainable Austro-Hungarian statistics, and see what
we can make of the losses in that case. H. Bei-Loc.
A\ our recent review of Major B. C. Lake's admirable
liand-hook Knowledge for War (Harrison and Sons, St.
Martin's Lane), it was pointed out that a book of this nature,
whicii will be in constant use on active service, ought to be
bound in leather, and not in paper. Tliis suggestion has now
been carried out.
Plent\' of amusement and a good deal of informitiou .u e
to be gathered from the record of A .Merry Banker in the Far
East, by W. H. Young. (John Lane. 5s. net.) Finding litth,'
prospect of life as it should be in a London office, tlie Ijanker
set out for .Manila, whence he drifted through the fiast and
through much of South America, gathering some moss in the
process, and also gathering a very nice taste in drinks, and
some of the moss tliat, according to the proverb, does not come
in tlie way of most rolling stones. The book is racy and
characterised jjy keen observation, while its author does not
mind telling a story against himself on occasion. It is just the
sort of volume one would rejoice to find on the smoking-
room table — a man's book from first page to last,
That useful book i)i reference " The Newspaper Press
Directory." whicli Mcissrs. Mitchell and Co. bring out annually,
has just appeared fpr i,yi6.,|It is full of information on
the Press of the f-Jritish Isles, and also includes a section cover-
ing i)ractically the whole Press of the British Empire.
After an interval of ten years or thereabouts, a second
edition pf Stonefoldsi by Wilfrid W. Gibson, has been issued.
(Elkin Mathews. 2S. 6d. net.) There is a Hardyesque
Havour about the dramatic studies inverse of which the book
is composed, but, save for one instance, the fates refrain from
weighting the dice against these country folk of wliom Mr
Gibson tells, and their stories work out to kindly ends. There
is little enough of genuine ])oetrv in the mass of verse pub-
lished now, which makes the rc-issue of this little volume all
the more welcome.
March 9, 1916,
LAND AND W A T E R
xMR. BALFOUR'S SPEECH.
By Arthur Pollen.
I II AVE just returned from the House of Commons
where I had gone to hear Mr. Balfour's Naval
Estimate speech — and a most powerful, significant
speech it was. But it was not the event of the
afternoon. I do not know whether reflection will alter
the first impression that Mr. Churchill's speech must have
made upon the bulk of his hearers. To me it seemed
a very mischievous utterance. Of the effect of the
speech there can be no .possible doubt. It will be
quoted the world over as showing that since he
and Lord Fisher left Whitehall, Great Britain's
shipbuilding policy has been unequal to her needs.
Take all Mr. Churchill's accusations and insinua-
tions as justified, and we must be in such naval
danger that his warning comes too late. If there are
any neutrals, such as Roumania or (jreece or America,
whose final decision as to the part they are to take in
the war hangs in the balance, if loss of confidence in Great
Britain's sea power can influence any of these decisions,
then ^Ir. Churchill has done all that was humanly possible
to turn such wavering neutrals from the Allied side.
There is but one circumstance that can explain —
for nothing can excuse —this malignant rhodomontade Mr.
Churchill has been some days in England. If he went to
Mr. Balfour, told him frankly his apprehensions and
came away without any assurance that Mr. Balfour's
naval colleagues were satisfied as to the shipbuilding
position, then that he should have said what he did is
intelligible enough. But it would not be intelligible in
the case of anyone capable of remembering that the words
" ex-First Lord of the Admiralty " still carry weight in
foreign countries. If he spoke without asking such
an assurance, what is one to say ?
For Mr. Balfour had made it perfectly clear in his
speech that the whole shipbuilding and ship arming
resources of the country had been de\-otcd without inter-
mission for the past year to supplying the needs of the
Navy. He admitted — without suspicion api)arently that
the admission could be misconstrued — that neither he
nor his naval colleagues were satisfied with the result,
and this although the result put the command of the sea
and the capacity of the British Pleet to maintain and
exercise it actually beyond reasonable question. It
was obvious indeed from the whole tenor of Mr. Balfour's
account of his duties and the way in which he and his
colleagues regarded them that,- whatever the shipbuilding
outj)ut of the country might be, the Admiralty would ask
for more. It is an attitude that follows inevitably from
the very striking premise of his argument — namely, that
the British Fleet is so no longer ; it has become an
international thing, the basis, the supporting and the
combining force of the Alliance to which the preservation
of European civilisation is committed. Obviously to
men with so high a sense of their mission, the fleet could
never reach a strength to excuse them from further
effort. But the fact that they are striving for the im-
jjossible is not equivalent to pleading that their efforts
liavc been inadecpiate. They must strive for it, because
although the capacity of Crermany to build — and what is
far more important — to arm ships, is not likely to be
greater than is estimated, to rely upon any estimate
must be unsafe. To do our utmost tlien can be the only
path of safety. All this Mr. Balfour made clear enough,
but he (jualified it somewhat unfortunately by adding
that our production might be still greater if certain
modifications of labour arrangements were in force.
Labour, in other words, was a coridition limiting the
amount of shipping that we could receive. But then it
always has been a limiting condition, and the total weekly
and monthly product is not less than it was when Mr.
Churchill and Lord iMsher were struggling which should
rule at the Admiralty. And to say that this limiting
condition had not been removed was tantamount to
saying that so far the Board of Admiralty had seen 110
necessity for its removal.
The regrettable jjart of Mr. Churchill's altitude was
that he failed to realise that when Mr. Balluur spoke,
he spoke with an authority behind him that no claptrap
declamations, no parade of a theatrical reconciliation
with Lord Fisher, can shake. For Mr. Balfour confirmed
in terms of no ambiguity at all a thing which I had
mentioned last week as notorious in the Fleet. He said
in so many words that the relations between himself,
his naval colleagues and the commanders-in-chief, and
indeed all the admirals at sea, were such, that the most
intimate unity of plan and purpose animated and indeed
inspired the Navy from top to bottom. When the new
Board was constituted last summer with Mr. Balfour
and Sir Henry Jackson at its head, those who knew the
Navy from within, who knew also the kind of men who
were now to govern it, saw that for the first time for many
years the one thing vital to naval success was assured.
The Navy would be governed by its own best brains, and
in consonance with the cHctates of its highest professional
knowledge. It knew* that for the immediate future at
any rate, it need not fear the arbitrary impulse of amateur
caprice. Mr. Balfour's speech established once and for
all that this expectation of the Navy has been realised.
Mr. Churchill does not know that the change has taken
place, because he has never understood that it was neces-
sary. It is the change that makes his speech so stupefying
a performance.
For three months now a determined effort has been
maintained to undermine and destroy this admirable
state of affairs. We have had dangled before our eyes
such preposterous things as a squadron of German ships
armed with 17-inch guns. Last week we had the even
more childish assertion that (}ermany's shipbuilding
facilities were so colossal that she might have 25 Dread-
noughts and battle cruisers under construction at this
minute. It is a statement that is not worth serious
criticism because if the writer meant shipbuilding
facilities and steel production facilities only, (jermany
might be building not 25 but 32, if she were content to
build them without furnishing guns, turrets and mount-
ings. These are but two instances of many of the effor-ts
made to shake public confidence in the Board of
Admiralty. To those who knew- the real state of
affairs it has been an ignoble and' distressing business
from the beginning. And in this business Mr. Churchill
has now taken a hand. Will he succeed in doing any
substantial harm ? I cannot think he will.
Mr. Balfour's speech was restrained to the point of
dullness. He gave us the basic, but astounding facts of
fleet's doings, but he told them without the least pretence
of rhetoric. He paid a noble tribute to the officers and
men of the Royal Navy and of the merchant marine. It
was a tribute that was ten times the more effective for
his confessed inability to say what he wanted to say. It
seemed somehow the only way a great gentleman should
speak of a great aristocracy. It stood in sharp contrast
with his predecessor's three war speeches in the House of
Commons, in which he managed to praise himself and
Lord Fisher and various departments of the Admiralty,
but had never a word of eulogy for the officers of the
fleet. It was another contrast too that Mr. Balfour never
spoke of himself at all. It was so clear throughout that
he spoke for the Navy with which he identifies himself
so modestly, and unifies as only a strong man can
The Return of the "Moevve."
The German Admiralty has announced the safe
return of the Mocivc to a home port, and there seems to
be no reason for supposing this account to be unfounded.
It w'as generally recognised, when the capture of the
Appam brought in the news of the Mocwc's breaking
blockade, that the German Navy had scored and, for once,
legitimately. Her safe return is a heavier score still.
We should be lacking in sportsmanship if we did not admit
that the ingenious Burgrave who commands her had
carried through an adventure of which any seaman might
be proud. And in going home the way he came, this wily
rover has finished up with a very artistic surprise.
LAND A X D WATER
]\Iarch (), KjiG.
That lie would inaHtvthc junction of the South American
and West Indian trade routes off Pernanibuco his luuiting-
ground was fully anticipated. It was also anticiimted
that the attentions of the British cruisers would before
very long make this hunting-f;round too hot for him.
The next act, we all thouj^ht, would eithei* be a search for
a safe hiding-place, or, at worst, internment under neutral
shelter. But the Burgra\-e having captured or sunk no
less than fifteen ships, and found in them a great deal of
\-aluable booty, including (50,000 in bar gold, has, after
all, taken cash and prisoners in triumph home, where
flags, iron crosses, and the plaudits of his frenzied country-
men will, one supposes, recompense him for the hazards
he has so skilfully surmounted.
The episode illustrates a great many truths of sea
war which ought to be more familiar to us than they are.
It shows again, for instance, how much more effecti\e is a
ship than a submarine, so long as it can avoid an encounter
with another ship of superior force. But in this case, it
shows also something more. The advantage of the sub-
marine over the surface ship is its capacity to hide inconti-
nently at the first sight of danger, and to pass through
danger zones unseen. The cruise of the Mocur reminds
us that an effective disguise is only invisibility under
another name. There is an incident in one of Mr. ("luster-
ton's stories which bears directly on tliis point. A murder
was committed in a block of Hats between certain hours.
The onlv entrance was under the obser\ation of se\eral
persons, including the porter at tlie door. All these
witnesses swore that no one had entered between these
hours. But l-'ather Brown had the perspicacity to note
that when these peojjle said " nobody " they meant nobody
who would e.xcite suspicion.. " Nobody " does not include
for instance, the postman, whose visit is a matter of
routine. And it is the postman who turns out to be the
murderer. \\'e ha\'e then another category of sea force
to remind us that the invisibility of the submarine is
neither a no\el nor a unique quality. The disguised
ship must be added to the destroyer at night and the
mine by daw But, notwithstanding the somewhat
startling and surprising successes of the Mocivc, it still
remains true that no very extensive preying on our com-
mercial ships is likely to be brought about by disguised
(ierinan raiders. Others, no" doubt, may- try to rival
these proceedings, but it is a mathematical certainty that
most of them will fail.
The Reply Blockade.
The attack on commerce, whether by converted
merchantmen, by fast cruisers, by privateers, as was the
case in our father's days, or by submarines as in our own,
is tile reply of a beU'agured country to its btsiegirs, and
it has ne\er yet been a successful reply. Om- blockade of
Germany, so far as Cerman shipping is concerned, is com-
plete and absolute. Our blockade of (lerman ])orts, so far
as neutrals arc concerned, is equally complete. Our
blockade, at one or more removes Ikroiv^h neutral ports,
is another matter altogether. The effort to cut off all
sujjplies being brought to (iermany in neutral ships
through neutral ports, can, in the nature of things, never
be complete unless we are prepared to con\ert into action
Sir Edward Grey's dictum about the non-neutrality of
neutral ojjposition to the exercise of our admitted rights.
But though not complete, and even though large quanti-
ties of food in fact, enter Germany, it is to be remembered
that Germany's need must ob\iously be entirely incommen-
surate with this form of supply. 1 observed, for instance,
some few days ago, a statement that Holland was feeding
German^^ and the allegation was based upon the alleged
fact that the imports of food in 1(^15 were greater by 17,000
tons than the average of 1914 and loij. But 17,000 tons
is onh' eight or nine ounces ])er head of the ])oi)ulation
— say a breakfast of dubious adecpiacy on one day of the
year. If Germany got no larger extra supply of food from
Holland than this, it would not carry a jjopulation.
accustomed to import one-tenth of its total support
from abroad, very far. The point of her attack on our
trade, however, is not to increase her own supply, but
to diminish ours. And as was long since pointed out by
Mahaii, all these cruiser and priwitt.vr efforts in attacking
trade, can bear no comparison in effect with the commerce
ihstruction that follows from effecti\e blockade.
What the Germans are booing against hope to effect
is' "the 'reversal ojfnheJg^eart A'merican writct's ^ictum.
Nor is it possible to exaggerate tlie importance of the
stake that they are playing for. Foreign trade, or as it
is perhaps more scientific to call it during war— foreign
supplies — must always be a matter of vital moment
to a country whose economic life and well being is based
primarily, or even largely upon the give and take of over-
seas connnerce. But if this was true in the great wars
of 100 years ago, it is a truth that applies with enor-
inously greater emphasis to-day because the ratio of
national resources devoted to war is now so much greater
than it was in olden times.
When every Euroi>ean nation is mobiliring at
the present time ten per cent of its po])ulation to light,
and oringing all these into the field within two years
instead of within twenty.^ the intensity with which
economic forces aftect the situation must grow with a
corresponding, concentration. The Germans, therefore,
are gauging the situation quite correctly in supposing
that if they can ciit off the overseas supplies of France,
luigland and Russia they will be doing more towards
determining tlie war in their fa\'our than by any success
tiiat the most sanguine Hun can think possible on land.
The destruction of ships, if carried far enough, must be
vital, because it is on ships that this war is ])riinarily
based. It is ob\iou:., for instance, that if the submarine
campaign of i()i5 Juid been, let us say, three times as
destructive as in fact it was, Great Britain and her
Allies must have been so short of shipping as to have
been gravely hanchcapped in tiie double task of keeping
their civil populations well fed and content, white at the
same time maintaining great military forces in the field
that must be supplied from ()\-ersea. .'\nd notwith-
standing the comparative failure of the first submarine
campaign, and even if its sequel is no more successful, the
event may still prove that the supreme direction has been
gravely at fault in ignoring the danger from this quarter.
There has been a neglect to continue the construction
of merchant shipping, which in war, is a vital national
necessity. Secondly tliere has been no adcciuaie effort
to see that such shipping as is available is employed
solely for those supplies that are necessary for the suste-
nance of the people and the successful carrying on of the
war. Everything else is a check on military efficiency.
And to remedy both these things very drastic measures
must be taken, and taken soon, h'or although there is so
far no proof that tlie new submarine campaign is any
more efficient than the old, it seems jjnident to ^nppos','
that it is likely to prove so.
Fortunately it cannot prove seriously nion- clte( ii\e
without, as we have fretpiently seen in these pages,
bringing Germany into conflict with the United States.
And there are many indications that this certainty
is daunting the (iennan critics of tiie \un Tirjiitz policy
Sea Power in the Black Sea and North Sea.
There is not space this week to do- more than note
the significance of \arious items of news. The Russian
Black Sea Fleet has joined hands with the Russian .Vrmy in
Anatolia. A landing has been effected at Atina, and 'i"re-
bizond is not likely to hold out nnich longer. The speed of a
military movement westward from the Trebizond-
luv.eroum line must gain greatly by the supplies and
reinforcements which will reach General I'ndarich with
far greater rai)idity, once he can establish an ad\anced
sea base. Neithtr the Gocb:n nor any of the surviving
Turkish battleships have shown any such capacity for
action as would lead one to suppose that the}' can redeem
the .situation at sea. The success of the Russians by
both land and water is so complete, the embarrassment
into wlii(-h Constaiitiiidple is thrown so great, that we may
soon be wbiuleriiig whethei' it was altogether wise to have
left (iallipoli when wv'did.
The German Fleet in" Being and Buildinj^.
.\ circumstantial telegram from Holland asserts that ,
a German fleet of over zo units has been seen off the Dutch
coast. That the 'High Seas licet might come out and
l^arade in shallow water is a contingency that was ])ointet:
out last week to be extremely i)robable And no com-
ment on tiie news' of i^ndi an e\ent standing by itself i;
necessary.
Marcli 0, 1916.
LAND A X J) W^A T E R .
THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR.— IV.
Some Lessons to be Learnt from it.
By John Buchan.
[Mr. John Buchan concludes to-day the i:;tcrcstin>j, scries
of articles in which he has been comf^arini; the con-
ditions oi the North in the American Civil War with
Creat Britain durini^ the present world stru!:;'^le. He
has demonstrated how nearly the difficulties -which each
(iovernment has had to' face have coincided, and he
sums up the parallel most ably in the final paragraphs
of this fined article.]
G
RANT was the man for the task. That is to say.
ho could apply the strategic scheme which
ga\-e the North victory. What was that
scheme ?
It was in its elements \ery simple. It was merely
to use the superior strength of the North in men and wealtli
and position to crush the Confederacy. The map will
showthat the Southern States were roughly a quadrilateral,
bounded by the Potomac, the Mississippi, and the sea.
One great Confederate 'State, Texas, lay west of the
]\Iississi]5pi, and Nortli-Wcst Virginia ran up in a long
peniu'-uia towards Lake Erie, so that it left only an isthmus
a hundred miles wide between the two partsof the North.
Tlic fust business of the N-orth was to occupy and hold
North-West Virginia, and this was done with little trouble.
The next was to blockade all the sea coast and prevent any
oversea imports from reaching the South. The third was
to control the Mississippi line, and so not only cut off
Texas from the Confederacy but complete the in\'estmeiit
of tlie Quadrilateral. After that the sides of the Quad-
rilateral could be pushed in, so that the armies of Lee
were left with less and less ground to manoeu\'re in and
draw their supjilies from.
Tlie North was perfectly conscious of its strength and of
what nmst be the main lines of its strategy. Strategy
depends very much upon geography, and geographical
facts cannot be blinked. But in the use of its strength it
fimiblcd for many long days. Strength in war, remember,
is not a thing wliich can be said to exist in the abstract.
There may be a ))otcntiality of strcngth.but till the strength
is made actual it is no better than weakness. A country
may have an enormous population, but unless that popula-
tion appears in the shape of trained armies in the right
place it is not an element of strength. It may have
great wealth, but unless that wealth is used skilfully
for the p\ir]50ses of war it is not strength. The North
had tlie jxitentiaiity of strength, but it had to find out how
to apply it.
(ine part of the problem was successfully faced from
the iirst. The Navy was well handled, and the whole
coast-line of the South was rigorously blockaded. That
must be set down to the credit of the civilians at \^'ashing-
ton. LiiKoln broke away from many of the accepted
])ractices of International law, and he and the Supreme
Court created precedents which have been of great use to
us in the present struggle, h'or a people so legally minded
and so conservative as America that was a remarkable
performance and sets an instructi^•e example to other
nations in the same position. The result was that the
South was pinched from the first and very soon began
to starve. Prices went up to a crazylevel. Before the
end of the war coffee was selling at £8 a pound and tea
at £b. A dinner in an hotel cost fs and a newspaper
cost 4s. A pair of boots cost /40. Moreover, practically
all the materials of war came from abroad, and, if it had
not been that the arsenals of the South were well supplied
at the start and that great qpantitics of munitions were
captured from the North in the first victories, the Con-
federacy must very soon have come to a standrtill through
sheer lack of material. That par,t of the Northern strength
was well a]>plied. • ' ' '
But it was not enough. The South had to be beaten
in the field, and it was there that the North fumbled. The
main strategic objective was clear, but it Js one thing to
have a clear strategical objective, ,and quite another
to have a clear strategical plan. The two objects to be
gained were (i) the capture of Richmond, the Southern
capital, and (2) the mastery of the Mississippi \-alley. Th<'
Northern generals, ^I'CloUan and the rest, began with
the most ingenious plans for the capture of Richmond.
J5ut they were too ingenious. They dissipattnl their
strengtii. I'"ive times great armies crossed the Potomac,
and live times they were driven back by half their numbers.
In 1862 four armies invaded Virginia and converged on
Richmond. In three months Lee had routed them all.
On at least two occasions the North was very near giving
up the war in despair. It is true that Lee was a man of
genius, and the fear of his name was worth an army corps,
but over-elaborate tactics, which do not use adequate'y
the strength of a people, play into the hands of a man of
genius. The early Northern commanders all wanted to
be Napoleons, and thought more about their military repu-
tations than about beating the enemy, (irant, when he
came along, thought only of using the gross strength of
the North in a plain business-like way. The South was so
situated that it could terribly punish divergence. It was
operating upon interior lines, and so had the chance of
striking rapid blows at the widely separated Northern
armies. Even after Crettysburg, when the bad days haci
begun, it could i^laj* that game. An instance is Long-
street's swift dash to the West, which gave him the \'ictory
of Chickamauga and checked the Federal invasion of
deorgia.
The Method of Grant.
A great strategical plan is generally simple. As an
example take Moltkc's scheme which won the war of 1870.
There was no fumbling there. His two great army groups
had no other object but to concentrate all their might as
soon as possible on the main forces of the enemj-. The
North began by flinging away its chances with divergent
operations and divided cormsels. Then came Grant's
capture of Vicksburg, which along with the naval opera-
tions on the lower waters, gave the North the line of the
Mississippi. It was (irant's greatest military trium|")h,
and it will always remain an admirable example of that
most interesting manfeu\Te when a general cuts himself
loose from his base — a movement which Sherman made
later in his great march to the sea, and which Lord
Roberts performed in the South African War. Once the
line of the Mississippi was won, and (irant was in supreme
command, the strategic plan of the North was simplified.
The policy of pressing in the sides of the quadrilateral
began. Sherman split the Confederacy in two by march-
ing across Georgia from Atlanta to Savannah, and the
war zone was thereby narrowed to Virginia and the
Carolinas. Grant with the Army of the Potomac
advanced against Richmond. He fought his way into the
Wilderness, till he was face to face with Lee behind the
lines of Petersburg.
Now mark the situation. The South had been
blockaded for three years. Its soldiers were ragged and
barefoot, with scanty food, scanty munitions, scanty
an.esthctics. But they did not give in. Grant did not
underrate his enemy. He knew that he could not star\'c
him into surrender, but nmst beat him in the licld. He
used all his cards for the purpose, and not merely a few.
For example, he used the command of the sea. With its
a.ssistance in the 1864 campaign he shifted his base and
the line of communi^-ations no less than four times within
two months. By the end of March 1863, he had so weak-
ened the enemy's man-power that he forced him to.
evacuate the Petersburg lines. Lee broke loose, but he
could not get awa\\ The net had closed round him, and on
April f)th, 1865, the greatest soldier since Napoleon, com-
manding an army which was reduced to little more than a
corps, laid down his arms at Appomatox. The North
had ended the war in the only way by which the I'nion
could be safeguarded ; it had won a complete and final
victor\-.
The Parallel.
Was the problem of the North altogether unlike our
own ? In many ways it was different. We arc fighting
along with strong Allies, We began by possessing the
rudiments of a military system. \\'e have suffered very
J. WD AND WATER
March 9, 1916.
^ittle from the political clissonsjons, t^ic Press clamour,
and the pcrsunai iutrif^ues. which^for fco long woakcnecl
the hand of 1-incoln. Again, \vu arc happily not lighting
against genius of the lirst order, for there is no (lennan
soldier who can rank with Lee and Jackson. \\e are
engaged with a far more formidable'powcr than the Soutli,
but if we allow the possession of the great Confederate
leaders to weigh against the lack of trained men and
supplies, we may say that the North was the amateur
and the South the professional ; just as to-day Britain is
the amateur who begins by having the business to learn,
and (iermanv is the professional who has studied the
game for a generation. Like the North, we and our
Allies ha\e the greater potential strength in men and
wealth, but all Cicrmany's strength has been at her dis-
posal from the outset, and we have had to make of ours a
practical reality. Our jiroblem is the same — to beleaguer
the enemy and then to breach the walls of his fortress.
But we began, like the North, by ha\ing no consistent
strategic plan, by having no real staff work at head-
quarters, and by various divergent operations which
clissipatcd our strength. JJke the North we ha\'e had to
mobilise our man-power to an undreamed-of extent, and
we have had to train it. We have also had to hnd the men
who could use our strength, l^'ortunately they need not
be geniuses. Genius is like the wind that bloweth
where it listeth, and no man knoweth the way of it. We
cannot connt on the advent of a genius — tholigh a Lee
or a Napoleon would no doubt cliange the whole aspect
of the struggle — but we have the right to look for leaders
who can recognise where our assets lie, and use them with
an undivided purpose.
Our strategic objective is the same as that of the
North, and our strategic plan is the same. We have
succeeded, as the North succeeded, in blockading the
enemv. But that is not enough, (irant had to figlit liis
-wav through the enemy's defences and break him in a
held battle, and that took two stubborn years. We have
the same task. We cannot beat Germany by blockading
her, though all that helps ; the finishing touch must come
from a field victorj'. \\'e have no use for a complex
an(^ showy strategy any more than (irant had. Our
strategy must be simple, but it must be pursued with a
single-hearted purpose and unwavering resolution. We
have to mobilise every ounce of potential strength and
so concentrate it as to over\vhelm the enemy. That was
what Grant did, and only by doing that can we win the
victory that Grant won.
Other Parallels : Trench Warfare.
There is another series of lessons to be learned from
the American Civil War —technical lessons in the handling
of troops. This is perhaps scarcely the place to enlarge
on such a subject ; but one or two points may be noted.
The first is the use of entrenchments. The great
war of 1870 showed comparati\ely little spade work,
at any rate in the earlier stages. But if you take such a
campaign as Grant's in the Wilderness of Virginia in
May 1864, vou will find that it developed very fast into a
war of entrenchments. Both sides sheltered behind
parapets of earth and felled timber, and the result was the
kind of stalemate which we have seen for the past year.
Grant, it will be remembered, turned the first position by
a very audacious flank march, and Lee took up a second
line, the line of Petersburg. This line was admirably
chosen, for I^ee has never been surpassed in his eye for
country. There (irant wore him down and ultimately
drove him from his position. If we seek for parallels to
the kind of frontal attacks on entrenchments which we
have seen lately in the West there are plenty in the Wilder-
ness campaign. The series of encounters which we call
the Battle of Spottsylvania was such an attack. Mark
what happened there. < irant found out a weak point in
the Confederate line, and on May loth attacked witii three
divisions after a long artillery preparation. The twelve
battahons in the centre, like the Highland Brigade the
other day at Loos, swept everything before them. They
carried the first position, took 20 guns and i,aoo prisoners,
and then swept on and carried the second position. But
Lee deliverecl his counter-stroke, caught the Federals
when their impetus was exhausted, and drove them back
to. their original line.
Grant's attack failed for one reason only —he had no
reserves at hand. Two days later, early on the morning
of May I2th, he made another desperate assault on a salient
in Li,'e':i front, (^nce again the first posiition was carried ;
once again the NortlK-rners were brought up against the
second position and routed by Lee's counter-stroke.
The same thing happened in many other battles of the
American Civil War— at (lettysburg, for example, where
the superb charge of Pickett's Virginians failed for lack of
supports. When a frontal attack succeeded, as at
Chickamauga and at Chattanooga, it was because behind
the spear-head there was a spear-shaft.
Have we not seen the same thing ? At Neuve
Chapelle, at Festubcrt, at Loos, we delivered frontal
attacks which succeeded brilliantly in the first effort.
But there were no fresh troops behind them to give the
finishing stroke, and the impetus slackened just when the
vital point was reached. The lesson of the American
Civil War is that, when owing to the nature of the adver-
sary's ])osition, no man(eu\-re battle is possible and the
only thing to do is to attack in front, that attack can<mly
succeed if there are ample reserves —fresh troops who can
carry on the impetus of the first assault. It was fortunate
that the (iermans had ho Lee at their head to deal his
deadly counter-stroke, for, if they had, Neuve Chapelle
and Loos might have been for us not partial successes,
but unrelieved calamities.
Cavalry.
A second point is the use of cavalry. The Civil War
will repay thi close study of all cavalry officers. It pro-
duced some really great cavalry loaders, like Job Stuart
on the one side and Sheridan on the other. In shock
tactics the American cavalry would probably have ranked
below the cavalry of a first-class European Power. But
they may be said to have discovered the mounted rifleman
— men who could fight on foot or on horseback as occasion
demanded, men full of initiative and self-reliance, who
could lorm an impenetrable screen, or raid enemy com-
munications, or urge a pursuit, or make a reconnaissance,
or play their part in a set battle with equal competence.
Happily in Britain we have learned this lesson. I think
•we may fairly claim that our cavalry are the handiest
in the world. In pure ca\alry work they showed great
brilliance in the retreat from Mons, and at the first and
second battles of Ypres they were as steadfast in trench-
fighting as the best infantry. There is no parallel to
such jjerformances on the (icrman side. Last September,
when von Hindenburg made his desperate effort to cut off
the Russian army in the Vilna salient, he flung 40,000
troopers under von Lauenstein round the Russian right
flank. They turned that flank completely, but thev
could not hold their ground. They had no infantry with
them, and the horsemen were routed by the Russian
counter-attack. It was fortunate for Russia that the
(icrman ca\alry were not true mounted infantrymen.
Had they been trained on the British ]Aan. it is not un-
likely that \on Hindcnburg's bold stroke would luwe
succeded.
These topics are suggested 10 an\one who cares to
pursue the parallel. But that parallel is most instructi\ e
in connection with the greater n^atters on which the
success of the North depended. In almost all respects
their problem was our own. (iiven greater wealth and
more men, how could these best be used to crush the enem\' ?
Like us, the North had to levy armies beyond its wildest
dreams. It had to simimon the whole of its available
man-power, and it had to use for this purpose the legal
imperati\e. It had to learn how to train its le\'ies, so
that the initiative of the volunteer should be preserved
under the discipline of the corporate unit. It had to
use its navy to hem in the enemy, and to starve and cripple
that enemy. It had to find men to lead its armies who
could get the full value out of its greater man-power
and better equipmept. It had to find the right strategical
plan and stick to it, discarding all divergent operations
and brilliant side-shows. And when all this had been
done it had to fight hard for success ; to deliver hammer-
blow after hammer-blow till the armed strength of the
South crumbled to pieces in the field. Potential strength
was not enough ; it had to be made actual. Actual
strength was not enough ; it had to be used. Nothing
less than a complete and whole-hearted national effort
availed.
But when that effort was made, there was victory.
March 9, 1916.
LAND AND W A T E R
THE BULGARIAN OBSESSION.
Bv Alfred Stead.
Bl'LGARIA lias betrayed the Allies once, there
is a danger that Bulgaria will cause the Allies
to betray their word again. To understand
the present situation in the Balkans, and to
foresee the future. course of events, it is necessary to look
a little closely into the Bulgarian question. Here we
lind the cause of much that would otherwise be inexplic-
able. It is necessary that we should understand this
question, because it is far from having finished its sinister
influence. The fact that the Bulgarian Monarch and
his people are now fighting against us, or that they have
devastated Serbia and shot down Enghshmen, does not
preclude their endeavouring to run with the hare and hunt
with the hounds. It is still necessary to warn against
the efforts of those Englishmen, who, desirous of adver-
tisement in Bulgaria and at home, become useful tools
in Bulgarian liands. The Bulgarian seed has been well
sown, one crop has' been reaped in Gallipoli, another in
Serbia, the third is ripening north of Salonika.
The obsession of the Allies for Bulgaria, the childlike
belief in Bulgarian friendship would be touching were
it not criminal. It has already brought the whole
Near Eastern policy of the Allies into chaos. Serbia has
been sacrificed, Roumanian aid has been made more diffi-
cult to secure, while Turkey has been granted a new lease
of resisting power. The Bulgarian obsession is also
responsible for the Dardanelles campaign. And yet to
those on the spot, to any honest man with a knowledge
of Bulgaria and the Bulgarian Monarch it was certain
that Bulgaria must go against the Allies. And the only
change in the situation to-day is that the Germans have
Ferdinand in their hand as surely as he had the Bulgarians.
Remarkable Astuteness.
The Bulgarians have shown remarkable astuteness in
])reparing the public opinion in this country and in
France and Russia, making them believe that they
knew Bulgaria, but that was no reason why English-
men and Frenchmen of ability should have allowed
themselves to become Bulgarian catspaws. They may
be left to their consciences. The future must, however,
be guarded against.
In Bulgaria there was, from the beginning, and is
now only one element to be considered, and that the
Bulgarian King, Ferdinand of Coburg, who had gradually
gathered into his hands all the national life-cords. There
was nobody else who counted, no minister or individual.
He was supremely absolute, and his people knew it well.
The successive Bulgarian ministers were so many puppets
and had as much fay in their actions as the dolls in a
marionette show. It was not only that they were afraid
of their foreign ruler, whose ability to think quicker than
they earned an unloving respect, but Ferdinand had
taken every precaution to ensure their obedience.
It would be difticult to find a prominent Bulgarian
politician who could not be forced to confess that
Ferdinand possesses documents or proofs destructive of
his career and imperilling his life. And the posses-
sion of these proofs of unsavoury transactions, financial
))rincipally, but occasionally worse, made it easy for the
King of Bulgaria to call his ministers to heel. Daneff,
Radoslavoff, Gueshoff, Ghenadieff, none of these had any
real say in the making of war or the determining of policy.
Tiiey were more impotent than thii Peace Party in Con-
stantinople before Turkey made vvar on Russia. They
could grow rich while in office, to live in uneasy aiflucnce
afterwards, but they have never been other than political
eunuchs. The Bulgarian people, a Tartar race, with their
nomadic instincts not yet Eradicated, had inherited
from the Turkish domination an atmosphere of petty
mistrust of each other, which riiade tlie handling of
them by Ferdinand and his tools an easy matter.
Nor must it be overlooked that for thirty years
they have acquiesced in Ferdinand's sway — in a land
where assassination is more easy of accomplishment than
is the mobbing of a minister here.
And as to Ferdinand's views in the present war there
could never be any doubt. He was inevitably and whole-
heartedly with the Central Powers, both by inclination
and calculation. Nor is the reason far to seek. Not only
was he always more than fialf Austrian in his ideas, due
largely to his upbringing at Vienna, but it was evident that
he could only realise his ambitions by alliance with Berlin.
Principle of Nationality.
The Allies had enunciated the principle of nationali-
ties as the fundamental basis of the war, and the success
of this principle meant ruin to all Ferdinand's ambitions.
A man of tremendous ambiti(ms, inherited and developed,
he could never be content with a minor role. Vain and
arrogant, his ambition has always been to be the greatest
of Near Eastern sovereigns. The principle of nationalities
dooms him to be the least important. The inclusion in
Serbia of the Serbians in the Dual Monarchy and in
Roumania of the Roumanians of Transylvania inevitably
makes these two states larger than Bulgaria, even with
all Macedonia.
It is impossible, hurriedly, to create Bulgarians ;
the most that is possible is to argue that all Macedonians
were Bulgarians. But this still left a Greater Bulgaria
overshadowed by her neighbours, nor was there any possi-
bility of Bulgaria coming into contact with Europe. Often
and openly used Ferdinand to deplore the fact that he
had to spend his life "a missionary of European civilisa-
tion " amongst a barbarous race without any contact
with Europe. It was therefore hopeless from the start
for the Allies to offer Ferdinand Macedonia or part of
Thrace ; it could not meet the needs of his ambition.
On the other hand the Central Powers were able to
offer him aggrandisement of territory on the ruins of
Serbia and through the despoilment of Roumania. They
were prodigal of promises — so prodigally gilded was the
pill of future Bulgarian vassalage to Germany that
Ferdinand was ready and willing to swallow it. There
would be no Serbia, Roumania also would be much less
enlarged — and promises were held out that in the later
future Roumania might also disappear. There was,
therefore, every chance of the greatest of his dreams being
realised, and on the ruins of former Serbia a greater
Bulgarian Tsardom march with a Germanised Austria.
So obvious were the advantages to Ferdinand of
alHance with the Central Powers that he, never hesitated.
He was quite willing to risk his people in the attempt to
realise his ambitions — especially so since he would far
rather have the Bulgarian nation slaughtered than con-
tinue to rule it as the least important of Balkan rulers.
But it was necessary to gain time, to endeavour to obtain
arms and ammunition, both lamentably short at the
commencement of the war. The sturdy resistance of
Roumania to the passage of war stores hindered greatlv
the moment of Bulgaria's action. The Austrian and
German forces were far away and for months Bulgaria was
at the mercy of the Allies. An ultimatum with twenty-
four hours for decision would have settled the Bulgarian
question any time up to last autumn.
Futile Negotiations.
Nothing was done. Negotiations were commencea,
carried on and recommenced. The astute Ferdinand
was as much in his element as ever was Abdul Hamid,
when maintaining an ec]uilibriimi of discord amongst the
Great Powers. More than a match for the best diplomats
and statesmen, his task with the diplomats at Sofia was
easy, because they were certainly not of the first class.
Utilising to the full the traditionary belief in Bulgarian
gratitude to Russia, the King was able to con\ince the
allied representatives that he was more than desirous
to come in with them. Carefully coached by his future
allies he tried on the game of disgusting Serbia by de-
manding that the Allies should take from their small, but
victorious ally, the fruits of the two Balkan wars. Serbia,
violating her constitution, submitted to her own despoil-
ment, and remained loyal to her Allies.
Secingto what lengths the Allied obsession would go,
and having an additional proof in their acquiescence in
the Bulgarian loan in Berlin, the Bulgarians began to
L A .\ T^ A N 1) W A T E R
March 9, 1916.
. ■. . , ,_ , - . . ■ •-._■•
take grcartcr'rfsks. 'Of the' Geihian loan, a' Bulgarftin
tx-Ministor said at the time that it was certain that
Ciermany would never gnve Bulgaria money during' a
war without liaving adequate guarantees from Bulgaria
as to her decision. This would seem to iiave been the
common-sense view, but the Allied diplomats at Solia were
not disturbed. When in doubt they used to walk out
to gaze u]xm the huge monument of the Tsar Liberator
and be reassured as to Bulgaria's gratitude to Russia.
They did not realise the pregnant fact that when a people
feel the need of erecting monuments to prove that they
are grateful, the gratitude is nuich less living. Tiie Tsar's
moinnnent at Sotia is not a sign of gratitude, it is it's
tombstone.
In Bucarest everyone was aghast and dumbfoundered
at the doings in Sofia. Intercourse was free between
the two countries for passengers, although the Bulgarians
ga\e as little facility for the passage of Roumanian goods
as did Roumania for Bulgarian war stores. Roumanians
returning from Solia reported the Bulgarian capital as
" more German than Berlin." there was open talk of war
against Serbia. Bulgarians in Bucarest talked naixely
of " taking Macedonia by force and remaining friends
with Russia and neutral." The evidence that the Allies
were ready to sacrihce Serbia con\'inced the Bulgarians
that there was no real objection to a Bulgarian occupation
of Macedonia. German officers, easily recognisable in
their civilian clothes, passed through every da\', German
under-officers also. For months before the Bulgarian
mobilisation German instructors were training Bulgarian
troo])s while the general staff at Sotia was being trans-
formed into a German war machine, (ierman aeroplanes
alighted in Bulgaria and were allowed to go on their
way to Constantinople, others remained in Bulgaria.
It must be said that in Bucarest the German agents and
officers passing through were never at any pains to con-
ceal their certainty of Bulgaria's entry on their side.
Active Preparation.
During this time of active and almost open German
preparation, several Allied missions, more or less official,
visited Sofia and were charmingly entertained by King
Ferdinand. They all emerged from the fatal atmosphere
of the Sofia diplomatic circle saturated with a conviction
that Bulgaria was surely pro-Ally — and they were intelli-
gent persons, having some of them pretensions of know-
ledge of near-eastern affairs ! And so the fool's paradise
continued even up to the end. It if probable that even
after the Russian ultimatum had been delivered, the
Allied diplomats hoped for a Btdgarian acceptance.
The i^ussian Minister in Bucarest only a few days
before the outbreak of war asserted that Bulgaria's
mobilisation was solely directed against Turkey. To the
lay mind of course it seems curious that even the fact of
(iermany through her ally. Turkey, ceding territory to
Bulgaria during wartime should have failed to convince
the Allies that Bulgaria was " sealed " to the Central
Powers. It is perhaps not surprising that Russia should
have been reluctant to believe in Bulgarian betrayal, but
that was no reason why the other Allies should follow
blindly in the same way. Common prudence would have
suggested some sort of insurance against mistake, some
military preparation which would ha\e enabled the Allies
to strengthen their position in the Balkans and gain
weight at Sofia, while avoiding the awful error of remain-
ing at the mercy of a belief in Bulgaria's friendship.
It is only just to Bulgaria to say that it is doubtful
whether she ever made any jiromiscs.
Thus Bulgaria was able to mobilise, to concentrate
leisvnely and strike when her Central .Allies had made
good their promises of crossing the Danube. In Bucarest
and Nish it was well known where the Bulgarian troops
were concentrating, but not even jjreventive measures
were allowed to Serbia because " we are negotiating at
Sofia and hoi)C to arrive at fa\>ourable results." It was
delightful for the Bulgarians, whose fear was that the
Serbian armj' would occupy Sofia before they could
concentrate for adequate defence — they certainly never
hoped to be allowed time to concentrate for successful
offence. Thanks to the Allied obsession, however, even
this was not denied them.
I'hv Bulgarian refusal to accejit tlic Russian ultima-
luin came as a thunderbolt to the diplomats at Sofia '.
■' The visit of the British and French ministers to the Palace,
the remaining of the R\issian minister, all after the break-
ing off of relations between the Allies and Bulgaria, were
final proof of the reluctance to believe the obvious, to
admit that Bulgaria had played them false. The Blur
book on the events in Turkey before the war is melaucliol)
reading with its pathetic reiteration that " the peace
party are gaining ground," even while the " Gocbcit and
Hrcslau " and the German detachments were llaimting
the victory of the German triumph over the peace party.
It is unimaginable that there will ever be a Blue book on
the Bulgarian negotiations— it would be sub-edited away.
Removing Ferdinand.
And so Bulgaria went to war and Serbia was sacrificed!
The simplest nu'thod of proving the Russian contention
that the Bulgarian ])eople were at heart with Russia and
that it was only tlu' King who was .\ustrian would have
been to remove Ferdinand— a sacrifice of one life to sa\'e
thousands. Then, and then only, would it liave been
possible for the Bulgarian people to show that their
sentiments were other than those of their ruler. This
is no longer possible. The a^isassination of Ferdinand
would not release the Bulgarians from the German swa\'.
The argument of the jjro-Ru-sian inclinations of the
Bulgarians with its corollary that the Bulgarian troops
would not fight against Russians is no sound one.
Besides, the Bulgarians are told nothing, know nothing
save that which their rulers choose to tell them. A
Bulgarian Colonel, captured near Pirot. did not know
of tile Russian manifesto nor that Russia had declared
war. He said quite sincerely : " Why should Russia
mind if we take Macedonia ? " If a Colonel did not know
of Russia's action what is to be expected of the rank and
file ? They are simply food for cannon and will fight
against the Russians if ordered to.
That they will surrender is also i>robable because
they will be tired of the war and, having Macedonia, they
will think there is nothing more to be gained. The
Bulgarians have a touching belief that in the final settle-
ment, Russia will allow tliem to keep their spoils. To
honest men it is a terrible, an unconceivable idea, but it
exists in Bulgaria and is not unknown in Russia. How
it is to be reconciled with our obligations to Serbia and
our interests in Roumania it is difficult to conceive. In
the fairness of things and for future peace in the Balkans,
Bulgaria should disapjicar. Better tlie Turk than tin;
Bulgar. The clearer it is made that the Bulgarian
obsession no longer has wei.glit with the Allies the more
possible is it to hope for Roumanian co-operation. If
Roumania were to believe tluit there exists a policy of
resuscitating Bulgaria without or with Ferdinand, of
taking the Bulgarians again to the Allied bosom, it is
certain that the six hundred thousand Roumanians will
not participate in the coming Balkan campaign.
Cost of Mistakes.
\\'e have surely paid dearly enough for our mistaken
belief in Bulgaria, we have made Serbia pay more dearly
and it should be inconceivable that we should still be
ready to be gulled. It is all very well for the Bulgarians
to dream of being forgiven — their German taskmasters
will not allow them to act independently during hostilities.
Afterwards will come the tug-of-war, but if the true facts
of the double dealing of Ferdinand (and the Bulgarians arc
as guilty as he, since for 30 years they condoned his
doings) come to be known, not even the mo: t ardent
devotee at the shrine of Bulgaria as pictured by the
Balkan Committee will dare to ad\ocate mercv.
The allied ■ pact guai'anteeing the restoration and
future integrity of Belgiiim should have its counteri)art
in a combined dtH:laration on the part of this country,
France, Russia aiid Italy, that Serbia will be re-created as
before the war, wliate\ermay happen as to the Serbians
of Austria or Hungary. Such a declaration would clear
the Balkan air eiiormously.
The question' is clear and vital, the Allies must choo.sc
between a second-hand Bulgarian army and a fresh
Roumanian one. They cannot entertain any idea of
welcoming l>ulgaria. into the Allied fold and hoix- to win
Roumanian to-o^K'ration. And to-ilay the decisi\e
word in the Balkans is with R(jumania.
lO
March 0. iQi(3. L A X D AND \V A T E R .
THE UNDISCOVERED COUNTRY.
By J. D. Symon.
IN a more earthly sense than Hamlet's, e\ciyone has
his undiscovered country, but he has this advan-
tiVfic o\cr the Prince of Denmark, that this region,
altliou;;ii for ever chisixe, is to some extent
c'early delined. It belongs to no future, it exists here and
now. We seem to Icnow where to iind it, we are always
on the point of finding it, and lind it we do, with that
inward eye which is the bliss of solitude, although to the
eye of sense it remains for ever unrevealed. It is that
ideal place where wc imagine we should be happy even on
earth. There we would find the perfect dwelling-j>lacc, the
perfect sky, the perfect air, at times there are glimpses of
the perfect sea, and somewhere in the landscape there
stands the perfect house.
This imdisco\'ered country of ours is a shifting entity,
and were it possible to captiuT it for a moment or two, and
analyse it, it would be found to be made up of all our
apjiroximations to the earthly Paradise, h'or e\eryone it
lies in a different direction, but there are some who confess
that this sense of well-being is most alive with them when
they turn towards the southern outskirts of London. It
is true that the northern heights can also arouse these
indefinable sensations, but in this northern hemisphere
the sun draws our mental attitude southward, as it did
for Keats when he cried aloud for a beaker full of the
warm South, full of the true, the blushful hippocrene.
It is to the Undiscovered Country that we would retire
on that hajDpy da>- when we have made our fortune, when
we would have all things about us as \\-e would desire
them to be, and enjoy for a moment such so\ ereignty over
the world as our means allow.
In poorer days we seek the Undiscovered Coimtry
during holiday rambles, and for some it is inseparably
connected with Saturday afternoon, when they are free
to leave the town behind them and go out into those
coimtry paths, one of which may at some unexpected
moment bring us into the land of Beulah. It never does,
but we are little discouraged by that which may be no
misfortune after all, for the intrusion of the concrete is
a consummation devoutly not to be desired in such
spiritual adventures as those we have in hand.
Prosaic Reality.
The concrete is not to be escaped by those who still
tread this solid earth, but we may touch 'prosaic reahty
with our feet, we may see the actual landscape around us,
and yet be one remove away, for the Undisco\-ered Coun-
try always lies round the next corner. Now and then wc
seem to catch actual glimpses of it, for there arc certain
accessories of the landscape which are in an especial
degree stimulating to this fantastic mood. Such stimulus
lies more particularly in details of the middle distance
and there is nothing more wildly romantic than to see
across a wide \alley a turn of road that clashes for a moment
into view, and winding round a spur of wood disappears
whither we may ne\er know. But e\-ery day as we" look
with the earliest light across that valley and see our little
loop of roadway gleaming in the dawn, we vow that to-
day we shall find the way there, stand at that romantic
corner for a moment and learn what lies beyond. Well
for us if we do not, for approach to that enchanted spot
would rob it first of all of that diminished perfection which
co-ordinates it as. a separate little picture bv itself, and
makes it in the purest Greek scnsc-^idyllic.
The Undisco\'ered Country shifts its ground, and
lca\ing the open spaces flies townwa.rd to those com-
fortable regions where town and country meet, and where
hpuses that ought by rights to stand !in wide demesnes
are content with gardens, ample perhaps, as townward
gardens go, but all too meagije for the. dwellings which
they serve. Some of these houses: might almost be stately
homes of England did they stand amidst. sufficient acreage,
but that felicity is denied them, although they have their
own felicities. Some of them make up for their deficiencv
of private roads by their neighbourhood to famous heaths
and commons, and rambling there as .Ijhc twilight closes
in, and the lights twinkle for a moment from windows
soon to be screened with warm curtains, the wavfarer
sees vet another aspect of his Undiscovered Countrv.
He is beset with a strange and perhaps impertinent
curiosity to view intimately his unknown neighboiu-'s
house, and it teases him to reflect on the \-ast nvnnber of
which he will never see more than the outside. Tli •
infinite variety, the endless interest of such an exhibition
would leave all museums tame by comparison, and the
spectator would be hugely advanced in the proper study
of mankind, were it possible for him to play the universal
Asmodeus. He would desire, however, to approach in no
cynical mood, for the region of the Undisco\eied Country
has its root of fascination in its bene\-olent charm.
The Twilight Spell.
Its spell is, as wc have hinted, mo.?t potent at twilight,
particularly in the winter, just before blinds are drawn
and lamps are lighted and the warm interiors are fitfully
revealed by winking firelight. Then it is that the other
man's books and pictures, his choice old furniture and
his cosy corners seem the right material of romance and
the occasional figures that move past the windows in the
firelight become inhabitants of a less ]-)rosaic world than
our own. They are dream children, they breathe a rarer
atmosphere, their interests and ho lights must be of finer
texture than ours. We know very well that they have to
face the same grey days as we ourselves must get through
somehow, they sit down to the same sort of meals, they
read the same papers, a similar world of tragedy and
comedy presses in upon them hour by hour, but we refuse
to take it literally. The People of the Undiscovered
Country must, we think, be a degree above the ordinary,
for their surroundings are so much more like a story-book
than ours.
" This is all nonsense," saj's the practical man, " your
imagined felicities do not exist, and your story-book people
are not to be found out of story-books. You think
their houses and their possessions are out of the common.
To them, believe me, they are commonplace. They
do not see what you see in them : pcs.slbly they woiild think
your household gods the altogether desirable, if they were
afflicted with your lamentable turn of mind. Go to, Mr
Dreamer, this is a practical age. Give us something
])ractical and away with your moonings aroimd your
neighbour's front gate. If you hang about there too long
the Special or even the Ordinary Constable will have a
word to say to you and you will probably see the inside
of a residence you didn't bargain for. Buy an e\-ening
paper, like a good, sensible man, go home and, if romance
you must have, read the kiiillcton. For your Undis-
covered Country and so forth will only get you into trouble.
They are not the Legitimate Drama."
He is no doubt a sound man, this counsellor in whom
the spirit of Columbus does not stir, and there is no
argument in our armoury that would avail with such.
He has forgotten his childhood, otherwise it would be
very easy to bring him to a gracious state of unreason
with a single question. For if any doubt the existence ol
the Undiscovered Country and its magic, let. them gc
back for a moment to that old wisful puzzle of childish
days : Why is the room or the \iew from the window so
much more wonderful when you see it in the looking-
glass ? It seems. a different, a nicer place somehow, a
place you want to visit and enjoy on a long holidav.
And the answer is simply this : It is the Undiscovered
Country.
During the early daj-s of the war the War Office and
Admiralty accepted the generous offer of the Bath' Corpora-
tion to give free treatment for wounded or invalided soldiers.
The increased number of visitors to Bath, and the manv
thousands of treatments given to officers and men, necessitated
additional acconmiodation, and the new Royal Baths were
opened recently by Field Marshal Lord French, who received
a warm welcome from tlic people of Bath.
The new establishment contains fifty rooms, and accom-
modation is provided for a variety of treatments, including
deep baths. Some of these are fitted with chairs for lowering
helpless patients into the water. A large swinuning hath is
under the same roof. Many great iniprnvemcnts in the
gc'neral cipiipment of the establisliment ha\-c been introduced.
I. A X D AND W A T !■ R
March 9. iQiO.
THE SCOTTISH IMBROGLIO.
By Neoimperialist.
THE Imnerial Task that is before the free peoples
of (ireater Britain is that great task of con-
solidation/jf the [Empire and the creation of an
effective union, which shall conser\'e all the
liberties and responsibilities, by some statesmanlike con-
trivance that meets actual and likely difficulties of the
future. And just as it will be unsound to depend merely
on sentiment, so no arrangements will serve which are
fuimd not to be realities but convenient hctions.
Tliire are always seeds of disunion as well as of
fellowship among groups of men, even of the same race,
es|K'ciali\- if they ha\e widely-different environments
and many necessarily conflicting economic interests. The
numerically smaller groups naturally fear the tyranny of
the larger and are very sensitive to any threat against
their comi^lete autonomy. There are. besides, in every
state those intransigeant minorities of ultra-nationalists,
who see with a jiassionate intensity their own beloved
corner of the world and ignore all outer, wider implica-
tions. It is the great privilege of our time and of this
crisis of oiu* history that we can set our eyes on the larger
purpose, and look to tht; contrivance of a frame-work of
indissoluble union, the formation of a greater British
Commonwealth that shall be the most potent influence
for peace and liberty that the world has yet known.
A suggestion has been canvassed and has received
distinguished support, because it seems to avoid the
ditViculties of the situation which centre in the sensi-
tiveness of the Dominions as to any dilution of their
sovereign rights. It is to the effect that no closer ma-
chinery of union is advisable than the existence of a
common King, thereby creating a common loyalty,
strengthened by the bond of common blood and common
ideals. It is a characteristic attempt at the solution of
difficulties by going round them instead of overcoming
them.
An interesting episode in our past history, the quarrel
between England and Scotland, that came to a head at the
beginning of the eighteenth century, provides a whole-
some commentary on such a suggested solution.
Scotland and England were united in i6o;i, not by
deliberate act, but by the mere accident of coming
under a common Crown. The whole of the 'cventcenth
century, the most stormy in our history, which saw the
execution of a King, the establishment of a Protectorate,
the Restoration and the Revolution, was taken up with
the adjustment of .Anglo-Scottish relations and the sturdy
struggle of the Scots not to be absorbed or bullied by their
larger and none-too-considerate partner. Though, at this
period of our development, the Crown was held reasonably
well in hand by Parliament, the despotic ideas of an earlier
age had by no means disappeared. There were no
Durhams in those days. England undoubtedly did treat
Scotland dcspitefully as a vassal. Except under the
brief and more liberal Cromwellian settlement, Scotland
was pre\-ented by the Navigation Laws from profitable
trade with America and the Indies. True this was not
such a naked piece of tyranny as the plain statenun* ..f
it suggests, but it was a serious disability.
From this cause and others the northern kingdom
became impoverished, and it was with a view to mitigating
this widespread poverty that the foolishly spacious
Darien scheme, conceived by Paterson, was fanatically
patronised by Fletcher of Saltoun. Its ignominious
failure created a storm of bitter anger in Scotland. The
enterprise indeed was chiefly wrecked by the jealousy of
the luiglish li^ast India Company, who intrigued very
resourcefully to put it out of business, but in itself it was
a profoundly futile project — an admirable instance of a
jjolicy conceived with no corresponding armaments to
give it sanction. The quarrel in its bitter course served
a ver}' useful purpose in exposing in the most obvious
way the hollowness of the contrivance on which the alleged
union was based. Here was Scotland, at the back of the
im))ulsivc h^letcher, demanding at once the protection
of the English fleet for Scottish argosies, and at the same
time working to defeat English interests, or England's
notions of her interests ; and even demanding that Scot-
land should have her own ambassadors to conduct her
separate foreign relations. That is to say, English Heets
might have been protecting the trade of Scotland in
distant oceans, while the Scottish ambassador in Paris
might be arranging an alliance with the French king as a
threat to her own predominant partner.
It was a good example of the attempt to combine the
membership of two states, England and Scotland, and to
obtain the benefits of both without sharing the respon-
sibilities and burdens. There came the inevitable dis-
ruption. The fiction broke down completely. The
Scottish Parliament was for demanding a separate king and
set about arming a militia for the inevitable war which
such an extreme step involved according to the idi'as of
the time. Some guiding spirit of sanity^ restrained the
English Parliament. Her statesmen saw that the in-
terests both of Scotland and of England were for a jx-ace-
ful arrangement ; that, in jiarticular, the supri'me issues
of national safety demanded such a settlement. Pi'rliai)s
here was the faint dawn of that larger day of acconmioda-
tion in place of coercion which has guided the Empire
to her bloodless victories, a policy of which to-day in her
hour of danger she is enjoying the reward.
Common sense and a sense of common danger won. A
true union was contrived under the Parliament of dreat
Britain. A new state was founded with Englaml and
Scotland as joint partners and with but one clear loyalty
involved, a loyalty to the union, to Cireat Britain, of
which both were constituent elements.
It is not difficult to extract the salient lesson of tliese
events. But in applying the moral of these facts to the
problems of our day considerable allowances must be
made for changes of time and circumstance, and no
attempt made to press the parallel too far. Certainly
no causes of quarrel which might now arise between the
Five Nations would be complicated, as in this instance
of Scotland, by dynastic difficulties. Again, and much
more important, in these days the idea of full local
autonomy, with centralisation merely for the supreme
common purpose, had not been born. Which is to say
that the conditions of union between England and Scot-
land were naturally much more rigid than any that would
be contemplated if such a union took place to-day ; when
undoubtedly she would claim and without questi<in
obtain a full measure of home rule. A lortiori, a claim
to complete 'independence for all but the supreme
common issues would be retained by the Dominions in
any union, however close, with the Mother Country or
with each other. And yet, the circumstances being
even as they were, who will sa}' that Scotland was op-
pressed or has not held her own from that day to this
in the Commonwealth of Great Britain ?
An acute outside observer, the American Lowell in
his admirable treatise The Government of England, points
out how completely the Scot was able to assert himself in
the after arrangements of the two countries. How, for
instance, he took part as by right in the chsputes concern-
ing English and Irish affairs, but contrived a custom
whereby Scottish affairs were in the main left to Scots
Members. We know too, that they have their own law ;
their own admirable system of education ; and how the
Radical predispositions of a Scotch electorate have
prevailed in the counsels of the nation.
The dominant idea of those who put forward the
suggestion of the union of the Dominions under a common
king was the necessity, of safeguarding the nationality of
the several Dominions. It was rightly held that no
single diminution of their jirerogatives or their j)ower of
inclependcnt development would be admitted by the
robust and politically self-conscious nations of the
Dominions. But why this inference that union can only
be contrived at the expense of nationality ? It seems,
on the contrary, that it would be all but impossible for
the most perverse statesmanship now to contrive a union
which would in any way threaten the supreme cause of
the unfettered individualitv of each of the four allied
nations. That cause is won for good and all and it has
been recognised more and more consciously by every
important Act that has established the relations between
the several units of Empire for the last seventy years.
JVIarcli g, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
CHAYA.
A Romance of the South Seas.
By H. de Vere Stacpoole.
Synopsis : Macquart, an adventurer who has spent
most of his life at sea, finds himself in Sydney on his beam ends.
He has a wonderful story of gold hidden up a river in New
Guinea and a chance acquaintance, Tillman, a sporting ma><
about town, fond of yachting and racing, offers to introduce him
to a wealthy woolbroker , Curlewis, with a view to financing the
scheme. Macquart also makes the acquaintance of Houghton,
u well-educated Englishman out of a job, who has done a good
■deal of yachting in his time. Curlewis turns down the scheme,
■though Macquart tells his story in a most convincing manner.
His silent partner Screed believes in it, and unbeknown to
■Curleivis, follows the three men. asks them to his home, and
■agrees to find the ship and the money, on seeing that Macquart' s
hidden treasute map agrees wiih an Admiralty chart. The
ship is the yawl " Barracuda." Screed, on the morrow, takes
the three men over the " Barracuda," with which they are de-
lighted. Coming aivay Macquart is overtaken by an old friend.
■one Captain Hull, who hails him as B — y Joe, and accuses
him of many mean crimes. Macquart gives Captain Hull
the slip, but unbeknown to him Hull gets in touch with Screed,
and enlightens him on the real character of Macquart. Just as
the " Barracuda " is about to sail Screed takes Hull on board
and unexpectedly introduces him to Macquart as a member of
the crew. Before the ship is a day out Captain Hull makes it
plain to Macquart he is on the look-out for his " monkey tricks."
CHAPTER XI.
They Sight the River.
THE Java Sea, the Banda Sea, unci the Arafura Sea,
all locked in by the Sunda Islands, North Australia,
Borneo, the Celebes and New Guinea form a
lake almost bluer than the Carribean, almost
as romantic.
Never despise Trade. The Romance of Adventure is
written on the tablets prepared by the traders of the world,
and in the go-downs of Macassar, the trading houses of Batavia,
and on the wharves of Malacca you will find more of the
spirit of the Real Thing Worth Living For than in the wildest
book of Adventures ever written, and no spot in the world
tnore starred with high doings in the cut and thrust line than
just here.
Torres Straits is the highway between the Arafura Sea
and the Pacific. In the old sandal-wood days and in the early
times when the Dutch were greater in the east than they are
now and the prahus of piratical dyaks more active, Torres
Straits was the scene of many a bloody fight, unrecorded,
•between the merchant adventurers of Holland and the Islanders
•who did not care a button about monej' so loi^g as they got
licads.
Through this wilderness of blue with the long, low line
•of the New Guinea coast on the horizon to starboard the
Barracuda was steering, Houghton at the wheel and Tillman
beside him.
It was nine o'clock in the morning, the wind was almost
due south and they reckoned to strike the coast where the
river disembogued before noon ; nothing shewed but the
coast-line and an oil tank almost hull down to windward and
a gull flickering dark against the sea blaze astern.
" Well," said Tillman. " We've done it pretty near.
To think of us three in the bar at Lamperts a few weeks ago
talking of the thing without the seeming ghost of a chance
of pulUng it through, and now to think of us here, nosing
through Torres Straits without having lost a spar, riglit on the
business like a hawk. I tell you, Houghton, if I wasn't a
modest man I'd be proud of myself."
" We've had good luck," said the man at the wheel,
" and Luck's a jolly good thing to have with one if it wasn't
so changeable. We're here, but we have all our work cut out
before us."
Tillman whistled.
" We have begun well," went on Houghton, " but we
have all the stuff on board for an explosion between Macquart
and Hull, even if we have the best of Luck and this woman
is dead or doesn't recognise Macquart there's likely to be
trouble between those two. The}^ hate each other hke poison.
Hull's a good chap, 1 think, though he might be better ;
an\'how, he's a long, long chalk better than the other, but I
can't understand him. He doesn't fight openly with Macquart
but he's all the time jeering at him under the pretence of
making fun and when he has a chance, doesn't he work him—
ue can't afford that sort of thing on an expedition like this."
" Well, there's no use in worrying," said Tillman. " AU
we've got to do is to keep our eye on the moment and do our
best. You're letting her off the course."
Houghton flushed and put the helm over a few spokes.
Tillman had a lot of common sense though up to this no one
wovdd have suspected it, and his rebuke was all the more
severe because deserved. Worrying about the future becomes
a crime when it detracts from the business of the moment and
lets the ship off the course.
At three bells the whole crew being on deck and the coast
close up to them, Hull, who had been looKing through the
glass, lianded it to Macquart.
" That's the rock you spoke of if I ain't mistaken," said
Hull.
Macquart looked through the glass.
" That's the rock," said he. '
He kept the glass to his eye for a full half-minute, then
he handed it to Tillman.
Tillman took a peep at the object in question.
It was a remarkable feature on that flat shore, where
the mangrove trees crept down literally to the edge of the
reef-protected water.
The whole coast-line seemed reef-protected and in the
sun blaze the foam breaking on the reefs showed like snow.
" Well," said Hull, " it's not invitin', but there's the
rock, anyway, as you said it would be, and it's up to you, Mac,
to pilot us in."
" Keep her as she goes," said Macquart.
As pilot the command of the Barracuda was now in his
hands and Hull was his servant, but he did not " s^well him-
self," to use Hull's expression. He had the appearance of
a man deeply absorbed in some fateful speculation, and he
drew apart from the others, his eyes fixed on the coast and
sometimes cast anxiously to windward.
The wind held steady, almost due south, and now with
the Pulpit Rock coming abreast of them, Macquart gave an
order, the spokes of the wheel flew to starboard and the
Barracuda with the main boom svioing out and sailing dead
before the \vind, headed for the shore.
Hull, shading his eyes with the sharp of his hand, saw the
great black break in the reefs they were making for. It was
the break where the river disembogued and he pointed it out
to Tillman.
" That's the river anyway," said he," and a fair wind to
take us up. I reckon Mac's no fool. Up to this I've never
been sure of him, but he's made good so far."
" Yes, we haven't got on badly up to now," said Tillman.
As they drew closer in, the reef opening spread wider
before them, and the Barracuda, going before the vwnd, took
the gentle swell with the light and buoyant motion of a
balloon ; the foam bursts of the reefs shewed a long way to
port and starboard as they passed the reef ends and now,
the land close up on either hand, the river lay before them like
a sheet of gold.
Houghton stood speechless before the strangeness and
beauty of this place so remote and so different from any place
he had seen before. Save for the great rock standing like a
sentinel and swarmed about by gulls, the land shewed nothing
buc loliage, the dark green of mangroves dreaming upon their
water-shadows, the emerald fronds of palm, the wind-stirred
masses of the dammar, cutch and camphor, wildernesses on
either side the river ; all these held a charm mysterious as
the charm of the river itself flowing in stereoscopic stillness
from the mysterious land beyond.
It was here that the Terschclling came in all those years
ago, either under sail if the wind was favourable, or towed or
warped up that bright waterway to her last anchorage, with
John Lant directing operations and Macquart no doubt assist-
ing as deck hand.
It was away up there in the mysterious country that
she was sunk with all hands bottled in the fo'c'sle after the
gold had been safely cached. It was up there that Macquart
according to all probability, had done John Lant in, and,
profiting nothing by his crime, had escaped with his bare life
from the place to which he was now stealing back.
For a moment, as these thoughts occurred to Houghton,
the whole brilliant scene before Iiim became tinged with gloom
and tragedy and Macquart a figure of horror ; for a moment,
as they passed the river moutli and took the gentle current of
the half mile broad stream, a hand seemed thrust against his
breast and a voice seemed to cry " Begone — " And then,
flashing by him came a thing like a lady's jewelled aigrette —
19
LAND AND WATER
March 9, 1916.
it was a hunimin ; bird, and following this vision came a vat;iu-
trace of perfuim- Irom the tree wilderness of the banks. Thf
feeling passed from Houghton's mind, the warning was for
gotten — the rivor had taken him in the toils of its fascination
" The tide is with us," said Macquart.
They had struck the reef opening' just at the turn of thr
tide. And against the slackened current they now made
way almost as well as in the open sea.
CH.^FTKK XII.
Tnii L.VGOON.
TILLMAN was at the wheel and Macquart, calling Jacky,
ordered him to take Tillman's place. Then he led
the others a bit forward.
" Now," said he, " here's the river. Have I spoken
rightly ? Have I judged rightly ? I have brought you
nearly to the spot and it all depends on the decision we take
now whether we pull this tli ng through or not.
" The village hes on the eft bank, maybe si.K or more
miles up — say seven, the waterway is broad and we can get
the Barracuda up easy enough ; well, we mustn't take her
that far, we mustn't take her more than another mile or
two up. We've got to tie her somewhere on the banks, some-
where secure and hidden, and go on to tlie village in the boat."
" Good Lord," said Tillman, " What are you saying ?
Leave the Barracuda and maybe have her run away with ? "
' i tell you," said Maccjuart, " It's not safe. You
haven't thought the thing out as I have. If we tie up by the
village what will hai)pen if there's a row ? It we have to
escape in a hurry ? You can easily push a boat off, but you
can't easily get the yawl away."
" There's truth in what he says," put in Hull. " But
who can we leave with her ? "
Macquart shrugged his shoulders.
'" Leave with her ? No one. There's no one here to
touch her. Only the monkeys — they won't harm her."
" And what are we to say to the chaps at the village ? "
" Say that we have left our ship down th : river, that very
fact will give us extra protection."
" One moment." said Tillman. He drew Houghton
aside and tlicy both went into the bow.
" What do you think of this ? " said Tillman. " Is it
some trick of Macquart's or what ? "
" No, " said Houghton. " The chap's frightened right
enough and he's thinking of his own skin. If these people
in the village are the same as he left there fifteen years ago,
and if that woman is still alive, and if they recognise him, well,
you see, there'll be a sliindy right off —that's what it is. Bette.-
do as he says ; he's pla\ing for safety, not against us."
■' I'm your way of thinking," said Tillman.
They turned aft.
" Well," said Hull. " What have you decided ? "
" Tie up," said Tillman. " It's the safest way, but the
question is, where ? "
■' O that's easily found," said Macquart. " You wait."
About two miles from the mouth they opened what seemed
the mouth of another ri\'er on the left bank and Macquart
ordered the mainsail to be lowered and the boat got out for
a tow.
" It's a lagoon," said he, " as good as a harbour, nothing
will touch her in there. She'd lie to the Day of Judgment,
and they wouldn't find her then. Now, out with the boat,
sharp, we don't want to drift."
They lowered the boat, the tow rope was fixed, and
Macquart was the first man into her. Tillman, Houghton
and Hull followed him, leaving Jacky on board to steer.
Macquart was right. Through the opening in the left
bank the river bayed out into a la^'oon. A still sheet of
water on which the columns of the NqKih palms lining the
banks were reflected as in a mirror. The tropical forest
festooned with lianas and wild convolvulus came down to
the water's edge, .^t night and especially on a night of the
full moon, this place would be filled with the chanting of
birds, the girding and gugghng and yooping of monkeys.
and the cry of prowling beasts. Now, in the full blaze of
day, it was silent, with the silence of a room locked up from
the world.
Things like red moths were flitting hither and thither
across the water surface just as you have seen the mayflies
dit across a brook, Houghton glancing up from the labour
of rowing saw that the moths were birds. Tiny red humming
birds with needle-sharp bills, hundreds and hundreds of them
dancing and flitting in the sunshine.
When they had brought the Barracuda a hundred yards or
so within the lagoon they boarded her and dropped the anchor
in two fathom water. Then, taking to the boat again and
armed with a sounding lead, they started out to hunt for a
berth.
They found an ideal one on the left hand side counting
from the point of entrance. Here for the space of seventy feet
or so the bank came down sheer to the water without any
shelving and with a depth yf three fathoms, whilst the lower
branches of the huge trees were sulhcientlv high to clear the
main mast of the Barracuda if the top mast were struck.
" We can moor lier to them trees," said Hull. " Yes, it's
a Hkely spot and might 'a been laid out on purpose ; easy to
get her in and easy to get her out, and no harbour dues. Now
then, all aboard and let's get done v/ith it."
They struck the topmast of the yawl, lowered the main-
sail and "miz/,en. and havmg made everything snug towed her
to the bank. It was after sundown when everything was
complete and, tired out, they went down to the cabin for
supper.
Down below, it seemed to Houghton the strangest thing
to be sitting there at table, landlocked and moored up to
trees after the long, long weeks of sea tossing and the eternal
noise of the bow wash and the boosting of the waves. The
others did not seem to notice the change.
Hull, who had re-taken charge of things, now that
Macquart had finished with the piloting, was laying down tiicir
future plans.
" We'll lay up here to-morrer," said he, " to rest and
stretch our legs, and the day after to-morrer, bright and early
well man the boat and start for the village. Now it s in my
mind when we've made good with the village people and
tapped the cache and made sure the stuff's there, it will be
best to bring the yawl right up. You see, if we leave her
here, we'll have to bring the stuff down by boat-loads."
Macquart, who had retired into himself all through the
voyage as though the presence of Hull had paralysed his
initiative, rose from the table, sat down on one of the bunk
edges and nursed his knee.
" Well, gentlemen," he said, as though he were addressing
a meeting, "' I am not with Captain Hull. I believe I have
some right to give an opinion, considering tjie fact that tlii--
expedition was originated by me ami that I alone have the
key to the cache."
Hull grumbled something unintelligible and Macquart
went on :
" Besides, I have thought the matter out most carefully
and it is for your good, as well as my own, that I saj' the
Barracuda must remain here right through this business."
" O, she must, must she," said Hull. " Seems to me
you're beginnin' to lay the law down. Mac. None of us is to
say a word but take your leadin' like baa lambs. D'you
think you're the only one of the lot oi us rigged with eyes an'
understandin' ? I say that when we touch this stuff we'll
bring the yawl up to load it and if the niggers gi\e trouble
we'll hold them down with our guns, why, you blessed skrim-
shanker, it'd take a dozen journeys up and down with a boat ;
we'd have to go with the boat each journey, and who's to be
left at the cache to protect the stuff ? "
Houghton noticed all through this conversation thai
Ivtac({uart's eyes were steadily fixed on Hull and that his face
had been growing pale under its bronze. He had guessed
the hatred that existed between the two men, but he failed
to plumb the depth and intensity of the passion surging in the
breast of Macquart.
Leaving aside all old scores, Hull had got the better of
him at the start of the expedition. Macquart, the cock
of the walk and boss of the business, with two greenhorns to
work for his ends and a sound boat under his feet, had suddenl>'
found himself hampered and checkmated by the inscrutabK-
Screed.
Macquart was one of those men of whom we cm
say only this, that their plans are never more dark than when
they seem most luminous. He had felt Tillman and Houghton
to be putty in his hands and Jacky a black pawn to !>(> played
with as he chose, and though it is impossible to define his
exact plan of campaign, already prepared no doubt on the
night when he agreed to di\ide the treasure so generously
with Screed, Houghton and Tillman, one may be sure of thi'-.
that the division of tlie treasure had no part in it. Half a
million in gold coin and bullion ! Screed two thousand miles
away and only Tillman and Houghton to deal with and
bamboozle — or worse ! All the elements lay here for a coup
for a genius to pull off. and Macquart as will be seen — if not
a genius, was at least a clever and astute man.
Screed had fancied that the final disposal of the treasure
would prove such an insuperable obstacle to villainy that
Macquart would be driven to return to Sydney to " cash it.'
Screed, the clever business man with no illusions and no
behefs, had divined Macquart and his possibilities and had
not felt quile sure that the latter would find the disposal of
the treasure an impossible task, and so be driven back to
Sydney. Not being quite sure, he plaved his trump card
Hull.
So it came about that Macquart, on the point of saihng,
found suddenly dumped on him the big, strong man he feared
and hated, the man who knew exactly what sort of character
20
March g, igib.
LAND AND WATER
#■
msm^im.
^^^
Chaya, a liomance •/ tfic Bouth Seat t
jiitijsaiiai »■
lUliutraUd by Jotefh Simpton, K.B.A.
Macquart sprang from the edge ot the bunk and stood upright before the Captain."
I. A N I) A N D W AT E R
March g, 191^.
he was, and the man who. having been twice diddled by him,
was evidently determined never to be so treated again.
Then Hull had taken virtual command of the expedition
and he had worked Macquart like a dog. The explosion that
now followed was the result of all this.
Macquart sprang from the edge of the bunk and stood
upright before the Captain.
" D n you," he cried. " Who are you to be meddling
and ordering and interfering in what you don't understand,
a wharf rat sprung from nowhere, shot aboard by that
Screed. You leave this thing alone or I'll chuck it,
one word more from you and you can hunt for the stuff
yourself you ."
He was shouting at the top of his voice and Hull had
drawn back a moment and was preparing to strike when
Tillman and Houghton flung themselves between the antag-
onists forcing Macquart back on the bunk and Hull to the
other side the table.
" Don't be fools," cried Tillman. " Good Lord, the
idea of fighting amongst ourselves in our position. Can't
you see there's no use in arguing what we'll do till we've
touched the stuff."
" Let up," said the- Captain, who had recovered possession
of himself. " I'm not goin' to touch the blighter — but one
word more of his lip and I'll break his neck. There, that's
said and done. Let him sit there and cool." He turned and
went on deck where Tillman and Houghton followed him.
CHAPTER -Xlll.
The Bl.\ck Ship.
NEXT morning, at breakfast, all signs of the quarrel
had- disappeared. Macquart seemed cheerful and
the Captain had got into the old bantering way of
talking to him. He did not seem to resent it.
After breakfast, they set to work to make everything snug
and secure on board. They brought the top-mast down and
lashed it with the spare spars on deck, stowed away every-
thing movable, even to the collapsible boat, and put ashore
extra mooring ropes. Then they collected on deck the stores
for the boat expedition, canned meat and vegetables, blankets,
a tent, matches, ammunition and a small parcel of trade, con-
sisting of stick tobacco, knives, dollar watches and clay
pipes.
The lazarette was carefully secured and every locker
fastened, and an hour or two before sundown all the prepara-
tions were finished for the start on the morrow.
" Well, that's done," said Tillman, as he surveyed their
work. " Nothing will move her except, maybe, an earth-
quake or a tornado." He filled his pipe and lit it. Hough-
ton also produced a pipe, whilst Hull, perspiring from the work
he had been uf)on, went below for a drink. Macquart had
taken his seat on deck and was engaged in mending a rent in
his trousers. He was often patching himself up hke this. In
Sydney, he could have borrowed tiie money from Screed for a
full outfit, or got it on credit from the outfitter of the expe-
dition, but he had come away with only a few things, perhaps
from carelessness or from some strange twist of the mind
making him utterly regardless of appearances.
" Come out on the water." said Tillman to Houghton ;
it's cooler out there and we can explore round a bit."
They got into the boat which was lying alongside and
pushed out into the lagoon.
The sunlight was striking the water across the tree toj)*..
and the trees of the southern bank threw their cave-like
shadow far out on the water ; against this shadow the moth-
like dance of the humming birds patterned itself with an
effect at once gorgeous and ghostly.
This place was the paradise of birds, the gorgeous-
• oUared lory preened itself on the lower branches of the
trees by the water, answering with its beaver-like noise the
ka-ka-toi, ka-ka-toi of the white cockatoos haunting the
groves ; the wonderful crowned pigeon flitted across from
bank to bank ; fork-tailed water ch its and blue fly catchers
flew everywhere, and, ;is the boat floated along, skirting the
shadows, kingfishers, hke i)irds carved from emerald, showed
motionless as sentries perched on drift logs by the banks.
They had rowed towards the south bank, and now they
sat smoking and letting the boat drift on the edge of the tree
-'ladows.
■■' "I wish I could put a stopper on Hull in some way,"
-.lid Tillman. " He's been working Macquart up ever since we
started ; he won't let the chap alone ; he keeps on at him.
pretending to joke and sneering at him all the time."
" He's got a frightful down on him," said Houghton.
■' and I don't wonder ; from what I can make out, Mac has
bested him more than once. Hull told me something of wliat
happened between them f<iur years ago in 'Frisco. Macquart
got away that time, and tlK\v didn't meet again till that
morning, you remember, when we were coming from hu-ini;
our first look at the Barracuda. Seems hke fate that they
should have met just then."
" The world's a small place," said Tillman, " and that's
the first thing that a scamp finds out. Hullo ! "
The boat floating with the current th.at moved the lagoon
water just here bumped gently against something and slewed
round nose to shore.
Tillman looked over.
" Why, it's all black rocks," said he. " No— it's not
rocks ; it looks like an old landing-stage of some sort sunk by
the bank."
Houghton leaned over the starboard gunnel.
" Why, it's the bones of an old ship," said he, with a
catch-back of his breath. " She's been burnt at her moorings,
and we've hit one of the mast stumps."
He was right. Looking down through the water, the
charred deck planking and bulwarks could be plainly made
out. The planking had burst up here and there, showing
wide yawning holes through which the flames and smoke had
once poured, before the seams had opened letting in the
lagoon water to quench the flames ; the buhvarks were all
gone from the knightheads to midships on the port side, and
the upper planking also, so that the ribs stood up like piles.
Small fish were darting in and out of the gloomy cavern
that had once been the main hold, and a great eel waved its
way from between the ribs and scuttered along the lagoon
floor, as if resenting the presence of the gazers above. Not
a sign of mast or spar was visible with the exception of the fore
mast stump with which the boat had colUded.
The two men looked at one another.
" That's funny, isn't it ? " said Tillman.. " She must have
been a fairly big ship."
" Maybe brought in here by pirates," said Houghton.
" Looks as though the masts had been shot away."
" O, the fire would have done that," said Tillman. " I've
seen a ship in Sydney Harbour with the masts clean gone
through fire, and not much sign of damage to the hull."
" I don't know what it is," said Houghton, " but this
lagoon makes me feel that I want to get away from it : funny,
isn't it, but, from the first, I felt there was something crawly
about it. It's just the place for river pirates to hide in, and I
expect bloody work has gone on here long ago."
" O, the lagoon is all right," said Tillman. " One never
can tell : this old hooker may have been a peaceful trader
set alight to by some d — d fool messing round with a light, the
same as the Baralong was burnt just outside the Heads."
" Maybe so," replied Houghton ; " all the same, I don't
hke this place."
They rowed back to the yawl and reported their find,
without raising any interest or speculation in Hull and
Macquart.
" Some old tub scuttled for insurance, maybe," said Hull.
" No, I ain't particular about goin' to look at her. I guess
she'll keep. I'm goin' to turn in when I've had my supjjer,
for we'll have to be off before sun up, so's to reach the village
in the cool of the day."
They had lit a fire on the bank to keep the mosquitoes
off, though the mosquitoes here were far less troublesome than
one might have expected, owing, perhaps, to the fact that the
water was not stagnant,
Tillman threw some more sticks on the fire and then they
went below to supper, after which they turned in.
They were awakened by Jacky.
It was an hour before dawn, a slight wind had risen,
blowing the mists from the lagoon, and as they came on deck
the mist wreathes were passing off like the ghosts of scarfs,
wreatiiing unseen forms and leaving great spaces of star-shot
water frosted by the breeze.
They breakfasted hurriedly, and everything being stowed
on board the boat, they got in and pushed off just as the first
lilac of the dawn was touching the sky beyond the tree
tops.
When they reached the ri\er, the wind was fresher and
blowing with them, and before they had made half a mile up
stream, the sun was blazing through the trees of the left bank
and the parrots shouting at them from the branches.
Just at this hour, the river was lovely, fresh, fair and
brilhant. Butterflies big as birds and gorgeous as flowers
pursued them or flitted across the boat ; azure butterflies Uke
flakes of sky, butterflies of bronze and gold in whose broad
wings were set little clear spaces like panes of mica.
A mile and a half, or perhaps two miles, above the lagoon,
the river took a bend westward, and the right bank losing its
trees showed tracts of cane and tall grass, with here and there
a great tree standing in isolation.
The left bank showed still the edge of the eternal, un-
broken forest, the forest just as it was when Moses gave laws
to Israel, just as it will be when all present things are for-
gotten.
(To b« continuetl.)
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L A N D A N 1 ) \V A T E R
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOU:)u ."iNGSWAY, LONDON. ¥.C.
Telephone: HOLBCM^N 2828.
THURSDAY, MARCH 16th, 1916.
CONTENTS
I'AGIC
Verdun War Cartoon. By Louis Raemaekers i
Foret de Compiegne after the Pursuit. By G. Spencer
Pryse 2
The Old Order Chan-eth (Leading Article) 3
The Wings of Vcrdui.. By 'lilaue Belloc 4
Sortes Shakespeariar ■. By Sir Sidney Lee 9
Revolution in W!;iuliali. By Arthur Pollen 11
An Anibassadoi- of Empire. By Neoimperialist ij
Freebooters of the Balkans. By Jan Cordon 14
Why Peace is Impossible. By L. March Phillipps 15
Inadetiuacy of our Banks. By Arthur Ritson 17
Chaya. By H. de Vere Stacpoole nj
Town and Country 24
The West End 26
Choosing Rit
THE OLD ORDER CHANGETH.
THE Army Estimates introduced into the House
of Commons by Mr. Tennant on Tuesday after-
noon must have fallen like a sledge hammer on
the minds of thoughtful persons, shattering
f lally and completely their old ideas on the military
'.Icfence and security of these islands. After this official
speech in which millions* were spoken of so glibly, it
needs a mental effort to recollect how recent was the
time when reams were written and speeches delivered in
shoals to prove that our national commitments need
never contemplate under any circumstance an army
one-quarter the size of the one which is enrolled to-day.
It were foohshness to indulge in recrimination even
against those who carried their opinions on this point to
excess. The nation accepted things as they were ;
neither platform, press nor pulpit desired any change,
except spasmodically. No warning note ever issued
from the most patriotic ballot-box. Yet before wc have
been at war two years, an Act enforcing military service
is on the Statute Book, and the British Army numbers
four millions of men.
Stupendous as this break with the past has been, it
is not yet complete. The Royal Palace of Westminster
enshrines traditions both glorious and mean ; among
the latter must be reckoned the ancient belief that the
populace can be kept quiet with a liberal diet of tine
words and specious promises, and that a too nice regard
of the naked truth is, if not indecent, at least inexpedient.
It is an old tradition, based on fairly sound experience,
though it has been rudely b.'oken once or twice. But it
is doomed to-day. Wc hope it may disappear with
the wiUing consent of those who work at Westminster ;
otherwise, the change will come f: m ^vithout, for the
people weary of half-truths and oi pror. es half-fulfilled.
To give an illustration, we will t . ;.■ the question of
the'German losses. Mr. Tennant was asked in the House
of Commons a little time ago whether, in view of the fact
that the official German estimates of German casualties
were regarded by eminent mihtary critics in this and
otlier countries as wiiolly unacceptable, lie wuukl consider
the desirability of accompanying any further statement
with a reasoned analysis. He replied that such an
analysis while gratifying legitimate curiosity in this
•country, would also gratify the curiosity of the German
military authorities. It is not easy to understand the
exact meaning Mr. Tennant intended to convey by these
words. They sound mere Hippancy, for the German
(ieneral Staff of course knows its own losses only too well.
This answer in the House appeared in the papers on the
very date that Land and Watkk published the first
part of that most carefully reasoned analysis of German
losses which Mr. Belloc prepared when he was in Paris.
Had there been any real ground for the refusal of the
Under-Secretary for War, obviously we should not have
been permitted to publish this analysis.
At the end of last week the Government issued
without a word of comment the official German Casualty
Lists for February, and, adding them to those previous-
ly published, showed total losses to the end of February
of 2,667,372. Mr. Belloc demonstrates irrefutably that
the irreducible minimum of (ierman losses up to December
31st, 1915, is just over 3.V millions. He has explained
step by step how this sum total is arrived at ; there is no
purpose in repeating his reasoning here. But the Govern-
ment, when issuing these German Official figures, should
at least have added a cautionary note warning readers
against placing i-eliancc on them. The total of killed
and died of wounds for February is set down at 7,301,
although the Verdun slaughter had been in progress for
more than a week ! Still more flagrant is the total of
prisoners up to the end of February. Here there is no
difficulty in checking the German figures. The Allied
(Governments have positive and direct evidence showing
the exact number of German prisoners taken until at
least the end of January. This total is more
than double the number of prisoners (117,045) men-
tioned in this German Official List. In issuing these
figures without explanation, analysis or comment, the
Government undoubtedly misleads the nation.
Numbers are the supreme factor of the war. They
are the balance on which the issue hangs. The German
military authorities are quite alive to this truth and edit
their lists accordingly. The special correspondent of
certain London newspapers, who was present at Verdun,
has spoken of Germany in her present desperation " flash-
ing falsehoods round the world." There is no falsehood
more vital to her failing state than this one of losses ;
yet wc find the British Government in its blindness aiding
her in deceiving the Neutral nations by accepting her
figures at their face value. Why they should act thus is
incomprehensible, for we dismiss as unworthy of credence
the general rfeport that they do so out of timidity lest
recruiting be discouraged, should British manhood
realise how heavy is the toll of modern war. We assign
the cause to that evil tradition of Westminster which
half despises and half fears the people and almost in-
stinctively prefers the half-truth.
The presence of Mr. Thomas Hughes in London
should act as a salutary warning to the Government, that
the former era when consideration first and last could be
given to local voters, has passed. The horizons widen and
those who lead this nation — chief of the five nations — have
to look for judgment on their acts much farther afield
than most of them have been accustomed to do. Ministers
must emerge from their official " dug-outs " and face
realities on the other side of the parapet, however im-
pleasant they may happen to be at the moment, with
far higher resolution and determination than they have
done hitherto. The day of the shirker is done. Courage
comes into its own, not only on the battlefield but in
the council chamber, though this be the last place to
respond to the new spirit that is astir in the air.
L A X D A N D W A T K R
March lO, i<)iG.
THE WINGS OF VERDUN.
By Hilaire Belloc.
CORRECTION OF TWO ERRORS.
BEFORE turning to the main subject of the day, I
must apohigise for two errors which appeared
in my work of last week relative to the German
losses. Between them the minimum of German
losses arrived at was far too low. •
The first was an obvious but stupid clerical error,
the omission of one item in the addition I was making.
1 left out the category of Sick. The first item should
have been ',,430,000 instead of just under three millions.
The second error was an error in method, and there-
fore of its nature more serious. It consisted in adding
the whole of the " floating balance " of sick and wounded
to the other losses.
To do this is to overlook an overlap. For of those
who have fallen sick or who have been wounded and
who remain in hospital, on a particular date, a certain
(and vcrv large) jiroportion reappear in the permanently
disabled from sickness or wounds.
This error of mine reduces the value of the floating
liospital balance by pretty well half. The true figures
give one a minimum not of three and a quarter millions,
but of just over three and a half millions (3,650,000) up
to December 31st, ic)i5.
I owe this ajjology to my readers for the first clerical
slip in a very large number of such additions carried on
for manv monthij, but I think 1 ought to add that the
combined result of this clerical error and error in a detail
of method do not gravely affect a right judgment upon the
present situation, because the minimum arrived at is
certainly below tlie truth. Tiie truth is certainly nearer
four millions.
For the benefit of those wlio may still doubt such
figures let me give a few simple illustrations showing how
normal they are for the rate of wastage of the present
war.
(1) If the German Empire was losing at a rate not
greater than the average of the British forces actually in
the field since the first ILxpeditionary Force left these
shores, its total wastage would be somewhat over four
millions.
(2) - Such a loss (4 millions) means that in the course
of 1 7 mcmths the Germans have lost about as many men
as thev permanently keep in the field. Now we know
that among the Allies in the same period the wastage
of each army is very much the same as the average
total force maintained in the field. We find this to
be roughly true of all the armies engaged in this
war, though of course there are certain not very high
difte;ences, in favour of the Italians for instance (for the
time thev have been fighting), somewhat in favour of
the French, rather against the Austrians and the Russians.
The proportion is largel\- affected by whether the fighting
has been on lines or of movement and the proportion
between the two.
(3) Such a rate of loss (4 millions) for the German
Army means a total real wastage of less than 6 per cent,
a month. Of course the figure of 15 per cent, a month
given in Parliament for the British Infantry is nonsense.
But there is nothing unreasonable about 6 per cent, a
month, and it is perfectly consonant with the experience
of every belligerent during this great campaign.
{.\) No one has recourse to abnormal methods of
recruitment in a conscript country until exhaustion is
approaching. Why should he ? Now even the incor-
poration of men in their 20th year {i.e., in the year when
they attain their 20th birthday) is abnormal, in the sense
that it is unknown to peace training. But the men in
their 20th year arc what is called " the class 1916." We
know how heavily Fraijce has sufifered, and we know
that she has trained her Class 1916. We know that
Germany also has called out and trained this same Class.
But tht; significant point is that Germany has already
used 0 large pari 0/ it in the fighling. France has not.
.Altogether there is no reason to doubt that the
German Empire is suffering wastage at much the same
rate as the other belli.-erents, rather less than some,
rather more than others. If this be so the total dead-
loss of its armies cannot, by the end of December, have
been far short of four million. To believe that it is as
low as three million, fur instance, is to believe that
Germany has cautiously kept to lines, spared attack, in
attack used open order as much as possible, cut losses
whenever an action became doubtful : We know that a;, a
matter of fact the exact opposite has been the case in
each of these points.
The only alternative is to b-iievc that the Germans
work miracles, .'\gainst the religious mood which accepts
such an attitude towards them there is no arguin g.
THE BATTLES ROUND VERDUN.
riie third week of the great German assault upon the
Verdun lines was occupied in the main with very heavy
attacks upon the two wings of the shallow crescent now-
formed by those lines. Upon the south-eastern wing the
enemy made during the whole of that time the most
determined efforts to capture the heights oxerlooking
the ravine of Vaux : upon the western wing he made the
most determined efforts to master the Goose Crest with
its culminating point of the Mort d'Homme. both by
direct assault and by a turning movement directed against
Bethincourt.
There were also short but very \igorous expensixc
and futile efforts directed against the right centre from in
front of Louvemont to Douaumont, but the main effort
was upon the two wings.
In either case the attacks were distinguished by f)nc
general feature : Very large forces were launched at
intervals of about two days. In other words, there were
upon each wing three main assaults in the course of the
week, the intervals occupied by bombardment and the
last assault the most powerful. In each case the attack
achieved a slight final progress after an intermediate
check, and in each case up to the Monday night, the 13th,
the assault had failed in its main object at a cost quite
out of proportion to the little belts of territory acquired.
With this cost I shall deal in a moment, but I wuild
first set down in detail the main attacks upon the two
wings, which we may call respectively " Vaux " on the
south-east or French righl, and the " Goos:? Crest"
upon the west or French lejl.
(I). Vaux.
The village of Vaux (as who should say in English
" Dale ") before it was ruined in this battle, iay on either
side of one street in the depth of a ravine which has to
the north of it the plateau of Douaumont and to the
south of it a plateau bearing the abandoned fort called-
after the village itself, the Fort of Vaux. The edge of
the northern plateau, 'that of Douaumont, is rather the
higher, standing some 300 feet above the village. The
southern one is about 20 feet lower. Both are crowned
at the summit with woods. That on the north, the Wood
oi Hardaumont ; that on the south, the Wood of Chcnois.
Just north of the village of Vaux, upon the slopes of the
escarpment, are a couple of redoubts, abandoned when
the permanent defence of Verdun was given up for a field
defence in 19x4, but still affording shelter for defence.
The reader should particularly notice these works
(which are called " The Works of Hardaumont " from
the wood on whose edge they lie), because some nns-
understanding has arisen with regard to them. Though
King in the neighbourhood of Vaux they have nothing
to do with the l-'ort of Vaux which was, when armed,
a closed fort on the edge of the escarpment to the south
of the village and formed an outwork of the Verdun ring.
Upon Saturday the 4th of March, and with increasing
violence throughout Sunday, 5th, an intensi\-e bombard-
luent was (l(>livered against the edge of the Northern
plateau and Hardaumont wood. It seemed the prelude
to an attack, but on the Monday no attack was delivered.
It was upon Tuesday the 7th that the first considerable
effort in this scries was made. The redoubt north ol
March i6, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
the
;e5
Bethincourir
Tfie Left U^in^\.
c GOOSE CREST ^S'^'^ ^
j^ ^ — » -s >^Regaeville
Homme
I
••\\ Tfie Rigid Witid
Eix
^
J2
English Miles
Showing ihe two wings cmmh of the French Lines,
where ihey cover Verdun.
IVlanheulle^**.
Fresnes'*.
Vaux whicli the French had retaken a httle while before
from the Ciermans, was recaptured by the latter in a strong
attack,^ the effect of which was not only to gain the few
yards invoh'ed, but to permit of an advance into the
ravine without fear of a flanking lire from the north.
All the following Wednesday, the 8th, the ravine
was bombarded (and what was left of the village of course
laid in ruins) and after nightfall of that day the serious
assault was delivered. At sometime in the night an
clement of the Division delivering this assault, to wit,
the Infantry Brigade consisting of the 6th and iqth
Reserve Regiments from Posen (Polish units) got into
■.-Ai.imiJiMgji^
v«>
OldFai-tof
Douaumoiit
A *
w-J
J-E
f
0 woo 3.000 2ooo'^^'ti3s
Trench Line*
Scale.
' The Point of Assault on the Right Wing.
The Village, Ravine and Heights North and South of Vaux.
the ruins of the village and were immediately thrust out
again by a French counter-attack delivered with the
bayonet.
It was this affair which gave rise, as we shall see in a
moment, to the misconception at IBerlin, which a French
( ommunique has since rectified.
The check thus administered, though expensive to
the enemy, was not heavy enough to prevent a massed
attack during the daylight horn-s of the next day, Thurs-
day the (jth, and this attack (in larger force than the
former) was directed not only against the ruins of Vaux
village, now in French hands, but also against the very
steep slopes of the escarpment, just to the south, which
leads up to the plateau on which the old fort of Vaux
stands. The attack was continued all day and was par-
ticularly violent against the escarpment, but it failed.
On last Friday, the >ioth, (German reinforcements
arrived and a further attack was prepared. Before it
was fully launched it was checked and broken up by the
French lire. But upon Saturday the nth, it was renewed,
apparently in the early morning, or at anj' rate with a
heavy mist upon the groimd such as had three weeks
before covered the successful attack of the enemy upon
the plateau of Douaumont. There was very violent fighting
on the outskirts of the village, and at some time in the
morning the Germans carried the ruins of the eastern end.
Vaux is one long straggling street, the church on the
north of the road right at the eastern end. Somewhere
about noon, so far as I can make out from French
accounts, the ruins of the church itself were entered by
the enemy, and this seems to have marked the limit of
their effort. All attempts of the (ierman bodies to mo\'e
by rushes beyond this central part of the street failed.
But meanwhile, and throughout a great part of the
;ame day, a very formidable attack was being delivered
just to the south of the village up the exceedingly steep
grassy slope which takes you from the clay of the
Woeuvre up to the plateau on which stands the old fort of
Vaux.
The hill is comparable in height and general outline
to Boxhill in Surrey. It is similarly crowned with wood,
the old fort standing upon its edge, and the escarpment
plunging down on to the weald. The German attack
succeeded in progressing some way up this slope, but it did
not reach the wire entanglement in front of the fort
(the expression " fort " mjans of course the dismantled
works of the old fort of Vaux, the guns from which
have been taken away long ago).
The next day Simday, the German infantry failed
to move. Only the guns were at work.
During all these efforts to seize the two edges of the
ravine of Vaux and to get a footing upon the heights of
the Meuse, which form the plateau above the escarpment,
other minor work was being done by the enemy 7 or H
miles off to the south, and at points nearer to Vaux as
well. He carried Fresnes in the Plain and tried hard to
push beyond Manheu'Jes in the Plain, attacking also
at Eix, and a few other points. But these efforts,
undertaken so far with comparatively small forces,
against the compar? tively weak continuations of tlie
LA N I) A .\ 1) W A I I. k
March 16, 1016.
French line, 5;hoiild not withdraw our attention from the
main point of attack whkh has ail this week been the
ravine of Vaux and the two heights conmiahding it to
the north and the south.
The Goose Crest.
tnc
/<•//
The other contemporary attack was du
wiuf,'. that of " the Goose ("rest."
Tiie exact situation of the spur known as the (ntc de
I'Oie or Goose Crest, which is the most advanced position
north of Verdun upon the west of the Mcuse, its military
value, and the progress of the enemy again^ it, merit a
detailed study.
The reader is acquainted with the general situation.
The successful retirement of the French ujwn tiie east of
the river from the original line of Brabant to the main
position upon the crest of I.ouvemont had left the French
positions upon the west of the Meuse intact. The French
guns from the west of the Meuse, th(>refore, could play
upon the belt the Germans had occupied east of the river
and impeded all the German efforts to carry and turn tlie
left of the French main position ujjou the ("oto du Poivre.
On this accoimt it was important for tlic enemy succes-
sively to carry the series of lieights upon the west f)f the
Me\ise, which at once concealed the French batteries
there and gave them posts of observation on the summits
whence they could correct and direct their fire.
All this we saw last week.
Of these heights the first range or ridge was the crest
of the Goose, the Cote de I'Oie. with its surroundings.
There would be mithing decisive or hnal in the occupation
of this crest by the enemy. He would have at last to
deal with the main position of the Charny Ridge, 6,000
to 8,000 yards behind, before he could etfect anything ;
but the Goose Crest in its entirety must be seized as a hrst
preliminary to any advance upon the ridge of Charny.
Let us see at what rate and with what success the
enemy has effected this, his preliminary object.
The Crest of the Goose runs south-west from the
valley of the Meuse and is isolated from the hills further
west (which are heavily wooded and reach to the Argonne
about 7 miles away) by the upper part of the brook of
Forges. This same brook of Forges taking its rise in the
ridge of Charny, Hows northward to Bethincourt, there
turns sharply to the right, and thence Hows a little north
of westward, reaches the village of Forges and imme-
diately afterwards flows into the Meuse. It is marshy
below Bethincourt and all its valley down as far as Forges
is subject to .slight floods. To the north and to the west of
its course are rather confused high lauds and to the
south, as we have seen, this main ridge of the Goose.
The Goose Ridge may be compared in shape to a
palm tree, the summit of the ridge itself forming the
trunk, and a series of spurs radiating out from its south-
western end, the leaves. The general height of the
ridge is 250 metres above the sea, which is roughly speak-
ing, 150 feot or rather more abov<- tlie level of the river
Meuse at this part of its course. Lut there are two dis-
tinct summits rising above the g' neral level of the ridge.
Tliat at the north-eastern end n<'arcst the Meuse is
known from its height in metres above the sea as Hill 265.
Tlie other, just on too feet highei (not sixty as I wrote
by error last week) is at the south-western end of the
ridge in the middle of the " leaves " of the palm, and is
called the Mort Homme. Between the two the ridge
narrows and sinks slightly to a central point marked
B on Sketch III. On the Northern side the Cioose Crest
slopes away, not very rapidly, towards the valley of the
brook of Forges. There are a few steep bits hV re and
there, notably just above Forges village, but in the main
it is an easy slope of one in twenty to one in thirtv or so.
In the prolongation of the ridge towards the Meuse
is the hamlet of Regneville, hardly a score of Jiouses,
standing just on the river, and in front of Cumieres is a
stone causeway laid on the bed of the river, which can be
used as a ford in dry seasons, but which has no value
at all at the present moment. The southern edge of the
Goose Crest above Cumieres is everywhere very steep.
Just at the end of the " trunk " of the " palm tree "
on the northern slope, in the shallow valley at C between
the first " leaves " and the trunk, there is a little wood
about a mile long, and at its broadest a quarter of a mile
across, which bears the general name of the Wood of
Crows or Crow Wood, but of which the eastern portion
is also called the wood of Cumieres. It does not climb
to the top of the ridge, but lies on the slope. The main
F'rench batteries lay, of course, behind the mass of this
height, sheltered ; and in order to dislodge them, as well
as to carry the advanced position represented by the
crest, the whole of the ridge must be carried, Mort
Homme and all.
It is clear from the map that there are three ways of
doing this. One may turn the ridge by way of the valley
of the Meuse ; but this would ivolve a final assault up
its steep side ; and there i^ . .: oded belt also just now
between Cumieres and Regneville. One may rush it up
the northern slopes, pushing one's way ultimately to the
Mort Homme itself, the occupation of which culmina-
ting point would involve the loss of the whole position.
Or thirdly, one may turn it by an advance through
Bethincourt and along the upper valley of Forges Brook
beyond at D — D.
The enemy has attempted the second and the third
of these methods.
He began, as we have seen (exactly a fortnight after
the opening of the main battle for Verdun) by an intensive
drabdut
III
Loavemoixt
Homme
d MUes ^
The Contours of (lie Gonse Crcvt with Cerman Advance Shaded.
I\Iarch 16, 1916.
T. A N D A X D ^^' .\ T K R
boiubardmeiit of Ihc ridgc and of tlir villages at its foot,
opened the afternoon or evening of Saturday, tlic 4th of
March, and continued tlnougiiout that night and the
Sunday night. This bombardment was particularly
severe along the valley where the French lines lay, behind
the marshy brook from Bethincourt to I'^orges (both of
which sets of ruins were occupied by the French) and so
round the base of the hill to Kegneville.
On the Monday morning, the 6th of March, the enemy
launched no less than Iv.o divisions against the eastern
portion of the line he had thus been bombarding and,
probably in the course of that morning, he succeeded in
rushing the village fif Forges ; he carried his assault on to
the ruins of the hamlet of Regneville, which he also
occupied. The assault was continued against all the
main slope up to the " trunk " of the " palm tree " and
by the evening of that Monday, March 6th, it had had
the following results :
One of the two German divisions had reached and
captured Hill 265 ; the other inclining to the right, had
forced its way up to the Crow Wood and right through
that wood to its further western extremity. It was
here not half a mile from the Mort Homme, and it
looked as though the Mort Homme itself, and with it
the whole ridge, would be in (jcrman hands by the Tues-
day morning.
At this moment, by the nightfall of Monday, March
6th, the French line still held Bethincourt, ran across
the shallow valley immediately beyond, skirted the edge
of the Crows' Wood and covered the ruins of C'umieres.
(All these little villages are places of from 300 to 500
inhabitants or less).
During the Monday night the bombardment was
continued with intensity, not only along the whole ridge,
but over the ground beyond it to the south in order to
prevent the arrival of reinforcements. Reinforcements
must nevertheless have arrived to the F'rench, for on the
Tuesday the following day, the 7th, the FVench counter-
attacked and drove the (iermans half way back through
Crows' Wood. The Cierman forces, themselves reinforced
during the Tuesday night, early, attacked (presumably
after the early setting of the moon), the portion of the
wood recovered by the French, and at the same time
launched another new, separate force, against Bethincourt
from the north, coming down the open fields abo^•e that
village. These attacks were continued on into the
Wednesday morning and were both completely broken.
During the remaining daylight hours of the Wednes-
day the F'rench continued a slow progress through the
Crow Wood and recovered the whole of it except the
eastern end.
During Thursday, March gth, the enemy made no
new attack. He was presumably re-forming and bringing
up further troops. The lull was maintained through
the night. But on Friday, March loth, the equivalent
of a whole division was launched against the wood in
successive attacks, .and before the end of the day the
wood was again reoccupied by the Germans.
Upon Saturday the nth, a further attack was
launched against the F"rench trench running just in front
of the road from Bethincourt village towards the south-
east, and marked upon the sketch A A. This is the most
advanced of the French trenches in this region. The
attack was not successful, although at one moment the
enemy got right past one section of the lust trt'hcli and
was beginning io clear the main lomnumication trench
k'ading up to it. He seems to ha\e been tvnned out of
this in the course of the afternoon.
Upon Sunday, the 12th, he continued a heavy bom-
bardment along all this sector from Bethincourt to the
Mcuse, but attempted no infantry attack upon that day.
And on Monday 13th, he continued the bombardment
with increasing inten.sity, especially securing the ground
behind the Goose Crest to interfere with F'rench reinforce-
ment. He devoted particular attention, at very long
range and from' his heaviest pieces, t(3 the Bororrus Wood
in the Charny Ridge, as though preparing for a general
attack later on.
The result by the Monday e\ening after a whole
week's infantry action, and nine days from the beginning
of the artillery preparation against this sector of five
miles long (from Bethincourt to the river) was that the
enemy, having deployed over it upon various occasions,
at least four di\isions— from which lie has lost exceedingly
heavily — has accpiired the irregular triangle shaded upon
the sketch, is still live miles from Charny ridge and is
opening in this situation upon the west of the Mcuse
the fourth week of the great battle.
Remember that the west of the Meuse can be
made as decisive a battle ground as the east, that it
threatens the general French line even more, and that
hitherto only four divisions — only from a 6th to a 7th
of the force already disclosed — ha\e been used against it.
To put it another way, the density of attack on these
five miles has hitherto been but a quarter (or less) of
that on the east of the river.
Note on the German False News.
The false news spread in the course of these attacks
by the Ciermans has been widely noted in the Press of
this country, especially since the detailed expo.sition of a
part of it in the French wireless of last Friday.
We shall do well, however, to distinguish between
the different types of falsehood published by the enemy
in this connection.
The exaggeration of the number of prisoners taken
and the counting of trench mortars as field guns is a very
(jld trick with which many months of the war have
rendered us familiar. This sort of falsilication is not
without a military object, and that object has been
pointed out in these cohunns more than imc:'. In the
confusion of an action where very much smaller forces
are pressed back by very much larger ones, it is not with-
out value to give the commanders of the retiring force
an imjMession, however soon dispelled, that they have
suffered more severely than is really the case. They
know that they have been hard hit. It is impossible to
get accurate statistics in the difficult business of the
retirement, and exaggerated reports are bound to come
in. The worse the situation is made to appear to his
opponent the greater the fruits the enemy is likely to
gather from his operation, since there will not be time
to establish the truth until long after the affair is con-
cluded ; and if the distant commanders of the retiring
force think it is in a worse way than it really is, they may
hesitate to order it to stand where, had they known the
truth, they could easily have detained it.
But falsehoods of such a type as that which announ-
ced the capture of the Fort of Vaux upon the morning
of Thursday last, are quite other. They cannot con-
ceivably affect the French command even in its regir
mental units, for everyone on the spot knows that they
have no relation to reality. A German wireless, for
instance, announcing the occupation of the town of
Ypres on the nth of November, 1914, would have been
\alueless for such a purpose as that described above,
because every British soldier in Ypres and in front of it
W(juld have known it was nonsense.
Not only, therefore, is stuff of this kind valueless
in a' military sense, but it has not hitherto appeared in
the (ierman accounts. Falsehoods equally grotesque
have been spread among neutrals, but only with regard
to general matters and not with regard to the occupation
of particular points.
Why, then, has this novel feature appeared?
Wfi can only guess at the reason and our guess must
Ix' that the news was really believed in Berlin, and
believed because a certain feverish expectation, the result
of jjrevious disajipointment, affected those in charge of
the publicity bureau in the capital, it sliould be par-
ticularly remarked that the mythical exploit was set
down to the credit of two Pohsh regiments, their brigade
commander bearing (perhaps by a coincidence) a Pohsh
name.
A single point of the sort nnist not be pressed too
far, but I take it that the thing was an error rather than a
piece of cunning, and an error due to the state of mind of
those who were eagerly waiting for news in Berlin, and
who particularly desired to control or prevent certain
forms of. disaffection.
If one is asked how such an error should occur, it
would seem from the nature of the case natural enough.
A very large body of men is launched by night against
the base of hills roughly corresponding in height and
steepness to the Surrey Downs above Dorking and Rei-
gate. There is a most furious cannonade lighting with
llashes all the sloDCS of the hills, and the summit on which
LAND AND WATER
March i6, 1916.
Ihc old abandoned fort stands. The Kt-doubts of Hardaii-
mont on the slope of the northern hills (close to Vaux)
arc carried, both .northern and southern crest are hard
pressed, and though the attack can get no further
and is checked, it is easy to conceive how observers
behind the line and overlooking this mass of lire in the
night should accept a rumour that the southern crest
also had been stormed.
1 take it that this rumour relating to the struggle
in the darkness between Mondav and Tuesday was
received upon the Tuesday morning in Berlin, and was
edited and ready for sending out l>y noon. No contra-
diction of it having been received a' the moment when
the officials depart for the consideable midday meal of
that city, it was duly sent out. It was received and
transcribed, among other places in Paris, by the wireless
and was issued in France about two o'clock in the after-
noon.
All this is no more than conjecture, but it seenr^ to
me to explain what would otherwise be a particularly
lutile piece of nonsense.
German Losses in the Great Attack.
While we must repeat the truth that no estimate of
the enemy's losses can be accurately made until the
French gi\e us their report of the completed action yet
we should, if we care for any real basis in judgment
beware of an error which is just as fatal to such judgment
as the exaggeration of those losses.
The military value of the whole thing, the German
success or failure, will depend upon comparative losses
at the end of the engagement, and there has been some
tendency in the last few days to undor-estiinate the prob-
able losses of the enemy.
The French estimates (many of them given in private,
and all of them as yet unofficial, but most of them de-
tailed), put those enemy losses very high. That they are
very nmch larger than the French stands to reason, not
so much because the I-'rench are standing on the defensive
(for there is a great deal of counter-offensive work) as be-
cause the French have deliberately u^ed the whole time
the tactic of covering with the smallest workable number of
troops*. In some sectors, on the Goose Crest for instance,
at Poivre Hill, in the four stages of the main retirement,
in all the earlier work round Douaiunont, and in the
assaults upon the escarpment south of Vaux, position
alone must necessarilj- mean that the enemy has lost far
more than his opponent. In other restricted areas where
there has been a violent offensive and counter-offensive
alternately, as in the two villages of Vaux and Douau-
mont, and in the Crows' Wood, the losses may be more
nearly equal. But to repeat, as a whole the enemy
losses must be very much the higher of the two. While
their total cannot, of course, be fixed even within a rough
approximation, one is able to meet the principal argu-
ment used by those who doubt or would under-estimate
the terrible price the enemy is paying for what he hopes
to make a decision before it is o\er.
That principal argument is tli 't the fronts concerned
are not sufficient to permit the dejioyment of more than
a certain number of men, and therefore not sufficient to
permit of more than a certain proiwrtionate loss in the
men so deployed.
The original attack was upon a line about 8i miles
long. It has narrowed on the mam position to about 6.}
mile east of the Meuse, extended by the new attacks on
the heights south of Vaux to quite 7 miles. West of the
Meuse it has in the last ten days developed upon a further
line of 5 miles. There are thus altogether, if we exclude
the minor work in the Woeuvre Plain, about 12 miles
of front acted upon or, say roughly 20,000 odd yards.
It is perfectly true that upon such a front you cannot use
more than a certain number of men in any one attack.
Moreover, as the attacks have been partial, now mainly
upon one sector, now mainly upon another, we are con-
cerned in any one day with a great deal less than this
total front.
But we should do well to note first that attacks of
this sort in other parallel situations during the present
•llif whole tii-sl covciiiij; line consists origiiKiUy ol bul 4 ilivLsions
aijainsl 14 or 15,
war have, as a fact, been exceedingly, expensive, and
secondly that the action has not been one gradually
" petering out " after the first main effort, but oni:
renewed again and again and again with equal fury in
attack by the enemy o\er now more than three week>^.
The front at the (irand Couronue in its ultimate
development was shorter. It was less than 10 miles long.
That action lasted less than a week ; and yet it certainly
cost the enemy close on 100,000 men. Or, we may take
for another test the Allied efforts in Champagne and at
Loos. The French losses in Chamjxigne upon an a('ti\o
front of 12 to 13 miles, mainl\' incurred in the first few
days, are known though not published. They were much
less than the enemy's because the Germans held their
front in great strength under the first bombardment and
the attempt against the second line was checked in tinic.
Rut they certainly do not warrant our doubting exceed-
ingly heavy losses for the (iermans in this attack upon
Verdun, wJiich has included scores of separate assaults,
stretched over now 25 days.
We have the cost of the contemporary Britisli
attack known under the name of Loos exactly. We
know liovv heavy it was ; between 45,000 and 30,000 men.
Yet the British were not actrively using 23 divisions nor
were they attacking on a front of such extent, still less
did they prolong the action for so considerable a time.
The conception that the (ierman losses must be
lighter than the estimate, because they should, if as
heavy as the French say, have already entailed exhaustion
is not thought out. If the enemy really thinks he can
get a decision it is worth his while to spend for thj
moment not 100,000 or 150,000 or even 200,000 men,
but 300,000- — or more. Because he has only disclosed
in action about 300,000 does not moan that he has
not fed from reserves or has not far niore men concen-
trated in the region.
New Evidence of German Exhaustion.
It will be remembered in this connection that we
have always insisted in this journal — and especially in
those moments of artifically produced depression wliicli
affected this country two or three months ago — that ^he
exhaustion of the ( ierman efficient reserves (with the
exception of classes '16 and '17) would compel the enemy
to begin filling up gaps with inefficients during the whole
winter if he desired to keep the two young classes back
for an offensive in the spring of this year.
We further hazarded the opinion — for it was not like
the first a matter of positive proof but only of judgment—
thai with the best will in the world they would not be able
to keep the young classes back for long. That the effect of
putting too many inefficients inlo the drafts ivould be so danger-
ous and so obvious that they would be compelled much earlier
than they desired to bring the two young classes into action.
■ We now have positive evidence that what was then
only a piece of judgment was right. The French have
already taken many prisoners of the '16 classes in front
of Verdun, and what is worth noting, though too much
stress should not be laid upon it, the number of these lads
has increased in the later stages of the battle. What
is of more significance is that in soma cases these drafts
of the '16 class have been very large indeed. Three
whole companies in one regiment appear to have been
formed of this class alone.
But there is something more. A certain number of
jjrisoners (a few, it is true) have been taken belonging
to the class '17, and that is an omen which no one can over-
look. The jirisoncrs were not \oiunteers, they were
regularly enrolled.
When it was known that the efficient reserves were
drjing up in the last two months of 1913 the general
suggestion was that with a cautious defensive policy the
first categories of inefficients would be used in drafts
during the early months of iqi6, and the classes '16
and '17 would not appear until the end of April at the
earliest. I beli\e this paper was the only one to suggest
that the strain could not.be endured throughout the winter
and that the young classes would certainly be called upon
in the exhaustion of efficient reserves before the winter
was over. Now that, long b -fore the winter is over, the
enemy has chosen to gamble with what remains, the last
classes have had to be called.
8
March in, 1916.
LAND AND WA T E R
:t in deliberately
-. and in continuing
offensive ?
jDiething personal.
the actual town
The German Object
What then, is the enemy's ohjc
risking at such a moment this heavy lu;^
it week after week in this great winter
The Press has represented it as s
The dynasty hacl promised to enter
Verdun and must keep its word.
There may be something of that motive in the con-
tinuation of the action, but it is certainly not the chief
motive. The conception which seems to underly the
enemy's continued assault is rather something like this :
'' The French deliberately cover with a minimum
number. It is their known tactical method. They
showed it locally in the beginning of this action. They
showed it again in the advanced positions west of the Meuse,
on the Goose Crest the other day, and even on the main
])ositions which thev have been defending for now more
than a fortnight ; they are still using a much smaller
number of men than we should use under similar circum-
stances. The advantages and disadvantages of this
method are well-known." When it succeeds you spare men
and use them later as a mass of manoeuvre. But if it
fails there is a bad smash. We have failed so far to
provoke that smash, but if we go on perhaps we shall
provoke it before the end. We may find a thin place m
the crescent, or there mav be a local break-down and the
effect of that would be to give us great masses of prisoners
and, if not a decision, at least a local triumph of the
utmost value to our moral position at home and abroad.
There will be a corresponding loss of that position to the
enemy."
this is as much as to say that the enemy no longer
hopes to break the French front, but that he does still
liope — at a verv heavy cost— to achieve a striking local
success upon a" large scale. He no longer hopes to do
what he did on the Dunajetz, but he does hope to do
what he did in the second advance to the Niemen, when
he defeated the Russian tenth army— allowing, of course,
for the difference between an action upon lines and action
of movement. Supposing, for instance, he at last drove
right through some point of the French quadrant east
of the Meuse he would at once; take in reverse all its line
upon the north of the breaking point. Or suppose he
mastered on the west of the Meuse all the advanced lines
one after the other, got to the Charny ridge and mastered
that, he would presumably destroy, in a military sense,
a great part of the French forces remaining east of the
Meuse. . .
Such then, are his main motives in continuing,
though the political motive may have its value for him.
The fact that the chances against him are very heavy
does not render such motives less possible; places
might be cited where the chances against the Allies
were very heavy and were ultimately too much for them,
and yet in which the allied effort .was long continued.
13ut there is another motive which we ought to
consider.
Of all enemy statistics obtainable by the Intelligence
Department of a General Staff, the most difficult to obtain
are the statistics of production. We do not accurately
know the enemy's rate of production in munitionment.
He does not know ours. But he does know that the
three western Allies produce each for its own army,
and he knows that the French were very heavily handi-
capped by the occupation of their principal industrial
region. He further knows that all his own industrial area
including northern France, Belgium and the industrial
part of Poland can be used as one unit, and its surplus
production of shell concentrated on any one point.
Therefore, he argues, he can be sure of a local superiority
in heavy munitionment at least, wherever he chooses to
concentrate for one great offensive as he has at Verdun.
He may not only hope that this superiority in munition-
ment (as he believes it is) will give him a dominating
power in heavv guns to which, if he continues his effort
the French will no longer be able to reply ; but he will
also argue that bv thus depleting the French accumulation
of shell, he is rendering a later French offensive impossible,
or at any rate greatly postponing it. This, I believe to be
a second motive inclining him to continue his effort.
There is in aU this business of Verdun a certain
rather subtle point well worth noting. It is the effect
of time upon the operations.
I do not refer to the effect time has upon the losses
of men, for it is evident that the mere prolongation of
an offensive is no guarantee of excessive loss upon the
attacking side. You may lose in one type of offensive as
many men in a day as you would lose in three weeks of
deliberately restricted effort, True, the German action
in front of Verdun is not at all of this latter kind. It is
not a series of slight attacks carefully limited to a few
losses : It is a case of intermittent attacks never separated
by more than forty-eight hours, delivered in extraordin-
ary numbers for the front concerned, and each exceedingly
expensive.
The factor of time, therefore, has indeed had in
these Verdun attacks a very powerful effect in increasing
their cost.
The EflFect of Time.
But it is not to this effect which I would draw atten-
tion but to the absolute effect of time in such work as
this.
The enemy in attacking the Verdun salient desired,
if possible, to break the French front and to pour through.
Though he should fail in this he yet might well
succeed in cutting off some very considerable body of his
opponents. And, as the object of all war is to disarm
your opponent in a greater measure than yourself, such a
success, though partial, would have been of great value.
A third object, as we all know, was the impression
of neutral and civilian opinion by the use of the name
" Verdun." Verdun, according to this legend repeated
over and over again in the German Press, and in German
messages to neutrals, was a great " fortress." Military
terminology for centuries past had accustomed men to
the idea of a " fortress " which you " besiege " and which
at last " capitulates " (that is, surrenders on terms) or
is " stormed." In either case the fortress " falls " and an
artificial obstacle hitherto barring advance is removed
and the advance can proceed.
The military value of the area of Verdun to-day
corresponded to such a description about as much as the
word " Savoy " as applied to John of Gaunt's Palace
applies to the modern conditions of the Strand. There
are some things in common, size, a numerous habitation,
weklth, etc. In the same way it is true to say that
Verdun was a centre of communications because it was
a great town, etc. Being the central point of a salient,
it had great stores of supplies. It had been a fortress
SORTES SHAKESPEARIAN.^,
By SIR SIDNEY LEE.
Tis
COL. CHURCHILL'S ORATORY
matter how it
it make noise
tio
e in tune, so
enough.
AS YOU LIKE IT. IV.,
8-9.
PORTUGAL DEFIES GERMANY.
Men shut their doors against a settijig sun.
TIMON OF ATHENS. I., ii., 139.
OUR STRATEGY
' Tis better that the
So shall he waste his
soldiers.
Doing himself offence.
IN FRANCE.
enemy seek ns :
means, weary his
JULIUS C^SAR, IV., iii.. 197199.
I. A N i^ A N 1^ \y A T E R
March 16, iQif).
because the Uintl round it lent itself tofortitication ; tlu re-
lore it would be strong even when such fortihcation
became no more than field works. For, of course. Verdun
as a " fortress " no longer exists. It was no more than a
jmrticular i)art of the 500 miles of French line (li^rat ter-
ised by great local strenfith. a considerable accumulation of
supply, and the junction of communications, as also by
the fact that it was the nucle\is of a prominent salient.
Well, consider all these points and see how the lapse
of time affects them, quite apart from its effect upon
(ierman losses.
P'or the breaking of a front, rapidity, the concen-
trated value of your blow, is everything. The Dunajetz
was a proof of this, and the partial success of the Allied
offensive in September. The Allied offensive in Septem-
ber did not break the German front, but it smashed up the
first line (which was held in full strength), and all the
effective work was done in a few hours after the close of
the bombardment.
The (ierman attack upon Verdun liar., through the
effect of time, utterly lost this character. I am trying to
break through my enemy's wall with a battering-ram. I
give a violent blow, open a breach in it, but Imd a second
wall behind. Against this second wall the impetus of
my battering ram is such that it gives that second wall a
bad dent, but cann<it break it. My battering ram is of
such a nature that in the act of acliieving its first success,
and of striking against the second wall, in every impact,
it loses a certain large percentage not only of its momen-
tum, but of its actual stuff.
That is a metaphor fairly describing what happened
in the .Mlied offensive in September so far as a mere blow
was concerned. In the supreme factor of numerical
effect, of course, it was far more. For the wall and
battering ram are both made out of armed men, and the
bricks thrown down were far more numerous than the
material lost to the ram.
But now, suppose that in attempting to break down
vty wall in his turn the enemy believes me to have built
it upon his own plan of two main curtains standing one
close behind the other, wherea;., as a fact, it consists of
four or five much thinner curtains standing one behind
the other and at last, behind all these, the main wall.
My enemy delivers his blow, but finds that he has to
deliver it four successive times, wasting his instrument
heavily each time, and, long before he has reached my
main wall, destroying all the effect of rapidity in his blow.
That is a fair metaphor for what happened between
February 2 1st and February 26th East of the Meuse, in
front of Verdun.
In this point, therefore, the effect of lime alone, quite
apart from losses, is apparent, and the fact that the battle
has gone on for now close upon three weeks, is a fact
heavily in favour of the defence.
Now for the second point : The desire, if one could not
break a front, at least to cut off large bodies of one's
opponents.
The essential of such a plan is surprise, and surprise
again can only be stated in terms of rapidity. The
essence of surprise is to catch your enemy before be has
had time to understand what you were at or, if he has
already done that, before he has had lime to take full
dispositions against it.
1 believe that the big attack up the ravine against the
position of Douaumont was something in the nature of a
surprise, and had it succeeded it is conceivable or even
probable that the main body of the defence lying between
Douaumont and the Meuse would have been wholly or
partly cut off. Failing, as it did, to do more than reach
the edge of the plateau, this prime factor of time in an
effort of surprise, rapidly diminished. It was already
almost worthless when the French counter offensive was
launched within three hours. It had <lisappeared within
three days. The passage of ten more days has dissipated
it altogether.
But it is upon the thinl point, the moral or political
effect at which the enemy aimed, that this effect of time
is most noticeable.
What may properly be called the " T,egend of
Verdun " — the theory of a great " fortress," imperilled
and about to " fall " — was prettj' strong on February
iQth, when the first shots of the bombardment began.
It was clearly apparent in the Press of neutral countries,
and to some extent our own during the ne.\t few days.
though it waned rapidly under the vigorous efforts of
those writers who were concerned to emphasise the mili-
tary truth for the public. It was shamelessly persisted
in throughout the (ierman Press, until it became ludicrous..
ICven as late as last Tuesday, March 7th, German corres-
pondents sp:'cially sent to the F"ront, were talking of the
" groat French fortress " and " last fortress of the Allies."
Hut long bi'fore that date the legend, even in remote
neutral countries, antl even with tiie least robust of Allied
civilians, was dead. There is perhaps no one left to-day
outside (iermany who accepts that legend, and not many
in Germany. It is to the honour, by the way, of the prin-
cipal students of the war in that country that they did
not lend themselves to the oflicial absurdity -but that
is by the way. The point is that the moral and political*
effect which would certainly have been produced in the
last days of February had German soldiers reached the
ruins of the suburbs of Verdun beyond the river, even at
lo.i^es threefold th:-ir opponents, can now never be
achieved. Should the area of Verdun be occupied after
a month's effort and an enemy los?; of 300,000 men, even
the least instructed opinion has had time to estimate thai
result in comparative losses, which iire everything, and
not in area, which is nothing. . H. B:u.[.oc.
\Ouin^ to pressure on our space Mr. Bdloc's
analysis of the A ustro-Hungarian losses is clef erred until
next u'eek.\
THE LATE MR. JANE.
Mr. Fred T. Jane, who died quite suddenly last week,
had every student of naval affairs throughout the world
his debtor. His annual "Fighting Ships " has long since
been indispensable to all whosi interest in Navies was
more than superficial. Its compilation from year to
year gave Mr. Jane a knowledge of constructional and
statistical detail altogether unique. But he was much
more than a naval statistician. He was an omnivorous
reader, and as his published books show, had a wide and
curious knowledge of ancient as well as of modern s-a
practice.
For many years Mr. Jane had lived near Portsmouth,
and iew men can have had a wider acquaintance amongst
naval officers. His enthusiasm for the Navy was im-
bounded, and it had been his habit to put his pen and his
speech at the service of every movement either for
strengthening the fleet: or bettering the fortunes of its
personnel. His death leaves a gap no one can fill ; he
will be mourned by more than those who could claim
the privilege of his friendship. And they were many.
Mr. Frederic Coleman, the author of From Mons to Ypres
with French (Sampson Low and Co., 6s. net) has seen certainly
as niuch, and probably more, of the actual fighting of the
British Army as any civilian, having been on dutv with his
car with the cavalry headquarters staff for the whole of the
period of which his hook tells. The record that he gives is
■' live " throughout ; there are hosts of good storids of the
indomitable spirit of the men on the great retreat, in the
battle of the Marne, and in the later days leading up to the
great fighting about Yjjres. Altogether, this is one of the
most mterosting books on the war that has yet been published.
There is no evidence in the pages of The Trof>ici. by
C. H. Ivnock (Grant Richards, i()s. net), to show that the
auth()r has visited all the lands that he describes ; more
especially when dealing with India and the Hast, the greater
part of the work is such as might have been derived from
f^uidc-books and geographical manuals— but his book is
not to be passed over for that cause, for most people have
neither the time nor the inclination to amass such a quantity
of literature as would be necessary for all the information
contained in tliis single volume.
The Peruvian tableland, Chile, and the Andean plateau
Renerally. receive the most detailed and intimate attention
of any localities, as if here the author were on ground with
which h;> is thoroughly familiar. I'or the rest, the reader
may find descriptions of climate, geographical peculiarities,
racial chara'-teristics, "if-ommercial enterprise and travel
facilities, in all the tropical regions of the f,'lobe. For this
object, evitlently the book has been compileJ, nn<l the oliiert
i-i well achieved
10
Mardi 16, T916.
LAND AND WATER.
THE REVOLUTION AT WHITEHALL.
By Arthur Pollen.
MR. BALFOUR'S reply to his predecessor weis
something more than a delightful addition
to our Hmitcd literature of irony. And it
has aeliicved something more than assuring
Mr. Churchill the immortality of preservation in the
amber of his opponent's wit. It is not Mr. Balfour's
artistry that is to our purpose to-day, but the light his
disclosures throw on the changes in naval administration.
The significance of these seems, on the whole, to have been
very well understood, so that the impression is general that
while we have assisted at tlie execution of the man who
tried to shake our confidence in the Navy, we have also
attended the public ob.sequics of the effort — call it intrigue
or agitation or whatever you please — for replacing the
present Board by Lord Fisher and his friends.
But to some people. Lord Fisher's lonig ascendancy
still makes it appt;ar as if, when we deny ourselves his
services in the highest posts, we arc committing a kind
of naval /t'/.o de sc. This conviction is passionately held and
eloquently expres ed by a few journals — and amongst
them the Manchcatcr (iiiardian and the Observer, wlio
are not deceived by his being invited, with Sir Arthur
Wilson and Mr. Hugh O'Byrne, to assist at the War
Council ; and to them the refusal to put Lord Fisher into
" absolute command " of something is a simple tragedy.
As there are some in private life who share these views,
and have not yet reahsed the real moral of Mr. Balfour's
castigation of his predecessor, it is worth explaining
what the First Lord's revelations really reveal.
Professional Control.
It is briefly thus : — Until May last the chief com-
mand of the Navy had, for years, been entirely autocratic,
and chiefly civilian. It is now as nearly self governed
as such a service can be, and its guidance is wholly pro-
fessional. We have learnt that our Argus-eyed Fleet sees
more than the " far sight and foresight and second sight "
of even our greatest stay-at-homes, and that an ad-
ministration who.se chief concern is to focus the war
knowledge of the Fleet and turn it to account, is not only
a vastly superior instrument of command to any
autocracy, but is the only instrument that can handle so
complex a weapon as the British Navy in the imantici-
pated and startling conditions of its first war for a hundred
years. So true is this, that a root fact of the situation is,
exactly as Admiral of the Fleet Sir Hedworth Meux put
it. The Navy is ])erfcctly content with the existing
regime and any effort to return to the old one would
spread consternation tluoughout the Fleet. To many
it may seem a hard saying that a system which was going
in full blast — tearing, hustling, pushing and driving —
about nine months ago, should already be seen to be
obsolete and dead beyond any possibility of revival.
But Mr. Balfour liftefl suiticient of the veil to make it not
only credible, but to those who understand it, inevitable.
Mr. Churchill left him with no alternative but to
break the brutal truth to us that at the outbreak of
war, we had not a single submarine-proof harbour on the
East coast. Reflect for a minute what this means. In
the eleven and a half years which have elapsed since
Lord Fisher came to the Admiralty as First Sea Lord,
two altogether revolutionary changes have been made in
naval war. Until i()04 the 12-inch guns of our battle-
ships were weapons that no one would have thought of
using beyond the range of 4,000 yards. The identical guns
have been used in tliis war at 11,000, 12,000 and 13,000
yards. The advance in range owes nothing to improve-
ments in the gun. It has been brought about by improve-
ments in sights, in rangelinders, and in the organisation
called fire control. Again in 1904 the submarine, or
submersible torpedo carrying boat, had indeed been
proved to be a practical instrument for war, but was still
in its infancy. By 11)07, when Captain Murray Sueter
vvrote his well known work on the subject, it had become
obvious that the tactics of battle, no less than tiie defence
Df fleets, stood to be completelv changr-d by its actual
and probable developments.
Now every new mgine of war aiul as a long rangi'
weapon the modern gun is such — creates a double
problem. There is the art of using it in attack ; there
is tlie art of countering it when it is in the enemy'^
hands. With every new develo])ment then, the Navy
has to learn a new offensive and a new defensive. In
the matter of guns, there is but one defensive that can
be perfectly successful. It is to develop a method of
using them so rapid so insistent and so accurate that the
enemy's guns will be out of action before they can be
employed against us. Failing this there is a secondary
defensive, viz., to protect ships by armour. Finally
you may keep out of range of the enemy's guns by
turning or running away. The adoption of armour calls
for no perfection either of tactical organisation or technical
practice. It is a matter which can be left to the metal-
lurgists, engineers and constructors. The ])urely naval
policy then should have been to de\elop the use of guns
either offensively, which as we liave seen will be the best
defence, or to enjoin the tactic that will avoid risks
inseparable from coming imder the enemy's fire. To
the country that was completing nearly two battleships
to any other country's one, that aspired to command the
sea, that hoped to be able to blow any enemy fleet out of
the water if it got the chance, it would seem obvious that
there could be only one gunnery policy ; to wit, piish
the offensive to the highest possible extent. This would
not have been to deny that there might be occasions on
which defensive tactics would be justified. But they
would be the exception and not the rule. It certainly
would not be the manceuvre round which the halo f)f
ofticial approbation would have been particularly shed.
Again, the distinguishing feature of submarines
is their capacity to approach the strongest of vessels
rmseen and then to strike with the most, deadly of all
weapons. As they gained in speed and radius of action,
it became obvious that wherever a fleet might be — whether
at sea or in harbour— it must be exposed to this insidious
and — if successful — deadly form of attack, unless it u'cre
protected by effective passive defences while in harbour,
and by numerous mobile guards when at sea. The basic
sup])osition of British naval policy has been to maintain
a fleet sufficiently powerful to drive all enemy's craft
within his harbours and defences. The proposition has
only to be stated for it to be clear that the Navy could
not have expected, except in rare circumstances, to havo
any targets for its submarines, whereas it was as certain
as any future thing could be, that every British ship would
be a constant target for the enemy's submarines. British
policy in regard to submarine war should then have been
mainly, if indeed not wholly, defensive.
Thus, if there was one form of offensive imperatively
impo;,ed on us, it was that of naval artillery ; and if
there was one form of defensive not less imperatively
incumbent, it was the pro\'ision of adequate protection
against submarines.
Reversed Tactics.
It is now of course common knowledge that it was
exactly in these two particulars that Admiralty policy
from igo4 to 1914 was either discontinuous, vacillating
and self contradictory, or sim])ly non-existent. So far
as it cultivated anything, it was a defensive tactic for
the gun : and offensive tactics for the submarine ! On
the latter point let the non-provision of a safe anchorage
on the North-Ea.st coast stand for the whole. If you
pick up a Navy List for any month in any year prior to
August, 1914, you will look in vain for any department of
Whitehall, any establishment at a principal port, any
appointment of flag officer or captain, to prove that
there was at any time an indi\-idual or a committee
charged with the vital problem of protecting the British
I'leet against enemy submarines when war broke out.
The necessity had indeed been realised. It had been
urged on the Board of the Admiralty. But no action
was taken.
This of course was bad enough. The case of gunnery
was worse, for if you comj^are the Navy List of August,
ii)i4, with lliat of Ihe ciirrcspondiiig month of the vear
ir
LAND AND W A T E R
March 16, 1916.
tliat Mr. fhiircliill took office, you will find that it was to
liis ailministralion that we owe tlic abolition of the
onlv ()lh<"fr and diparlmi-nt in thr N'a\y conipi'tt'nt to
acKisc or diivct mt-thods of gunnery adeijuate for war.
From IQ08 to k^ij the Inspectorship of Target
Practice had been effective in giving shape, and to some
extent a voice to the alarm, anxiety and indignation
of the Navy at the manner in which gunnery administra-
tion boxed the compass of conllicting policies. With the
suppression of the ofiice there came administrative jieace
^and technical chaos. How complete that chaos was
is shown by our inability to escape from the hampering
traditions of the defensive theory on which the Dread-
nought policy was built. The theory was that ships
should be armed with guns that outranged the enemy,
and tUted with engines that out-ran hini. Then all risk
of coming under his tire could be avoided. The effect caii
be seen in the actions we have fought.
The Falklands Action.
At the l-'alkland Islands there was a classic example
of defensi\-e gunnery tactics. It was one of thos-' quite
exceptional cases in which they were quite rightly em-
ployed. There was a clear six hours of daylight after
the enemy had been brought within fighting range ; the
strength of the attacking squadron was o\erwhelming ;
there was no safe harbour to which the enemj' could run ;
the British .\dmiral was many thousands of miles from a
])ort where he could refit if his ships were injured ; and
his ships represented about 6 per cent, of our total force
in capital \-essels. If then he could destroy the enemy
without risking any injury to his ships, he was clearly
bound to do so. The battle began about i o'clock, the
Scharnhorst sank at a quarter past four, and the Gneisenau
about two hours afterwards. For three hours and a
quarter then each of the (ierman ships was imder fire
from one battle cruiser, for two hours a single German
ship was under fire from both. If we assume, first, that
twenty-five 12-inch shells would sufilice to destroy such
cruisers as the Scharnhorst and the Gneisenau, and
secondly, that at no time did our battle cruisers have
more than six guns in action, it follows that the rate
of hitting would be one hit per gun every 75 minutes.
The mean range was about 12,000 yards.
Ranging Problems.
In the second attack on the Koenigsberg in the
Kufigi river, the t^vo six-inch guns of Severn destroyed
the Koenigsberg in about 15 minutes after finding the
correct elevation. The range here was just under 11,000
yards. If we assume that these guns could destroy the
Koenigsberg with 25 hits, we have a rate of hitting of
one hit per gun every 72 seconds. At 12,000 yards a
.Scharnhorst is a far larger target than a Koenigsberg at
11,000, and in flatness of trajectory a 12-inch gun at the
greater range has a vast advantage over a 6-inch gun at
the lesser. What is it that accounts for the gunnery
efiiciency at the Falkland Islands being one sixtieth of
that at the Kufigi ? The Severn was firing for all intents
and purposes from a stationary and motionless ship and
at a stationary target. Invincible and Inflexible were
travelling from 22 to 25 knots, were constantly under
helm, and were engaging fast and manoeuvring targets.
In gunlaying the difficulties in the latter case may have
been slightly greater. But the sea was calm. It was
then the unsohed difficulties created by the movements
of the firing ship and target that explain the difference
in the standard of efficiencj' achieved.
But unless these difficulties were solved, how was it
ever hoped that a method of fire control adecjuate for
battle could be evolved ? Was it supposed that we
could always engage on defensive terms, that we should
always have time, always opponents of inferior speed
and armament to fight ? Should not the elimination of
movement from the gunnery problem have been the be-
all and end-all of gunnery policy, if its essentially offen-
sive character had been understood ? The intensity of
hitting at the Falkland Islands was 98.4 per cent, inferior
10 that at the Kufigi. If ten per cent of the errors
had been eliminated, the efficiency would have been
increased by six hundred per cent. !
Now. throughout the years 1904 to 1014, there were
many distinguished sailors serving as Lords of the
Admiralty at Whitehall. Until the end of igio there was
virtually a naval autocracy. There \\a; certainly no
purely civil autocracy unfil Mr. Churchill took over a
year later. How are we' to explain blindness so aston-
ishing as this in two such crucial matters — the oniission
of a defensive for the submarine, and of an offensive
for the gun ? The answer seems to me to lie in this.
Wliile it was not until Mr. Churchill came to the Admir-
altv that technical decisions were habitually made by a
First Lord on his own responsibility, there had. e\('r since
jiower was transferred from the ISoard as a whole to its
chief, been a complete civilian ascendancy in naval
administration. From the moment the actual executive
power passed from a body of seamen appointed by tlu^
Prime Minister into the hands of a civilian head of a
department, naval policy had to be reduced to such
provision, such measures, such preparation for war. as
lie would realise to be essential. Lay judgment thus
became the criterion of all naval action, and this in turn
resulted in only those naval officers attaining infiuence
and power at Whitehall whoso habit of mind and character
ajipealed to the layman. I think it is this that ex])lains
how it is that Lord Fisher's reputation is so much greater
amongst politicians, journalists and landsmen than it is
amongst sailors. His reforms and <hanges were exactly
the things that appealed to untechnical minds. E\'cry-
body was impressed by ships that were larger, costlier
and carried more powerful guns than previotis ships. But
it never occurred to any of -these lay enthusiasts to ask
how they were to be used ! The critics of the Fisher
regime never made any headway, because they had either
to appeal for right doctrine to naval history, with which
neither the public press nor the politicians were very well
acquainted, or to such matters as the technique of weapons,
which no one outside the Navy understood at all.
Enemy Shortcomings.
It i> a fortunate circumstance that apparently no
other Admiralty was in the least degree in ailvance of ours
in the understanding of war, and it is to this that we nnist
attribute a state of things, to this extent satisfactory,
that whatever the defects in our preparations, in both
material or methods, the shortcomings of our enemy
seem in point of fact to have been greater yet.
We have now been at war for twenty months, and
no doubt a hundred weaknesses in our arrangements
have been set right, and so far as the others can be reme-
died, the /-fgtwie which Mr. Balfour has set-up is the best
guarantee we can have that all that is still possible will be
done. He has at any rate created machinery both for
finding out what the fleet knows and wishes, and for
carrying it out where it is feasible. And it is the great
advantage of the Churchill incursion that the attack on
this regime, which if not ideal, is at least the best we can
get, will now cease.
Mr. Balfour, having established a sane system, can
of course strengthen it. when and as it becomes desirable
and convenient to make an interchange between White-
hall and the fleet. One new appointment of great im-
portance has recently been made. Admiral de Chair has
been taken from the conduct to the direction of the
blockade. To those who know more of the fleet than of
the Foreign Office, there is something humorous in so
brilliant an officer being anybody's assistant. It is a
great thing, however, that a man fresh from the practical
problem should bring a war-trained brain to the Govern-
ment's assistance in this vital matter. It would, of course,
be easy to suggest other transferences from the fleet to
Whitehall that would strengthen the Board and other
departments there to a very notable degree. But it is
to be remembered that Mr. Balfour has to choose between
strengthening his Board and weakening the command at
sea. No change that has yet been suggested would give him
a better chief adviser than he has, and his chief adviser,
in turn, cannot be better served by any change in the
headship of the War staff. And compared with these
two, no other offices are of very crucial moment.
Arthir Pollen.
Aids to the use of Mafs (Jarrold and Sons, is. net) is a
very useful little handbook giving details of English, French,
and German military maps, in a way that will be found ex-
plicit and eminently serviceable by junior officers and
n.c.o.'s. engaged in topograpliical-work. The comparative
tables of terms are especially to be commended, as is the
chapter on conventional signs.
12
March i6, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
AN AMBASSADOR OF EMPIRE.
By Neoimperialist.
IT is well, as notable occasion serves, to turn from
-tudies to living facts, to note how fast the war
is doing the work of those who, here and in the
Dominions, have laboured for the creation of an
effectively organised Greater Britain which shall be a
Commonwealth founded on free brotherhood, rather than
an Empire based on tragically futile ideas of dominion.
Progress was slow, studies and researches were
judged, and, even to those engaged in them seemed to be,
largely academic. But now transparently clear implica-
tions of the Etate of war have tiooded all our world with a
new vision. In normal times people alter their con-
ceptions slowly. They continue to use terms of which
the significance has evaporated, and this prevents con-
\ersipn to necessary reforms or even the serious discussion
of them. In some such way as this on the eve of war
many still spoke of colonies and possessions with a half-
friendly contempt or an air of futile pride. The war has
shown them as nations banded in a free and glorious
alliance for a conception of liberty and a theory of govern-
ment on which their national and their personal lives
liavt' been built. In truth the grandiose German plan was
inevitably wrecked when Botha and Smuts, Borden and
Laurier, Fisher and Hughes, Massey and Ward declared
for England and for Belgium in the nam.es of the peoples
that they represented.
Never was there such a glorious testimony in epitome
(out of enemy mouths) to the British as against the
Prussian Imperial idea as was involved in that patheticalK'
eager question addressed to a Canadian prisoner of war by
his German captors: "What did the English say to
Canada to make her fight for them ? "
Unique Significance.
Witiiin the last week has happened an event rightly
hailed by the Press as of unique significance. The
Premier of Australia, after formal conference with the
Premiers of New Zealand and Canada, attends a meeting
of the Cabinet in l^ondon. It is for the peoples of these
islands to ponder and to understand the full measure of
that significance, fie comes more definitely than has
ever been apparent in any former visit of a Dominion
representative, as an ambassador of three of the five
free nations to the central executive ; as a stranger indeed,
and by concession rather than by the right which should
be his, but still welcomed, trusted and accredited in a
quite new sense.
An Ambassador carries more than his credentials ;
or, rather, a salient part of those credentials is his
capacity, his temper, his discretion. Mr. Hughes is
believed by his fellow countrymen to possess vigour and
initiative, a forceful personality ; indeed, the high quality
of leadership. An old and loyal member of Mr. Fisher's
government, he is judged to have a wider outlook than
his former chief. Mr. Fisher was primarily a Labour
statesman, not indeed of so narrow a complexion as we
are accustomed to note in our leaders of Labour at home
wlio, it is to be said, light against so much heavier odds,
but still necessarily preoccupied with the task of carrying
what seemed to him vital social and economic reforms in
the teeth of a still powerful opposition. Of that high
(juality of an ambassador, tact, the best testimony in
Mr. Hughes' favour is his happy expression, to which Mr.
Bonar Law gave charming tribute, of the splendid for-
bearance of Australia and New Zealand in regard to the
(iailipoli failure, forbearance hardly less magnificent
than the courage of the Anzac battalions, ancl withal
a rare phenomenon in political life and of most happy
augury.
This ambassador of Empire, then, sees further than
the mere immediate questions of military co-operation,
of the organisation of the supplies of wheat and of metals,
which he has ostensibly come to discuss. He sees with a
clear eye the vision of Imperial unity ; but, a member
of a powerful Labour government, he' sees it from a new
angle. He sees as a \vide-eyed man cannot fail to see the
outstanding fact that the Empire is no mere contrivance
of tariffs and agreements, no mere vast fanfily business
so to speak, but a bulwark of liberties won bv our race
through centuries of persistent contest against arbitrary
power and privilege, a barrier against the old, bad con-
ceptions of the imposing of tyrannical will which are now
revived in the later Prussianism.
Chamberlain and Rhodes.
You may say that he completes the visions of our
Chamberlain and our Rhodes, or makes explicit the
deductions implicit in their imaginative Imperial
philosophy. It is surely impossible that the more per-
ceptive and liberal-minded of our Labour leaders can fail
to be deeply impressed by this Labour Minister, whose
zeal springs from no suspected source, to {)ut it in hostile
terms, of capitalist megalomania or expansionist jingoism.
It is almost impossible that even our detached
philosophers of pacificism should be able to escape the
conviction that a Minister of such traditions is em-
phatically not a militarist. The military virtues of the
Australians all the world knows, but the thought of
militarism in their connection would be a rich joke to
those who know their habits and their temper.
And then there are those honest men of Radical
mould, whose preoccupations have been too exclusively
with domestic troubles and the real disabilities and
grievances of the unfortunate, and who, after the danger-
ous fashion of the idealist, believed what they wished to
believe, that the great war would never come and was a
mere phantasm of the alarmist sabre-rattlers this side the
North Sea. These fundamentally honest and admirable
folk have been rightly shocked into a consideration of
those external issues of the stable settlement on which,
as they now find, their domestic problems are ultimately
based. They have seen their world in ruins, their careful
retrenchments dissipated in the waste of a day's battle,
their reforms jeopardised for a generation. They will
surely listen to such a messenger and take their new
conception of the Imperial Task from such untainted
lips. They will surely learn that peace is not merely to
be had by rationalising — though rationalism may be the
slow ultimate way to the great end.
The New Imperialism.
Mr. Bonar La\V, in the recent gathering in the House
of Commons to welcome Mr. Hughes, phrased the high
hope of the new imperialism in terms intelligible enough
to those who read between the cautious lines of our
publicists' utterances on this matter :
" There is one thing I hope and believe we may gain from
the war and that is that as the war has shown the whole
Empire is one in spirit and in action, so some means may
be found for making it one in structure for all the time
that is to come "... adding the hope that both here
and in the Dominions statesmen will realise " that the
war has made a great difference, that it has made every-
thing plastic, that things which were impossible before
are perhaps easy now, and above all that it may be found
that perhaps a big step is not more difficult to take than
a small one."
One in structure . . . the big step not more
difficult to take than the small one— that is the pith of
the utterance. In the big step many prejudices will
have to be sacrificed, many vague phrases re-examined,
many conflicting interests adjusted. The supreme
passion for liberty, the supreme necessity of adequate
defence, these will prevail to carry the Great Settlement,
to build the Five Nations into one indissoluble sovereign
state. The details are a matter of laborious enquiry
and conference, but the essence of the case is made.
The Australian Premier has taken but another significant,
step along the appointed path. He is a discreet and a
knowledgeable ambassador and he should speak with a
convicticm, such as no imperialist of the popular school
can command, to those isolationists among us to whom
the word " Empire " has been synonymous with a
challenging aggression, and the splendid thing neither
studied nor believed in.
Let them listen to Mr. Hughes and the while turn
over in their minds the salient cpiestion ' What clid the
English say to the nations t(j make them fight for her ?
J, A \ n AND WATKR. March 16, kjiO.
FREEBOOTERS OF THE BALKANS.
Bv Jan Gordon.
IMr. Jan Cutnlini, lite a filer of this diin/e. acled us eir^iiteer
to Dr. Berry's Serbian Mission from the Koyal Free
Hospital. He was in the Balkans for six months
and mure, and travelled widely both in Serbia and
M onlcne\;,ro , taking part in the great retreat. He
and his wife, aho uas also attached to the Mission.
have fust piihlished, throuf^h' Messrs. Smith Elder and
Co., an account of their wanderings entitled " The
Luck of Thirteen," illustrated bv fhcmsel.'rs. bn/li oi
them bein'^ artists.
IN niodtTn armu-s wc liavt- now discarded the frec-
boottr, but in the Balkan States they have not
yet learned that the 1 ndisciplincd auxiliary is of
little use in the warfare of to-day, and here the
( oniitaji have a reeof^nised military position. Perhaps
in a way one is \\r()nf( in su^j^esting that we have completely
tliscarded, for the (omitaji is after all only a bold spy. a
spy who would use force rather than cunning, who employs
a bomb instead of gold. Even in peace time in the
Balkans they fringe the frontiers like a nimbus round the
moon fortelling future storms. I-'or them is no middle
course between death or honour, as a rule they nc.'ver are
made |)risoners, and 1 have personal recollections of three
such Spartan-.
Georgcvitch.
Whin I knew iiim deorgevitch was military store-
keejx-r to Vrnjatdika Banja. No position could have
become him better, he was an ideal storekeeper — and,
was also gerant of the hydropathic hotel which we later
turned into a hospital. He was young, plump, and genial.
On ordinary cU-ys clothed in Serbian uniform, he was,
sa\-e for his statinc,. umioticeable. But on Sunday,
arrayed in his show clothes and sallying out to attract the
frncics of the ladies who were health resorting, Georgcvitch
was a sight for " nuts " to weep at. To see him, his plump
iigure encased in a very tight fitting black tail coat with
l)raidcd edges, brilliant waistcoat, violently striped
Irou-ers, patent leather boots with cloth tops, little
patterns worked in between the leather and the cloth, was
to see what the modern Serb can do when he tries. His
hat, a bowler with a generous brim. Was always a size
too small and perched at the angle which he thought the
most attractive. At any rate Georgcvitch was never
deserted, but let us hope that the rumour of his courage
attracted mo'c than his personal appearance. One snowy
Sunday some girls maliciously snowballed him when he
was dressed in his best clothes. He gave a howl of elephan-
tine laughter, stooped — to the grave danger of his coat —
])ieked up in his enormous hands a lump of snow and with
it laid one of his aggressors flat.
One morning Georgcvilch presented himself at our
hospital and demanded to see a yiatient. The two talked
violently for a while, and when (ieorgevitch came away
a tear was glistening at the corner of his eye. He said
to me : " Tliat man was my comrade. A great big man
he was, and now look at him, all skin, and bones inside —
nothing else. We were Comitaj together. Ya ! " The
tear had disappeared and his eye gleamed with another
llame. " HeiT Ciott, that is a life " he cried, " two loaves
»f bread per man and then — Forwards, always For-
wards." " Imagine, " he clutched my arm, " adark night ;
\-ou go silently, silently through the trees, and there
before you is an enemy outpost. \'ou pull f)ut J'our
bombs, see ! " He swung round to his hip pocket and
shewed me a smallish square cast iron bo,\ at one end of
which was a brass cap. He unscrewed the cap, and
■ pointed to a pin which projected from the case. " You
see that pin, well you hit it — ^count one, two, three, four,
and at five, throw it. Ah then. Bouin ! Bourn !
Bourn ! " he waved his hands wildly. " They fly, we run
after them, always throwing. Bourn ! Bourn ! That is
me
Eh
" We take no prisoners," he went on, " they take
no prisoners, and from two hundred of us only twenty-
three remain — a fine man that one. Ya."
But his comrade was not, in hospital, the wonderful
hero that Georgcvitch had pictured him ; pcrliaps the
jiowcr (if bearing pain re()uires <|ualities other than baltle-
lield bravery. At any rate my wife had nicknamed him
the " Big child " to tlie great joy of his comrades, because
he would howl with agony before the doctor had ap-
proached his bed. He himself adopted the name and
would pathetically say to her, " Big Child hasn't got any
cigarettes. Sister."
Georgcvitch had a beautiful horse and an English-
made saddle of which he was inordinately proud. One
day he was appointed captain of cavalry, and a few days
later rode away. How many maidens wept for his going ?
Another Comitaj.
My secfind Comitaj is nameless. After two nights in
a train I stmnbled out at a wayside station seeking stronK
Turkish coffee with which is banish sleep from my un-
satisfied eyelids. Aft inn lay over the way and altiiough
it was 3 a.m. I opened the door and entered, but staggered
hack gasping for breath. The floor of the big dining hall
was heaped with bundles of rags. At first sight it was the
moonlight flitting of a rag and bone merchant, then when
one saw the faces there, and here arms and legs, it was
more like an Armenian massacre. It smelt like a massacre
too, a massacre several days gone, for the windows
liad been tight shut all night and there must have been
fifty soldiers sleeping there. 1 (ordered a table in the
fresh morning air without, and presently as I was sipping
my coffee he came out to me. He was gorgeously drunk,
and evidently had been so all night. Around his coat he
had a thick leather belt containing si.x bombs, <.m either
hip was a revolver, also sword, dagger and bayonet, and
a rifle was on liis back ; he seemed to a military sense
akin to what those old fashioned mountebanks who used
to carry and to play sinuiltaneously drum and triangle,
concertina, bc>lls, pan-pipes and cymbals are to the musical.
\\'e had little intercoiuse, for alcohol had erected a
barrier between us, and I need my Serbian spoken slow
and distinct. Still there he is, a picture of the apotheosis
of warfare and by now he must have been satisfied. In
opposition to these I place the portrait of Nikolo Pavlo-
vitch.
Nikolo Pavlovitch.
For five days he was our cicerone, appointed by Marko
Petrovitch, governor of Ipek and brother to the King of
Montenegro. Pavlovitch was a large spare man with
black hair and moustache, keen generous looking eyes,
and the most beautiful mouth 1 have ever seen. His
large frame was clothed in a French fireman's uniform —
the French sent all their old imiforms to Montenegro —
and though it was several sizes too small for him it could
not hide his native dignity. He spoke American. He
explained us the Comitaj as a kind of vigilance committee
instituted in order to keep down the excesses of the
Turkish rulers of the Serbian populace. In Macedonia
especially there were Serbian, Bulgarian, and (ireek
Comitaji, and to the joy of the Turk they occasionallj'
would fall foul t)f each other.
" Ah ! dis ere place," he said once, " 'ad de Turks
for bosses an dey did jess wat dey like, ^\'e kip 'em in
order, you bet. Say one Turk feller he carry off Christian
gals inter is areem ; we shoot 'im up — or one line night.
Mister Jim, 'e dissapear. So ! " he flicked a finger
across his throat, " dey know where a goone to, and dat
kip em feared. Say ! judge e make too much graft. We
fix im too sure ! Wa judge 'n jury 'n execurta all in one,
dat make 'm leave our gals alone. I'm tellin yer ! "
There were educated men amongst the Comitaj,
in fact the greatfcr proportion, Nikolo Pavlovitch told us.
He was remarkably intelligent and tho' f>orn a peasant had
educated himself and read English better than he spoke it.
His favourite author was Jules Verne, and " Round the
World in Eighty Days " he judged a masterpiece, and
" Jane Eyre " came second. Twice he had been caught
by the Turks; the first time, although they had shot him
in fifteen places, yet he escaped, was hidden by some
Serbian women and was cured. He explained that in
Macedonia a Comitaj could have anything he desired and
March i6, 19 16.
J. A N D AND W A T E R
without payment. The second time he was overpowered
and beaten by twelve men with fencing stakes. They
thought he was dying, but nevertheless sent jiiminto Tur-
key on a bullock cart. The agony of that journey can
better be imagined than described. They put him into
hospital and, he said, treated him very kindly till he was
better, when they flung him into a hlthy prison. His
friends had discovered where he was and sent him money,
or he would have starved to death. He described how the
dungeon was like night, becan.se the only windows were
blocked by the poorer prisoners who stood there all day long
holding out arms through the bars to beg alms from the
passers by. He was rescued by his friends, whobribed the
(iovernor and a gaoler, and he was allowed to escape.
But his health ♦as undermined by his sufferings, and
for six months he lay a cripple in Montenegro. He
cured himself. In the summer he crawled down to
Cattaro, and on the sweltering shores of the Adriatic
he built a primitive sweat bath. In a fortnight, he said,
lie was better, and in two months was able to get about.
when he was quite cured he emigrated to America,
where in a few years he saved £800. He returned to his
country, but was so oppressed by the misery about him
that in a few months all his money had been given away
and he went back to America to get more.
He was a rabid prospector, and when he learned that
I had been a mining engineer, he wanted me to join him,
after the war, and make a thorough tour of the mountains
in search of mineral. He was in Canada when the war
started and had organised the large Serbian contingent
which had left that colony to aid Montenegro. He
had strict notions and was disgusted because the Serbian
girls in Ipek would not discard Turkish costume.
" I sez to 'em Mister Jim, — Tisnt decent. Dats
wat I sez. Dese ere gals goin 'bout in trousers an coverin'
up der faces .same as if dey was Turks. But dey tells me
ter mind me business. Trousers is more comfortable, they
sez ; an I say,tisn't comfort youorter bethinkin' bout, but
nations. Biit dey afraid. Dey say Turk 'e comeback an
what then ? "
We took him one day to visit the Archbishop of Ipek.
Somehow there was no introduction, and the dignitary
seemed a little huffed that we should have brought a
common soldier to see him. At last he turned con-
descendingly to Pavolvitch and demanded his name.
The Archbishop's expression changed at once.
" What," he said, rising from his chair, " You are
Nikolo Pavlovitch." He shoijk him warmly by the hand.
" So I have met you at last."
When we left Ipek, Nikolo Pavlovitch, who suffered
at times from bad facial neuralgia, asked us to send him
some camphorated oil, also an old sweater if we had
one. The things were sent and I expect he got the oil,
but I doubt if a woollen sweater could travel from one end
of Serbia to the other in safety. Serbs are so susceptible to
cold.
WHY PEACE IS IMPOSSIBLE.
By L. March Philhpps.
A LL wars imply the existence of an inward antagon-
/% ism, an antagonism of will, idea, ambition,
/ % preceding and leading up to the outward an-
^ A-tagonism of act. But it has hitherto been the
case that tlaese inward antagonisms, the real sources of
wars, have rarely been vital or permanently important
to mankind in general.
Mostly they have been antagonisms of kings and
ministers, and have embodied State jealousies and am-
bitions more or less irrelevant to the national welfare.
Hence -when a certain amount of blood had been spilt
and the available ready money spent there was nothing
to prevent a peace being patched up. The peace might not
mean a reconciliation of the interests involved, but those
interests being usually trivial it mattered not whether
they were reconciled or not. The national life grew past
them, grew over them ; the march of humanity left them
far behind ; and the historian, who by and by reviewed
t'.iosi events, might imagine himself wandering amid the
ashes of extinct volcanobs.
But what if the inward antagonism does not pass,
what if it is not only profound and irreconcileable, but
permanent ? In that case obviously there is not much
use in discussing peace, for however much we discussed
it we could not realise it. Even if we arranged terms
and signed treaties and sheathed our swords, we should
not have made peace so long as the inward discord
remained operative. We might cover over the fire but
the flame would burn within.
Evolution of Prussianism.
What is it we are dealing with ? I would wish the
reader to tix his attention on the orderly, progressive
evolution of Prussianism in its own home and stronghold,
from a rough unconscious law of life dictated by harsh
circumstances and grim necessity, down to its final
appearance as a reasoned theory of government and
religious or ethical system ; and especially I would have
him note how all this later political and religious develop-
ment was made to match the primitive law of life, and
but expresses in finer intellectual or spiritual language
the impulses which guided that life's daily conduct.
Just as we see of England that her gospel of liberty was
of slow growth, and was built on fact and experiment,
so that her creation of a free empire has seemed un-
consicous, as though it were fashioned by convenience
rather than in accordance with any preconceived idea ;
so too the autocratic instinct in Prussia may be said to
have grown gradually out of life's experience and to have
been for centuries a matter of common usage ere it was
raised to the dignity of a philosophy and a faith.
It would almost seem that the land of Prussia had
been created for the express cultivation of the stern
spirit which came to reside there. Desolate and savage,
its mountainous plains trending gradually to the grey
waters of the Baltic with which the currents of its rivers,
the Vistula, the Oder, the Spree, were often undistinguish-
ably blent in vast expanses of marsh and reed, its heathy
or grassy tracts interspersed with forests of fir and pine,
wolf and bear haunted, it offered truly a rude pri: for
valour to the Slavs, Wends, Danes and Germans by
whom it was contested. Not till the Thirteenth Century
was Christianity introduced by the summary methods c)f
the crusading orders, the Teutonic Knights and Knights
of the Sword, missionaries whose religious zeal was imper-
fectly distinguished from lust of conquest.
Heterogeneous Elements.
Out of these heterogeneous elements mingled i.i
fierce confusion there formed by degrees an aristocracy,
not distinguished indeed by any of the refinement or
grace of bearing which we associate with the word, but
remarkable for the implacable resolution with which it
imposed its will upon subject classes and peoples. The
invaders were not only the feudal lords but the military
conquerors of the country. As rocks jut up out of stormy
waters so were they surrounded by hostile and doubtful
clans eager to submerge them. Their position could be
maintained and extended but by the exercise of unfalter-
ing vigilance and resolution. Self-preservation meant for
every noble in the land the successful maintenance of
the family dignity and authority against all attack, and
the keeping his own foothold amid the shifting elements
of that fierce society' by which he was surrounded. By
this endeavour the nobles were drawn and welded into
a solid body inspired by the tyrannic principle in all its
nakedness and power.
If the reader will reflect on the nature of the en-
vironment in which the evolution of Junkerdom took
place, he will scarcely wonder that it should have given
to the world the most stubbornly autocratic society known
to history. There are dyes so potent that a single drop
will stain a reservoir. There are strains of blood so
ineradicable that the least tincture imprints itself on
generation after generation. In the same way so con-
centrated was the rpiality of the Prussian autocratic
LAND AND WATER
March i6, 1916.
in^tin**, nurtured b\' rcntmifs f»f assiduous practice and
use, that it has bi-en able to diffuse itself like an essence
without losing its own identity.
It is to tliat process of diffusion tliat I would ask a
momentary attention. Every practical rule of life or
go\-erning system, if it is to prosper in the world, must
achieve some sort of an intellectual and spiritual expres-
sion of itself. Until it does this it has no real existence
apart from the circumstances which called it forth, and
cannot hope to commend itself to dwellers outside those
circiunstances. (^ne of the most remarkable things that
has occurred in luuope during the last three-quarters of
a centurv has been tiie investiture of the ])riinitive Prus-
sian rule of life with its appropriate body of arguments,
reasons, and even aspirations. What was a mere blind
instinct, born of necessity and the grim facts of life, has
found its intellectual and spiritual self and has become
in consequence a proselytising influence.
Teuton State Philosophy.
To attempt here a description of the State-philosophy
of Prussia as finally formulated would take us far beyond
our limits ; but if we approach the subject from the point
of view of the practice and usage of the Prussian nation,
if we try and imagine the philosophy as tittiitg the life,
and the chief charateristics in the life as de\eloping into
the main tenets in the ])hilosophy, we may be able to
disengage the essential traits of Prussianisni.
" To be weak is miserable " ; the lesson of Prussian
life is summed up in that short phrase of Milton's. The
(piality on which the very existence of the invaders
depended was their capacity to dominate, to keep and
hold down by the strong hand the insurgent and re-
fractory elements of society. If we were to figure the
Norman knights of England, not absorbed into the
l^opnlation and reconciled to English ideals, but fiercely
trampling down the conquered Saxons into perpetual
serfdom ; if we can imagine a league of grey keeps and
castles, not falling to decay, but continuing to exercis:
from century to century their subjugating influence,
we should have a true idea of the processes by which the
autocratic spirit in Prussia has perpetuated itself.
The reader cannot fail to have observed the extra-
ordinary sameness .which prevails among all the Prussian
portraits belonging to the dim picture gallery of past
history. All surviving records, ballads and legends
deal in one type. Down to the present it never varies.
The heroes of the war of liberation, Gneisenau, Arndt,
Eichte, Scharnhorst, the leaders of sixty-six and seventy,
Roon, Bismarck, Moltke, Manteuffel, down to the
Hindenburgs and Mackensens of the present, all seem to
incarnate, rough hewn and strong as they are,
the same ideal of physical dominance, physical might,
the might of the bludgeon. There is no more eloquent
testimony than this prevalent type to the influence of
that long grim feudal history biting slowly into Prussian
character. Let the reader weigh well the lessons of that
historv— that weakness is the final misery, that might
and power and valour and the virile virtues that over-
come and dominate are the primary conditions of life —
and having weighed these let him turn to the State
doctrine, as carefully and repeatedly defined during the
last fifty vears by a succession of Prussian historians ;
and ask himself whether its leading- axiom —that " The
State is Power " —is any other than a translation into
words of what has been the imconscious rule of Prussian
life for centuries ?
The Sense of Power.
For generations in every typical Prussian household
the seed has been germinating which has borne this
fruit. The State is the collective consciousness, or bond
of imity of the whole, and this bond of unity, savs the
Prussian doctrine, cnsisls in the sense of power. I'owcr
is the highest good. Power is that which transcends all
moral law. As I read the familiar phrases my thought
trends back over the bleak tracts of Prussian history and
I confess that the modern doctrine is but the slowly
inculcated lesson of ancient experience.
But we may go one step further. Professor Cramb,
whom 1 like to quote because of his appreciation of what
is positive in Prussian ideas, has some fine pages on the
Spartan disciuline and self sacrifice which the gospel of
miglit imposes. But he rises to a still loftier eloquence
when he goes on to describe the spiritual faith which
is to be the counterpart of that theory. Ever since
Germany's fatal mistake in adopting, fourteen centuries
ago, the religion of a conquered race, she has " struggled
and wrestled to see with eyes that were not her eyes, to
worship a god that was not her god, to live with a world-
vision that was not her vision, and to strive for a heaven
that was not her heaven." And now at last has come the
great revolt, the revolt of " the most earnest and pas-
sionate minds of young (iermany " against th(' thraldom
of ("hristianity. .^Xnd instead of Chvistianity what will
they set up ? " The prevalent bent of mind, " ccjmes the
answer, " at the uni\ersities, in the army amongst the
more cultured is towards what may be described as the
religion of Valour."
\\'ith that final definition the Prussian ideal reaches
its symmetrical expression. I desire here only to call
attention to its logical completeness and harmony.
Every practical theory must discover, as I said, its
intellectual and spiritual self. The tyrannic instinct,
raw and primitive in Prussian history, finds its intellectual
self in the conception of the State as power, and its
spiritual self in a religion of valour. Thereupon it is
complete. It starjds forth in organic unity, each mani-
festation of its nature in agreement, a complete philosophy
of life.
Our Philosophy of Life.
And what about our philosophy of life ? What have
we to set against the Prussian ideal ? It had been my
intention to develop this theme also ; to place our answer
to life's problem alongside the Prussian answer that the
extent of the contrast might be realised. But I have
already exceeded my space, nor perhaps is this further
analysis strictly necessary. We can work it out for .
ourselves. What does our past show ? Not the dominion
of an all powerful class, but the co-operation of all classes
in the act of government. .'Vnd springing out of this
difference of root comes the equivalent difference of tha
idea of the State, not as the embodiment of power but
the embodiment of liberty. Further, just as the Prussian
religion of valour ir, as it were, the moral guarantee of
physical might and tyranny ; so with us the religion
which establishes the independence and ultimate supre-
macy of tlie individual spirit is the first guarantee of the
principle of Liberty.
Whoever looks at the matter thus in the light of
history, will realise the depths of the antagonism on
which the present war is based. The roots of that
antagonism are buried in the past, and embrace the life,
})olitical, intellectual, spiritual, of nations. Five hundred
years ago the seeds of this war were being sown, and yet
there exists a type of politician among us who glibly and
confidently talk about " making peace," as though that
were a simple matter easily within our power. If they
would consider the difference of which the war is but the
external expression they would perhaps alter that opinion.
How can we make peace ? We might conceivably by
hook or crook stop the actual fighting. But would that
mean making peace ; would that mean really stopping
the war ? Not a bit of it.
The war, whatever we may do, and whether we wish
it or not, will go on. It will go on, openly or under
disguises, until the tremendous question whether the
future of Europe is to be developed on a basis of tyranny
or on a basis of liberty, is finally answered.
The Italian Ambassador will open on Saturday an
exhibition at the Suffolk Street Galleries of the Koyal Society
nf British .Artists of the work of the Italian Society of
Etchers and Lngravcrs in aid of the Italian Red Cross.
Lady Perley, wife of the High Commissioner for Canada
gave a reception for the Victoria League at Prince's Kestau
rant last Friday. It was largely attended, especially by
Canadian officers, and everything was very well done.
Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode have just published the
Soldiers' Enolish-Vrencli Friend, a useful little manual o'
French words, phrases, and sentences, with the corresponding
linglish, which will enable anv man to make himself under-
stood among Lrench and Belgian troops. The book is soiil at
2d., and all urofits an sales go to the Red Cross Funds.
March 16, 19 16.
LAND AND WATER
INADEQUACY OF OUR BANKS.
By Arthur Kitson.
"^OR many years past British manufacturers and
merchants have complained of the difficulty of
obtaining adeqviate banking facilities and of the
unreasonable objections made by their bankers
to affording then the accommodation their businesses
required. These complaints have become much more
frequent and general since the London Joint Stock Banks
invaded the Provinces in such force, and began their
policy of absorbing the private country banks — a policy
wliich has proceeded at an accelerating speed of late,
until to-day very few of the old private banks remain.
WitJiout doubt, this policy has been productive of great
injury to the nation and great hardship to hundreds of
small producers throughout Great Britain.
These country banks were the mainstay of thousands
of industries, and they were conducted on a far more
liberal and patriotic scale than the London Joint Stock
Banks. The Country Banker knew all his clients person-
ally, and was usually familiar with their family history.
He knew whom to trust. He could easily distinguish be-
tween the thrifty, industrious, enterprising man and the ex-
travagant, lazy and unprogressive individual. The banker
was usually a leader in social affairs in his own to-.vn or
district, and took a personal pride and interest in assisting
in the development of its industries. Whilst he was, per-
haps, as keen to make large profits as the London Bankers,
his desire was tempered by a sort of civic pride. It was
very gratifying to him to feel he was helping his neigh-
bours and fellow townsmen, which ensured him their
esteem and gratitude. The demands of borrowers in
London or abroad were not likely to induce him to forget
those of his own townspeople. In short, he usually had a
large amount of local as well as national patriotism.
Sympathy and Mutual Help.
Those who have read Prince Krapotkin's great woi-k.
Mutual Aid. will remember what an immense factor
symjiathy, leading to mutual help, has been in the
development of animal life. Sympathy has been a
similarly valuable factor in the development of industrial
and commercial affairs. This factor was present, in-
lluencing the conduct of the private banker. With the
advent of the soulless Joint Stock Company principle,
this factor was utterly destroyed.
The private banker frequently became a shareholder
in his town's local enterprises. All this greatly contri-
])uted to the upbuilding and development of Britain's
industries. I have been told by many of the farmers and
country ti-adesmen, how comparatively easy it was for
them to get financial help from their private bankers
thirty or forty years ago. With the advent of the London
Joint Stock Companies' country branches, all this is now
changed. In place of the local banker with his wealth,'
power, local pride, knowledge and sympathy, we have a
manager who is usually a stranger, and who knows little
or nothing of the townspeople themselves, who is usually
without any social or political standing, and is powerless
to grant any considerable banking facilities without the
consent of his London Board of Directors. His instruc-
tions are to secure all the deposit accounts possible and
send as much currency as he can to London. If it were
possible for a country manager to acquire country deposits
without having to grant loans, the London Banks would
regard this as an ideal condition.
Just as in the United States the great bankers of New
York and Chicago have always endeavoured to denude
the States of cash in order to amass and control it in their
own- cities, so the London banks have tried to keep the
stream of currency always flowing in their direction. When
it is considered that this policy of denuding the country
districts of money is often for the purpose of enabling the
London banks to grant loans to foreigners who are inter-
ested in building up industries abroad which successfully
compete with our own, the irony of the situation becomes
ajiparent ! From the National and Patriotic standpoint
what can be more i.mizing than the knowledge that the
savings of tJie British public are being employed dirjctly
to cripijle them in their own trade and industries ? In a
former article I quoted from a well-known financial
writer a statement showing the valuable assistance the
London banks have given to the Germans in building
up their vast businesses. This policy has been for this
country ruinous in the extreme. Although it has ])ro-
bably helped to increase the banks' dividends, it has
blasted scores of British industries.
Risk of a Monopoly.
The continual absorption of the smaller banking
companies by the laige ones, indicates that within a
comparatively .short space of time the entire banfcing
business of Great Britain will be under the complete
control of one board of directors. I'his is a national
danger which should be prevented at all hazards. It
would constitute a monopoly as far reaching and as
inimical to the public interests, as that which was exposed
in the United States by a Congressional Committee a few
years ago.
The monopoly of money is the greatest 0/ all monopolies,
for it controls all others ! It gives its controllers supreme
power over production, trade and commerce — nay, over lite
itself J Under modern conditions money has been made
indispensable to everyone. Such a monopoly ought to
be permitted to no one company or aggregation of com-
panies. In the United States, its effects have been shown
in the corruption of political life, and in the omnipotence
it gives to men like the late Pierpont Morgan, who was
able to possess himself of almost any branch of industry
he desired. The career of almost every one in America
was at his mercy. He could make and unmake whom
he chose, and woe to the man who opposed him I His
power far exceeded that of the President of the United
States himself.
If such a monopoly must exist, let it be owned by the
nation. Here is a legitimate field for democratic control.
For, even in the hands of the State, a bxnking monopoly
may bs a source of infinite harm to the public, unless it is
properly and impartially conducted for the interests of all
classes alike. Honestly and efficiently conducted, it would
prove one of the greatest institutions for the development of
trade, for effecting a more equitable condition between capital
and labour, for improving social conditions and providing
an inexhaustible revenue for the State.
The policy hitherto pursued by our Joint Stock banks
has been to give facilities to the strong and deny it to the
weak. Evidently they believe in the saying : " Unto
him that hath shall be given, but unto him that hath
not shall be taken away even that which he hath.". The
object of this policy is, to lend to those only who are able
to repay immediately on demand. Hence the speculator,
the Stock Exchange gambler, can get accommodation
where the producer would be denied.
The Policy Hitherto.
I have known a manufacturer, who, having sunk his
capital in plant, machinery, and tools for producing
necessary and useful articles, was unable to proceed for
lack of banking accommodation which was refused him on
the ground that machinery and tools are not considered
banking security. Had this man bought shares and tried
his luck as a gambler, he might have secured banking
facilities to his heart's content. A system which dis-
criminates against the production of wealth in favour of
gambling pure and simple, is neither morally nor econo-
mically beneficial to any country.
Let it be admitted at once that this feature is not
altogether the fault of the bankers themselves. It is
the natural and combined results of the Legal Tender
Acts and the Deposit System under which the banks
are compelled to agree to pay depositors their claims on
demand in legal tender. Consequently it would be
courting bankruptcy for the bankers to lock up all the
money belonging to their depositors in investments they
are unable to quickly realise. Hence, preference is given
to short-time loans on gilt-edged security. And this
class of loan which —although suitable to speculators
LAND AND WATER
I\rm
Cll i(», K^il)-
and doulcTs — is unsuitable to the producing classes.
The farmer who needs money to buy liis seeds and
fertilisers and agricultural machinery, cannot undertake
to repay the loan imlil he has sold his crops. A period of
months and even years must sometimes intervene. What
use is it to offer him a sum of money if there is the re-
motest prospect of the loan bein;^ called in a few weeks
or months later ? This would simply mean ruin to him.
Tile banker would liave to sell the farm iu order to realise
the amoimt of the loan.
A Well-known Financial Game.
1 his practice is, however, a well-know n financial
game which is frequently played by unscrupulous money-
lenders and even by many who pose as capitalists. How
many inventors, manufacturers and merchants have
been swindled out of their life's earnings by financial
vampires who have advanced money on debentures,
mortgages or promissory notes, and then swooped down
on their luckless victims at a time when they knew that
these were rmable to repay the money ! Legal Tender
Acts may possibly have been intended by their framers to
facilitate trade and to ensure equitable dealings between
man and man. But they have often been used as instru-
ments of the grossest frauds and the cruellest oppression,
enabling the financially strong to rob and terrorise over
the financially weak.
The history of finance is strewn with the wreckage of
myriads who have been broken by these merciless laws,
which prescribe the particular instruments with which
debts must be settled, without having made an adequate
provision for a sufficient supply of these instruments.
The Governments responsible for these Legal Tender
Acts, do not appear to have given nmch consideration to
this phase of the subject. Our currency legislators seem
to have been haimted with the fear of making money
cheap. So they made the conditions for its creation as
difiicult as possible, and chose as the money-metal one
of the rarest and most expensive, leaving the public to
the tender mercies of the few privileged persons who
]iai)pened to control its supply.
For the development of a nation's industries, deposit
banking is insufficient. Long-time loans, so essential to
those engaged in starting and building up their enterprises,
are unsuited to those entrusted with money returnable
on call. Further, the rigidity of the system under which
legal tender could be created prior to the war, made
long-time loans a somewhat dangerous enterprise for the
banker. Any increase in the volume of legal tender
notes beyond the normal amount, had to be accom-
panied bv a corresponding increase in the gold reserves —
often a difficult and always an expensive proceeding.
Germany's More Elastic System,
It is in this jxxrticular respect that the German
svstem has proved itself far more elastic and suitable for
industrial growth than the F^nglish .system. Notes is'.ued
])y the German Reichsbank required only one-third of
their nominal value in gold and two thirds in bills, the
result being that, as the necessities of trade expanded,
the means for suj)plying those necessities grew with them,
since the security for the notes was furnished by the in-
dustries in the form of bills of exchange. The increase of
the volume of uncovered notes is also permitted on
payment to the Imperial Government of 5 per cent, on all
such excess amounts. The result is, the Cierman bankers
have always had at their command sufficient credit to
back German trade and commerce to the fullest extent
without running into very great danger. An industry
that could earn more than 5 per cent, on any additional
capital rcepiired could, other things being satisfactory,
readilv secure fmancial support.
With a million marks of gold reserves, the German
Reichsbank could issue three million of legal tender notes,
In answer to numerous in qinrie^, tlie I'lnancuil writings o( .Mr.
Arthur Kitson include " The .Money Problem," (j3. 6d.). 0:1 sale
at C. W. Daniel, Ltd., Graham Buildings, Tudor .Street, London.
" An Open Letter to the lit. Hon. D. Lloyd George, Chancellor
of the E.NChcquer (tgii)" on the "Causes of Strikes and Bank Failures."
Ucnt and Sons, London. (6d.)
antl on this the bank (ould issue twelve million marks
of Bank Credit, whereas under our system only one million
of legal tender notes could be issued against one million of
gold reserves. And with an issue of four million of bank
credit the position of our banks would be no safer than the
German bank with its issue of twelve millions ! F'or the
real basis of credit, in times of crises particularly, is legal
tender based on the national credit, and the public is
satisfied with paper money pro\'ided they know it is
legal tender for all debts public and private.
Consider the present position of the small producer
who is anxious to develo]) liis business. He has no gilt-
edged security to offer his banker, and therefore cannot get
the accfijnmodation he requires. His only alternative is
the private moneylender or promoter, to whom as security
he must deliver up practically his soul. Tlie money-
lender points out the great risk he is running and makes
his interest charges correspondingly high. After a
few months or perhaps years, of struggle, during which
the producer has been handicapped by the burdensome
interest charges, the lender falls on him and cleans him
out of all he possesses. If it be the promoter who helps
him, it generally ends the same way — i.e., in the pro-
moter possessing himself of the business.
Now it is this class of producer, one of the moi.t
useful in the country, for whom no financial provision
has yet been made. Our laws have placed him between
the devil and the deep sea ! The German Government,
quicla'r and more intelligent in industrial and commercial
matters than the British Government (and although
autocratic, far more in touch witii the wants of the pro-
ducing classes than ours) has made j)rovision for theirs,
and (lermany has been reaping a rich harvest almost
entirely through such financial prevision.
As I said in a previous article, the main cause of the
inadequacy of our banking system for commercial and
industrial needs, is our stupid Bank Charter Act, which
should be repealed. It has placed our banking system in
a straight-jacket, and it can only expand in one direction —
namely, by increasing the volume of bank credit, without
necessarily increasing the base upon which it rests.
[In his next article Mr. Arthur Kitson proposes to
point out how this inadcjuacy of the British Banking
System may in his opinion bs best remedied.^
The war has produced a fine crop of amateur journalisin,
both in the trenches and at home. For a witty spirit and
irresponsiljle merriment Wilh the Wounded is hard to beat.
It is the "official organ of Brondesbury Park Military Hos-
pital" but surely never before has any " official organ "
produced livelier tunes. The Editorial in No. 5 is delightful,
but not quite so good as the one in No. 4 — an interview
witii a bright girl of 18, who wanted to be a nurse— which
was in its way a ni:isterpi('ce.
The Red trobs Bur'^c, by Mrs. Belloc Lowndes (Smith,
Elder and Co., 3s. bd. net) is a simple little story of a h'rench
Red Cross nurse who had the ill-lortime to fall into German
hands at the time of the enemy advance through hrance, and
also the story of a puzzled South German doctor who tried
hard to make German war practices scpiarc with the ethics of
civilisation. Incidentally, the German doctor fell in love with
the French nurse, and — but the rest of the story should be
I'ead. The atmosphere of war is well conveyed, and from such
a book one may gain an idea of the sufferings imposed on
simpla country folk by invasion. The plot of this book is
extremely simple, but the manner of the telling is fine art.
The difference in the upbringing of two sisters, and the
influence of their separate trainings, forms the theme of Love's
Ili^lrciay (Cass;ll and Co., 6s.), the last book from the pen of
Mr. Justus Miles Forman, who was one of the victims of the
Liisilania outrage. That freedom of thought and action, a^
allowed to the modern girl launched into society, may develop
l^readth of vision, and clarity of mind is made abundantly
clear in the person of Diana, as honest and healthy-minded
a girl as could be found, despite her cult of the tango and
turkey-trot. Her twin sister, on the otlicr hand, suffered
from early Victorian methods of upbringing, antl the meeting
of the two sisters when fully K'own, together with the per-
plexity and complications arising from a variety of lovers, "
makes material for as good a story as any that Mr. Forman
has written. Vivid characterisation and plenty of incident
render this a book to be unreservedly recommended.
March i6, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
GHAYA.
A Romance of the South Seas.
By H. de Vere Stacpoole.
Synopsis : Macguari, an adventurer who has spent
most of his life at sea, finds himself in Sydney on his beam ends.
He has a wonderful story of gold hidden up a river in New
Guinea and a chance acquaintance, Tillman, a sporting man,
about town, fond of yach'.ing and racing, offers to introduce' him
to a wealthy woolbroker , Ctirlewis, with a view to financing the
scheme. Macquart also makes the acquaintance of Houghton,
a well-educated Englishman out of a job, who has done a good
deal of yachting in his time. Curlewis turns down the scheme,
ihough Macquart tells his story in a most convincing manner.
His silent partner Screed believes in it, and unbeknown to
Curlewis, follows the three men, asks them to his house, and
agrees to find the ship and the money, on seeing that Macquart's
hidden treasure map agrees with an Admiralty chart. The
ship is the yawl " Barracuda." Screed, on the morrow, takes
Jhe three men over the " Barracuda." with which they are de-
lighted. Coming away Macquart is overtaken by an old friend,
one Captain Hull, who hails him as B — y Joe, and accuses
him of many mean crimes. Macquart gives Captain Hull
the slip, but unbeknown to him Hull gets in touch with Screed,
and enlightens him on the real character of Macquart. Just as
ihe " Barracuda " is about to sail Screed takes Hull on board
and unexpectedly introduces him to Macquart as a member of
the crew. The voyage passed with few adventures. Guided by
Macquart the " Barracuda " arrived at New Guinea, passes
the coral reefs successfully and anchors in the promised river
which was in exact accordance with Macquart's chart.
CHAPTER XIII {continued).
Although it was so early in the morning, the heat of the
sun was beginning to have its effect ; the bend of the river had
partially cut off the breeze from them, and the river itself,
scarcely stirred by the movement of the air, lay mirror bright
and blinding between the emerald of the canes and the gloom
of the forest.
Four miles or so up from the lagoon they called a halt,
and tied the boat to a tree root on the forest bank.
" There's no use kilUng ourselves," said HuU. " This
ain't no boat-race, and I'm crool stiff from sittin' for a month
idle in that blessed old bath-tub of a Barracuda. Well, Mac,
how are the indications goin' ? "
" The village should be above the next bend," said
Macquart. " It's on the left bank — that's this one, and it's
fi.\ed in a clearing among the trees, so that vou can't mistake
it."
" You seem to have it all laid down in your head," said
Hull. " One might swear you'd been here before and taken
the indications, and yet you only had them laid down for you
by another chap ; blest if I'd be able to hold aU that in my
intellects ; but folk varies.
They rested an hour, and then took to the oars again ;
keeping close to the bank, they cleared the next vague bend
of the broad flowing river, and a mile beyond, Macquart,
standing up in the boat and shading his eyes, gave an ex-
clamation of surprise.
"That's the spot," said he, "by all indications; but
there's a landing-stage — that's something new."
It was the sound of the oars, perhaps, that brought to
their view the first human figure sighted by them since leaving
Sydney.
• A man had come out on the landing-stage and was
standing as if watching them, a white man dressed in dingy
white drill and wearing a battered old five-dollar panama hat.
Houghton, as they drew close, thought he had never seen
a more villainous-looking individual.
CHAPTER XIV.
WlART.
HE was unhealthily stout and of medium height ; he
wore black side-whiskers of the mutton chop
variety, and his fat white face had such a
stamp of meanness and debauchery that even
Hull, who was not an impressionable individual, felt, to use
ills own words, " put off."
" Hullo," said the stranger, as they came rubbing up to
the rotten piles of the stage. " Where have you come from ? "
" Down the river," said Hull, fastening the painter to a
stake ; " and who might you be ? "
" Oil, good Lord ! " said the other. " Ask me something
else ; I've near forgotten my own name. Who might I be ?
Why, I'm the trader here. Rubber getting, that's my business
Wiart's my name. — Got any lush in that boat of yours ?
A faint odour of gin and the manner and speech of the
trader told their tale.
" Not a drop," said Hull, scraml)ling on to the stage
whilst the others followed liim. " We're a teetotal picnic.
That your house ? "
On the bank to the right hand of the stage stood a frame-
wood house Umewashed as to the walls, beyond the house, and
in a great clearing amongst the trees, lay a native village
deserted except for a few goats and a stray dog or two.
" Yes, that's my house," said Wiart. " Come up and
have a drink ; that's the village, people are mostly at work-
come 'long."
He led them to the front of the house, which was situated
away from the river, and then into the main room, a place
barely furnished with native mats and cane chairs, and
wearing such a look of neglect and sordidness and so littered
and dirty that the soul of Houghton turned against it.
An old beer crate, long emptied of its contents and
filled with rubbish, stood in one corner. On the table stood
a bottle of squareface, a tumbler of thick glass and a water-
pitcher ; a rifle hung on the wall opposite the door and in
another corner lay a pile of old newspapers many months old.
There were chairs for all, and they sat down refusing the
ofl'er of drink whilst Wiart, taking his seat at the table,
poured himself out a stimulant.
Then he rolled cigarettes and smoked them whilst they
talked.
Macquart did the questioning for Wiart, after the first
few remarks, seemed to have lost all interest in the origin of
the new comers, accepting them as though they were old
acquaintances.
" There used to be a Dyak village just here," said
Macquart.
" There is still," said Wiart, " but the Dyaks have nearly
died out. Mostly Papuans now ; they do the rubber getting.
There's not more than twenty Dyaks left ; rum lot they are,
won't work ; there's an old woman, she's the chief of them,
and her daughter, she's a peach, and ten or twelve chaps
and their wives and children. Their village hes in the trees
there to the left of the Papuan village — they fish mostly
and hunt, and they're a holy terror to the other natives—
Gosh, yes — they use blow pipes and go about with stabbing
spears. And they take heads. You wouldn't beUeve it, but
it's true. The young chaps before they get married go off
and make a quarrel with some Papuan village somewhere
near, and lay for one of the niggers, and kill him, and take
his head. A Dyak girl won't look at a man unless he brings
her a head.
" How long has this trading station been here ? " asked
Macquart.
" O, seven years or so," replied Wiart, wiping his mouth
with the back of his hand. " There was a chap called John-
stone here before me ; he was here four years and died of
something or another. He was frightfully thick with the
Dyaks ; they used to talk to him in English ; the old woman's
daughter isn't a full Dyak either, mixed blood ; she can talk
a lot of EngHsh ; I've talked to her, told her not to tie her
boat to my steps and she sauced me back ; that was after
she refused to have any truck with me. D— d montybank
of a nigger girl talking back at me like that."
" What's her name ? " put in Houghton.
" Chaya, same as the old woman ; she's the daughter,
and the Lord knows who was her father ; but she's a peach,
all the same, there's no denying that."
Houghton glanced at Tillman.
" Do you make much money at this here business ? "
asked Hull.
" A mug's game," repUed Wiart. " There's no money
in it e.'ccept maybe for the Company, and they have dozens
of posts hke this ; even then we're done out by the chaps that
can use niggers as they ought to be used in the other rubber
districts ; this is a Dutch company, a lot of — fools ! "
His head began to droop, and his lower lip to turn down,
his cigarette had gone out. Gin had him like a nurse and
was lulling him to sleep ; he started awake again and begged
pardon ; ht his cigarette, talked a bit more and then relapsed
again, and during that relapse the others filed out softly into
the clean air of the natural world.
" He's been drinking hard, that chap," said Hull, " and
he'll have the jim-jams if he's not careful. I don't ever want
19
LAND AND W A T E K
March lb, 1916.
Chaya, a Romance el Hie South Seat ,
[Htittlraled by Joyefh SJm;»on, H.B.i.
"Chaya, a dream, njysterious as the forest that had suddenly given her birth.
March i6, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
to smell gin again — Now then, Mac, let's get to business, the
boat and the stuff in her will look after themselves. Is this
the place, by your indications ?
" It is," said Macquart.
" Then," said Hull, " lead us to the spot where the
cache is."
" One moment," said Macquart. " You surely don't
want to go there in the broad hght of day with someone maybe
spotting us."
" Wiart's asleep," rephed Hull, " and there's no one to
look ; what better do you want ?
" I tell you," replied the other, " that wood may be full
of eyes ; it's plain madness to go straight after landing to a
spot that anyone can follow us to."
" Maybe he's right," said Tillman. " The. cache won't
run away, it's been there long enough."
" Then what do you propose to do ? " grumbled Hull.
" Get the tent and stores ashore," said Macquart, " and
put up the tent somewhere among the trees ; Jacky and one of
us can sleep in Wiart's house, and three of us in the tent."
" Not me," said Tillman. " I'm not going to sleep in
that gin palace."
" I'd sooner sleep in the boat," said Houghton.
" I'm — if I wouldn't sooner sleep in the river than
under the same roof with that graven image of d'Urium
trimmins," said Hull ; " not me." •
" Well, I'll sleep there, I'm not particular," said
Macquart. " It's a roof, and anything is better than a
tent."
Thev turned back to the boat.
Tillman, who was leading tlie way, reached the landing-
stage first. He turned and called to the others to hurry up.
Then without a word, he pointed to something.
Moored to the stage by the boat lay a fishing canoe. A
sUm brown canoe with an outrigger. A paddle and a fish
spear lay in it, also a spar with a brown sail.
Sign of the owner there was none, and there was some-
thing fierce and savage in the form and appearance of this
thing that struck the four adventurers Hke the zip of an arrow
in a wood.
" You see," said Macquart, " it's just as well we were
careful. That canoe has been following us, unless it has
come from tlie upper river, which is unlikely." He looked
into it more attentively, and saw a fish lying on the bottom
board and half hidden b\' the mast and sail. It was a flying
fish.
He pointed it out.
" I thought so. It has come up from the sea, and we
didn't even ghmpse it, though it must have been not far
behind us."
" Well, it don't much matter." said Hull. " But it's
just as well for us to keep our eyes open. Come along and
get the stuff up. Fetch the tent alon"; first and let's prospect
for a place to fix it."
They carried the tent to a clearing in the trees to the
left of the Papuan village and set it up. Then the rest of
the boat's contents, including a spade and small pick-axe,
were stored by the tent and covered with the boat's, sail.
The oars and the baling tin were left in tlie boat.
" They'll be safe there," said Hull, " unless anyone runs
away with the boat, and even if they did, we can always tramp
back down river to the yawl."
He ordered Jacky to light a fire and prepare a meal, and
whilst this was being done they strolled round the Papuan
\-illage.
The huts thatched with sago palm leaves were raised on
piles about six feet from the ground ; not a soul was visible,
with the exception of one old woman, who was engaged in
watching som' goats. She seemed half idiotic and scarcely
turned her head to look at the intruders, and they passed
on, Hull leading the way.
As they were turning to go back, from the trees on the
right suddenly appeared a form. It was the form of a girl.
She paused in the tree shadows and stood looking at them.
She was clad in some hght white material, cast loosely and
gracefully about her, after the fashion of the Greek himalion ;
one brown arm was exposed to the shoulders and a ray of
light piercing the leaves above struck the copper bangle
fixed above the elbow.
Houghton thought that he had never seen a more lovely
picture.
She was lovely, a revelation, a dream, mysterious as the
forest that had suddenly given her birth.
For a moment she stood, and then just as a dream, she
vanished, the leaves re-took her, and now for the first time
they saw that she had not been alone ; the glimpse of a half-
naked figure shewed through the leaves, the figure of a youth
supple and sinuous and graceful as a faun, then it vanished
also and nothing shewed but the trees and the still-moving
leaves.
" That's the gal," said Hull, "that's the peach the
ginman was yarning about ; b'gosh, he was right ! — she's an
a-pricot." He spoke without enthusiasm, though with con-
viction. His temper had been brittle all the morning, and
the feeling that the girl and j'oung man had been spying
on them did not improve it.
Houghton said nothing ; the fact was being borne in on
him that he had seen John Lant's daughter ; Chaya, the girl
half European, half Dyak, the child that had been born to
Lant before he had come to his untimely end.
As they returned to the tent, they did not notice that
the old woman who had been tending the goats had risen and
was making off among the trees.
CHAPTER XV.
Thev St.4rt to Dig.
WHEN they got back they found that Jacky had laid
out some food and was squatting on his heels by
the fire he had built close to the tent. He was
boihng some water for tea. They drank tea at
nearly every meal and they drank it sometimes between meals ;
it was their main stand-by, and the sight of the preparations
for making it restored Hull's good humour.
The Captain fell to on the food, as did Tillman. Houghton
touched notliing, waiting for the tea. He had lost interest
for the moment in food, in the expedition, in cverytliing under
the sun except the vision of the girl that still jjursued him.
It seemed to him that he had travelled the whole of his journey
through life to arrive at ^t his sight and this end. Fate had
shown him an absolutely new thing, and in one moment had
led him into an absolutely new world.
The beauty of Chaya, as disclosed to Houghton in that
moment when her ej^es, gazing at the group, had rested on him
in turn, was a thing miraculous as though speech liad come to
the forest or voice to the sky depths above the trees. A whole
world in himself of whose existence he had known nothing
awoke in troublous life, never to sleep again.
And he had to sit now whilst the Captain, munching
bully beef, expounded his ideas as to their future proceedings
to Macquart and Tillman.
" I don't care a dump," said the Captain, " whether we're
watched or whether we ain't ; I'm goin' for that stuff to-night
after sundown. Ain't we armed ? Mac, you've got to bring
us to the stuff to-night ; I ain't goin' to be put off wa'tia' —
what do you say, Tillman ? "
" I'm with you," said Tillman. " We'll go and scratch
the cache, and once we're sure the stuff's there, we'll bring the
yawl right up ; four of us can do that, leaving one 1 eliind
to guard the boodle."
" "Very well," said Macquart. " I'll lead you to the spot
to-night."
Macquart had long dropped more than the vaguest pre-
tence of acting in this affair under directions and plans given
him by someone else. Had any of them taxed him witli the
fact that he had once belonged to Lant's crew, and had
assisted in the burying of the gold, I doubt if he would have
bothered to refute the impeachment. There were no witnesses,
fifteen years had passed and Lant was no doubt forgotten,
even by the natives.
" The TerscheUing was sunk in the river close to the
cache, you said ? " spoke up Tillman, who was engaged now
in lighting a pipe.
" Yes," said Macquart, " that's the story."
" They wouldn't have sunk her more than over her decks,"
went on Tillman. " There wouldn't have been water enough
for more than that — some of her bones ought to be lying there
still."
" Maybe they are," replied Macquart ; " unless tlie wash
of the river has swept them away."
" What a devil that Lant must have been," went on
Tillman. " You said he waited till all the crew but one man
were in the fo'c'sle and then clapped the hatches on 'em ? "
" That's the yarn," said Macquart.
Tillman seemed about to pursue the subject, then he
seemed to think better of it.
There was no use in raking up this old business. The
question whether this one man, who was not included in the
general rnurder of the crew, had assisted in the murder or
not was a question for him to settle with his Maker.
Tillman was certain in his own mind that this man had
been Macquart, and he chose to leave it at that.
Towards evening, the Papuan rubber getters returned
from work, and almost at the same time Dyak canoes began
to arrive from the sea.
The Dyak fishermen, as they passed on to their village,
scarcely noticed the new encampment, but the Papuans were
more curious. Women and children came to look at the new-
comers, and a few men, to whom Tillman presented tobacco.
21
LAND AND WATER
March i6, 1916.
" It's just as well to keep in with the beggars," said he,
" and not one of us can speak their lingo. Did you ever
see such a depressed-looking lot of savages — don't seem to
have any sense — all slit ears and wTinkles."
" They're like that from screwin' up their faces against
the sun," said Hull. " There, they're off ; look, Wiart has
come out ; ain't he a sleepin' beauty ; he looks as if he'd just
woke up after another bout of dilirium trimins."
Wiart had come out on his verandah, close to which the
rubber gatherers had placed their baskets. The Papuans,
who at the sight of him had drawn off from the new encamp-
ment, were now picking up their baskets and following the
factor to a godown among the trees, where the rubber would be
weighed.
Hull and his companions watched this proceeding, and
they noticed how carefully Wiart, at the scales, was attending
to his work.
" Look at him," cried Hull. " There you have a trader
every time, nearly done in with drink he is, yet he's alive to
his bizzinesS; which is diddling the niggers out of rublier. Them
traders take the cake, they do so ; you might cut 'em in pieces
and all they'd say'd be ' bizziness.' I ain't a particular man,
but I'd sooner berth with a pirate than a trader ; they're
a fish-blooded lot, sharks in britches, that's what they are."
When the idbber weighing was over and the natives gone
back to their village, Wiart approached the tent.
He seemed very much freshened up, and as he took his
seat on the ground close to Hull and proceeded to light a
cigarette, he began to talk. Earlier in the day he had been so
dazed with drink that he had accepted their statement of
having come from down river without question. Now he
threatened to show more interest in their origin and intentions.
" It's good to see white faces again," said he, licking
the gum on the cigarette-paper. " You're not come up here
trading, are you ? "
" No," said Hull ; " we're prospectors,"
" Oh, prospectors — and what, might I ask, are you
prospecting for ? "
" O, one thin' or nather," replied the Captain. " Metals
mostly."
" Well, I don't know there's any metals worth turning
up the ground for," said Wiart ; " and if there was, you'd find
it difficult working any mine ; you'd have to import labour,
for one thing — where's your ship ? "
" She's lyin' off and on," replied Hull, " mostly on.
We're a private-owned party, and we haven't come up the
river to sell information, but to look after our own bizziness,
same as you are looking' after yours."
" O, I don't want to put my nose into your affairs," said
Wiart. " You can prospect as much as you want, it's no
affair of mine. This isn't my river, but I'll be glad to do what
I can for you — where doyou propose to sleep ? "
It had been suggested by Macquart earlier in the day
that he and Jacky should sleep in Wiart's house, but second
thoughts had made this impossible.
They required to be free in their movements at night,
and if Macquart were to sleep at Wiart's, it would be impossible
for him to come and go without the chance of rousing Wiart
and making him suspicious.
" Some in the boat and some in the tent," said Hull.
" We have mosquito nets enough for both."
" Well, you can put up at my place, if you want to,"
replied Wiart.
They talked for awhile on various things, and then Wiart
went off to supper.
The sun was setting now across the river, and just as his
lower limb was cutting the tree tops, Tillman went to the
stores that lay under the boat sail and fetched out the pick-
axe and the mattock. Then, as the darkness took the river
and the stars rushed out, led by Macquart, they set off.
Half a mile or so above the village, the bank projected
into the water, forming a promontory some twenty
yards from base to apex ; the river took a bend here, so that
the apex of the promontory formed the apex of the bend, and
as they stood they could hear the water gurhng and sobbing
round it, a mournful sound in the absolute stillness of the night.
Stillness, that is to say, of the river and its bank, for the far
forest stretching away in bosky billows under the now rising
moon, could be heard vibrating to the touch of night, just as
a musical glass vibrates to a wet finger. Millions, of insects
and thousands of night birds were beginning their concert in
those haunted groves, where the moon burned green through
the tropical foliage and the fathoms of liantasse and con-
volvulus cables sagged across paths untrodden by man.
Macquart standing and looking around him, seemed at
fault.
Tillman was the first to speak.
" Well," said he, " is this the spot ? "
" It is the spot right enough," replied Macquart ; " but
the indications are gone."
" The which is which ? " cried Hull. " What are you
say in' ? "
" There was a camphor tree there," said Macquart,
pointing to the apex of the promontory, " and another there,"
pointing to the base. " The trees are gone, damn it ! Maybe
they've been felled, maybe a hurricane knocked them down ;
anyhow, they are gone ; but it doesn't matter. The stuff
was buried between them and digging will find it."
The last words took a load off the minds of the adven-
turers.
" The cache was right in the middle, between the two
trees," said Macquart, " and we have only to dig in the middle
of this bit of the bank to find it."
. " Well, we'd better take a measurement, so's to get right
in the middle." said Tillman, producing a ball of fishing line
from his pocket. " Here, Houghton, lend a hand."
Houghton took one end of the line and took it to the apex
of the promontory, whilst Tillman at the base held the other end.
" That would be about the position of the trees ? " said
he to Macquart.
" There, or thereabouts," replied the other.
Tillman told Houghton to hold firm to his end of tlie
hne, then he walked up to him and came back with the doubled
Une, which gave them the half-distance.
" This is the spot — or ought to be," said he. " Give us
the pick."
He drove the pick into the soft earth again and again,
breaking up the surface ground ; then he began to dig with the
mattock. The others stood by, watching.
" What I can't make out," said Hull, " there ain't no
tree trunks left. If them trees were cur down or broken by
a storm, where's them trunks."
Macquart laughed.
" A tree trunk in this part of the world doesn't last
long," he said. " What between the climate and the insects,
a year would see it gone."
Ten minutes later, Tillman stopped work and wiped his
forehead ; he had cleared away the earth from a space some
yards square, leaving a hole about a foot deep. HuU, now,
took up the spade and went on with the digging.
Not one word was spoken by any of the party in this,
the supreme moment of their lives. All their labours, aU
their seafaring, all their dreams, all their future centred and
balanced on this spit of river bank, on this form digging,
literally, for fortune under the light of the great calm, tropical
moon.
Macquart, standing with his arms folded, seemed the
genius of the scene.
Then Hull flung down the spade, exhausted, and Hough-
ton took it up. After him Macquart.
Three hours of superhuman labour produced an enormous
cavity wide and yawning to the moon, but not a sign of what
they sought.
Macquart had stated that the cache was covered by only
three feet of earth. The hole was five feet deep and more, yet
it showed nothing.
They sat down on the edge of it.
" Well," said Hull, to Macquart, " what are we to make
of this ? — where's your cache .' "
Macquart said nothing for a moment, then he spoke :
" It was here ; it is here. The trees being gone, I can't
get the exact measurements between trunk and trunk ; I've
figured it out to the best of my ability. All I can say is, that
it is here on this spit of shore, and we must go on digging till
we find it."
■" I can't dig anj' more to-night," said Tillman. " I'm
broke."
" So am I," said Houghton. " It's beastly, but the only
thing for us to do is knock off and start again to-morrow
night. I'm going to dig the whole of this spit up before I
stop." Then turning to Macquart. " Are you sure this is
the place ; maybe you have mistaken ; there may be another
spit like this ifith the trees growing as you said."
" I tell you, I am sure," rephed the other. " The distance
frofn the village is correct. It was here the stuff was buried,
and unless it was taken away, it is here still. And it cannot
have been taken away. No one knew of it."
" Well," said Hull, rising up, " there's no manner of use
talking, we've got to dig, and if the stuff don't turn up, b'gosh,
I'll brain you, Mac ! I feels that way."
" There's no use in talking like that," said Tillman,
gloomily. " Macquart is in the swim along with the rest of
us, and if the stuff doesn't turn up, it hits him as well as us.
He picked up the mattock, and Hull taking the pick,
they turned from the spit and walked back along the bank,
It was only now that the gold they were Imnting for began
to cry out to them with a full voice ; only now that they began
to perceive fully the awful difference between returning to
Sydney empty-handed and returning with a fortune.
(.To be continued.)
22
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i
XX
LAND &W ATER
Vol. LXVI No. 2811.
THURSDAY MARTH o^ rntfi published ast pr ice sixpence
xn\jxs.oiJn.i , mnixy^n. J,^, 1910. La newspaperJ published weekly
iiu Loui^ Havinaeken,
Drawn cxcliisitely for -l.und and Water'
AT THE GATES OF HELL.
Come in : you need not storm this place.
«• LAND AND WATER " WAR LITHOGRAPHS No. 9.
BY G. SPENCER PRYSE.
INTERIOR OF A COUNTRY HOUSE NEAR EPERNAY.
March 2j, 1916.
L A M D AND W A 1 E K
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE. KINGSWAY, LONDON. W.G.
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828.
THURSDAY, MARCH 23rd, 1916.
CONTENTS
At the Gates of Hell. By Louis Kaemaekers
Interior of a Country House near Epernay. By G
Spencer Pryse
Let us not Drift. (Leading Article)
The Mort Homme. By Hilairc Belloc
Sortes Shakcspearianie. By Sir Sidney Lcc.
Call of von Tirpitz. By Arthur Pollen
Neutrals at the Cross Roads. By John Buchan
Gaspard of Wasdale Head. By William T. Palmer
A Problem of Strategy. By Colonel Feylcr
Aircraft Policy. By F. W. Lanchester
Chaya. By H. de Vere Stacpoole
Town and Country
J'he West End
Active Service E.\hibitiun Special Supplement
Clioosing Kit
I
2
.:>
4
9
10
13
15
16
17
19
24
26
iii.
.\.\iii.
LET US NOT DRIFT
Let us, resolutely putting audi all cuusideratiuns of party,
class and doctrine, without delay proceed to de\ise a
])()licy for the British Empire, a policy which shall cover
every phase of our national, economic, and social life ;
which shall develop the tremendous resources and yet be
compatible with those ideals of liberty and justice for
which our ancestors fought and died, and for which the
men of our race now, in this, the greatest of all wars, are
lighting and dying in a fashion worthy of their breeding.
Let us no longer pursue a pohcy of drift, but set sail upon
a definite course as becomes a mighty nation to whom
has been entrusted the destiny of one-fourth of the whole
human race.
WHEN Mr. Hughes, Prime Minister of the
.Commonwealth of Australia, spoke these
words last week, he put into language
the thoughts and aspirations of the very great
majority of the citizens of the British Empire. It was
most fitting that this speech should have been delivered
in the mother-city of our race, and that it should have
come from the lips of a Labour leader, who is also at the
head of the Governriient of a free Dominion which had
it so pleased could well have stood outside and beyond
this world-struggle. It must destroy the last illusions
of our enemies that the British Empire is merely a
loose phrase, and not a living truth, a concrete fact.
Mr. Hughes' eloquence burns as brightly as a beacon,
warning the people of threatening danger and showing
to the foe that at last we are on otu* guard.
" Let us no longer pursue a policy of drift." In
these words one catches the echo of another memorable
speech delivered in this metropolis over fifteen years
ago. Our present King, then Prince of Wales, had
returned from his tour through the Empire, and at the
Guildhall on December 5th, 1901, said : " I venture to
allude to the impression which seemed generally to
prevail among cnu" brethern across the seas, that the old
country must wake up if she intends to maintain her old
position of pre-eminence in Colonial trade against foreign
competition." This " Wake up, England " was hailed
as a battle-cry, but how did we act upon it ? Did it not
in truth rather become a lullaby ? To repeat the phrase
often enough and loud enougli was deemed to be sulficient
pretext for doing nothing We w'ere warned to wake
up. We did not wake uo. We preferred to drift ; it
was less trouble. To-day uur eyes arc opened.
But shall we act more wisely in the future ? The
whole national tendency for several years before the
war was to be content with words, barren words.
A beautiful speech was ever applauded to the echo,
and never was apj)lause heartier or more sincere than
when it advocated either doing nothing or doing some-
thing at somebody else's labour and expense. This is
the very essence of the pohcy of drift. Many of us have
been voluntarily ruled by power of attorney, delegating
our personal responsibihtics to others so as to enable us
to pass more easeful lives. The mere idea that we our-
selves should toil at the oar or set the sails when winds
were adverse or bad weather threatened was pre-
posterous. Let the ship drift. We desired nothing
better. " There is but one way by which a nation being
free can remain so, and that is, that every man shall not
only be willing to defend his country, but be able to do
so." Five years or two years ago we should have cheered
these words of Mr Hughes, biit had he proceeded to
declare that by the spring of 1916 Britain should have
four million men trained to arms, he would have been
either howled down, or regarded as demented.
Now he tells us that the economic pohcy of a nation
and its national welfare arc inseparable, intimate and
complex. " For ; time the trade of a nation that treats
trade as if it had no connection with national safety may
make great strides as did ours, but there comes a day of
reckoning to such nations as it has come to us." Nobody
will deny the truth underlying these words, but are wo
prepared to act on this truth, and to set to work at once
to disentangle British trade from the tentacles of the
Teuton cuttleiish ? There is no blinking the difficulties
of the task, or the toil self-sacrifice and unflinching
resolution which are demanded if the end is to be achieved.
Evidence accumulates that at last, accepting the fifteen
years' old advice of the King, we are waking up. But
being awake we must act and act quickly and decisively.
For some weeks past there have appeared in L.\NO and
Watkk articles from the able pen of Mr. Arthur, Kitson
dealing with the British bankmg system, and no champion
has yet come forward to disprove his statement that this
system is utterly inadequate for the development of the
trade and industries of the Empire — as inadequate as
was our military system before the war began. To
reorganise the system in accordance with the larger need
of the Empire will necessarily conflict at many points
with private or vested interests. But heroism must not
be confined to the battlefield. We have to bring this
virtue into our daily avocations, for it will not be possible
to carry into effect a policy for the scientific reorganisation
of the British Empire and its resources without scrapping
many old habits, prejudices and customs.
It is not our intention to dictate to the Government
how best to begin this reorganisation. All that we ask
for is action, clearly defined action, so that those most
nearly concerned may behold how they can best help
forward the work which lies nearest their heart, for not-
withstanding jeers to the contrary we maintain that mer-
chants, as a class, do not lack in devotion to the highest
interests of their country. They laid the foundations of
the Empire, why should they shirk to-day ? Ruskin
once asked when is the due occasion for a merchant to
sacrifice his life. The occasion may have arrived.
Ha\ing begun this article with a citation from a
speech of Mr. Hughes, we cannot do better than end it
in the same fashion. The present situation could hardly
be more accurately described than in these sentences
spoken by him at the City Carlton Club on Tuesday :
" If we are to have a change we must begin to prepare
for it at once. . . . Now is the hour not only of our
trial but of our opportunity which, if we fail to avail
ourselves of it, will pass away for ever.''
LAND AND WATER
March 23, 1916.
THE MORT HOMME
By Hilaire Belloc
THOUGH there has been" a slackening in the
tremendous fighting for the salient of Verdun
during the last week, tiie enemy's efforts have
none the less turned upon an attack which,
if we examine it closely, helps us to understand their
present aim.
They have tried hard to carry the Mort Homme,
their last effort this week near Avocourt on the 20th as
much as their efforts of the 14th and i6th on the Bethin-
court road has the Mort Homme for its object ; and
we must try and understand what the advantage of
such a success, had they attained it, would have been.
The original plan of the battle is now fairly clear.
Suppose your enemy to hold what is called a salient
— that is a bulge — about 12 miles across like this
and to have in that bulge a great mass of material,
a great number of men, both on the line and behind it,
and further within' it a town which has for centuries
been famous as a fortress, and which, up to within 18
months ago, was one of the great modern strongholds — ■
so that its reputation as a fortress is still very Strong in
the general imagination of Europe, although in reality
it now forms a part of the general line and is no longer a
special fortress in any true sense.
Such was the situation of Verdun and its saUent. ^
Further, suppose that salient stands at a sort of
:orner or bend in your general line like this, so
that it is obviously an advanced point menacing
you with a forward thrust from it to the north or to the
iiorth-east — which would make yoiir general situation all
round the big bend at S impossible. That was the
menace of the Verdun point to the Germans.
But to go back to Sketch I. Your enemy is holding
this big salient at Verdun. Yon detennine to try your
luck with him there and see whether you can there
break him, possibly getting right through his front and
anyhow damaging him so much more seriously than you
hurt yourself in the process that you will come out
heavily the winner. How in such a situation would you
act?
There are two things you might do. You might
try and pinch off the neck of the salient. That is
what you normally try to do with any large salient,
whether you have created it by your own pressure, or
whether it has just " happened," or whether it is due to
the deliberate forward policy of your opponent. To cut
off the neck of such a salient was the object of all the
allied forces at Tourcoing in 1793. It was the object
of each of the si.x great failures of the Austro-Germans
against the l^ussians during the big advance last summer.
On each occasion they tried to pinch off the neck of the
salient, hoping so to capture huge bodies of the Russians
within and almost certainly to break the line beyond in
the process. The last, and most nearly successful of these '
attempts was the effort against the great sahent of Vilna.
According to this, which 1 have called the obvious and
normal plan, the Ciermans would have struck as hard as
they could at the French upon the points A and B in
Sketch I, and particularly at A, because A was better
and drier ground and less easily defendable.
But there was another way of going to work, which,
as a matter of fact, the Germans chose.
There runs through the town of Verdun itself and
across the whole salient an obstacle — the river Meuse.
It was an obstacle particularly formidable six weeks
to a month ago from the fact that the river had risen and
was flowing very rapid!}' and had further flooded great
portions of its valley. Now imder such circumstances
the enemy might achieve a prodigious result and possibly
even get right through the line if, instead of getting
round behind the salient and trying to pinch its neck oft,
they were simply to hammer as hard as they could at
all that part of it which lay exposed beyond the obstacle
M M, the river Meuse.
For an army overwhelmed by numbers of men and a
superior concentration of artillery will normally retire.
But with an obstacle behind it it cannot retire as it
would retire upon open country. There will be terrible
congestion upon the few roads (perhaps a single road
leading to a single pernianent bridge across the river),
and upon any temporary bridges it may throw for its
retirement across the stream. Further, each of these
bridges and the few roads leading to them and the gates
leading out of the town and the narrow streets of the
town (since a road system in time of peace always con-
verges upon and passes through a town) are exact marks
which' the air service can discover and which can be
shelled at fixed ranges by the heavy guns of the attack.
. A blow delivered with fair rapidity, even if it occupy
several days in its full development, might well give you
as a prize nearly all the troops lying beyond the river
with nearly all their material and guns, and even so
disorganise all that lav on the far side of the stream as to
give you a chance of br(>aking through altogether.
That was undoubtedlv the plan which the Germans
had made. For they did not strike at the neck of the
salient by .\ and B"(in Sketch I.) in those first days of
the action which they intended to-be decisive. They
struck all round it at "C. C. C. and did, as a fact, get the
line back to about the line of crosses on diagram I.
But they did not go anywhere near to pushing it
back on to the river. Therefore, their plan completely
failed. .Xnd when this first chapter of the story was
over they had lost a very much larger number of men than
they had caused the French to lose.
This first assault, regarded as one action covering
about a week (the bombardment opened on the T)th
of February, the 'first infantry attack wa:; on the 21st,
and the most violent blow of all, that which got on the
March 23, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
plateau of Doiianmont, was on tlie afitli) was strategically
a very bad defeat indeed, if we count defeats and
victories merely in terms of receding from or approaching
towards strategic success.
It was only after this original plan had failed that
what I have called the obvious and normal method, the
method that would have been the only one attempted if
that obstacle of the Meuse had not existed — was resorted
to by the Germans. Their main action in all the second
phase of the battle was hammering at the two wings —
that is, at the neck of the salient : Vaux at B and the
district west of the Meuse at A.
Now of this ground west of the Meuse the decisive
line is the Charny ridge, as we saw last week and the week
before. But to get even to the approaches of the Charny
ridge you have to carry the Goose Crest from five to eight
thousand yards in front of it, and the key of the Goose
Crest is obviously that culminating western point of it
which is called the Mort Homme. Such a point could be
carried either by direct assault or by getting round it and
rendering it untenable. The first method has again
been tried this week, and the second is at the bottom of
the occasional attacks to the west, one ot whicli on a small
scale was delivered as late as last Monday, the 20th of
March, in the wood near Avocourt. True, this last if
really pushed home might carry height 304 which domi-
nates the Mort Homme. But in its first development
it has had little or no effect. It has emphasised a slight
local salient between Bethincourt and Avocourt and it
has got behind the easy slope leading up to hill 304. But
it has only gone a very little way so far (Tuesday) to
turning the Mort Homme position. With the German
claim to prisoners I deal later.
It is therefore with the main attack upon the Mort
Homme, a frontal attack delivered directly against its
slopes a week before, upon the Tuesday and the Friday of
last week, the 14th and i6th March, that we are par-
ticularly concerned. For these were the biggest bids for
the Mort Homme that the enemy has made since he began
his efforts upon the west of the Meuse.
Before we look into that effort in detail, let us re-
member what the Germans, profiting by the lessons of
the past, both upon their side and upon ours, have deter-
mined to be the true way of mastering a modern defensive
position. They do not propose to carry such positions
by one initial blow. They have found, as we have, that
the first line can be rendered untenable at a certain loss
of men, but that to proceed immediately against the
second line behind it is almost certainly to fail. They
have designed, therefore, to proceed by steps. The
first line is overwhelmed with a vigorous bombardment,
attacked and occupied with, as it is hoped, not too much
loss. An interval of two or three days tlien passes during
which the second line behind is exactly noted, the guns
brought up for a new bombardment, further munitions
brought forward and probably fresh troops as well. All
this done, the second line is attacked— and so forth,
until the main position is in their hands.
It is obvious that the value of this method and its
comparative successs or failure must be measured in
terms of expense. If you get the first line with an ex-
penditure of munitions and of men and your second with
a further expenditure of munitions and of men— and so
forth — such that the final result has not cost you more
than the effect in loss it will ultimately produce upon the
enemy, then you have succeeded. But if. because you
have under-estimated the power of the defensive, because
your bombardments have not overwhelmed it as much as
you thought they would, or because your infantry did not
come on as vigorously as you had hoped they would,
your expense in men and in material altogether exceeded
your calculations, then, even if you ultimately get the
position, you will have paid too high a price for it, and
you will be in a worse case after the mere occupation of
the territory than j'ou were before you began the attempt.
To put an extreme case.
Supposing such a position as the Goose Crest, the
mere preliminary to an advance along the west of the
Meuse, was only carried after you had thrown away all
the men whom you thought it worth while to throw
away for the capture of the Charny ridge itself beyond.
It is obvious that you would have failed. You would
then be in the position of a man who found that the mere
journey to a place where he intended to invest his capital
had actually cost him all his capital ; an unfruitful venture.
The object of the defensive, then, against such tactics as
these, is to make the enemy lose as much as possible,
even in the first preliminaries of the advance. We do
not yet know, for the effort is not yet over, whether the
Germans will reach the main ridge at all. We do not
know whether they will even carry the Goose Crest as a
whole, but we do know that the intervals over which they
act are getting longer and longer, and that instead of
proceeding by successive sharp and decisive steps, they
have in the case of the Mort Homme, which is the key
of the Goose Crest, gone back and forth without even a
local decision for now much more than a fortnight. Their
last effort is an example of the measure of their failure.
I will now turn to the detail of this. That detail can
only be understood with the aid of such a sketch map as
Sketch IV, showing the enlargement of the ground which
upon Sketch III, is enclosed in a little oblong frame.
Sketch IV shows the contours of the ground in front
of, and to the north and east of, the Mort Homme, over
CrcwlPbod
braMnt:^ J[J
V^mcvUlc
.■^S^^§Sm&
Avocourt"
Homme i
Sketch showing position of the Mort Homme and Salient of Bethincourt
5
LAND AND WATER
March 23, 1916.
Details of Mort Homme Posilion
which the enemy has been operating. It is a fortnight ago
since he finally got hold of the Crows' Wood, which runs
up the slope and reaches in most places near to the ridge
of, and in some places over the Goose Crest, and it was in
the cover of that wood, such as it is, that the efforts wc
are about to follow were made.
We note north-west, north and north-cast of the
summit of the Mort Homme, a country road passing over
the hills, which is that leading from the region of Bethin-
court to the village of Cumieres, and this road we marked
on Sketch III with the letters R R R. The French trench
system at the moment when the attacks began, exactly
a week ago, on March 14th (these lines are written on the
Tuesday afternoon, March 21st) ran roughly parallel to
and in front of this road. We must further particularly
note on Sketch IV the subsidiary height at A, which is
called height 265. It is a sHght rise upon the shoulder of
the Mort Homme. When you look from the back of the
Mort Homme northwards and eastwards, in such a direc-
tion as the arrow on Sketch IV, you see this hump on the
shoulder of the Mort Homme itself peeping up to the left.
It is called Hill 265 from its height in metres above the
sea. The summit proper (at B) of the Mort Homme,
which is 1,200 yards south-east of it, is called hill 295,
being 295 metres above the sea, and therefore, roughly,
100 English feet above A.
For the Germans to attack and carry the point A
and hold it solidly would be a step of importance in their
plan against the Mort Homme for two reasons. In the
first place it would make a gap in the French trench line,
and secondly, it would begin to turn the positions of the
Mort Homme. From A eastwards towards C the ground
falls away towards the valley of the brook which bounds
these heights upon the west, and is therefore open to a
further advance.
The Germans, therefore, have tried and perhaps arc
still trying, to carry A rather than to carry the more
difficult, higher and steeper approaches at B. They arc
also trying to get round by Avocourt to the height 304,
which commands the Mort Homme from the east.
It was upon Tuesday, March 14th, that the
Germans, who had just completed their second and final
occupation of the Crows' Wood, brought up reinforcements
and left that cover to carry, if they could, this height
265, A, to the north-west of the Mort Homme.
As you come out of the western extremity of the
Crows' Wood you see hill 265 upon your right, standing
out somewhat in front of the summit of the Mort Homme
like a flatfish lump on a shelf : about 100 ft. lower than
that summit, as I have said, and rather more than half a
mile from it.
The Germans, after a violent artillery preparation of
some thirty-six hours, struck up as far as the French
trenches in successive waves, the total numbers of which
were equivalent to about a division, aiming all along the
French line in front of the road, but particularly heavily
towards their own right and hill 265, at A.
Their concentration, which had taken place during
the Tuesday night and early morning, had not been well
concealed, and was caught more than once by the French
artillery. But tlvc forces which attacked that Tuesday
afternoon were sufficiently strong to reach the trenches
just mentioned.
The enemy for almost the first time in these Verdun
attacks, attenuated a reasonably open order with the men
at inter^•als of about two metres, and the main attack was
flanked to the right and to the left with the strength of
about a brigade upon either side. It is estimated that
the total numbers moving up the slopes from near
Bethincourt on the extreme German right to the men upon
the height of the Goose Crest to the extreme German left,
were some 23,000. With what covering of troops the
French met this attack we are, of course, not told.
The two flanking brigades were badly punished, b\it
the main attack, as I have said, consisting of five succes-
sive waves of men, following each other at about 100 yards
interval, succeeded in setting foot in the French trench at
two separate points, each of them upon the slope of this
shelf called " 265," and presumably at about E and F.
The two points thus rushed were salients in the line, and
their combined length was about 160 yards. When dark-
ness fell upon the Tuesday night the Germans remained
in possession of these points, and were presumably con-
solidating the ground between them and the Crow Wood.
Upon the Wednesday, the day following, the details
of this attack having been communicated to Berlin, the
publicity bureau in that capital described the event as
" the capture of the Mort Homme." The description
was, of course, quite false, and constitutes the second novel
procedure of this kind, the first being the reported capture
of the fort of Vaiix.
German "Errors"
I suggested last week the probable errors which had
given rise to the false communique about the fort of
Vaux, but I am not sure after this last piece of false news
that this suggestion does not require revision. The con-
ditions of the attack of last Tuesday were quite different
from the attack on Vaux. The thing took place in broad
daylight, and the German assault progressed only quite a
little way and did not come within half a mile of the
point falsely claimed. Moreover, the Mort Homme is
a position with which thousands of the enemy's students
of the war in private life are now thoroughly well ac-
quainted, and it has been minutely described in the
German Press. There is no possibility of confusing it
with another point, as there was the possibility of confusing
the fort of Vaux properly so called with the two Hardau-
niont redoubts just north of Vaux village. The Mort
Homme is an isolated, dominating summit, separate from
everything around it, and lending itself to no confusion
at all. It looks therefore as though the false commu-
nique were, in this case at least, deliberate, and as though
the enemy had some particular political reason for giving
out what he believed would be soon accomplished
as something already accomplished.
At any rate, after another pause of two days and
another bombardment, he made, on Thvu-sday, the i6th, a
very serious effort to turn this false communique into
tiie truth. In the inter\-al the French had all but clefired
the two small salients which the Germans had occupied,
and by the Thursday morning only a few yards were left
in the hands of the enemy.
During the Wednesday night, and all the Thursday
morning the very violent bombardment of the whole
slope made it probable that the enemy were going to
attack again ; and a little after three o'clock on the after-
noon that day, Thursday the i6th, the second great' attack
was delivered in force at least as strong as that which
had failed forty-eight hours before.
Why these efforts are made in broad daylight and
late in the day only those on the spot can determine. At
any rate this second attack — which w^s an exact repeti-
tion of that of the Tuesday, iWe waves of men charging
at miich the same distances as before — filled the space
between the wood and the French main trench.
Tiiis second effort completely failed. It was caught
by a very violent curtain fire from the French field gims
and there seem to have been constituted between the
March 23, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
Tuesday and the Thursday advanced machine-gun-posts
l)y the French. Fur at least one of the German hues as
it charged was enfiladed.
Tin; great mass of the attack broke, the whistles
.sounded, and a retirement was ordered back again into
the wood, suffering heavily as it ran. On Friday, St.
Patrick's day, there was nothing but an artillery duel.
No further German infantry upon the Mort Homme
being attempted.
Up to the Friday right, then, the sum total of the
German effort was as follows. The Mort Homme posi-
tion, which is the object of the whole business, and the
loss of which would mean the loss of a French hrst
covering line, was intact and securely held. The space
between the Crows' Wood and the French main trench
lying across the shoulder-hummock called " 265 " was
a no man's land. But the enemy retained two vvvy small
advance points in two separate sections projecting from
the French main trench just under hill " 265 " Tiiese
by this time, it is to be presumed, are not isolated, but
communicate with the main German body by one or two
communication trenches.
After nightfall of that same Thursday last, March
16th, the Germans directed yet another attack against the
extreme opposite wing of the defence twelve miles off at
Vaux. It was launched at about 8 o'clock in the evening,
and consisted in live separate movements.
Two of these movements were successive assaults
to carry the ruins of the village of Vaux beyond the
church. Botli were completely broken up. It will be
remembered that the Germans reached the church and
the ruins of the three or four houses east of it ten days
ago. Their attempt to carry the rest of the ruins is made
with the object of following up the ravine and taking
both the Douaumont and tlic Vaux heights in reverse,
l.ong before midnight the fighting in the ravine was over
without a gain of a yard of ground to the enemy.
Domxuniotit
--■ ■ »
w-J
^E
t
Trench Line ^
0 1000 3.000 3000^^''tOS
Scale
Meanwhile during that same darkness three separate
assaults were being made upon the he'ghts south of the
village with the object of reaching the crest on which the
abandoned fort of Vaux stands. The two first of these
were broken up altogether imder the searchlights and
the star shells. A third attack did not even develop
fully. The concentration was made apparently in the
turn of the road just east of the cemetery at Vaux, which
is here sunk below the level of the fields and forms a sort
of natural trench or hollow way. The forces gathered
there were discovered just as they began to dcbijuch
and were broken uj), mainly by h'rench lield gun lire.
F^riday, Saturday and Sunday found another lull.
But the Saturday afternoon and Sunday the general
bombardment grew more intense towards Avocourt, well
west of the Mort Homme, and on Monday, the 20th, the
Germans — in what numbers or at what < xpense we do not
yel kno v — seized tlie fringe of the Avoronrt wo<m1, till then
in French ha ids. As I ha\-e already pointed out, this
advance of their's slightly emphasised the Bethincourt —
Avocourt salient and brought them a trifle nearer to the
back of hill 304, and so to an ultimate turning of the Mort
Homme by the west. But the whole meaning of the
move is only to be estimated in comparative loss of men,
and of that we know notliing yet. There the attack
stands at the last advices.
The New German Tone
There is not only a new tone in the falsehoods of
the German communiques, but there is also a new tone
observable in those rare independent comments upon the
war to be discovered in the German Press. That Press,
as a whole, has been contemutible in its miUtary conmient
from first to last ; largely Ixjcausc the most of it is not
(ierman at all but owned and run by cosmopolitan
financiers— the worst example is the Cologne Gazette*
But amongst the exceptions to this nonsense we have
continually noted the sober learning and often accurate
prediction of the military critic of the Berhn daily journal,
the TageUcM. This paper is also financial and cosmo-
politan in ownership and direction, but that has not
prevented its using the services of a very capable man.
Now it is significant that this student of the war for
the first time, I think, in twenty months, has lashed out
like any nervous or sensational hack. He tells the
military students of the Allies that they are stuffed
pigs (a fair translation of the French slang " bouche.")
He swears that nothing was further from the intentions of
the German commanders than a political effect, he insists
that the whole object of the great offensive against Verdun
sector was not the. occupation of certain areas, but the
defeat of, the breaking of, the F'rench army, and he
ends by prophesying success in that venture.
Now to prophecy success on the western front as
though one knew the future is excusable, though laugh-
able, when it is made in the neutral press to order, whether
to influence credit or policy. Bernhardi, for instance,
said def'n'tely in so many words in an American paper
some months ago that the next German move would be
the breaking of the French line and the consequent
" over-running of France." Serious students of war
pay no attention to such rubbish. It is absolutely im-
possible to foretell the future. It is possible only to show
what future alternatives are present and possible and
what are not. Still the boasting has some effect on
neutrals.
But the fact that the best and most capable of the
German military writers in the German Press should be
now stung to exaggeration or folly is very significant
indeed, and the cause is very simple. The cause is
" Verdun." For unless the French fine is broken the
whole of Europe can see— let alone a conspicuously
able writer upon military affairs like the critic of the
Beriin Tageblatt—that the failure is a really bad strategic
defeat. It was a deliberate gamble from the beginning,
it was a gamble deliberately continued, and it was a
gamble with a very large fraction of the remaining avail-
able capital. Gambles of that sort when they fail have
a way of becoming turning points in military ventures.
Note
I have been asked by correspondents what the evi-
dence is for the generally accepted figures that tiie
German army permanently maintain nearer four millions
than three and a half, and further why I have ridiculed
the statement that the wastage of an English infantry
battalion is 15 per cent, per month.
To these queries I should reply, that one's estimate
of the German army i)ermanently maintained is based
upon the very reasonable supposition that the forces per
unit are kept up to full strength, and that auxiliary
services cannot be less than three-quarters of a million of
men and probably nearer the million. Though no new
formations have, I belio\'e, been voted for more than a
year, the existing units discovered and fixed upon the two
fronts would allow for German forces there (excluding
Austro-Hungarian, of course) of not less than three
million men, distributed, very roughly speaking, and
allowing, of cou'-se, for special concentration now on the
east and now on the west, in the j^roportion of about two-
• I'or instance, the German edort.s on the Verdun front arc now
compared in the German Press to " Sebastopol." in order to explain
their length and inordinate expenditure. You might as well compare
Austerhtz to Killiecrankic.
LAND AND WATER.
March 23, 1916.
thirds on the west and one-third upon the east. Roughly
speaking this estimate gives us a minimum of three and
three-quarter million and possibly as many as four
million men.
As to the second point, whether the true net wastage
of an average infantry battalion can be at the rate of 15
per cent, per month. This would mean that in a little
over half a year our full strength had disappeared
and that the rate of loss of our army in the lield so far
as the infantry was concerned, was such tiiat the average
field army would have to be renewed three times over
between the outbreak of the war and the present day.
Such figures applied to the Germans, for instance, would
mean a total dead loss of not less than ten and a half
millions and nearer twelve, which is obviously nonsense.
It is quite possible, as I have admitted, that particular
battalions, if you count all forms of wastage whatsoever,
however temporary, if you include men being on leave
and the rest of it, might show as high a wastage as 15
per cent, in a particular set of months. The average rate
of dead loss, that is of net total loss for the whole army,
seems to be round about 6 per cent, per month. That,
of course, is including the units which are not for the
moment in the fighting as well as those which arc, and I
sliould imagine that the average wastage for the units
actively used was nearer nine per cent.
THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN LOSSES
The second most important member of the original
aggressive Alliance launched against Europe is the Dual
Monarchy of Austria-Hungary.
We must make some appreciation of its losses up
to the 31st of December, IQ15, if we are to arrive
at any estimate of the detailed losses. But this esti-
mate will be necessarily less general and therefore less
conclusive than was the case with the (ierman Empire.
There is a much larger margin of error. No one can
accept so low a real figure as 3! millions for German dead
loss. Few would accept — reasonable as it is — a figure
over 4 million. That is a margin ' of error from the
average either way of not quite 7 per cent.
In the case of Austria-Hungary the margin of error
is much larger, it is over i^ per cent. There are three
reasons why this should be the case.
First— and much the most important point.- Z//^'
Dual Monarchy publishes no regular lists of .killed and
uoundcd* There are not even private lists published in
any useful number, such as the (ierman authorities
' foolishly allowed to be published for so long. There have
reached this country and other portions of the alliance
occasional calculations based upon particular hospitals,
but they are not sufficiently widespread to give a true
axerage.
The second reason the Austro-Hungarian losses are
more difficult to calculate than the German is that the
number of effectives in the field under the .\ustro-Huii-
garian Colours, including the au.xiliary services, is more
difficult to calculate. In the earlier part of the war
my estimates of Austro-Hungarian losses were exagger-
ated because the only mode of calculation available to
me was a rough rule of thumb based upon the propor-
tion between the Austro-Hungarian population and the
German. But the Austrian army in the field is not of
so high a proportion to the German as is the total popula-
tion. The population is nearly 80 per cent of the German.
But the army maintained in the field, as only became
clear when fairly full evidence was available, is in :a
smaller proportion than this to the German army main-
tained in the field. Now it is largely upon the army
maintained in the field and upon the rate of loss in
particular units of it as observed by its opponents that
total losses must be gauged when lists (which, however
incomplete, are an admirable basis of calculation.*)
are unobtainable ; the only other tests being the in-
formation of spies as to (a) average numbers of drafts
per month (b) admissions to hospital.
Under this same heading we must remark that not
only is the Austro-Hungarian army in the field smaller
than the total population might seem to warrant, but
also it is not quite certain that all possible elements even
of that population are available for recruitment. Four
per cent, of it, for instance, are in the annexed provinces
of Bosnia and Herzegovina. More than 16 per cent, of
it is in Cialicia. It is probable that in the former category,
and certain that in the latter, very large numbers of the
later recruitment were not available, .\gain, there has
been a verv heavy emigration from .Austria-Hungary,
• The very interesting and informing Hungarian correspondent of
the Morning Post mentions Usts. I take it they are not pubUc ones ?
I'or none such are to my knowledge available.
• .\s an example of how a falsified and incomplete list may bo
of the greatest value a<«a foundation for an exact estimate. I will
refer my readers to the note, three weeks ago, on the German Prisoners
in I'ren'ch camps. Specific instances gave an error in tlie olTicial lists
of 70 per cent. The lists, though thus proved false, were the foundation
of an exact calculation.
especially during the last twenty years, the losses in
recruitment from which, though not to be exactly esti-
mated are appreciable.*
The third reason which makes it difficult to estimate
the Austro-Hungarian losses is the nature of the fighting
in which the Austro-Hungarian armies have been engaged.
Save in the earliest months (jf the war, when the
Russian and Serbian armies were engaged with Austro-
Hungarian forces alone, that clu'ck upon calculation
which consists in noting from prisoners and captured
documents, from the occasional counting of bodies in
front of the line, or, in the ca^e of an advance, of men
left killed and wounded in the territory occupied, was not
available. During the greater part of the seventeen months
we are considering, German units were mixed up with
AuLitrian against the Russians or against the Serbians,
and there was some confusion consequent upon the check-
ing. While upon the Italian front Austrian forces did
not come into play until more than half the period had
elapsed, and no one considerable Austrian offensive has
taken place there.
To these three main sources of difficulty we must
add the peculiar form of recruitment which makes it
more difticult in the case of the Austro-Hungarian forces
to establish exactly the units in front of one than it is
in the case of the German. Separate units upon different
fronts often bear the same number.
Having appreciated the difficulties we may yet turn
to the evidence a\ailable. such a^; it is, and that, as in
the case of all the other armies consists in several different
forms of estimate independent one of the other, and check-
ing one with the other.
The first of these forms is the analogy with the known
losses of other great groups in the War.
The second is the proportionate losses noted in a
large number of units by our Allies who are fighting the
Austro-Hungarian troops and the averaging from these
of total losses, together with the known number of
Austrian prisoners taken by our Allies.
The third form of estimate is drawn from what wc
know of the classes the .\ustro-Hungarians ha\-e been
compelled to call up, which is an index of their exhaustion.
On the analogy of the other forces engaged in the
great War we should arrive for the seventeen months at
something approaching the average of the armies main-
tained in the field. Germany with a field army (and
auxiliaries) of rather less than four millions has lost from
over three-and-a-half to less than four millions of men.
And the German proiwrtion applies, as might be expected,
with but slight differences to the other armies at work.
The German authorities, in a statement made to.
and used bv, their propagandists in neutral countries
(particularly in Holland) have told us that their Ally's
effectives are little more than half their own. They have
put them at 56 per cent.
Now it is obviously to the advantage of the German
authorities when attempting to impress neutral opinion
to make themselves out particularly efficient in mobilisa-
tion as in everything else. Let us, however, accept this
minimum German estimate and say that Austria-Hungary
has maintained in the field, counting all auxilliary
services, an army of no more than 2,400,000 men,
making that number her standard and filling gaps as
best she might.
Tiien, on the analogy of the other armies, we might
• (Jne official estimate on llic Conlinent gives joo.oou lor tl;is
figure.
8
March 23, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
expect Austrian losses to be somewliat less than or at
the most equal to this figure. That is, the total Austrian
numbers on the strength would not be more than, say,
two and a quarter million men, or, at the most 2,400,000.
We shall see in a moment, that this estimate is almost
certainly insufficient in the case of Austria-Hungary
In the second category of evidence we have the
notes of losses taken by those against whom the Austro-
Hungarian forces have been in conflict.
The method, which is a commonplace in every
service, is as follows : —
You identify from prisoners or from wounded and
dead the units opposed to you in a particular action.
You question prisoners with regard to losses in the units
to which they belong. Their evidence varies, of course,
very largely, according to their intelligence, their in- .
formation, their rank, the length of their service, their
willingness to give evidence.
Method of Estimate
But when you have been able to sift a very large
number of such pieces of evidence and duly to weigh
tbem, you arrive at a fairly close estimate. You cannot,
of course, establish results for cverj' unit, you cannot
ev.en identify e\-ery effort, but after a prolonged period
of fighting you will have covered so wide a field as to
furnish you with results which you arc the more inclined
to accept if they regularly confirm each other, and further
maintain their average as time goes on. You are fre-
quently able, though at rarer, intervals than in the case
of prisoners, to check your results by captured documents.
You establish as closely as possil^le the total of all
the units actually engaged against you over the time
concerned, and you apply your a^'erage to that total.
The Italian General Staff has made such an estimate
of the proportionate losses of the Austro-Hungarian
units opposed to them from their entry into the war.
The Russian Higher Command has similarly obtained an
estimate of which the figures I quote run up to the end
of July, iqi5. Both these estimates roughly tally, allow-
ing for the difference between trench warfare and the
warfare upon the Eastern front up to the autumn. The
average losses of a permanent character which these
estimates combined give for the whole of the Austro-,
Hungarian forces is as high as 180,000 a month.
Now this is an exceedingly high figure for the forces
involved and an impartial observer, concerned only to
arrive at the truth and suspecting bias in the opponents
of Austria-Hungary, might legitimately question it. He
might demand, what cannot be given here, and indeed
does not exist in any complete form, documentary proof.
Such an observer would point out with justice that the
field of computation was far from imiversal, concerned
only a certain proportion of the forces engaged, and was
distributed over incomplete periods of time.
This is true ; and I do not mean to affirm so high a
figure. One certainly cannot affirm it with the same
certitude as. one can the minimum of German losses, for
the evidence is nothing like so complete.
But we must recall, on the other hand, certain circum-
stances peculiar to the case, which render the figure
mentioned less improbable than it seems at first blush.
• . In the first place, the number of Austro-Hungarian
prisoners taken by Serbians, Italians and Russians com-
liined is at least a million. A few mav have escaped
during the over-numing of Serbia, but their number
would be insignificant. .
This excessive number of prisoners is largely accounted
for by the nature of the Austro-Hungarian recruitment-
including as it does men of Polish , Ruthenian, Roumanian
and Serbian nationality, and by the continuous advance of
the Russians over Slav territory for the first nine months
of the war, coupled with the breakdown of the first
Austrian armies in the field, At any rate, this figure is
well established. Such a figure for prisoners— the only
solid bit of statistics we have — is quite abnormal. It is,
in proportion to the armies in the field, more than three
times the French and five or six times the German.
It leaves, at the rate of 180,000 a month only about
120,000 men a month to be accounted for in other ways,
say 5 per cent, a month of the forces in the field.
We must further remember that the Austro-Hun-
garian army has had the very worst climatic conditions
and very bad conditions of ground as well. The bulk
of the German army has always been on the West. The
Austro-Hungarian army has had the terrible winter fighting
in Galicia and in the Carpathians against it. Its great
defeat in Serbia took place in the heart of the winter and
in the mountains, and even on the Italian front its main
forces are massed upon a sector of a few miles against
which the whole weight of the admirable Italian heavv
artillery is continuously directed.
If this second form of estimate — the Russian and
Italian — be admitted, we get for the total Austro-Hun-
garian losses just over three million men : a much higher
proportion than the permanent losses of the Germans,
the French, or English, in proportion to their respective
armies continuously maintained in the field.
But there is a type of information which seems more
conclusive than cither of these two, and which inchnes
one strongly towards accepting the highest figure. That
information is the present condition of recruitment in
Austria-Hungary. The exhaustion of available men in
that country has quite clearly reached limits not yet
attained in France or even in Germany. (In the case of
Russia, England, and Italy there is no comparison, for the
proportionate reserve of man-power in all these three
countries is enormously greater than in France, Germany,
or Austria-Hungary.)
Note these points : — France, Germany and Austria-
Hungary have all of them called up the class 1916, but
France has not yet, I believe, put the men of this class
imder fire. Germany has already done so in a large
degree. Austria-Hitiipary hzgan earlier, and by noic lias
done so in a very large propoiiion indeed.
Again, France called up (for lengthy training) her
iqi7 class on the ist of January. Germany (which
gives a much shorter training), has warned her 1917
class but not yet, I believe, called them up, save in
small numbers. Austria-Hungary called up her 1917
class in its entirety as early as last October.
Again, neither in France nor in Germany has the
1918 class been affected at all. In Austria-Hungary the
1918 class has b:en already gone ihreugh and xvarncd
for service this year. It is true that the warning is for
the autumn, but all the organisation of this class has
been already accomplished, and these lads are ready to
be called out as early as the Spring.
Again, Austria-Hungary warned for incorporation
in January, the month just passed, her Landsturm up
to 50 years of age.
In general, Austria-Hungary can be proved to be
SORTES SHAKESPEARIAN^,
By SIR SIDNEY LEE.
VERDUN.
Victory with little loss doth play
Upon the dancing banners of the French.
KING JOHN n.. i., 307-8.
RANCOURS AT WESTMINSTER,
Civil dissension is a viperous worm
That gnaii's the bowels of the common-
wealth.
I. HENRY VI.. III., i.i 72J.
REICHSTAG HEROICS.
Now could I drink hot blood
And do sJ4ch bitter business as The Day
J I 'out d quake to look on.
HAMLET III., ii., 408-10.
LAND A N n ^\' A T E R
March 23.
1916,
***inmoninf^ classes older or yountjor than those alrcudy
summoned in the two other countries which are fully
conscript and feelinj,' the exhaustion of m^n, Germany
and France. She is i)roved to be calling upon those
resources earlier than her Allies or opponents. She has
even made it legal, in case of necessity, to call men up
to the age of 55.
It is this last group of facts, the demonstrable ex-
haustion of men as proved by the nature of the drafts
now required, which is by far the most signilicant of all
three. It is the conclusion of those from whom I draw
these statistics, and the legitimate conclusion — since
she has clearly gone further in abnormal methods of
recruitment than any other Power — that the Austro-
Hungarian permanent losses, added to the floating
margin of temporary losses is more severe in projiortion
to the ultimate numbers available than is the case even in
(iermany, and, u forliori. more severe than is the case in
France. And that evidence inclines us much more
nearly to the figure of three million than to the lower
hgure of 2,400,000.
It is true that the Au^tro-Hungarian losses, if they
approach or reach tluee million, are much larger in pro-
portion to the armies in the field tlian the corresponding
losses of the French or the German or the British. F-vcn
if the Germans have lost four millions, an Austrian total
of three millions would be disjiorportionatelv high. But
one's belief that they have approximated to that loss is
founded up()n the extreme measures they are already
taking to till the gaps in their ranks.
Befont leaving the matter there is a way of con-
sidering it which should not be neglected and which
confirms this conclusion.
We must not lofe sight of the fact that though
a lo.ss of three millions is higher even than the German loss
in i)roportion to the effectives in the field, it is not hi'^lier
in proportion to total population. The total population
of the Dual Monarchy is to that of the German limpire
(by the last statistics) as rather more than 50 is to 64,
and in that proportion an Austrian loss of three millions
would only mean a (ierman loss of about three millions
and seven-eighths.
To sum up : — There is no very precise conclusion
obtainable upon Austro-Hungariaii losses from our present
evidence. We can only arrive at a margin of error as
wide as that between 2{ millions and 3 millions, i.e.,
a margin of over 13 per cent. Our most reliable
form of evidence gives us no more than the general
statements, that the supeiior exhaustion of the
Austro-Hungarian recruitment points to a loss certainly
superior (in proportion) to that of the other belligerents,
and that this would mean a loss superior to the lowest
of 2 j millions or 2,400,000, and probably nearer three
millions.
THE FALL OF VON TIRPITZ
By Arthur Pollen
IF the fall of von Tirpitz has mystified us in this
country, it seems to have puzzled his country-
men no less. That the excuse of ill health is a
mere excuse, and that in fact he has been dis-
missed, and dismissed because of differences with the
Chancellor seem to be admitted by the German papers.
The cry of the Keichstag Conservatives for a more
ruthless submarine war, shows that his fall is taken to
herald the abandonment of the sinking-at-sight policy.
Inconsistent Policies
But there are two difficulties in the way of our accept-
ing this interpretation of so dramatic a change. First,
there have been official announcements that the policy
of sinking armed merchantmen will be pursued without
modification, and that between March ist and March
18th, nineteen enemy vesssls have been sunk, of
an aggregate displacement of over 40,000 tons. It
hardly seems consistent with any softening of the cam-
paign that boasts such as these should be made. But
su:h statements must be made, if only to keep up the
country's spirits — for we know how frightfulness cheers
the hungry German. Secondly, still less consistent are
the two outrages perpetrated on the Dutch liners. For
that matter the attacks on the Tubantia and Valemhxng
are without precedent — and inconsistent with any pro-
fessed German policy. The sailing of the Tubxntia had
neen widely advertised in the German papers. No
belligerent liner of 13,000 tons displacement has been seen
in the neighbourhood of the Noord Hinder Lightship for
a great many months. It is true she was sunk at night,
but then her name was displayed upon her side in letters
20 feet high, each letter illuminated with electric lights
like a facade of a picture palace before the days of
Zeppelin raids. That she was torjX^docd cannot be
cpiestioned. But it was not apparently seen whether
the torpedo was discharged from a submarine or from
a destroyer. If from a destroyer, she might ha\(> fallen
10 a long range shot. In any event, illuminated as she
was, it must have been obvious that there could hv no
ground for supposing that it was a belligerent ship dis-
guised as a neutral. It was a million to one against her
having any cargo for Fngland ; there were heavy odds
against there Ix'ing any English passengers on board-
for these would travel by the ordinary Channel mail
boats — there was a high probability of the ship carrying
a considerable quota of Americans. The only taint of
belligerency in the case of the 'fufxintia w.is that she did
intend to call at Falmouth, l-'ven this was lacking in the
case of the Palembang. Here a ship bound straight
The more
incidents were
either from the
T here is
I' boats
for the Dutch overseas possessions, was deliberatelv
attacked, not by one but by three torpedoes, the first of
wliich ajjparently did not explode— at midday and in
broad daylight. The Tnbantia, as a German communique
points out, was not even in the war zone, and neither was
armed. How then can their sinking be explained ? It
is possible that both were sunk by submarines whose
commanders had received von Tirpitz's instructions, and
not those of his successcf. It is also possible that the \'on
Tirpitz instructions went far beyond any public pro-
fessions.
probable explanation is that both
outside any instructions received
Grand Admiral or from von 'Capelle.
nothing new in the action of the (ierman
being inconsistent with Germany's public
professions. \Ve saw that in the case of the Arabic,
the Hesperian, and in numerous other instances. If, in
August and September, their conduct showed that
the submarine commanders were too nervous and excited
to make their acts square with the orders of their superiors,
it is not likely that their successors of to-tlay will be any
calmer, l-or the circumstances of their trade are not
favourable to balanced judgment. We have no precise
information as to Germany's submarine losses. But if
they were formidable in September, they ha\e certainly
not become less formidable in the months that have
passed since then. There can, in fact, be little doubt
that of their original strength both in boats, officers
and trained crews, practically nothin.j; now remains.
New Submarines
The new submarines are likely en(?agh of a displace-
ment 50 or 100 per cent, greater than the largest of the old
ones. They must carry much larger crews. If, for example,
they are armed with 5-inch guns, each gun would mean an
addition of at least 25 men to the personnel. Each increase
of power needs mon; men also. A submarine displacing
1,500 or 2,000 tons armed with, say, two 5.5 guns, might
have to carry a crew of at lea.st 100 if not 150. And
the value of such boats would increase out of proportion
with the increase in tonnage. If then this is the type
of vessel on which the Germans are now relying,
responsibilities far heavier and more exacting than ever
arc now laid on men who not only are inexperienced, but
starting on their business knowing only too well the
tragic fate of all their predecessors. It is said — I do not
know with what truth -that for some time the German
Admiralty has ab.indoned the system of recruiting the
submarine service by volunteers from the fleet. It
10
March 23, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
had to be abandoned because the volunteers were not
forthcoming.
Tile moral of such a situation is surely ubvious.
The captain, knowing that the chances of bringing him-
self, his boat, and his crew safely home are slender, is not
hkely to feel himself very strongly bound by any orders
whatever. To him every surface ship must be a natural
enemy. In the early days of the campaign, the British
jiress rang with tales of the prowess of merchant captains
who had run down submarines. He would know that scores
of his brother officers were at the sea's bottom with their
boats, and he might easily suppose that the bulk of them
had fallen to the ram, His own bigger vessel could not,
it is probable, be submerged or manceuvred as rapidly as
the smaller boats Haunted by fears, encompassed by
dangers, his prospects, in any event, of survival being
of the glocjmiest, what more natural than orders or no
orders he should sink everything afloat in whose immediate
neighbourhood he fmds himself ? He might plead self-
defence for acts seemingly as senseless as the destruction
of these two neutral vessels. And at the back of his
mind he would have this recollection to encourage him,
that submarine war is after all, an anonymous secret
kinc of business, and even if a troublesome diplomatic
situation did arise, it would always be open to his em-
ployer to suggest that the thing had been done by a
British mine or by a British submarine. In any case,
then^ should be no proof that he had done it. In finr,
the sinking of the Tnbantia and the Palcmb.mg, insensate
and atrocious as they are, seem to me to be almost
necessary incidents in the kind of sea war that Germany
has embarked upon, and prove nothing either way as to
the intended limits within which (iermany might wish
to keep it.
New Factors
On the whole then the fall of Tirpitz shows that the
von Tirpitz policy is played out. What has brought this
about ? What new factors have come into being since
the new policy was announced ? Two, either of which
might have been decisive against persistence. The two
happening together had to be decisive. They are the
failure of German intrigue at Washington, and the failure
of (ierman arms at Verdun. Until the Senate and the
House of Representatives had j)assed their respective
votes of confidence in the President, no one could say that
Mr. Wilson was free to act as the honour of his coimtry
might dictate. It is obvious even to the Germans that
he is free now. Ihe von Tirpitz policy then cannot be
carried out effectively without a breach with the United
States. And once diplomatic relations are broken off,
American belligerency might be the matter of a short
time only.
Now, as we have seen during the last seven or eight
months, Germany has again ancl again been willing to
risk hostility with the United States. Why can she not
face that risk again ? She cannot face it because her
arms have failed at Verdun, and the failure shortens
time during which slie can keep under arms at all. It was
the essence of the von Tirpitz policy that it should be
carried on for an extended period. In point of fact, it
would have to be carried on for at least a year before the
results it aimed at could be achieved. It was no use em-
barking on this policy then, if for other reasons the war
was bound to end before the results hoped from it could
mature. It will make this argument clearer to set out
what the von Tirpitz idea seems to have been.
Von Tirpitz was wildly wrong in the kind of Navy
that he built, and, with the other Cierman statesmen, was
hopelessly at sea in his forecast of England's action in tlie
kind of war that (iermany intended to provoke. But it
is not at all certain, after ihe first month or two of hostili-
ties had shown that the war would be a long one, that he
was not the fust European in authority to foresee the role
that the use of the sea would play. The initial success
of the Gcrmin submarines against the British Fleet was
moderate enough when measured by the number of vic-
tims. But it probably opened the Grand Admiral's eyes
to the immensely more promising iield that our merchant
shipping aiforded. And in a long war the merchant
shij)ping of the world, whether belligerent or neutral,
would obviously be the only factor whereby the Allies
could cormterbalance the vastly superior organisation of
Germany. \\'hen von Tirpitz, therefore, started in on
his submarine building campaign, he did so with an
object only announced in December. He must have
seen from the lirst that it could only be a matter of time
before Great Britain and her Allies awoke to the fact that
in forbearing from the blockade of Germany, they were
neglecting the strongest weapon they possessed. He
must have expected the blockade to have come sooner
than it did, and to prove itself more effective than for
many months it was. In point of fact, it was his own
mine and submarine campaign that precipitated us into
proclaiming as a reprisal a measure which should, in
fact, have been our initial stroke of policy. And even von
Tirpitz could hardly have counted upon the blockade's
long inefficiency, fiut blockade or no blockade, he kept
his eye upon the main truth of the situation, which was
and is, that Great Britain's capacity to conduct military
ojjerations over sea, and the Allies' capacity to carry on
military operations in their own countries were, and still
are, entirely dependent upon sea supplies of food and raw
material, and munitions of war coming to us and them by
water.
Importance of Sea Supplies
With the submarines at the disposal of von Tirpitz
at the beginning of things, little more could be expected
than the isolation or partial isolation of Great Britain.
But, in fact, the range of action of submarines, even of
those whose capacity should have been well known, proved
to be far greater than anyone anticipated, so that the first
boats built under the new programme had no difficulty
in making their way, not only round the North of Scotland
to operate in the Atlantic, but even to pass the Straits of
Gibraltar and to get to work in the Mediterranean.
In taking a sanguine view then of the submarine's
capacity to do the work he expected of it, von Tirpitz made
a far juster estimate of the situation than anyone else.
It was not any defect in the boats or their commandei|s
that prevented their success from being as great as he
expected. Von Tirpitz made two capital mistakes. Ho
underestimated the courage both of allied and neutral
seamen. And he grossly underestimated the capacity
of the British Admiralty to organise a counter-campaign.
But notwithstanding these mistakes, it is folly not to
recognise that his conception of the importance of sea
supply to the Allies was perfectly correct, and that in
organising an attack upon it, he was striking straight at
the very lieart of our power to carry on the. war. It is
equally folly not to recognise that in spite of everything
he achieved a very great success indeed. Before the
submarine campaign 290 British, Allied and neutral ships
had been lost to the world's shipping, either detained in
enemy ports at the beginning of war, or captured, or
sunk. Since the creation of the war zone 702 more have
been sunk, captured or damaged by mines and submarines
and 15 were captured by the Mneivc. From Allied and
neutral shipping then, there has been a reduction of at
least 1,000 vessels since the war began. Not more
thim a third has been replaced by enemy ships.
Of enemy vessels 805 are in belligerent or neutral
ports, or sunk, and destroyed, and of course many more are
tied up in home ports. We can probably assume that
the enemy vessels are no loss to the world's shipping,
because enemy trade, and therefore enemy demands on
the world's shipping are at an end also. But the thous-
and vessels which we, our Allies, and neutrals have lost
do not represent even a third of the vessels withdrawn
from the transportation of goods. For the military
requirements of France, Great Britain and Italy, in the
Channel and the Mediterranean, ha\'e withdrawn the
best part of another 3,000 vessels.
Von 'iirpitz lealised that if the attack on mer-
chant shipping 'were pushed to tlii' highest iK)int of
ruthlessness, that the time would come when tncat Jiritain
would have to choose between a limitation of her military
activities over sea, or going without either the financial
advantages of an import and export trade, or adequate
supplies for her home population, or, indeed, both. We
have always all of us spoken of the submarine campaign as
a failure, and a failure of comse it is, because the 700 ships
or so that have been sunk or put out of action by Jt,
have not, in fact, sufficed either to stop our oversea cam-
])aigns, or to prevent the Allies drawing on North and
South America and the British Colonies for the supplies, .
munitions and raw materials needed for feeding their
II
LAND AND WATER,
March 23, igifi.
population and carryine; on the war. But the loss has
raised the cost of freight enormously. It has conipslled
us to stop the imports of certain kinds of hixurics. It
does leave us with 700 fewer ships at our disposal, if the
exigencies of war make it desirable to start upon a new
and distant overseas campaign of great magnitude.
Von Tirpitz realised from the first that great as was
our margin in fighting ships, it yet could not be considered
a margin adequate for the vast responsibilities thrown
upon the British Fleet. He probably then counted on
the national siiipbuilding effort being limited to thi?
requirements of the Navy. If he did, he calculated rightly.
In our long-drawn-out wars against revolutionary France
and Napoleon, our annual loss of ships was no doubt
enormously heavy, but it was a loss that was replaced
almost as fast as it occurred. Almost e\ery coast town
with a suitable harbour had its local ship-builder. But
the increase in the tonnage of merchantmen, and over <)o
per cent, of our trade being carried in iron or steel built
ships propelled by steam, have changed all that. And
we have, as a fact, not attempted to replace the tonnage
withdrawn for war purposes or destroyed by the enemy.
All losses, then, are net deductions from the carrying-
power available.
Fatal Weakness
For the Tirpitz policj' to succeed, it was not necessary
to destroy all belligerent shipping. All that was necessary
was to bring us down to the margin that would mean dis-
tress. Could not larger, faster and wider ranging sub-
marines effect something akin to the " general strike "
that Continental syndicalists used to hope for to paralyse
capital into surrender ? Could not a general arrest of sea
carriage bring Great Britain down to the want line in
another year ?
There were two fatal weaknesses in the policy. In
the first place it needed time before success could be
achieved. In the second place it could not succeed if
only belligerent ships were attacked. Since February
of last year, rather over 100 neutral vessels have been
sunk by submarines, and nearly an equal number by
mines. Von Tirpitz probably thought the Swedish,
Norwegian and Danish and Dutch ships could be des-
troyed with impunity. But here the change in the
American situation has changed the situation for all
neutrals who choose to make common cause with America.
Indeed, it is not improbable that the Tuhxntia and
Palambzng incidents rr.jy precipitate the neutrals getting
together on this question. In any event, whether it
implied the sinking of neutral ships or not, no great
extension of the submarine attack on shipping could have
been made without involving neutral interests and neutral
dignity to the danger point. If Germany had been
sure of being able to carry on say, for the full three
years that Lord Kitchener is said to have thought
probable in August, 1914, then the hostility of America
would have been worth risking. It certainly would have
been worth risking if a real paralysis of the world's sea
service could, have been achieved. The point of the
present situation is that the failure at Verdun makes it
obvious that results cannot be got in time.
We shall probably therefore see the submarine cam-
paign continuing very much on the Hues of the last six
months. Atlantic liners will probably be spared, and care
taken as far as possible to warn ships where warning can
safely be given. If the new submarines really are of the
dimensions and strength that nmiour describes, then there
can be no excuse for not warning merchantmen in the
majority of cases. For I know of no merchantman so
armed as to be capable of engaging an armament of 5.5
guns. The encounter of the Clan Mactavish with the
Mocwe is at any rate decisive on this point. And there
is another matter in regard to the big submarine that
must be borne in mind. If the big submarine has to
carry' a larger crew because of its armament and greater
power, it does not at all follow that double, treble, or
even four times the crew of the old vessels would tax its
capacity. The weight of the men and two months'
supplies for them wtiuld not. be a formidable addition to
the displacement. This capacity will enable submarines
to carry prize crews, and to that extent relieve the com-
mander of the responsibility of sinking his captures.
Cviriously enough there is in Tuesday morning's
papers the announcement of the first instance of this being
done. A British submarine, it seems, has captured the
Norwegian ship Kon^ ht^e on a journey from Sarpsborg
to Liibeck, i)ut a prize crew on board and sent her home
to Leith. To get to Liibeck the Kong Inge would have
to pass through the Sound or the Great or Little Belt.
Tne papers do not siy whether the capture took place in
the Baltic or in the Kattegat. .Vnyway the Kong Inge
had run short of coal by th-^ tim; she had reached
Frederikshavn, which is ju-;t opposite Gothenburg^
about twenty miles due South from the Skaw. The British
subnurines then operating in these waters are certainly
carrying enough men for at least one prize crew. If the
Germans play this ganv,' they will naturally have to send
their prizes to .\merica or Spain. It is certainly one of
the possibilities of the situation that may enable Germany
to take enough ships to please their people at home — a
crucial matter — and at' the same tim-^ keep out of trouble
with America. .\RTHfR Poi,i.f.n'.
RUSSIA, POLAND AND SERBIA
.Although he is one of the most eminent of Ru.ssian
novelists, Alexander Kuprin's work is little known to Knglisli
readers, and perusal of The Exile (George Allen and Unwin,
(«.) affords evidence that there is room for translations of all
Kuprin's works into this language. Like Dostoievskv
and Goncharov, Kuprin gathers his materials from everyday
life : in the manner of the former, he draws largely from
personal experience, and this book is concerned with life in a
little garrison town, before the Russo-Japanese war had come
to cleanse the Russian army and relieve its commissioned
ranks of the imputation of peculation and sloth.
The book is as terrible as Tolstoi's Resurrection, as ruth-
less as Hardy's Jude, and as tragic as either ; it is, at the
same time, an analytic study of Romasov, the hero, and
Shurochka Nikolaiev, the heroine, and the foibles and weak-
nesses of these two are presented together with their virtues,
so that they stand as real people. The author's detachment
is such that we are hard put to it at the end to say whether
he justifies or condemns the duel as sanctioned in the Russian
Army ; in the true spirit of the artist, he draws a picture, and
leaves us to form our own conclusions.
In the preface to The Jewa of Rissia and Poland, by
Israel Friedlander (G. P. Putnam's Sons, 6s. net), the author
states as his opinion that the medLneval attitude toward the
Jews was " prompted by none other than utilitarian
considerations, for which the Poles need not perhaps be
blamed but for which they certainly deserve no credit." His
own attitude toward his subject is frankly — and, to the
Gentile reader, perhaps a little unduly — optimistic and
laudatorv. At the same time, the hostility of church and
state toward the Jews in the middle ages — and even up to
modern times —makes no pleasant reading, for it shows that
whatever may be one's feelings with regard to the Semitic
question, the Jew has no reason to love those of his neigh-
bours who reside outside the Ghetto.
The criticism which this work affords is purely historical,
and the work itself stops short of contemporary events con-
cerning the Jews of Poland. For the author is more con-
cerned with Poland than with Russia. Admitting the Semitic
bias of tlie author, there is still much valuable matter in his
work, which forms a chapter in Polish and Russian history,
and, being authoritative, will command the attention of
students of Russia and of Judaism.
iMr. and Mrs. Jan. Gordon, wandering in Serbia, have
perpetuated an exceedingly inconsequent volume in 77»j
Lxick of Thirteen (Smith Mlder and Co., 7s. 6d. net), which
is as scrappy as a feminine conversation, and at the same time
thoroughly fascinating. Here and there the grimness of
war stands out with startling realism, and the fate that has
befallen .Serbia is tragically limned in vivid sentences,
then one is caught away from horrors by the femininity of
" Jo," and again interested in some Serbian Comitaj or biilky
municipal dignitary. It is all " live " and full of the spirit
of courage and energy in a time of utter tragedy. Some fine
illustrations and certain clever little drawings complete this
extremely interesting war book, which is far more worthy
of more than the great majority of publications of its kind.
Princess Christian will preside at the meeting on Women
and Farm Labour to be held at the Kensington Town Hall
on Friday afternoon, March 31st. The chair will be taken
by Lady Wantage, and Miss Gladys Pott will speak on lier
recent visit to the agricultural districts of France.
i.7
March 23, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
I
NEUTRALS AT THE CROSS ROADS
By John Biichan
SINCE tlie beginning of the year, two speeches have
been deUvered in America which will probably
rank as the most important exercises in the
spoken word which the world has seen since the
outbreak of war. The speaker was Mr. Elihu Root, an
ex-Senator of the United States, formerly a Secretary of
State, and one of the foremost living American jurists.
One speech was made in Washington, another to the
Republican Convention in New York City. They dealt
partly with American domestic politics with which we
are not concerned ; but their main importance lies in the
fact that for the lirst time a man of great eminence has
stated the true doctrine of the interests of neutrals,
stated it so broadly and sanely that his words mark
an epoch no less for Britain than for America, for the Old
World as well as for the New. We have drifted into a
legal controversy with Washington in which lawyers'
arguments have been bandied across the table. That
way there lies no comfort. It is our business to get back
to fundamentals, and raise the discussion to a different
plane. Often in a wordy litigation the common sense of
judge or jury cuts through the knots of dialectic tied
by the counsel on both sides, and finds that a very plain
((uestion is at issue. That is what Mr. Root has done.
To understand the significance of his speech we must go
nack a little.
German Peace Talk
The German attitude of mind, which believes in
organised Force as the greatest thing in life and denies
any rights to individuals or nations which they cannot
maintain by force, is by now familiar enough to the world.
It is the negation of the political ideals of the Allies, which
are based on a reasonable liberty, and is indeed a denial
of what is commonly regarded aS civilisation. Germany
hoped to realise her dream through her mighty armies,
which she thought, with some justice, would give her
the land hegemony of Europe. But in recent months
she has begun to have doubts about the efficacy of this
method. She has made immense conquests of territory,
but to her surprise she seems no nearer ending the war.
The Allies have shown in her eyes a shameless disregard
of the rules of the game and have refused to acknowledge
defeat.
About Christmas the Imperial Chancellor gave an
interview to an American journalist and quoted " a high
military authority " to the following effect :
" Germany could take Paris. It would only be a question
of how many men we were willing to sacrifice. But
that would not bring England to terms, and therefore
would not end the war. We could take Petrograd. But
sujjpose we drove the Tsar out of his capital— Britain
would not care. We could drive the Italian army into
the sea — it would make no dift'erence to England. The
more territory we occupy the thinner our lines and the
greater difficulty in supplying them. Going ahead on
such lines would help England more than' us."
Germany is tardily recognising the meaning of Sea
Power. Many wild things were said on this subject before
the war. Sea Power alone will not give victory over a
military Power. By itself it is not even adequate for
defence. But now, as in the time of Napoleon, it stands
between the land conqueror and his ambition. " Purpose-
less they surely seemed to many," wrote Admiral Mahau
of Nelson's ships before Toulon. " but they saved Eng-
land. Those far-distant, storm-beaten ships, upon which
the Grand Army never looked, stood between it and the
dominion of the world." It is as true to-day. The
German High Command seem to have become converts
to the creed which Admiral von Tirpitz has always
preached. It is Britain's strength on the sea which
bars the way to Germany's hegemony by land. But for
tha.t fatal Navy an early decision might have been won.
It is that Navy, too, which theatens her economic endur-
ance. The " freedom of the seas," in Germany's sense
of the phrase, nuist be the lirst of Germany's winnings,
even if to gain it she has to sacrifice for a little some of
her cherished territorial dreams. She cannot hope to
dictate to the world on land if Britain rules the water.
During the winter there have been various unofficial
overtures, emanating chiefly from the German circles of
higli finance. French and British business men have
been abjured to interfere while there was yet time. Is
Europe, it has been asked, to make a present of her com-
merce to America ? Suggestions for peace have followed.
Their tenor has varied, but the terms have been modera-
tion itself compared to those which filled the neutral
press nine months ago. But one condition has been
common to all. Germany demands the " freedom of the
seas." In this respect the views of the financiers coincide
with those of the naval and military chiefs.
The Freedom of the Seas
This high-sounding phrase is worth examining. In
Germany's mouth it means that a naval Power should be
compelled during a campaign to tie its hands, and to
treat trade with neutral countries as wholly free, except
for enemy consignments of munitions of war. The land
Power will have the free use of its hmbs, but the naval
Power will be hobbled. The claim is a curious one to be
made by a people who have sent every rule of civilised
warfare crashing like Alnaschar's basket. But two
blacks do not make a white. The dictatorial conduct of
the British fleet, a conscientious neutral might argue,
is really the complement on the sea to the high-handed-
ness of the German armies on land. It is less brutal,
to be sure, but it is no less arbitrary. If we decline to
contemplate a German hegemony on the Continents of
F^urope and Asia, why should the world tolerate a British
hegemony on the sea ? Each of them is a form of
omnipotence, and therefore has mankind at its mercy.
This argument seems to have impressed a certain
proportion of American observers. But it is fundament-
ally unsound, for the two hegemonies differ in kind and
in purpose. In time of peace the seas have been free
for law-abiding citizens of all countries to go their way
upon. This freedom was won by the British fleet 300
years ago, and it has been maintained by the British
fleet ever since. Is this the object of the German land
hegemony ? A control exercised on behalf of hberty
• and peace is one thing, and a conquest sought for pride
and aggrandisement is another. The first is a task of
police, the second of brigandage. Now that all nations
are subtly hnked together the sea is the great common
highway of the world, and its routes are the arteries of
every nation's commerce. Let us imagine what the
situation would be if Germany, holding her present creed,
dominated the ocean as she now seeks to dominate the
land. This freedom would utterly disappear. The sole
security for its continuance is that Britain still rules the
water. In the far future, when the domain of law has
grown, this pohce work may be internationahsed, but for
the present it must be done by the only Power that can
do it.
It is true that in the course of the war Britain has
been, forced to depart from some of the practices of
International maritime law in which she had hitherto
acquiesced. It is easy to fasten on such minor infractions ;
the American Note of November 5, 1915, laboriously
enumerated them. But in a world war, where con-
ditions have suffered a chemical change, some such
departures were inevitable. Rules framed under one
set of circumstances may be sheer nonsense under another,
and International Law, like all human law, must have a
certain elasticity and conform to facts. Some of the
British departures may have borne hardly on neutral
commerce. That was inevitable, for a great war cannot
be strictly delimited. A householder, whose house has
been shaken by an earthquake, cannot sue on his coven-
ant for (]uiet enjoyment. If neutral rights have been
infringed in minor matters, Britain is fighting to establisli
the greatest of all neutral rights, the right to freedom.
LAND AND, W A T E K .
March 23, igib.
The infractions concx-rn the inessentials, the struggle con-
cerns tlie fundamentals. To quo^te from an admirable
article in tiu: current number of The Round Ttiblc :
" When one of those fmuhimentals has been challenged
there ought in principle to be no neutral rights and no
neutrals . . . No nation is entitled to say that
its rights entitle it to obstruct those who arc endeavour-
ing to defend international right and liberty. "
i
American Interests
President Wilson has taken up a very simple and
intelligible line. He is the mouthpiece of the American
people, and therefore can only carry out the will of the
majority of his countrymen. In this he would seem to
have succeeded. He considers further that it is his busi-
ness to concern himself solely with American interests,
a view in which he is doubtless right. No statesman is
obhged to be a Paladin, setting forth to do battle against
wandering Paynims. But the question arises as to what
is the true American interest, what is the true interest of
all neutrals, and on this point it would appear that
President Wilson and the majority of his countrymen
have judged superficially.
Let Mr. Root speak :
" The American democracy stands for something
more than beef and cutton and grain and manufactures ;
it stands for something tliat cannot I)e measured by rates
o( e.vchange, and does not rise or fall with the balance of
trade.
The American people achieved liberty and schooled
themselves to the service of justice before they acquired
wealth, and they \alue their country's liberty and justice
above all their pride of possessions. Beneath their
comfortable optimism and apparent indifference they Iiavc
a conception of their great republic as brave and strong
and noble to hand down to their children the blessings of
freetlom and just and equal laws.
They have embodied tlicir principles of Govern-
ment in fixed rules of right conduct which they jealously
])reserve, and, with the instinct of individual freedom,
they stand for a Government of laws and not of men.
They deem that the moral laws which fornmlate the
duties of men toward each other are binding upon nations
equally with individuals.
Informed by their own experience, confirmed by
their observation of international life, they have come to'
see that the independence of nations, the Hberty of their
ix^oples, justice and humanity, cannot be maintained
upon the complaisance, the good nature, the kindly feeling
of th« strong towards the weak ; that real independence,
fc-al liberty, cannot rest upon sufferance ; that peace and
liberty can be preserved only by the authority and observ-
ance of rules of national conduct founded upon the
principles of justice and humanity ; only by the establish-
ment of law among nations, responsive to the enlightened
public opinion of mankind."
Against that Law was set the German Force and the Law
was broken. It was, says Mr. Root, American law,
just as much as any domestic statute.
" We had bound ourselves by it ; we had regulated our
conduct by it, and we were entitled to have other nations
observe it. That law was the protection of our peace
and security. It was our safeguard against the necessity
of maintaining great armaments and wasting our substance
in continual readiness for war. Our interest in having
it maintained as the law of nations was a substantial,
valuable, permanent interest, just as real as your interest
and mine in having maintained and enforced the laws
against assault and robbery and arson which protect
our personal safety and property."
Where then docs the true interest of neutrals lie ? In
a jjettifogging insistence upon the details of old inter-
national practice in commercial affairs, thereby hamper-
ing the efforts of the Power which dares to defend the
greater matters of the Law ? Or in co-operation, active
(jr passive, with the Power which stands for the funda-
m ntals ? Mr. Root has no doubt. In his speech at
Washington he said :
" Up to this time breaches of international law have
been treated as we treat wrongs under civil jjroredure. as
if they concerned nobody except the particular nation
upon which the injury was inflicted, and the nation inflict-
ing it. There has been no general recognition of the right
of other nations to object. . . If the law of nations
is to be binding there must be a change of theory. And
violations of tlie law of such a character as to threaten
the peace aiul order of the conmnmify of nations nm>-t be
treated by analogy to criminal law. They must he.
ileemcd to be a violation of the right of every civilised
nation to liu\e the law maintained."
The Cross Roads
Hafpi'y we may believe that Mr. Root does 'fiSt
stand aloi c. His speeches have cleared the air, and much
of the best opinion in his country is on his side. America
to-day stands at the cross roads. She has to decide
whether she will remain apart in selfish isolation, reaping
where she has not sown and gathering where she has not
strewed, or whether she will take a share as a Great Power
in the police work of the world. It is no question of
sacrificing American interests. The question is where
her true interests lie.
Each of the Allies to-day is fighting for its own
special purpose. Britain, for example, aims at security
and at the maintenance of that free Empire, whose
ideals will be found in those lines of Claudian which have
never yet found an adequate translator. But all the
Allies are lighting for one major cause, and that is the
establishment of Law as against Force on the world's
throne. We have to check and punish the law-breaker,
and for the innposc the chief instrument is the British
fleet. Can any neutral, small or great, who sees in the
reign of law his true interest, seriously desire to weaken
the power of the constable against the criminal ? For,
remember, the criminal is self-confessed. The case is
not sub juiikc. Germany has proclaimed and gloried
in a creed which reposes the conduct of the world's buhine^s
on the ethics of the .Stone Age. Does a man, when the
house next door to him is burgled, try to trip up tiu;
policeman, even though in his haste that zealous officer
may have trodden on liis toes ?
To anyone who has visited the Grand Fleet there
must come a sense of pride which is something more than
the traditional devotion of Englishmen to the Navy,
and the remembrance of a famous past. The great battle-
ships far up in the Northern waters, the men who for
twenty months of nerve-racking strain have kept unim-
paired their edge and ardour of mind, are indeed a shining
proof of the might and spirit of fingland. I^ut in the
task before them to-day there is a higii duty, which their
forefathers indeed, shared, but which lies upon them now
with a peculiar gravity. They are the modern crusaders,
doing battle not only for home and race and fatherland,
but for the citadel of Christendom.
FRENCH RED GROSS
\'erdun is a name henceforth immortal in history. When
the full story of the gallant defence by our .-\Uies comes to
be written, it will be found to rank among the most heroic
deeds in the long annals of war. The French battalions
have withstood the onslaught of German forces often four
and five times their numerical stcength. The tornado of
shells has been appalling, but nothing has been able. to break
the steadfastness of the defenders or to daunt their courageous
spirit. The losses inflicted on the enemy liave been stupen-
dous, and though compared with them the French casualty
lists may appear light, nevertheless a heav\- jirice has liad to
be paid, and at the moment the resources of the French Ked
Cross Society are severely strained.
Now is the time when we at home mav testify to our
admiration of hrench bravery in a practical manner. Tlie
London Conmhttee of the French Ked Cross Society, of which
the l'"rcnch Ambassador in London is President, will welcome
gifts of clothing, food, comforts, drugs, surgical stores and,
above all, money. This Society is admirably rontrolled and
managed. Money is of course esjjecially needed, for (he work
of the Society is necessarily limited by the funds at its dis|)osal.
We have always to remember t'lat many of the richest indus-
trial districts of France arc in the liands of the invader, where-
fore our Allies are heavily handicapped in the voluntary sup-
port they would naturally render to their Red Cross Society.
It is for us to make good this loss in so far as money can do so.
Send at once a contribution, however humble it may be,
as a token of gratitude and affection for France, to the Corr-
mittee of the French Red Cross, 9, Knightsbridge, London, S.W.
14
March 23, 1916.
LAND AND WATER.
GASPARD OF WASDALE HEAD
By William T. Palmer
SOMEWHERE in the Vosges, where snow whitens
the ridge above the pine-trees, is marching
or scouting or bivouacking, with all his accus-
tomed serenity, a sturdy Danphinois, a tigure
well-known to Cumbrian rock-climbers— (iaspard of
Wasdale Head. A man of slow, careful English, he was
ever a friend — now he is an Ally, a dour lighting Ally.
Many a climber at home, in the Munitions service, or
away with the Colours, has kindly memories of Gaspard's
advice, patience, assistance : in quaint phrases he abjured
one to have patience, to use the holds, to climb slowly —
yes, and even in extreme cases to " trust the rope," and
be hauled, a craven failure, out of some fearsome cave-
l)itch or up some sheer slab.
The Climber's Guide
For years Gaspard the Danphinois has been almost
the only professional climbers' guide in Britain — now
he is a private in the Chasseurs Alpins,,the most un-
relenting enemies the Germans have yet found. Like
Gaspard, the battalions are grim, strenuous, mobile,
and no difficulty can daimt them. Gaspard's letters
and postcards have told of terrible hardships withstood
last winter ; of frost and snow, raging gale, and the storm-
fog held of little account in their warfare. Trenches,
redoubts, forts of snow built, attacked, defended, and
the blood of the bayonetted stained crimson many a
ridge and summit.
Winter after winter Gaspard was welcomed at Was-
dale Head, and the Christmas and Easter holidays were
busy times indeed for him. With June, howeve.r, he
hastened back to the Dauphiny and spent his summer
among the eternal snow and ice of the Alps. He was in
Dauphiny in the August when the summons to war was
proclaimed, and instantly he rejoined the Colours.
In his Cumbrian haunt Gaspard was conceded to be
a fine guide and teacher of rock-craft, and many a good
climber owes to him the introduction of his most in-
<li\idual of British outdoor sports. So far as records go,
he never seems to have pioneered an ascent, but the
months during which he was in Cumbria are not often
favourable to sustained and intricate exploration. Often
his ice-axe rang day after day in Moss (ihyll, climbing
and re-climbing its icy staircase. The initiation of the
wealthier class of novice was Gaspard's duty to the
Cumbrian craft, as well as providing safe companionship
to solitary visitors who desired something more satisfying
than the ordinary hill-tracks. Many a man with Con-
tinental experience discovered his way to the British
rocks on (iaspard's rope.
His Pupils
Gaspard's pupils were not always the handiest or
most courageous. He had to take what " monsieur "
presented. Surely the limit was a character with
Tyrolese hat and shepherd's crook who insisted on being
roped at the last gate on the Sty Head path, and whose
]->rogress up the scree-walk was accompanied by querulous
plaints as to the terrible danger of the way, punctuated
with admirationjof the " shepherd's " own heroism and
fortitude. One wishes that Gaspard's quaint words and
expressive grimaces (the latter told more of the story)
could be reproduced in cold type : the guide loved dearly
to repeat the story of that day's sufferings, and one has
seen him in the yellow lamplight of the kitchen posturing,
ejaculating, living again the most amusing day in his
life. With admirable patience Gaspard brought his
shepherd through the terrors of the scree-walk, but the
twenty foot rock-pile of the Lower Kern Knotts was too
much. The visitor bluntly declined to venture further,
l^nough were the terrors he had known, he would not
traverse into the mysterious, the unknowable recesses
of the savage mountains.
In the presence of climbers Gaspard was a solemn
man mdeed, but an adroit reference to the shepherd's
crook was generally too much for his decorum.
Sometimes a postcard or a telegram would arrive at
the hotel : " Send Gaspard to meet me top of Great End
Tuesday eleven " (no signature), and away on the stated
morning would tramp the guiclo. Xo matter how thick
and foul the weatlier he would reacli the summit cairn —
sometimes to spend two hours' waiting in damp and
chill for a gentleman who did not arrive.
Gaspard was ever in the forefront of search-parties,
though maybe the honour of his suggestions went else-
where. He was always ready, ever resourceful, ever
thoughtful of the last detail for the comfort of both
searchers and lost. More than one belated party has
waited in Walker's Gully on the Pillar until at the fust
streak of dawn (iaspard came sliding over the great cave-
pitch on a rope. Endless coils of rope seemed to wreathe
the sturdy man. There was a rope to secure each chilled
and hungry climber, and then came the unpacking of
the rucksack with food and drink. Gaspard knew by
long experience that limbs and muscles exercised after
hours in cramped positions are apt to stumbles, jerks and
tremors.
All Night on a Ledge
On one occasion he found a climber practically
comatose with fatigue and cold. All night the man had
been standing on a tiny ledge of earth and grass, so loose
and crumbling that he did not dare to put full weight on
his foothold. In the dawnlight Gaspard saw that the
climber's hair was white. Carefully the rescue was
carried out, the climber hoisted to the upper screes —
and the frosted poll was a shock indeed to his friends.
One writes " frosted poll " advisedly, for as the climber
got back his power of free movement, the dark hair began
to show. The white was but the frost-rime which had
clung to every hair. Gaspard was not accounted a great
rock-climber in the new or Cumbrian school. He had
a shrewd taste for foot and handholds in his work, and
rarely attempted an " exceptionally severe " course.
His work was with the novice mainly and not with the
expert, his methods were sound rather than enterprising,
nor did he favour much of the splendid gymnastic work
which goes to make up a modern rock-chmb of the first
class.
In addition to his climbing and guiding, Gaspard
was " boots " to the mountain-lovers who resorted to
Wasdale Head in winter. With a sticky green oil he
anointed the clinkered and nailed boots collected from
the hall, leaving less heroic methods for the daintier
footgear deposited at bedroom doors. From long prac-
tice he was an adept at replacing climbing nails, and
would cheerfully undertake to give one's boots a full new
-set of teeth between coming-in at sunset and the start
after breakfast. And the hobs —well, he had a wonderful
collection of nails brought from his continental home and
rarely failed to issue a pattern which pleased.
Here's to thee, Gaspard, Gaspard of Wasdale Head,
Gaspard of the Chasseurs Alpins, in camp, in biv-ouac,
wherever thou mayest be ! Gaspard on the Vosges, ( i; s )ard
in the enemy's country, (iaspard who is facing toward the
deep trench of the Rhine and waiting for the whole
Allied line to advance. May we all be spared to fore-
gather, when War is a muttering of the past, among the
clefts and pinnacles of rocky old Cumbria.
No gift pleases the troops at the front more than a
razor. On this being made known certain people decided
to interest their friends in collecting used razors of all des-
criptions, with a view to putting them in " working order,"
and despatching them to the front. No less than 160.000
razors have alreadv been collected of which 135,000 have
been distributed. No matter how old or dilapidated a razor
may be it can be made good. The scheme lias the warmest
support of Lord Kitchener, who trusts that further supplies
will be forthcoming. One of the most active and enthusiastic
workers in this razor scheme is Mr. Harrj' Smith, Managing
Director of the Rover Company, Ltd., Meteor Works, Coventry
and 5Q, New Oxford Street, W., wlio will be In^st grateful
to anyone who will assist him in continuing this excellent
work. No matter the condition of a razor, it will be gratefully
received by Mr. Harry Smith at either of these addresses.
LAND AND WA T E R
March 23, 191:6'
A PROBLEM IN STRATEGY
By Colonel Feyler
Colonel Feyler, the -writer of this arresting article, is the
it'en-knoit'H military correspondent of the " Journal
Jc Geneve," and is Swiss by vationalitv. He is the
most jamniis and the most impartial of all Neutral
critics of the war, and his opinions carry great weight
in every belligerent country.
AT the moment of writihg the violence of the battle
/% of Verdun is at its height. The bahince seems
I — J^ to be incHning in favour of the French. But
^ JL. there is no need to anticipate the event in order
tn draw attention to one interesting problem in strategy
whicli will, beyond all question, be one of those that will
be studied most closely after the war, and in the solution
of which the battle of Wrdun, whatever its issue may be,
"will certainly be a factor.
The problem may be stated thus : Was the German
plan of attack in August, 1914, which decided upon a
march through Belgium, a wise one, or would it have
been better to have attacked France directly upon her
eastern fortified frontier ?
1 suppose no one will deny that from both political
and moral points of view the violation of Belgian
neutrality by the German Empire, which was pledged to
defend it, was a very grave blunder. The political result
was that Germany not only ])rovoked the opposition of
the small State she thus attacked, but also compelled
Great Britain to declare war upon her in the interests of
moral Tightness and international loyalty. And so,
instead of having only France to reckon with in the west,
the German Empire arrayed against itself France and
Belgium and the United Kingdom.
The Moral View
From the purely moral point of view the fault was
equally grave. A Government cannot be forgiven for
a deliberate breach of its plighted word more easily than
an individual can. It is even entitled to less easy forgive-
ness, because the men who constitute it are supposed
by those whom they govern to have higher responsibility.
Germany has suffered from the position of inferiority in
which she thus placed herself ever since the day when her
troops tirst set foot in Luxemburg and Belgium. The
war immediately became a struggle between the might
employed to make good the broken word, and the right
that is the protection of treaties concluded in good faith.
Lofty as these considerations may be, they are,
however, merely accessory to the problem stated here.
That is essentially technical, and must be considered
simply and solely from' the point of view of strategy and
of the tactics employed.
From the strategical point of view the disadvantages
of the passage through Belgium were the greater length
of march than by a direct attack, and the addition to the
effective forces at the disposal of the enemy. This, it is
true, might be compensated to a certain extent by better
technical preparation and by superior skill in the handling
of troops. The Germans had left absolutely nothing
undone to that end. The army they had organised was
not one designed for political purposes and intended only
for the defence of the Empire, but an army forged for
the specific purpose of an offensive war against a coalition
of France, Russia and England. Fully realising that a
prolonged war would allow the armies of those three
allied Powers to establish a numerical superiority, they
determined to anticipate this by hurling a more rapidly
concentrated and more mobile force upon France. And
thanks to the fact that she had a higher birth-rate than
that of France, Germany was able to compose this force
entirely of young and evenly trained elements that had
practically filled the cadres of the active army on its peace
footing.
With this powerful organisation at their disposal
the Imperial Head-Quarter Staff thought it would be an
easy matter to pass through Belgium. The Belgian
army was certainlj* much less ready and less highly
qualified than the German army. And they feft no
apprehension on the score of the effective force which
England might throw into the line, because for sevf'ral
weeks that force would necessarily be a limited one.
From all these considerations they concluded that the
numerical inequality was not of a really serious character :
that it could only become manifest at a remote date
and in the event, which they did not anticipate, of their
plan not resulting in a speedily victorious campaign.
Disadvantages of the Detour
The disadvantages of the detour through Belgium
could thus be most fully obviated and free scope given
to its advantages. Among these were the extension of
front, which facilitated bringing into action a larger
number of guns and cannon, the obligation imposed upon
the enemy of adapting himself to this extension of front,
contrary to his original plans and with inadequate means,
and finally, the advantage of avoiding the strongly
fortified country along the line Belfort-Epinal-Toul-
Verdun.
In point of fact this last advantage has not proved
to be quite what the German Head-Quarter Staff supposed.
They discovered that, although it appeared less capable
of resistance, the Belgian fortified barrier of the Meuse
was strong enough to compel the assailant to mark time
for days which were worth weeks. The British Army
had time to arrive to cover the French left flank, and the
second Belgian stand round Antwerp and afterwards
on the Yser, having in the course of operations completed
the work of the first, the advantages of the passage through
Belgium were eclipsed by the disadvantages.
How would it have been if the offensive had been
conducted by the direct route in the east ? That question
raises discussion of the check which the first heavy Ger-
man attack met with before Verdun the other day. If
they did not succeed in February, IQ16, in spite of the
colossal combination of methods employed and the
ferocity of fighting, why should they have had any
better success in August, 1914 ?
I do not think the two cases are parallel. In 1914
the Germans would have benefited by the surprise caused
by their 420 mm. howitzers. Instead of giving the first
exhibition of their effectiveness upon the forts of Liege,
they would have demonstrated it upon the French forts.
And even if their success had been less quickly achieved,
the chances were that the attack would have succeeded.
Question of Fortifications
As it is now, the forts on French territory have been
adapted to meet the requirements which experience at
Li^ge, Namur and Maubeuge has proved to be necessary.
Instead of their defences being constricted within a narrow
limit of space, which consequently is liable to destruction
by a very small number of heavy shells accurately direc-
ted, they are distributed over a larger area, which gives
them greater chances of escape from the enemy's attack.
The entrenchments have been developed in accordance
with the formulas of field fortifications, with the result
that the defensive area is very much vaster. And
finally, the heavy artillery which the French lacked at
the beginning of the war, has been constructed, and is
now opposed to the German heavy guns at Verdun.
Another difference between 1914 and iqi6 lies in the
quality of the troops engaged, and especially in that of
the officers and non-commissioned officers. No doubt the
battle of Verdun has sent into action troops that had been
well prepared for the violent fighting required of thern.
They had been rested after their previous exhausting fati-
gues and carefully trained. But none the less they had less
homogeneity than those that would have been employed
in 1914, and also less quickness and skill in operation.
In August, 1914, the men would have been the very best
that Germany could produce, and led by the most capable
and energetic representatives of the commissioned and
non-commissioned grades. In February and March,
lA
March 23, 1916.
LAND AND WATER
iqi6, the men belonged to any number of annual classes,
young and old, and the veteran officers of the active
army had almost ceased to exist. Thus the chances
had altered, and were not nearly so many, and not
nearly so real, as in August, 1914.
Is this as much as to say that, consequently, the
French would not have retrieved the situation, as they
were able to do at the Marne, with the assistance of the
British Army ? It is quite possible. But such an
enquiry is outside the scope of any examination supported
by proofs ; imagination takes too large a part in it. All
one can say definitely is that the Belgian army would
not have had to intervene, that England would not have
had to support Belgium in virtue of her guarantee of
neutrality, and that with regard to the moral support
wliich a belligerent may be desirous of finding among
neutrals, Germany would not have tarnished her reputa-
tion as she has done. In short and in conclusion, she
would probably have had greater chances of victory.
Why, then, did slic run tUc risk of reducing her
chances ? I do not think it is a hazardous proposition tliat
she did so because she wanted to get to the sea, and that
when preparing her plan of war her ambitions already
embraced England as well as France. Germany has
always looked far ahead ; it is seldom that she has sought
out one enemy without thinking about the enemy of
to-morrow. When Prussia laid hands upon Denmark,
Austria-Hungary was already a matter of interest to her.
When she crushed Austria-Hungary at Sadowa, slie was
not forgetful of France. Would there be anything
extraoiclinary if, in I914, the German Empire perceived
England behind Belgium and France ?
Investigation of the strategical problem offered by
her plan of campaign in the west would thus serve to
throw a light upon the probable political aims and objects
of the Imperial government. The investigations will
be all the more interesting when the official records of the
various Staffs begin to disclose their secrets.
AIRCRAFT POLICY
And the Zeppelin Menace from the National Standpoint
By F. W. Lanchester
[In this and the jolloiving article an endeavour is made
to put before the public a dispassionate account of the
reasons, facts and circumstances which have led to the
present day non-military employment of aircraft in
warfare as typically exemplified by the Zeppelin raids.
The writer has endeavoured to bring the question of
aircraft raids into their true perspective, both as to
their relative material importance as acts of war, and
to their moral importance, as founded on the theories
of German military writers, as a means of causing
embarrassment to an enemv Government. Later articles
will deal with the capabilities and development of the
large airship and the importance of its future rdle in
legitimate warfare.]
THERE have been many complaints \oiced in the
press and at meetings of different kinds that
Britain has neglected to provide herself with
large airships comparable to, and capable of
combating, the Zeppelin raider. Parenthetically it may
be remarked that the idea that airship can counter airship
has no proved foundation, and it is certain that if the
enemy were to adhere to its present policy of attacking
only by night, any attempt at defence by means of airships
of equal size and speed would be foredoomed to failure.
Thus if airship is to counter airship in such a matter
as giving protection against raids, it will be b}' indirect
means, namely by reprisal or by intercepting the enemy
on his return from a raiding expedition. Apart from the
question of whether or no airship can counter airship it
does appear on the face of it to require some explanation
why (ireat Britain has not kept a closer watch on the
work done in Ciermany, in this the most showy though
certainly not the most useful development of service
aeronautics.
System of Government
It is only within roughly the past twelve months,
during which the German raider has managed to make
himself particularly obnoxious, that public interest has
become focussed on this question of aircraft, and now the
public attention is so focussed the cry is that somebody
is to blame. The present Coalition (ioxernment clearly
cannot be blamed, so the blame has to be thrown on the
late Government prior to the war, and according to
\arious writers not only is the late Government to blame,
but the pigheaded and stupid experts come in also for
their share ! Let us see to what extent these allegations
will hold gas.
During the last few decades, one may sav during
the last fifty years, it has become more and more the
settled system in this country that the Government elected
by popular vote, ostensibly for the purpose of governing,
is controlled, driven or held back bv the continuous
application of the pressure of public opinion. We do not
appoint a Government for a period limited by a maximum
term of office, and leave it to govern. Our system appears
to be that we appoint a (iovernment as we harness a horse,
and we never leave off pulling the strings from the day it
goes into office to the day on which it finishes its term or
drops dead. The result of this is, that if public opinion,
even in matters of detail, goes astray, it almost certainly
follows that the Government also goes astray, just as, in
the analogy of the horse, if the driver gets flurried or is
the worse for drink the horse and coach will get into
difficulties or go off the road.
There is a strong tendency on the part of the public
and electorate to rush from one extreme to the other ;
thus a few years ago the Zeppelin airship was looked
upon by the public as a mere academic development of
no particular interest to us islanders, and if the Govern-
ment had started spending a few millions on a parallel
development in this country, and had experienced half
the failures through which Count Zeppelin has fought his
way, there would have been so many questions asked in
Parliament and so much trouble created that there can
be but little doubt the whole aeronautical movement,
not only in the airship but also in the aeroplane, would
have received a substantial, possibly fatal, set-back.
Experimental Expenditure
Again and again during recent years public opinion
has decHned to tolerate any expenditure in armament
which could not be proved up to the hilt as absolutely
necessary to the country's safety. It is indeed probable
that the verdict of the future historian will record that
this standard of absolute necessity has been so low as
at times actually to have placed Great Britain and the
British Empire in grave peril. To suggest that the British
Government would have been allowed to carry out an
expensive experimental campaign in airships (and nothing
but an expensive campaign would have been of any
service) is futile, and to blame a Government so controllcc
by public opinion for not having done so is a course whict
can only lead serious thinkers to question the whoh
fabric and purpose of our modern democratic system.
To-day we hear right and left the senseless cry thai
the Government ought to have done this, or the Govern-
ment ought to hax'e done that ; that the Government
ought to have built large airships to protect us from
Zeppelin attacks. What is the meaning of this outcry —
is it that the people and the press are any wiser than
before ? Is it that the people and the press have Icarncc
something which the Government have not learned ?
Is it that the people and the press have known something
in the past which the Government did not know ? My
answer is emphatically " No."
Individuals amongst the people and individuals
amongst the press have known and have foreseen.
Members of the Government have known and have
LAND AND M' A T K R
March
1 >
-J'
i<)i6.
lorcstvn. But tlic will of the [)lO])1c Ims not been of recent
years to support a strouf,' defensive pro^^raninie, Aviiether it
be in aircraft or otherwise. The tjuestton is thus a broad
one. Tlie narrowing' of |lhe question, and focussing
attention on aeronautics generally and the airshii) in
particular is, so far as the average voter and the body
of the electorate is concerned, summed up in a few words :
Wc have bu-n b:>mb:d ! '
Kven so uncompromising a democrat, so luicom-
proinising a socialist as Blatchford recogniseii the truth
in this respect. In his articles, published in the columns
of a well-known London daily a few years ago, he clearly
recognised the real source of weakness, though he did not
express it precisely as the present writer is doing. I will
quote two paragra])hs from Mr. Blatchford's fifth article
(page 17 of tlie published reprint) :
Tliere is danger ahead. Mr. Asquith has told us so, Lord
l^oberts lias told us so. Sir Edward Grey has told us so.
And we arc not ready to meet that danger. And we are
not milking re.idy to meet that danger. And the gre.it
nrajority of our people arc oblivious of that danger or
refuse to recognise its existence.
And a few paragraphs later :
It implies that British Cabinets are unworthy of the nation's
co.nfidencc. I am aiVaid it implies more than that. I
am afraid it implies that British Cabinet Ministers, for
the sake of remaining in power, have time after time con-
cealed a state of affairs which in the event of war would
e.vpose the Empire to serious rislcs of dishonour and
defeat.
It will bo noted in the foregoing that Jiaving
ciumciated the fact, and stated that as well as Lord
Roberts, both Mr. Asquith and Sir Edward Grev have
warned us of danger, Mr. Blatchford has said ; " 1 am
afraid it implies more than that." He says : " It implies
that British Cabinet Ministers, jor the sake of roir.iiiiiiin
in power," etc. Mr. Blatchford do;s not pros.; his argu-
ment to its logical conclusion. If the British Cabinet
.concealed the true state of affairs for the sake of remaining
in power, then if they had revealed the state of affairs
they would presumably have been thrown out, and we
should have had some other Ministry, who also if they
had revealed the true state of affairs would have been
thrown out, so that Mr. Blatchford practically presents
to us the apjiaUing state of things of a democracy electing
a Parliament, and indirectly a tiovernment, which will
bj thrown out if its members dare to tell the truth.
Obviously such a state of things carries as a corollary
that, whatever Government we may have, the price and
condition of its existence is that it shall not tell th; truth
on a matter of vital import : A more damning commentary
on the whole fabric of democratic control has never been
])enned. He admits that both Sir PMward Grey and Mr.
As.iuith had warned the nation of the danger ahead, and
it is common knowledge that the leaders of the Unionist
Party had not been backward in thj same direction.
That I am not misinterpreting Mr. Blatchford is
clear when I quote paragraphs as follows. Tl.e concluding
paragraph of the third artitde (page 13) thus reads :
I nmst confess, with sorro^vful iiisgiving, that the nation
is blind to its peril, and is proving itself impotent to meet
that danger as it must be met if the Empire is not to go
down in. complete and irretrievable disaster.
Or again, from the first article (page 5 of the reprint) :
That is the Pan-(ierm:mic dream. That is the ambition
which is driving Germany into a war of aggression against
this country. But the British people do not believe it.
The British people take little interest in foreign affairs,
and less in military matters. The British people do not
want to bother, they do not want to pay, they do not want
to hght, and they regard as cranks or nuisances all who
try to warn them of tlieir danger.
Members of the Cabinet before the war realised
the danger. I think history will relate that in some
respects they strained a jjoint beyond their mandate
from the people in the direction of increasing our defences,
but as Mr. Blatchford tacitly agrees, the Government
were pledged to the electorate to economise, and if they
had gone to the extent that they would untrammelled
have wished, they would assuredly have been replaced
by a Government more complaisant, which would have
accorded more closely, more slavishly, to the dictates of
popular clamour. No Government could have lived
during the last decade, had it ventured to embark upon
an increased spending programme in the direction of
araiament ; given this as a condition it was clearly riuht
that expenditure should have been limited to those
directions in which utility had been proved or could be
detinitely demonstrated.
To-day all these facts are forgotten. The man who
wished for curtailment of exiJcnditure in armaments,
and a lavish expenditure in soiaal reform, seems to have
vanished. He is there still, but has changed his coat,
he will change it back again within a few weeks of the
war being over, when the fear of Zepjiehn bombs has
b.?en forgotten, but for th-:; moment he shouts loudly
about other people's neglect, and swallows his own past
words without even chewing them.
An Effective Air Service
Considering the political atmo.iphere prior to the
outbreak of war, it is wonderful that we were able to
assert, after the first few weeks' lighting, a definite aero-
nautical ascendency. This was only due to the fact that
the few millions (very few millions) which had been
granted for aeronautical development had been mainly
concentrated on the perfection of the heavier-than-air
machine. If the available resources had been divided
between an airship policy and the development of the
aeroplane we shoukl have been hopelessly outclassed,
and probably ovcrwholm:'d by disaster.
It will only be fully appreciated when the history of
the war is written what invaluable assistance was rendered
by our airmen during the retreat from Mons, and that at a
date before it had been possible to effect any mati-'rial
increase in our force of aeroplanes. If we had not been
well served by our Flying Corps at the period in question
there is every reason to believe that the most perfe<:t
generalship would not have saved us from irretrievable
disaster.
The cost of any effective airship programme (apart
from experimental or developmental expenses) would
have sucked up every available penny of aeronautical
grant like a mighty suction dredger, and would have
left nothing at all for the humbler heavier-than-air
machine.
It is no UJ2 dwelUng on the past except to glean
lessons for the future, but I have reviewed the \yji'>i in the
foregoing paragraphs to show how senselesss, and 1 may
say ungrateful and criminal, is the movement of which
one hasj-ecently seen evidence, to blame the i)ast Govern-
ment for such deficiencies as may b3 acknowledged.! It
would be more creditable to our national level-headedness
if we were to recognise that it is our system of Government
which is at fault, and not the individual puppets who
happen nominally to be in power.
One is tempted to exclaim : Serve God if you will,
serve Man, serve Mammon, serve the n-.vil himself, b.it
never serve a Democracy !
{To h: continued).
WonuHa War ]Vork, edited by I-ady Randolph Chuichill
(C. Arthur Pearson. 2s. Od.). embodies the first sefious effort
to trace the war activities of women in the various belligerent
countries, and to give a scrie.i of clear and convincing pictures
of wliat women liave accomplished under new jiatriotic in-
tbiences since the beginning of the war. l-'rom this book a
very clear view can be obtained of women's war work in
Europe, America, and the Jiritish Dominions overseas during
the past eighteen months, and scarcely a phase of these
activities has been overlooked.
Degenerate Germany, by Henry dc Ilalsalle (T. Weiuer
Laurie. 2s. 6d. net), is a record of the repellent decadence
of Germany, the innate corruption, of the whole empire. It
is possible, of course, to find parallels for a. number of the
charges that the author makes in almost any country ; the
immorality recorded of Cologne and other German cities is
equalled by many centres outside (ierinany. and, as far ai
statistics of this sort of thing are concerned, there is nothing
new in the l)uok. Hut in the drgeneracy of modern German
literatiuv. the immoral tendencies of Wagnerian and certain
modern German music, and similar jioints, the author offers
some very valuable matter for consideration. He shows that not
only are the acts of the nation degenerate, but tlie whole
tone of thought is on the down grade— and obviously a long
way down the grade. The work is biassed, beyond question,
but none the less it makes a study of sinister and at times
horrible interest, as showing to what depths standarcls of
conduct can sink under the doctrini- of " micht is right "
March 23, 19 16.
LAND AND WATER.
CHAYA.
A Romance of the South Seas.
By H. de Vere Stacpoole.
Syxopsis : Macqnart, an adventurer who has spent
most of his lije at sea, finds himself in Sydney on his beam ends.
He has a wonderful story of gold hidden up a river in New
Guinea and a chance acquaintance, Tillman, a sporting man,
about town, fond of yachting and racing, offers to introduce him
to a wealthy woolbroker, Curlewis, with a view to financing the
scheme. Macqnart also m.akes the acquaintance of Houghton,
a well-educated Englishman out of a job, who has done a good
deal of yachting in his time. Curlewis turns down the scheme,
though Macquart tells his story in a most convincing manner. ■.
His silent partner Screed believes in it, and unbeknown to
Curlewis, follows the three men, asks them to his house, and
agrees to find the ship and the money, on seeing that Macquart's
hidden treasure map agrees with an Admiralty chart. The
ship is the yawl " Barracuda." Screed, on the morrow, takes
the three men over the " Barracuda." with which they are de-
lighted. Coming away Macquart is overtaken by an old friend,
one Captain Hidl, who hails him as B — y Joe, and accuses
Jiim of many mean crimes. Macquart gives Captain Hull
the slip, but unbeknown to him Hull gets in touch with Screed,
and enlightens him on the real character of Macquart. Just as
the " Barracuda " is about to sail Screed takes Hull on board
and tmexpectedly introduces hint to Macquart as a member of
the crew. The voyage passed with few adventi^res. Guided by
Macquart the " Barracuda " arrived at New Guinea, and
anchoied'in the lagoon. Almost at once they started for the
place where Macquart declared the cache to be. They dug
ihrough the night but unearthed nothing.
CHAPTER XVI.
The Scorpion and the Centipede.
THEY were a rather gloomy party at breakfast
next morning. Not one of them spoke of the
events of the night before, and even Hull's
enormous appetite seemed affected.
After the meal, Houghton led Tillman off for a stroll.
.The morning sun was shining through the trees, and the
village folk were all off after I'ubber ; they passed the village
and just beyond, on the dense border of the forest, Houghton
sat down on a fallen log, filled his pipe and lit it. He seemed
to have something on his mind. Tillman sat down beside
him and began to smoke also.
" Look here," said Houghton at last, "' I've been think-
ing."
'• Yes ? " •
■' Macquart's not running straight."
■' How do you mean ? "
" He's bamboozling us."
" Over the cache ? "
" Yes. The stuff's not buried there and never was. The
Terschelling was never fetched up as far as this and never
sunk here. That was her we saw in the lagoon."
" Which ? "
" That old burnt ship we saw in the lagoon. Lant got
■all his men in the fo'c'sle and then set alight to her. I'm
positive."
" Good God ! " said Tillman. " What are you saying ? "
" I'm saying what I think. Let's reason it out. Lant
stole the Terschelling and her cargo of gold. He knew the
river, he knew the people, he was certain of a safe refuge here.
But he did not want anyone, of course, to know about the
treasure, not even the people here. Wh}' should he have
brought the Terschelling up this distance ? No, he put her
into the lagoon, he made the crew cache the treasure there,
then got on board and did for them. He had to keep one man
to help in the business and to help him to come up here in a
boat. That man was Macquart."
" Go on," said Tillman, whose pipe had gone out.
" He came up here with Macquart and married a native
woman ; that gave him a position and made him one of the
tribe. Macquart saw him settling down, saw no chance of
profiting and did for him. Then Lant's wife suspected, and
Macquart had to shin out."
" Wait a moment," said Tillman. ' Macquart told us
that as having happened to a man named Smith. Well
haven't you seen that for the last long time Ma'^quart has not
been even trying to keep up the Smith fiction. He has all
but acknowledged that he was Smith. Now, if he were a
murderer, would he act like that ? "
' To begin with," said Houghton, " there was never any
evidence of the crime, and it happened fifteen years ago.
Macquart is absolutely safe. Again, he is not an ordinary
man ; he seems the most absolutely C3'nical and cold-blooded
devil I have ever met. I have been watching him closely.
He doesn't bother about hiding anything the law can't catch
him for. He doesn't boast of his crimes, but he doesn't
bother."
"Wait a moment," said Tillman. ' Now, see here. If
that was the Terschelling we saw in the lagoon, and if the stuff
is cached near here, why on earth did Macquart bring us up
here ? This place is a dangerous place for him. Lant's wife
is still alive, and if she recognised him, she'd be sure to try
and work him mischief."
" Did I not say that Macquart's object was to diddle us
over the cache," said Houghton. " He has brought us up
here so that he may play us some beastly trick, of that I'm
certain. It may be that he plans to steal off some night, slip
down the river, load up the Barracuda and make off. He's
very thick with Jacky ; he understands Jacky's lingo, and I'm
not so sure of Jacky's being straight ; these black fellows,
most of them, from what I've heard, aren't to be depended
on much."
" He might do that," said Tillman, " but I doubt if he
would be able to get the Barracuda away with only Jacky
to help."
" Oh, yes, he would. Two men could do a lot with a
boat of that size. Look at Slocum — went round the world by
himself. Macquart would make for Macassar or somewhere
close."
" There are two things that knock your idea on the
head," said Tillman. "The first is, Macquart and Jacky
would never be able to transport all that gold from the cache
to the Barracuda before we were on top of them — they could
only get a five or six hours' start at the most ; the second
is, that without Screed's help, Macquart would never be able
to dispose of it."
Houghton laughed. " I've been thinking the whole of
this thing out," said he, " and I can answer that. Screed
was a fool ; we were all fools. Macquart, if he wanted to play us
false, would not want to take all the stuff in the cache, a couple
of thousand would do. With that, he'd sail off to Macassar,
or somewhere else, settle, make a little position for himself
and then, when he had a house and a banking account, he'd
come back for the rest pf the stuff — maybe a year from now,
it's quite simple."
" Good God ! " said Tillman, suddenly.
" What ? "
" Macquart and Jacky slept in the boat last night and we
in the tent."
" Yes," said Houghton, " that was the thing that started
me off thinking last night just as I lay down. I thought to
myself how easy it would be for those two to slip off. You
will remember, it was Macquart who suggested that he and
Jacky should take the boat, as the tent was too small for the
four of us."
Tillman said nothing for a moment. He seemed reviewing
the whole matter carefuUy. Then he spoke.
" We've got to consult at once with Hull," said he, "over
this."
" For goodness sake, no," replied Houghton. " If you
put Hull on to this business, you will ruin everything."
" How ? "
" Because Hull would be in this matter Hke a bull in a
china shop. He hates Macquart, just as Macquart hates
him. I honestly believe that Macquart is tricking us in this
matter, not so much that he may collar all the stuff for him-
self, as that he may get even vnth Hull. However that may
be, Hull, if he knew what we are thinking, would go on so
that Macquart would be on his guard. We want to appear a
particularly soft lot of fools, so that we may take him off his
guard and get to know what his plans are. ^
" He knows where the stuff is cached and we want to get
at that knowledge. He will never tell us of his own accord,
for that would be to enrich Hull ; besides, it would be contrary
to the man's real nature. It would be agony to Macquart to
share up and be honest over a huge sum of money like this.
He is a fox man, or, rather, a wolf man. Well, we must
turn ourselves into foxes or wolves if we want to share the
prey."
One of the properties of Adventure is the power that it
possesses for the development of character.
This expedition was already bringing forth the true mental
properties of the adventurers with astonishing results.
^9
L A N D A N n W A T ]{ R
March 23, 1910
Chaya, a Romance o/ tAf South Seat.
ililuttraled by Joseph Siaxptom, J<.B A.
•• Houghton saw an object that made his flesh crawl upon him."
Tillman, for instance, who had always seemed a butterfly under
the false conditions of Sydney life, was exhibiting qualities of
balance and energy that would have astonished liis friends ;
and Houghton, brought to the test, was showing a clearness of
vision and a power of reasoning upon obvious facts that
he had never exhibited fully before.
The power to reason clearly and justly on the obvious
facts before us is a power denied to very manv ; it constitutes
the soul of business and success in lite. It was the secret
of Napoleon's greatness, and it has been foimd wanting in
many and manv a philosopher.
■ Well," said Tillman, " perhaps 3'ou are right. Hull's a
blundering sort of chap, and there's no doubt he hates
Macquart as much as Macquart hates him. We'd better lav
low, we two, and we've got to watch this chap as a cat watches
a mouse. I'll watch the boat to-night. There's a lot of
bushes on the bank. I can hide there with a Winchester, and
you can watch to-morrow n'ght • we mustn't leave him a
second alone. I'll go off now and see what he's doing."
He rose up and went off, leaving Houghton still seated
on the fallen tree.
So deep was he in meditation, that he did not hear a
light step behind him. It was the girl of yesterday ; she
(ContiNued un puyt- 22.)
20
March 23, igi6.
LAND AND WATER
What Protection Really Means
Magnificently Exemplified by the
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Military
or Naval
Catalogues
Post Free
TIELOCKEN
BURBERRY
PERFECT SECURITY, no words better
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Tielocken Burberry. Overlapping
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to knees, providing a w^arm, dry and
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BURBERRY WEAVE-PROOF
CLOTHS in combination with
Camel Fleece or Felt, ensure the snug
warmth and comfort essential for
prolonged and excessive exposure.
£ASY ADJUSTMENT is another
distinctive feature of The Tielocken.
No buttons to fasten or lose. The belt
fitting the coat to any thickness of under
arments, holds it smartly and well.
■pHE COLLAR may be worn (1)
open, as depicted ; (2) closed up
like a " Burberry " ; (3) stand with
fall points, as inset ; or (4) buttoned
right up to the neck.
N.H.— Officers wishivg their Tielocken Coats to he ABSO.
LUTELY WATERPROOF, regardless of hygiene, may
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Officers' " Burberrys," Tielocken Coats, and Burberry
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21
LAND AND WATER
March 23, 1916.
(Continued fr<tn page 20)
was coming along the path that led from the Dvak village to
the waterside. As she drew up to the seated figure, she
paused, stared, and sprang towards him.
The next moment, the astonished Houghton found him-
self dragged by the arm off the log, and standing face to face
with Chaya.
Without a word, the girl pointed to the log on which he
had been seated, and Houghton saw an object that made his
flesh crawl upon him.
It was the great scorpion of New (iuinea, by far the most
monstrous creation of the Tropics. It was almost the size
of a grown man s hand, almost the colour of the dark wood
on which it crawled, and as Houghton looked at it, he saw
the tail with its terrible terminal nippers curl up and then
flatten out again, and the wholes body of the reptile move
forward in its steady progress along the path it had chosen
for itself.
Had he placed his hand upon it or pressed his leg against
it, he would have died as surely as though a pistol had been
fired at his head point blank, for the bite of the great New
Guinea scorpion not only kills, but kills in a most horrible
way, and there is no antidote to the poison.
Houghton at once on the sight of the thing stooped
down and picked up a piece of stick for the purpose of killing
it, but again Chaya's hand fell upon his arm, this time
restraining him. She was pointing at the tropical leaves that
half covered one end of the log. Something was coming from
among them. • It was a centipede. A centipede fifteen inches
in length, ash grey changing to green, and orange where the
thousand tiny legs moved in hideous vibration, and with such
rapidity that they shewed only as a narrow band of orange-
coloured mist.
Above and around were the tropical leaves ; a bird like
a puff of sapphire dust flew from the sunUght through the
gloom of the branches, and over the battle that now ensued
swung a sagging loop of liana, coloured like an old rope
except at one point where from it blazed an orchid.
The centipede attacked. Making use of the inequalities
of the bark, it covered the distance between itself and the
enemy in three movements, and with such cunning that the
scorpion, who had perceived its antagonist from the first,
seemed undecided and not to know from what point the
attack was coming. There is nothing on earth more skilled
in the art of taking cover than the centipede, more astute,
more furtive.
Then in a flash, the battle was joined and the centipede
was running over the back of the scorpion like a narrow ash-
grey river. The claws of the scorpion sought for it and the
pincered tail was flung back to seize it, but the river changing
and shifting eluded all these attempts ; it seemed as though
the centipede possessed an eye to match every foot. In the
fury of the fight the combatants tumbled off the log and,
tangled togetfier, the battle went on amidst the leaves on
the groimd with a fury that made Houghton almost feel
ill.
Chaya, taking the piece of stick from Houghton, pushed
the leaves aside and disclosed the end of the fight. The
scorpion was tearing the centipede to pieces with its lobster
claws, but its victory brought its death. It had been mortally
stung, the claws flung themselves up once or twice, the tail
curved backwards for the last time, fell, and even as it fell
the body of the thing was covered by rushing ants.
A great butterfly, sea-coloured and luminous, flitted
across the log, and Houghton turned his eyes to Chaya. She
was half laughing, the pupils of her dark eyes were dilated as
if with the excitement of the battle they had just witnessed.
She seemed the incarnation of the spirit of this land, where
the flowers burgeoned in a night, where Love and Hate grew
swift as the convolvulus that grows even as oi e watches it,
wheie Beauty and Terror walk hand in hand with Destruc-
tion.
" Dead," said Chaya.
" You saved me," said Houghton.
He took both her hands in his. She had been in his
thoughts ever since their eyes had met on the day before
and she knew it.
Houghton stood out from his companions, not only on
account of his good looks. He possessed a refinement they
lacked. He was the only man of his type who, perhaps, had
ever trod that soil.
She laughed as he held her hands, laughed, looking i ight
into his eyes, so that a fierce flame seemed to strike through
him, filling him w'th the intoxication of light and fire, the
intoxication that one may fancy to seize the moth before it
dashes into the lamp.
Then he released her hands and the spell was taken off
him, but none the less his fate was sealed. She sat down on
th2 log and he sat beside her.
' You come from far away ? " said Chaya, in that
English which the traders had taught her and which she
spoke in a curious singing way, with a rising inflection that
was the last charm of language.
" Yes, very far," he replied ; '' all the way from Eng-
land."
" All the way from England," said she, repeating the
words as though they did not interest her much, or as though
they had little meaning tor her.
" Yes — and I know who you are. You are Chaya. '
" How know you thai ? "
" Wiart, the white man, told me."
'' Ugh ! " said Chaya.
Criticism could go no further in conciseness, and Houghton
looking sideways at his delicious companion, saw that her
head was tilted slightly back, and it came into his mind for
the first time that the old expression, " turning up one's
nose " does not refer to the nose at all, but to the position
of the head. And whet a lovely head it was that taught
him the fact, cut surely and sharply as the head upon a cameo,
with night-black hair drawn backwards and fixed in a single
knot, without any adornment but its own beauty.
The arm close to him was bare, and the loosely worn
robe exposed just a glimpse of her side and the fact that she
wore the brass corsets used by the Dyak women of some
tribes ; the hand that still held the stick shewed no sign of
hard work, small, yet capable-looking, supple and subtle,
with the finger-nails polished like agate, it fascinated Hough-
ton. He longed to cla.sp it and hold it.
Chaya's colour was a new form of beauty in itself, derived
from the fact that it was the blended colour-beaut\' of two
races, the European and the Dyak ; but her eyes shewed
nothing of Europe in their depths, they were the eyes of the
Saribas woman and filled with the mystery of the forests and
the sea.
" You do not like Wiart ? "
Chaya, instead of replying, sought amidst the leaves with
the point of the stick, discovered what was left of the centi-
pede and held it up on the stick end.
It looked like a string made of faded green paper.
Siie laughed as she held it up in answer to his question.
'■ It's about as ugly as him " said Houghton. " Chaya,
where do you live ? I know it's somewhere close here ; but
where ? "
Chaya waved her arm all round, as if to indicate that she
inhabited the whole forest, a delicate and humorous evasion
of the question that seemed to hint, "We are getting on very
well, but not quite so fast as all that."
Houghton smiled and bit his lip. He wanted nothing
more but just to sit here beside her. Never in his life agam
would he feel just the same thrill and intoxication as he
experienced now, in the first moments of his new existence,
sitting by this half-mute, half-laughing companion. ■
She had dropped the remnants of the centipede and she
was swinging the stick now, leaning forward as she sat with
her elbows on her knees and the stick between her fingers.
She seemed musing on something.
As she sat like this, two butterflies, desj-erately in love
with one another, passed flitting one above the other. She
followed them with her eyes, and as she turned her head to
watch them vanish in the gloom of the trees, her eyes met
his and the call in them went straight to his soul. Maddened,
scarcely knowing what he was doing, he stretched out his arms
to seize her, but she evaded him like a ghost. Then she was
gone.
He stood looking at the swaying leaves where she had
vanished, swallowed up by the same gloom that had taken the
butterflies, then his eyes fell to the ground where the stick
she had held was lying, and the remnants of the scorpion and
the centipede, whose battle to the death was to form the first
chapter in one of the strangest love stories of the tropics.
(To be coni^nued.^
Hedgehog straw in spite of its unduly ugly name pro-
mises to be well liked this year. It is, as can easily be im-
agined, a particularly rough straw, and a hat made of it wants
but little additional trimming, a band and tie of narrow
ribbon being sufficient. Some of the hats are rather attrac-
tively trimmed with large flower motifs in a straw of contrast-
ing colour, and are a boon in our uncertain climate. No
matter how much it may rain they come through triumphant,
for the colours are fast, and will not run.
Malted nuts is amongst the excellent preparations by the Inter-
national Health Association Limited, Watford. It is recommended
on medical grounds for very many reasons, especially to those who are
too thin, suffer from neurasthenia and find difficulty in digesting
starchy food or cow's milk There are no chemical properties in
Malted Nuts. It is a simple preparation of national products, pre-
digested, and very carefully prepared for quick and perfect assimilation.
There is not the least difficulty in preparing it, for all that is necessary
is to make a paste-like mixture with the help of milk and water, adc^ing
more of either of the latter till the right consistency is obtained. As
a hot drink it is excellent before going to bed and as a nerve buildin;,
food undoubtedly valuable.
11
iviarcn 30, lyni
fc_;i.ipL'i'^ii»v--ii.v
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2 tins Herrings
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Trade M»tfc.
Duniop : Here is an illustration, General, of my point about
steel non-skids for ambulances and staff cars. How
would rubber barbed wire work ?
The General : Wouldn't hold anything !
Duniop: Exactly; and a cover with rubber barbs, so to
speak, won't hold your car on grease. Rubber doesn't
bite through to solid ground ; steel does. On the other
hand, rubber will hold on a surface where steel would slip.
The General : So you recommend ?
Duniop: Steel-studded covers on the near-back and off-
front wheels and grooved rubber covers on the other
two. It is the best all-round arrangement for varying
road surfaces and weather conditions.
THE DUNLOP RUBBER CO., LTD.,
FOUNDERS OF THE PNEUMATIC TYRE INDUSTRY.
Aston Cross, Birmingham. 14 Regent Street, London, S.W. PARIS: 4 Rue du Colonel Moll.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVI No. 2812.
THTTRCiDAV MARPTT -in rnjft tpublished ash pr i c e sixpencf.
inuiXouA 1 , ivi/\rn^n ju, lyio La newspaperJ published weekly
r^n'J/t^-'
By L(juh liuiinaekert
nntwti exclu^irel'j 'or "I'tti'I and irr*-:/
Seems to be neutral ; send him dow-n.
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LAND & WATER
KMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C.
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, MARCH 30th, 1916
CONTENTS
PAGE
I
2
3
4
8
10
Sinking a Neutral. By Louis Raemaekers
The Road to Ypres. By G. Spencer Pryse
The Neutral Choice. (Leading Article)
The Russian Movements. By Ililaire Belloc
Germany runs Amok. By Arthur Pollen
Need for a Balkan Policy. By Alfred Stead
A Famous Showman. By Desmond MacCarthy 11
Aircraft Policy. By F. W. Lanchester 13
Sortes Shakespeariana?. By Sir Sidney Lee 17
Towards a Better Banking System. By Arthur Kitson 17
Chaya. By H. de Vere Stacpoole 19
Town and Country 24
The West l<:nd 26
Choosing Kit xvii
THE NEUTRAL CHOICE
AT the beginning of the war a distinguished foreign
diplomatist expressed the opinion that before it was
over every great civilised Power would have been
drawn into the struggle. We do not know the grounds upon
which he based his prophecy, but the inauguration of the
new campaign of German submarine frightfulness brings
its realisation within the region of practical poHtics. For if
the Tubantia and the Palembang, the Englishman and the
Sussex, not to mention other vessels, have been sunk
by German agency, and still more if the German Govern-
ment pursues to its logical end the policy which it has
thus begun, neutrals can hardly fail, sooner or later, to
abandon neutrality in self-defence alone. Directly the neutrals,
however, begin to consider the abandonment of neutrality,
they are driven to make up their minds as to the side which
they are going to join, and the question of the defence of
their own interests as neutrals becomes swallowed up in the
larger question about which the war itself is being fought,
and it is, of course, by no means certain that neutrals, if
forced to take sides, will fight against the Power, or com-
bination of Powers, which has trespassed upon their rights.
In view, therefore, of the events of the last fortnight the
general trend of opinion in neutral countries as to the main
issues at stake in the war itself becomes of prime importance,
for it will be their judgment about the war itself which
will determine the side they will join, once neutrality is
abandoned. From this point of view an article which appeared
recently in the New Republic, a well-known New York weekly,
is of much significance. The Nezv Republic sees that far more
is involved in the submarine controversy' than the rights of
American citizens. " If," it says, " the submarine survives
as a commerce destroyer it will do so at the expense of the
existing structure of marine law. If on the contrary, the
existing structure of marine law is to survive, and to be
enlarged, the practice of commerce destroying by submarines
will have to be ruled out." " Freedom of the seas, like civil
freedom on land, must eventually rest upon the orderly
exercise of authoritative power and control." And that, it
says, will be impossible if the submarine is recognised as a
commerce destroyer. Owing to the peculiar combination of
invisibility, vulnerability and offensive power, possessed by
the submarine, " the seas, if submarines were recognised as
commerce destroyers at all, would be violated by a barbarous
guerilla warfare, which would break down the distinction
between trading and war vessels, and would endanger the
lives and boats of neutrals on the high seas, and which would
make it almost impossible for neutrals not to become in-
volved in the quarrel. The exis.ting marine law, which until
recently has made travel on the ocean comparatively safe for
non-combatants of all nations, would be superseded by a
kind of anarchy that, in case many submarines could be kept
actively afloat, would become intolerable." The only
way out, in the eyes of the Nezo Republic, is for the civilised
world to treat submarines as they have treated privateers, and
outlaw them as commerce destroyers.
The general trend of this opinion is reinforced by American
comment on the sinking of the Sussex. The essence of the
position was stated by the World as follows : " The question
to be considered very seriously by this country and by all
other neutrals having self-respect, is whether anything is to
be gained by maintaining any longer the ghastly pretence of
friendly diplomatic correspondence with a Power notor-
iously lacking in truth and honour." Neutrals,, in fact, are
beginning to realise what the Allies have long known, that
the war is really being fought against a clique which, hiving
rivetted its despotism on the German and Austro-Hun-
garian peoples, is now, by the law of its own autocratic being,
attempting to extend its paralysing sway over all F>astcrn
Europe as well. In its passion for dominion it has shown itself
willing to cast not only its own word, but the most elementary
rights of humanity, to the winds. It has proved to demon-
stration that it will stop at no atrocity, that it will hesitate to
employ no invention of science, however devilish in the
misery it inflicts, if it can thereby subserve its military ends.
The significance of these opinions lies in the fact tint
they know that American opinion is hardening, not only
towards a truer perception of the issues of the war itself, but
toward the only conclusion which it is possible to draw from
the facts revealed in this war. If a great and powerful nation
sets out to attain its own selfish ends, regardless of inter-
national law, and regardless of the rights and liberties of
other nations, the only answer is for the civilised world to
band itself together in active defence of the principles upon
which civilisation itself depends. The war has sufficiently
proved the futility of treaty declarations and paper inter-
national law. Treaty rights and international law are worth-
less without the armed strength of civilisation behind them.
It was a general perception of this truth which took the five
nations of the British Empire into the war. It was the violation
of the neutrality of Belgium, which finally convinced them
that Germany was playing the part of an outlaw among
nations, and that if liberty, and even civilisation itself, were
to last, the sanctity of public right must be vindicated at any
cost. If Germany is now proceeding to act even more ob-
viously than in the past as the outlaw of the seas, she is only
pursuing her own doctrines to their logical conclusion witii
the inevitable result that the eyes of neutrals also will be
opened to the same conclusion.
This war is not a dog fight between a number of jealous
rivals. It is a war of principles, a renewal of the time honoured
struggle between tyranny and liberty, might and right.
Ivvery day that passes convinces the Allies of the truth of
this fact. At the outset they were united mainly by a common
fear of a common enemy. The meeting of the Concert of the
Allies this week in Paris proves that they are now united by
the same spirit that animated the Quadruple Alliance against
Napoleon a century ago— they attend it as crusader nations
fighting to destroy the poison of Prussianism, and to rebuild
the world on the foundation of liberty and law. It is not
inappropriate that this should be the moment chosen by the
inheritors of the Napoleonic tradition to drive the neutrals
to consider whether they also should not participate in the
great work of permanently establishing the principles of
international justice and liberty as the foundation on which
the civiUsation of the world shall rest.
L A N D
w .\ r E R
March 30, icjiG
THE RUSSIAN MOVEMENTS
By Hilaire Belloc
THOUGH the Russian movements of the last fort-
night have nothing decisive about them whatso-
ever and can hardly be even preparatory to any
delinite plan at so early a date as this, we shall
better understand the main effort later on if we appreci-
ate the situation North of Vilna as it stands now before
the thaw.
The great line from the Baltic to the Roumanian
frontier consists of three separate sections.
In the centre are the marshes of Pinsk in which no
decisive movement can e\er take place. The enemy
there holds a small number of more or less isolated
positions which depend foi" their security upon the nature
of the ground. One would almost tall these jxjsitions
an archipelago, were it not that the wliole region is cut
by a certain number of embankments, by a few causeways
.and railway lines, and further traversed by ways which
the inhabitants know and can use, and which are pieced
together deviously along the harder stretches of ground.
Our Allies hold, opposite to and watching these enemy
positions, similarly discontinuous posts. The main supply
of either of the two comparatively small commands
watching each other from north to south of this detestable
triangle is the railway which runs from cast to west
through ' the very centre of the marshes from Kobrin
and serves the town of Pinsk. The marshes arc, I believe,
never so frozen as to allow for the unimpeded movement
of armies ; they certainly have not been so in the course
of this campaign.
This area may therefore be regarded as a breach in
the general continuity of the lines, such as does not exist
upon any other front. It compels both parties to treat
what is north and what is south of the marshes separateh',
and it therefore condemns each to some considerable
anxiety whenever its opponent takes the offensive. If,
for instance, movements that look like a big 'Austro-
' German offensive in the south develop, the ; Russians
, cannot rapidly reinforce there from comparatively short
distances. The rearrangement of forces does not proceed
as it does in the west along a continuous line, but involves
the bringing of large bodies over very great distances
indeed. There are really two separate theatres of war
on tlie eastern front, separated by the marshes and
. supporting each other only in the most distant, difficult
and belated fashion.
When we contrast the ways in which this disadvan-
tage weighs upon the enemy and upon our Ally, we dis-
' cover the following points :
First, the Austro-Germans can more easily and
(|uickly move troops from the one field to the other
because, although they do not hold any good lateral
railway they ha^■e behind theni a much more comjilete
system than have the Russians. In other words, they
have to bring their men round in a big bend, but along
. that bend they have plenty of rolling stock and se\eral
double line railways Tiie Russians have no latera'Mne
tliither. If either side held completely the Riga,
Dvinsk, \'ilna. Lida, Luminetz, Rovko railway, that
• side would ha\e an enormous advantage. It was for
such an advantage that the Austro-Ciermans fought so .
hard last September ; but neither side remained in such
a position. Each cuts across that railway and holds only
a part of it. and the Russians have no great lateral line
for more than a hundred miles behind.
On the other hand, the Russian organisation has,
upon tliat very account, been arranged in perfectly
separate groups. The Northern armies have their own
bases and even their own factories sepai^ate from tin-
Southern, and so far as the mere reinforcement in men is
concerned, a suHicient delay permits of drafts from the
interior which can be directed either to the north t)r to the
south. Rapid redisposition of troops is impossible to the
Russians, but then so is a rapid surprise movement of the
encmv against them in such country.
1 The second thing we have to note about the Eastern
front is that as it is divided into three sections geo-
graphically so it is divided into three distinct seasons for
operations. You have the winter, in which decisive work
can hardly be atteni])ted, but in which it is possible to
move considerable bodies of men. \\'e must not conceive
of this season as one long unbroken period of hard frost.
If it were so, movement would be easier. There are con-
stant intervals of partial thaw.
Tnen comes a second season, brief, but of a sort quite
imknown in the West of luuope, which is the spring thaw.
It is hardly an exaggeration to say that during this brief
season armies cannot move at all. Trenches are flooded,
the low levels turned to morass or shallow sheets of watir,
and the roads are merely deep masses of mud. It will be
remembered how, about this time last year, the operations
upon the Narew came to an end abruptly and remained
suspended until early summer. Tile cause of this was
the thaw.
The thaw once over you get a season of at least six
months in which operations upon a large scale arc possible.
It was the period of the great Austro-Gcrman offensive
last year.
To this note on climate we nmst add the obvious
fact that the southern of the three sections is open
March 30, 19 16
L A N D 3c W A T E R
for operations earlier than the r.ortlieni althouRli, the
climate beiiiR more wliat is called " Continental," the
depth of winter is sometimes more severe in the south
than in the north.
All this reasoning upon existing raihvays and the
nature of the soil and the roads (it is the absence of stone
which makes the country what it is) is modihcd in some
degree by the power of the modern industrial civilisations,
of which the Austro-Germans form a part, to supplement
their commimications with rapidly built railways and to
trace new roads which they can, within the delay of so
many months, harden. They are in a better posture to
improve their front in this fashion than are the Russians
with their much smaller industrial opportunities and their
absence of material behind the lines. But wc must not
exaggerate this advantage, ajiprcciable though it is.
The Field Raihvays which the Germans have laid down
are not permanent ways. .\nd the providing of metal-
ling and ballast road-bed for any large system of new
roads and railways would be quite beyond the capacity
of the enemy, especially during the winter season
which is all he has had at his disposal. He will here
and there have hardened a few new tracks and no
doubt improved the main causeways. But he is still
in the main dependent upon the system which he found
when he entered the country, and this is the more ob-
viously true from the fact that the whole district is a
tangle of marsh, lake and forest. A generation of ex-
tensive exploitation with a commercial civilisation behind
it under the best conditions of peace would make a great
change in the physical conditions of Eastern Poland and
Courland, and the marshes between Poland and Russia.
It would especially improve communications. But a few
months, and those months winter months under con-
ditions of war, will have done very little. We are right,
therefore, in thinking of the whole problem in terms of
main comnumications existing when the war began, and
of conditions of ground and facilities of communication
not very different from these which existed in the summer
of 1015. ■
Judged then by general considerations, let us see
how matters lie in the Northern sector which lias been the
seat of the late movements east of Vilna and south of
Dvinsk.
The reader is familiar with the line upon which the
enemj''s effort of last year was exhausted and balance at
last restored between the invader and the invaded. It
ran along and just missed the river Dvina, leaving a rather
large bridgehead in Russian hands in front of Riga,
easily tenable on account of the marshes there. The line
of the river itself is everywhere in Russian hands. It
covers Dvinsk or Dimaberg, after which the upper parts
of the stream come from the east and no longer concern
the trench line.
It then, in the midst of a perfect maze of lakes, small
and great, threads its way down to the Vilna-Dvinsk
Tyfi^S' i^
T. AN I) cS: W AT IC II
March ]o.
iqiC)
Kailway, wliicli it nits south of Lako Drisviaty. From
t liat point to Vilna the railway is in (ierman hands.
Now the reader will here particularly note the
junction which lies immediately west of the town of
Sventsiany. The importance of that place and the effect
of its reoccnpation after the thaw by our Ally is clear
from the map alone. From tiu' junction west of Sventsiany
a railway line leads to the Haltic at Libau and nourishes
all the action undertaken by the Germans between the
Vilna-Dvinsk main line and the Vilna-Minsk main line.
Tiiat iwass of munitionmont without whicii an artillery
attack a.tjainst '.nodern defences cannot be undertaken
depends upon the possession of Sventsiany. ^lunition-
ment can also come round from the Baltic to \'ilna and
\'ilna is the great depot from the whole district. But if
the junction near Sventsiany was lost to the enemy, even
thoufjh at the moment, the Russian advance should
there form a sharp salient, the whole German line would
have to fall back. It would be impossibh- to supply the
districts east of the Vilna-])\insk railway and north of
the \'iina-Minsk railway. Tliis is particularly true from
the lack of roads in the Lake region. From Vilna within
a radius of about forty miles there radiate out a con-
siderable number of country roads, but on striking the
lake region these come to an end for the most part.
Tiic junction near Sventsiany, therefore, will cer-
tainly be the objective of our Ally when the line weather
comi's. Tiie present movements are only designed to
make possible such an advance, or the threat of it, many
weeks hence. They are strokes delivered by either side
(the first infantry attacks a whole fortnight ago were
German not Russian in origin) to improve their positions,
to get hold of the drier ground, etc., before the thaw.
But what each party ultimatelj' has in mind is the junction
near Sventsiany.
Next, let it be appreciated that the Russian object
here, no matter what the vigour of their offensive in the
future in the region round Widzy, up northward to
lake Drisviaty, and down southward to Lake Narotch
(about 70 miles astraddle of the railway, and all pointing
at Sventsiany) is strategically a defensive object. Tiiey are
warding against and will be trying to forestall a German
offensive in the Northern sector. They are not — they
cannot be — planning a main offensive of their own in
that region.
Indeed, the strategical elements in the larger sense of
that phrase upon the Eastern fiont are simple and clear.
The field for a Russian offensive is the southern field.
Tiie field for an enemy offensive is the northern field.
Why is this ? Because the enemy has better com-
munications behind him for early work, while the Russians
must take advantage of the fact that their imperfect
roads will be useable in the south before they are useable in
the north. Because politically a real Russian advance
in the south will be of immediate effect upon the Rou-
manian situation while a similar advance in the north
would not be. Because in the south the forces opposed to
Russia are mainly Austro-Hungarian and, as we know,
even more exhausted than the (ierman, and bocanse as
the now crying depletion of their effectives makes it more
and more necessary for the Austro-Germans to attempt
an early decision, the northern field lends itself to their
]K>wer of moving troops and of accumulating munitions
more than does the southern.
What we are watching, then, for the moment, is no
more than slight movements for better positions in the
north which, as they are obtained, will be intended upon
the Russian side for defence, upon the German for offence ;
while it is probable that this offensive will be delivered
before the corresponding and counterh;) lancing Russian
offensive in the south develops.
The Other Fields
In the other fields of the- ;rcat war there is \ery little
to chronicle or to analyse between last week and this.
On Monday last the German salient at St. Eloi just in the
corner south of the big British salient round Ypres was
fiattened out and carried. The operation was per-
formed by the mining of certain points upon a length of
()oo yards of (ierman trench, the mines being exploded
early upon the Monday morning, whereupon an infantry
attack was delivered by the Northumberland l-"usiliers
and the Royal Fusiliers, capturing the first and the second
line trenches and taking prisoners two officers and 168 men.
The situation upon the Tigris is stationary. The
elements of any judgment upon this situation are either
well known or necessarily withheld. There is no margin
for conjecture. What is left of a division is, and has been
for these months jiast, contained by the equivalent
of at least four Turkish divisions. The relieving force
advancing up the river to disengage its colleagues has
not been of sufficient strength cither to force or to turn
the Turkish line down the river below Kut-el-Amara
which lies astraddle of the river and, on account of the
presence of marsh upon the north, is vulnerable chietiv
upon the south. The capital element in the situation, of
course, is the remaining supjily of the British force con-
tained by the enemy, and that is a matter whi( h, ecpially
obviously, is not for public discussion. What must be
clearly appreciated, however, by opinion in this country is
that the small Russian force operating upon and descend-
ing the only road from the Persian plateau to the Mesopo-
tamian Plain is neither in size nor in proximity an appre-
ciable factor in the problem. Still less will it be affected
by the much larger Russian movements in the Armenian
mountains — at any rate within any useful time. It is j^ro-
bable that the Russians will ultimately descend upon the
Plains, or at least that their extreme left will threaten
and interrupt the railway at Ras-l^i-.Ain. But such
action, whicli would have had a very great effect during
the concentration of the little Turkish army in Mesopo-
tamia and the accumulation of its munitions, would not
have that effect to-day. It would threaten and perhap;;
ultin a'cly cause the destruction of any force bevf)nd
Mosul, but only at long date.
Meanwhile the Russian advance continues not
pressed, but e\idently clearing the country melhodicallv
as it goes and ijuite possibly compelled to improxc the
tracks, especially in the south for the passage of wheeled
vehicles and guns. It has not yet reached what ma\' be
called the second stage for the main advance of whicli
Erzeroum formed the first stage. Its second stage will be
marked by the line Trebizond luzinguain Kliarput or
Diarbekjr, and until at least that stage is reached no
appreciable effect upon the situation in Mesopotamia
has even begun to develop from the north. It is cleaiiv
meeting with strong resistance in front of Trebizond
and has its main concentration near the Black Sea and
not in the south.
The Situation at Verdun
Before Verdun the week has shown no movement
at all. We only know that the enemy has been able to
keep on right uj) to this, the 37th day of the main attack,
or the 39th, counting from the first opening of the bombard-
ment, a well-maintained bombardment upon the last of
the -sections which he has chosen to threaten, that on the
extreme west. He is directing his fire against all the
eastern slopes of Hill 304 and behind it against the
western end of the Charny Ridge, which is covered by
the wood of Bourrus. It is to be presumed that he in-
tends later a strong infantry attack against the same
western sector ; if not, he has thrown away the effect of
his bombardment. This week he has only made one
infantry movi^ment, an attempt on Tuesday to debouch
from tiie woods. It was easilj' thrust back and cannot
have been in great force. But a main infantry attack
must come unless he is prepared to waste entirely all this
artillery preparation. When he will stop and confess
failure, only the future can show. He cannot have had
less than a quarter of a million men so far hit and caught,
excluding all other casualties incidental to such an effort,
to such weather and to such ground. It may be that he
desires to add to this list. We cannot tell. It is with
him at this moment quite as much a political as a military
problem. There will be one clear indication of the
moment in which he admits defeat before Verdun, and
that will be the publication from Berlin of an inmiense
list of booty, prisoners and guns. When that is issued
we shall know that the battle of Verdun is over and that
the French have won it.
The Rumours of a Raid
There have been for now several days rumours
gathering in volume and somewhat supported by official
warnings that the enemy was preparing or jiretending to
prepare, a raid upon the Eastern coast. Wliat trutii
there may be in such rumours, a private student of the
March 30, 1916
LAND & W A T E R
war has no means whatsoever of determining. But it is
possible to lay down certain principles with regard to
such an adventure upon the enemy's part. They may
be of only academic interest. If the thing is not at-
tempted their discussion will be worthless. If it is they
will be still more completely forgotten.
(i) The enemy will not attempt, and cannot attempt,
a campaign in force. He has not the men for it, ancl
even if he had the men, nothing done here would save
liim. His life hangs upon the western front between
Belfort and the North Sea.
(2) Therefore the object of such an adventure is
strictly political.
That word is ridiculed by those who do not under-
stand the part which intelligence plays in human affairs.
Their attitude towards military study is the attitude of
Sancho Panza's wife towards the study of literature.
" She would not be pestered with all those meaningless
little black dots."
Those who take reasoning a little more seriously
know well what the distinction is between an operation
])urely military and an operation mainly political. The
former is only concerned and directly concerned with the
destruction of the enemy's main force. The latter is
mainlN' coticerned (though it is of course military in
general character and local effect) with the affecting of
opinion, and with the disturbance of enemy government ;
or with the acquiring of Allies, or with the prevention of
neutrals joining the enemy, etc., etc.
Now a raid upon the shores of this country under-
taken as it would necessarily be by only a small body of
men,' and undertaken with the full knowledge of its
authors that no far reaching military results could
possibly follow upon it diratly, would be almost entirely
aimed at the creation' of political chaos here, and hence
at an indirect and ultimate effect on the campaign. It
will be nothing more than the air raids upon a larger
scale. It would necessarily be ephemeral. It would
almost certainly be accompanied by the vilest of those
\ile practices by which the enemy has earned immor-
tality. Its whole motive and direction would be terror.
When it was over the remaining object of the enemy
would be to leave the threat of its recurrence —but
nothing more.
( ;) The very fact of such an effort would prove even
more conclusively than the piece of suicide under Verdun
the straits to which the enemy is now reduced.
The Last Card
It was said in these columns months ago, and it may
nsefuUy be repeated now, that the enemy's using his fleet
and the enemy's attempting a raid would essentially be a
mark that in his own opinion he had come to the end of
his tetlier. The thing is or should be self-e\'ident. It is
n(jt the strongest, but it is the last card of the hand he held
when he declared war upon the older ci\-ilization from
which he has drawn his \'ery incomplete measure of
instruction.
He hopes, when or if he plays that card, to add
suddenly to his failing margin of 'strength by reducing
our weight in the balance against him. He can only do
this if his action obscures the form of government to be
incapable of ordering a nation as a whole and. in par-
ticular, incapable of controlling a few imscrupulous
newspapers. For we may be perfectly certain that the
handful of wealthy men who raised a panic about nothing
last autunui will do all they can to raise one ten times
worse if there is a raid.
Meanwhile, the three points remain. The principal
men in authority know them as all educated men do,
and can, if they choose act upon them, (i) The raid
could only come in numbers small, relatively, to the
whole campaign ; (2) Its whole object would be panic ;
(j) It would bi; proof positive of the enemy's extremity.
If these three points are made clear by official
IMonounccment, the mad adventure, should it be
attempted, will fail of all effect. In proportion, as we
fail to bear them in mind, in proportion that is as we
allow exaggeration or panic or lack of perspective in the
matter to affect us, in that proportion we shall bring
the Germans nearer to victory.
An Official Pronouncement upon the Fall
of the Enemy's Credit
Lacking in matter for analysis as this week has
been, it is impossible to conclude these notes without
mentioning the appearance a day or two ago of one of
those very rare official pronouncements which illuminate
and conftrni public opinion.
The readers of this journal know how often the value
of such government action has been pointed out in L.and
.^ND Wateu and how we have pleaded for a succession of
official pronouncements at regular intervals. They would
have made all the difference a few months ago when the
wildest panic was being deliberately spread by a treason-
able section of the Press, and they are almost as necessary
to-day. But we have at least had this week one example
which has been of real importance. It has taken the
form of an authoritative, lucid and highly-informing
criticism of the value, sin'ctlv military, to the Allies of the
fall of the German mark and of the Austrian crown.
These two units of exchange have fallen, the one by well
over thirty per cent.,. the otlier by about twenty-hve
in the neutral markets of the world. There have been
plenty of fools to tell us that this meant the collapse of the
enemy from lack of " money." As thougli a nation would
stop lighting because it was hampered for the medium of
exchange while it still had food, metal and chemicals and
men ! No, the fall of the mark and of the crown has only
one military significance, but that is a very fundamental
one indeed. It signifies that the man power of the enemy
is failin;^ him in industry as it is in his effectives.
A nation at war is always met by a compromise
between these two factors. You cannot " run the
nation " with too few men, and there comes a point when
you must either starve your effectives or your factories.
As to the enemy's effectives we know very well in
what state thev are. Germany has put 1916 into the
held and has begun to put the first elements of iQij.
Austria-Hungary has put 1917 partly into the field and
has actually warned 1918.
But the converse effect, the depletion of men for
production, is equally important. And the fall of the
exchange is the proof of this.
Germany is not now importing as is France, for
instance, great masses of food, munitions, and necessaries
of war. She is importing comparatively little. That im-
port, however, she mu^t pay for by export. No more than
any other belligerent will she let go her stock of gold. In
the case of the Allies it is the industry of Great Britain
mainly, in part that of the remainder of the Alliance, which
]3revents the exchanges, high as they have gone, from
becoming dangerous. Germany and Austria could have
kept their exchanges down had they been able to maintain
an active export to the neutrals from whom alone they
can buy. Little as they have been buying during the last
three months their exchange has none the less fallen
during that same period with jjecnliar rapidity. It is
because they cannot maintain their old rate of produc-
tion, and that is a state of affairs that must necessarily
get worse.
H. Belluc.
Mililarv Land sea f>e Sketching and Target Indication,
by W. G. Nc^vton (Hugh Rees), is a little manual by a member
of the .\rtists' I'Jiflcs.'by means of which practically any niau
of ordinary intelligence can learn in a very short tinis how
to make field sketches with sufficient clearness to convey all
the information that can be transmitted by this method
The instructions given here are concise and completu- ,
Red Screes, by Cecil Headlam (Smith, Elder and Co. 6s).
is written by a man who knows and loves his English lake
scpnery, and perusal of the book is as good as a walk among
the fells of Westmorland, while an epic chapter on Cumbrian
wrestling, and another concerning a fine fox hunt, are too good
to be missed. The actual story concerns the daughter of a
Yankee millionaire, a young doctor, and a scheming lawyer
who wanted the millionaire's daughter for her inoniy — but it
is the minor characters of the book wlio count most. The
old doctor, who gave his guest brandy in which, as an ardent
naturalist, he " had only pickled one bifd," is a character
worth knowing, and the retired naval captain whose wife
7i'oidd wear pyjamas is another interesting creation on the
author's part. The book is breezily written, obviously with
intimate knowledge of the lake scenery among which its prin-
cipal events transpire, and knowledge, too, of the dalesmen
and natives of lakeland-
LAND & WATER
March 30, lyiG
RUNNING AMOK
By Arthur Pollen
The Breakdown of German Diciplinc
WITHIN the last ten clays there has been a dra-
matic and smprising change in Germany's
submarine policy. On the i6th' March von
Tirpitz's resignation on the score of health was
announced, and German papers, no less than the resolutions
proposed in the Reichstag by the Conservatives and the
National Liberals, made it quite clear that the Grand
Admiral had not resigned, but liad been dismissed. In two
numbers of the Zukuuft, published since the resignation,
extracts of wliich are translated in Tuesday's Times,
Herr Maximilian Harden sets out this view of the situa-
tion with admirable clearness. Admiral Tirpitz, he says,
" believes that only submarine war without mercy or
restraint, and without the brake of pulitieal coiisiiienilion,
can compel England to conclude peace within any
measurable period of time. He who is responsible for
the conduct of Imperial affairs (viz. the Chancellor),
demands respect for political consideration, ' In that
case,' the answer is shouted. ' the certainty of (piick
results dwindles,' The decision can only come from tlie
Supreme War Lord, He follows the advice of his Chan-
cellor, and the Admiral departs. There is now a hail-
storm of leading articles, telegrams of homage, and
resolutions. Subscriptions are collected by innkeepers,
tobacconists and waiters. There was not a quarter of
the noise after the dismissal of Bismarck. The Secretary
of State becomes so upset that he has to walk for hours in
the Berlin air to revive himself. The chiefs of the
Admiralty Sta.fi, of the Battle Fleet, and of the Naval
Cabinet remain at their posts, and Admiral von Capelle,
who for years was the most trusted colleague of Tirpitz,
is now Secretary of. State. These four German admirals
have either contributed to the decision or at least tind
it compatible with their duty Ought, then, 68,000,000
(iermans to believe that their heaviest weapon has either
been shattered or curtailed ? "
All this was written by Mr. Harden lor the Zukiinft
of Saturday last. He j)robabIy wrote behjrc hearing
anything either of the sinking of the Dutch Liners or of
subsequent events. He concluded then on the Tlnu'sday
of last week, as I had concluded on the Tuesday, that the
von Tirpitz policy had been abandoned out of respect for
" pohtical considerations," viz., to prevent complications
with neutrals and especially with the United States, for
any such must ultimately be disastrous to Germany.
That is, or was, the correct conclusion borne out by the
facts. The new submarine campaign was due to begin
on March ist, but between March ist and March 2otli
there were but 14 sliips of all nations attacked or sunk
by submarines and mines in home waters, this number
is rather below than above that of previous months.
But the eight days March 20th to March 27th, no less
than 20 ships had been attacked or sunk in home
waters, a higher average than for any month since
February, 1915. In other words, the von Tirpitz
programme was held in abeyance until the 20th of
the month.
It comes then to this. Between the 16th, the day
of von Tirpitz's departure, and the iqth, when the
linal orders for the new campaign must have been given,
something brought about a very startling change. \\'liat
was it ? The answer can only be that even von Hollweg
must have been brought to realise that the internal con-
dition of Germany created by the discontent over the
Verdun losses in the west, and anxiety about the new
Russian offensive in the cast, made it imperative to
pacify the people by the promise of fresh British h(jlo-
causts. It was, of course, extremely signilicant that,
judging in the cool light of reason " He," as Herr Harden
lias it, " who is responsible for the conduct of Imperial
.\lfairs," realised that at the present juncture of the war,
to force a quarrel with America and Holland would be
ruinous. But it is far more signilicant that it is ])opular
clamour and nothing less that makes this respect " to
jwlitical considerations" impossible. For it means that t he
German people ha\c got out of hand. ,"'lhe decision
can only come from the supreme War Lord," sajs Ger-
many's acutest critic. But, as a fact, it has come from
the "hailstorm of leading articles" and the agitation led
by " innkeepers, tobacconists and waiters." My forecast
of last week is wrong, not because I was mistaken in
crediting the German Government with a foreseeing
regard for the country's interest, but because I was wrong
in supposing that it still had the power to follow any
policy of its own.
The Neutrals and the New Campaign
Of the new campaign itself there is not very much
to be said. It is indeed being made " without mercy or
restraint and without the brake of political considera-
tions," Norway, which has lost nearly 100 ships through
German mines and torpedoes, and has been compensated
for only four, is exceedingly near an open revolt against
present conditions. The Dutch Government, whose
situation is extraordinarily difficult, is arranging to con-
voy all national ships plying down Channel and has
suggested to shipowners that the northabout route is
probably safer. By a miracle of good luck none of the
Americans in the Sussex were killed, though some have
been cruelly injured. And the fate of the .Americans in
the liner Eiis^lislimaii does not yet seem certain. But it
is clear from American advices that the United States
Government has become reconciled to its intervention in
the war being now ine\-itablc. To disregard an American
warning is a thing Germany has done so often without
])enalty, that she might ha\-e done it again and relied
upon continued impunity. But the pledge which Count
Bernstorff gave in September — that no unresisting pas-
senger ship should be sunk without visit and search, and
proper provision of safety for those on board — was an
undertaking volunteered by Germany herself. Since
September (jcrmany has, it is true, raised the point of
mercliantmen being armed and seems to ha\-e included
the united with the resisting ships. But no cross-Channel
steamer has ever been armed, and it is doubtful if one
has ever crossed without a considerable contingent of
Americans on board. The case of the Sussex then is
crucial. It is not only a challenge to America, in that it
ignored the American threat, as in the case of the Arabic,
Ancona and Persia incidents ; it is doubly a challenge
because it was a breach of a definite German promise
made, be it remembered, to prevent the summary
dismissal of Bernstorff. It is clear from Mr. Wilson's
speeches that he must regard submission to such treat-
ment as inconsistent with the honour of the country.
The immediate result tlien of this week's work is to
exasperate Norway and Holland into almost open enmity
and to leave the United States with no choice but to
break off relations with Germany. To do otherwise is
for America to abandon any claim to moral weight- in
the councils of Christendom. The character and high
culture of her citizens, her enormous wealth, her stupen-
dous productive capacity, the invaluable services which
as a commercial and manufacturing community she now
renders to the neutral world, these things— whatever the
action of the .\merican Goxernment may be — will remain
and will si'cure that nieasme of admiration, affection and
respect wiiit h such cpialities, powers and possessions must
always command. But to carry moral weight amongst
other nations, a nation must sIkjw itself possessed of
self-respect as a nation. And self respect as we and
Belgium, Serbia and France have painfully learned,
stipulates being ready and capable of taking national
action at the cost of national sacritice. There is no
doubt that .America, after a long and hmniliating
schooling, has now learnt this lesson too.
The Protection of Shipping
Unfortunately even if all the neutrals victimised by
the new campaigij became belligerents, it would go luit
a little way towards thwarting ihe new campaign's
object. I'or this, as has so often been set out in thc^e
columns,- is not mereW to siaii iiritiJa shipping, but to
March 30, 1916
LAND & W A T E R
paralyse the sea service of the Allies by destroying all
shipping.
It is a case of Germany contra muiuium, and if
British, Allied, and neutral shipping is to be saved, its
protection can come from one (juarter only, namely, the
eliorts that the British Admiralty is able to put fortli.
Should the United States be forced into war, the question
of shipping, viewed not as a national but as a world
problem, will be to some extent solved, by putting into
service the German ships now interned in the United
States harbours. Between 490,000 and 500,000 tons of
shipping would ease the position materially. But it
would not save it, if losses were to continue for any length
(jf time at the I'ate of the past eight days.
There is, howe\'er, no reason for supposing that
this rate can or will be maintained. What apparently
has happened is that a large number of submarines were
dispatched from the German ports on the iqth of the
month. These boats have been upon their stations now
for periods varying from eight to fom- days. To run
them down and destroy them takes time. The situation
is not imlike that of the last weeks of August last year ;
and I shall be disappointed if history does not repeat
itself so that, before April is far advanced, we do not get a
state of affairs comparable to that of last September.
Once more the enemy's submarines are at their maximum
in numbers ; once more these numbers should be effec-
tively reduced. Once more it will take time to replace
them.
So far there is no evidence that the new and larger
submarines of which we heard so much, have taken part
in the campaign. Telegrams from Denmark and Sweden
indicate that such new submarines have been seen. One
is said to have taken the crew of a captured ship on board
and to have kept them there for four days. Whether
these exist in quantities, and if so, whether they can alter
the character of the attack on commerce, so as to make
its protection more difficult, are matters that only ex-
perience can decide. But the Admiralty has had the
necessity for preparing against these new conditions for a
long time under consideration, and it is not doubtful
that c\Tr3' preparation which forethought can suggest
has been made.
The " Alcantara- Greif" Affair
The Admiralty has at last announced the fact that
the raider Greil was stopped bj' the patrol boat
Alcantara, Captain Wardle, on February 20th, and that
in the ensuing engagement the former was sunk by gun-
lire and the latter by torpedo. It is unfortunate that
we are not given a full and authentic account of so in-
teresting an incident. Three or four unofficial stories of
the fight have been published and cacji is inconsistent
with the others. As an instance of the kind of confusion
that arises, take the case of the Grcif colours. When
seen, she was disguised as a Norwegian. Now-a-days
this means something more than flying the Norwegian
ensign. For, as a protection against German U boats
all neutrals carry their colours permanently displayed
upon their sides and they illuminate them by night.
the Moewe, we know, from time to time used to jjaint
out the Swedish colours and substitute Danish, and
generally to ring the changes of apparent nationality.
And as the artists altered the ship's disguise, so no doubt a
new ensign went to the mast head. The use of false
colours has always been regarded as a legitimate ruse
de guerre. But it has been an invariable rule not to light
except under your own flag. "Now if no ship to-day can
pose as a neutral unless the flag is painted on the side,
it is clearly impossible to paint this out .when action com-
pels an acknowledgment of nationality. Tlie Admiralty
account makes a point of the fact tliat the Grcif ioit^ht
with these permanent Norwegian colours upon her sides.
But these would not have deceived Captain Wardle.
Since the Mocwe's escape, the innocence of no neutral
ship attempting to pass the patrols could be assumed.
He would have formed his judgment on the general ap-
ncarance and fittings of the ship and on her conduct.
The real point is, did she as the (ierman Admiralty
says, run up the Germnn flag before she opened lire ? It
is a matter on which the Admiralty account is silent, and
on which the unofticial accounts give us no information.
The incident is a curious comment on the utter insinceritv
of the German protest of a little more than a 3-ear ago
about English shijis flying the American flag.
As to the facts of the action itself the details cannot
be disentangled, but the main incidents seem to have
been as follows. After challenge by the Alcantara, the
Greif hove to, and the Alcantara stopped to lower a boat.
The range was apparently something well under a thous-
and \'ards. The Grcij is described as a ship of between
4,000 and 5.000 tons, standing excejitionally high out of
the water. The Alcantara, we know, was a new lin^r
built for the South American trade, displacing oyer
15,000 tons. The gunners on each side then were faced
with the proverbial task of hitting a haystack at 20 yards.
As soon as the boat was clear, the Alcantara apparently
got under way. upon which the Grcif droppecl her gun
masks, dispatched a torpedo or two and opened fire.
Tiie Alcantara is represented as mamxnivring to avoid the
torpedoes and hitting the Grcif repeatedly until one of
the enemy shots .put her steering gear out of action.
Until then she was apparently hardly hit at all. This
no doubt brought her to, and at a short range, made her
an easy \ictim to the torpedo. At this stage the Andes,
a second auxiliary patrol cruiser came and virtually
completed the work which Alcantara had begun. Before,
however the Greif actually sank, the light cruiser Comits
atti^acted by the firing a])]>eared upon the scene and, at long
range, opened an extremely effective iire on the raider, and
finally blew her up. In the meantime, one or more
destroyers had arrived, and the survivors from the two
foundered ships were picked up. The whole action can
only have lasted a matter of minutes.
The conduct of the Grcif is all of a piece with the
submarine camjmign. I have heard naval ofticers discuss
what they would do in such a situation. Obviously, if
a disguised ship is reckless of consequences, it must have
the patrol ship at its mercy, for the patrol is bound by
custom to stop and send a boat aboard the stranger,
and when she stops, .she is a sitting mark for the enemy's
torpedo. In the earlier ,';tages of the war, such ships were
lost to the enemy's submarines, who followed a genuine
neutral — or one enemy ship disguised as a neutral — and
caught the patrol ship when she hove to. This danger
was got over by removing the patrol line further out.
It is not easy to see how in conditions like those of the
2Qth February, a patrol can make herself any safer than is
a policeman who is sent to arrest an armed desperado. If
all blockading ships were attended by a destroyer, and
could stand off.- leaving the destroyer to go into close
quarters, the latter, which draws too little water to be in
danger from a torpedo, and presents a small mark for
the enemy's guns, and is obviously armed with torpedoes
herself, would run little risk. But then it is quite certain
that there cannot be destroyers enough for work like this.
The Admiralty has no doubt made a thorough
investigation into the circumstances. Indeed, it is to be
hoped that the regular practice of holding a court martial
on the surviving officers and men has been revived, not
of course with the idea that the Captain is necessainlv
or even probably to blame, but so as to arrive at the fullest
and most complete statement of the facts, and to ensure
a competent and impartial professional judgment on
them. The findings of such a court are the best and
indeed the only safe guide to other officers in similar
circumstances.
It v.. interesting to note that the Alcantara is onlv the
second ship to be sunk by a torpedo fired from anything
but a submarine. The first ^^•as the BUlcher, which is
said to have rccei\ed the coup de grace from the Arcthusa.
In both cases the victim was crippled, stationary and at
short range, when the shot was fired. Undoubtedly it
is one of the minor surprises of the war that the torpedo,
except when used by the submarine, has been completely
ineffective. Perhaps if the bombarding ships had been
able to get higher up in the Dardanelles, a different story
would have been told, and a new record for work froiii
shore stations made. But even this would not have
vitiated the general truth that the difiiculty of hitting a
manceuvring ship, except at the shortest possible range,
seems to be almost insuperable.
Air Raids and Naval War
Of the Air Raid on the Island of Sylt we have very
few details. But the loss of three seaplanes and their
10
T. A N D \ W" A T !•: R
Maivli ''o, totG
pilots suggests that these raids are necessarily highly
dangerous to those who carry thcni out unless they can
operate at a much greater height than seaplanes can reach.
Since writing last week a new light has been thrown
on the encounter between the British and German des-
troyers oft Zeebnigge last Monday week. When the
news of this little action was first published, it sounded as
if it were entirelj' unconnected with the great air raid on
that port. It subsequently appeared tliat the (ierman
d«*stroyers had been dri\en out of Zeebrugg(> by the air-
craft rmlv to fall under the lire of "the British boats. Some
three months ago 1 asked the question in these columns
whether it was inconceivable that aircraft could be made
in modern conditions to do what Cochrane's lire ships
achieved in the affair of the Aix Roads. It was an
effect like that actually achieved at Zeebnigge that I had
in mind. And undoubtedly it is one of the j)ossibilities
of the future. 1 say " of the future," because it seems to
be pretty clear that no country has at present an air
service capable of attacking an anchored fleet with
sufficient jirecision and effect to drive them in confusion
out to sea. A.gainst a fleet under way and free to
man(euvre, it looks as if aircraft neither had now, nor
was ever likely to have, any such su|)eriority as to make
them a formidable menace. But if the fleet is at anchor
the case is very different. Aktihk Poi.i.kx.
The Need for a Balkan Policy
By Alfred Stead
Ei
X Oriente lux " ? The history of the war Ikis
so far revealed nothing more striking than tlic
ack of comprehension in this <ountry of the
] * -^ factors in the Near East. Turkey was need-
essly lost, Bulgaria given the chance of following her
inclinations r;ither than ours. Serbia and Montenegro
were destroyed, Albania overrun, and the decisions of
Koumania and (ireece made much more difficult. So
much for the past.
To-day, with a great Allied Conference sitting in Paris,
no question is of more moment than that of a Balkan
Policy. In it lies at once the corner-stone of the future
action of the Allies, and from it depends the more com-
plete action of Italy and the entry,of Roumania. It is not
too much to say that Serbia was sacrificed because of a
lack of a definite policy in the Balkans. Let us therefore
take heed lest Worse befall.
A Tempting Objective
Kven those w ho do not admit that the great stroke of
the war will come in the Balkans and the Hungarian jilains,
must acknowledge that the long-drawn line from Germany
to Constantinople offers a tempting objective. In
Germany so much has been made of Bulgarian accession
that a Bulgarian defeat is equivalent, in moral effect,
to a German one. And it is undoubtedly easier to crush
Bulgaria than to pierce the German front in the West.
The way to the East and to the Indies is always
bound to play a great part in the decision of the war.
As long as Hungary, Serbia, Albania, Bulgaria and
Turkey remain in German hands there can be no real
settlement. It is idle to sa^' that a beaten Germany will
automatically evacuate all these territories — history
shows us that treaties of peace by conference prove often
that possession is nine-tenths of the law. And it is
obvious that we can never accept the principle that
Germany, even a weakened Germany, shall have access
to Turkey and the East. But this is only to be prevented
by building a well foundationed dam across the road,
not by throwing a loose brick into the flood.
Even if the war be not determined in the Balkans,
at any rate it is this part of Europe which might easily
result in discord amongst the Allies in the final settlement.
There is no need that it should, but there is every danger
that it may, unless steps are taken to set our policy on
a firm basis, clearly understood by those immediately
concerned and by our Allies.
There are few fundamental factors which would
have to be reconciled. The principle of nationalities is a
difficult one to carry out in its entirety, since it would
mean leaving the Turks at Constantinople and indeed the
adding of a considerable portion of Thrace and Eastern
Roumelia to Turkey. It is also a jirinciple rather
weakened by the concessions made on the Adriatic coast
to Italy at the expense of the Serbs and Serbo Croats.
But we may take it that in outward form at least, an
attempt will be made to stick to this idea. How essential
it is to these peoples, filled as they are with national
sentiment, may be judged by the resolution hrouglit
forward by Croatian deputies in the Croatian Diet. It ran :
" riu'sontlicm Sla\' question can be settled either upon the
ruhis of tiie idea of a (ireater Serbia and in favour of the
Croatian State Idea, or on the ruins of the idea of a
(ireairr Croatia, if so he that KiiSrsia and her allies s'.iould
win the war. But under no cirrumstances could the
South SIa\- question be settled on the basis of a Greater
Hungary."
Then we have the very definite declaration that
Serbia shall be recreated, greater than before. As the
greater includes the less, this must be taken to mean
that the status quo ante the present war is to be part of
the peace demands of this country There can scarcely
be any idea of (luibbling about tlie Serbia of before the
Balkan wars ; it would .be as reasonable to talk of the
Serbia of the Tzar Dushan. Thus we may assume that
as far as Serbia is concerned our policy is clear. That is
unless we are to regard the words of our responsible
statesman as so much mockery of the misery of sacrificed
nations and the adding of one more geographical expres-
sion to the list of those to be recreated, as a mere dithy-
rambic exercise to tickle the earsof members of Parliament.
If we can bank on Serbia's restoration, a very con-
siderable portion of the Balkan puzzle falls into place.
It is obviously impossible for us to attempt to beguile
Bulgaria back into the fold by offers of Serbian Macedonia.
Nor can Albania be regarded as anything else but a separ-
ate item to be arranged for as may best be considerecl bv
those interested, 'i his is perhaps just as well, because
the Bulgarians have made it quite clear that it is not
for Macedonia that they are fighting and will fight, but,
in order to destroy Serbia anci have a common frontit-r
with Hungary, with direct access to the Middle European
markets for her agricultural products.
To Recreate Serbia
" The war will cease," sayr a prominent Bulgarian
military authority, " only when we convince the frii'nds
of Serbia that their cause has been definitely lost, and
that Serbia, who is responsible for the war is really dead."
We have bound ourselves to recreate Serbia so that it
would seem difficult to treat with Bulgaria, since to carry
out our promise must mean finally denying to Bulgaria
Macedonia and a frontier with Central fuirope.
Nor is the promise to Serbia the only factor bearing
upon the situation. Nobody who has troubled to study
the question can deny that iVec access to the Black Sea is
essential to Russia, "with all her wealth carried down
south to the Black Sea by her magnificently navigable
rivers. The time has gone to discuss whether or not it
shall be done, but we cannot disregard the results of sucii
a decision. Russia at Constantinople is declared in
Bulgaria to be an untenable situation, but Russia must be
adequately assured of free egress from the Black Sea in
one form or another. Thus we ha\-e another portion of
the puzzle elucidated.
Nor must we overlook that the Russians at Con-
stantinople means that we must ensure also the right to
breathe to Roumania, whose only coast is within the
Dardanelles. An open outlet for "Roumania must mean
the cutting up of Bulgaria, a resoh-ing of the nomad
tribes now known as Bulgarians into their natural con-
dition of subordination. Such a fate does not need to
affect any of the Slav races because there are none more
insistent on their Tartar (not Slav) origin than the
Bulgarians to-dav.
We are therefore faced by some very definite factors.
March 30, to 16
L A N 0 & \\ A T R R
It
the principle of nationalities, the restoration of Serbia,
the ensuring to Russia of control over the Dardanelles
and Roumania's right to breathe. All these factors
exist to day and do not in any way depend upon develop-
ments in the Roumanian or Serbian jjuimlations of
Austria-Hungary. We have ample mateiial from which
to construct a clear policy which can then be pushed
forward without fear of hurting the feelings of any of
our Allies. Hut we must have the courage to make up
our mind. In the Balkans we have never yet done so,
and the results are pitiable.
'' (ireat Britain, France and Russia were great in
the eyes of the small states and everybody respected
and feared them. But this greatness was only transitory.
To-day these countries are getting small states into their
power and endeavouring to persuade to carry on tlicir
schemes of conquest with the strength of the small allies."
So speaks a Balkan statesman to-day. It is of small
avail to point to Salonika as an earnest that we are
seriously working nut a ])olicy in the Balkans. TIk^
details of the liolding of Salonika reflect no credit on this
comilry. We had to he driven to that decision — if
we are to hi'liexe well-informed opinion in Paris. And
so the f)nly jiositive action in the Balkans, the occupation
of Salonika of which M. Radoslavoff said recently that
" it represents a serious political dan.ger for the Central
Powers because it could induce Roumania and (ireece to
attack Bulgaria at a very unfavourable moment," is in
no way a sign of a real policy. It is an accidental happen-
ing, however important it may be.
Let us therefore have done with uncertainty and
the making of declarations one day to deny them to-
morrow. A declaration of policy bearing in itself the
evidence of reflection and decision will be worth more than
many divisions in the Near I'-ast." And having decided
let words be translated into deeds. Pious wishes for
Serbian future will sound better if we co-operate ener-
getically in the reorganisation of their army and proclaim
that we are not thinking of giving Macedonia to Bulgaria.
Roumania will believe us better if we declare that she has
a right to breatlu; and that in restoring Serb'> we are
removing a menace of a (ireater Bulgaria. We have
all to gain and nothing to lose by such a policy. We have
so tied our hands that we have no real choice as to the
form of the policy. So let us at least have the credit of
])roclaiming what we have done.
A Balkan statesman recently made a caustic summing
up of our policy in the Near East. " England asked the
neutral states to come in with the Entente without
promising anything. Having failed she began to promise
much. Having failed again she asked the neutral States to
continue their neutrality. She was first ))artitioniiig other
peoples territorits to get intervention in her favour, then,
liaving not attained favourable results she partitions
territories for the continuation of the neutrality. At
iirst she gives little, afterwards mucli. When she fails
with her large requests, she reduce.; them to a minimum.
In ordinary commercial Hfe, such a policy is only that
of a bankrupt. Have we to-day any reason to hope that
things have changed for the better ?
A Famous Showman
By Desmond MacCarthy
THESE days, when people arc more than usually
grateful for a book which will as they say, take
them out of themselves (0, for a Leaf on a witch's
broom stick !j I do not know that I can do better
than draw attention to such a book. It ''has been out some
vcars. It was written by a man, who at the age of eighty-
live was murdered by a half-crazy protege in iqii. His
name not long ago was as well known up and down
lingland as Gladstone's or Jack Johnson's. The book
is called " Seventy Years a Showman" and it is by
(I remove the conventional quotation marks from his
coiutesy title with feelings of profound respect) Lord
George Sanger.
\Vhen we hear ot an odd adventurous career, we
often think to ourselves, " What a book that man might
have written if he had merely put down what he remem-
bered ! " Yet .such people when they do write, write
usually unconvincing, heavy books. It is a melancholy
fact that as a rule, people to whom exciting things
happen, or who do things, cannot describe them ; while
to those who can describe anything, nothing in particular
happens. His lordship is, liowever, an exception. He
writes well. His manner is as honest as Defoe's, and as
engagingly bright and obvious as the decorations of a
wandering showman's van.
Nothing is more satisfactory than to see a thing
grow, even if it is onlv one's own moustache, Few stories
are more entertaining than the adventures of those who
live precariously, dangerously, by pleasing men ; nothing
IS more romantic than the days of our grandfathers,
when our fathers were young. Such satisfaction, en-
tertainment, and romance are to be gathered from the
pages of this autobiography.
His lordship's father was a sailor. Walking one day
over London Bridge the Press Gang (which pace the
recruiting authorities is not yet quite extinct) nabbed
him and hustled him into His Majesty's Service. He
served on board the Victory ; fought at Trafalgar, where
he lost a few fingers, broke ribs, got scalped and saw
Nelson fall ; experiences which subsequently, when, to
supplement a pension of lio a year, he took th(> road,
helped him to excel in jwepshow patter. It was lucky,
too, lie had as a sailor been kind to two pressed Jews,,
who havmg come aboard to amuse the crew," had
strmk the captain as nature's seamen in disguise, and
had therefore been permanently detained ; for these
men had taught him in return manv conjuring and
hanky-panky tricks. So from tlie little peepshow box
slung across father Sanger's shoulders, sprang the glories
of the circus and menagerie and the glittering, still ex-
tant though now dilapidated, halls of Margate.
It is a fascinating story this ; it is the story of the
mustard seed of which we never tire. It grew, it grew.
From peepshow box it grew into collapsible merry-go-
roind, worked by two boys ; from that to a show with
a giantess (really six foot high) and "two cannibal pigmies
of the dark continent " (intelligent Mulatto children,
aged nine and ten) and to a proper troop ; and from that
it shot up into the triumphs of his son, who actually
succeeded in 1871 in linking on his own show to the tail
to the Royal Thanksgiving Procession through London,
which commemorated the recovery of the Prince of
Wales from typhoid fever ; in which Mrs. Sanger (as
she then was) represented on the top of a golden car,
Britannia, with a living lion at her feet. One can imagine,
without in the least inpugning the loyalty of the crowd
which lined the streets, how much more imposing Sanger's
appendix to the Royal Progress must have been to them.
And I note as a striking instance of the dramatic felicity
of chance, that somehow on this occasion the carriage
in which, as our author says, " Lord Beaconslield was
con.spicuous," got left behind and inextricably mingled
(they did not manage these things so well in the eighteen-
seventies) with the circus itself. He "rose " our author
tells us, " and acknowledged the endeavour of youi
humble servant to enhance the circumstance of the great
occasion." I like to picture that salute, to imagine it
coinciding with the passing of Britannia, and to admire yet
again the master of ironic presence of mind.
George begins as a handy boy, ready to earn, as acrobat
or conjuror, a few shillings for his parents ; to take the
place of a donkey if need be, in an equilibrist's jx'rfor-
mance when that docile beast is stolen. He then de-
velops into a strong young man with a dashing paste-
diamond quality air about liim ; magnificent in dress,
cutting a fine figure, shouting his patter among " the
flares " in front of the stage. On his first independent
venture as " The Wizard of the West," he adopts the
costume of Hamlet, to which his feminine admirers, who
throng the bootii, are proud to contribute a ribbon or
a feather. But to them he remains fascinating, scornful ;
proof against even the charms of " Watercress Betty."
'fill, suddenly and irre\ocably, he meets his fate
in the person of Madam Pauline de Vere, the Lady
12
LAND i^ W A T E R
March 30, 191G
of tho Lions. Then many ups and downs ; hard
times ; no rasli somotimcs to pay the turnpike dues ;
surly fjatc-keeiM'rs refusing even the guarantee of a five
pound Chinese (iontj ; private bereavements ; prejudiced
mayors and magistrates : struggles for good phices at
the fairs ; mother dead, father dead ; Httle son suddenly
struck down in a fit, the body washed and borne in the
van along the frozen Yorkshire roads among the pro-
perties ; misfortunes checkered by sudden fresh inspirations
for coining money from mankind s bum]) of wonder — in
thoso lays of more majestic proportions. " The Tamo
Oyster," which smoked a churchwarden pipe, was
a glorious success ; so were " the learned pigs." At last.
at last, he is up and out on to the high level plateau of
solid success ; he owns a circus ; he overshadows the
great Wombwell ; he beats the Yankees ; captures .\stley's;
])erforms in every capital in lun'ope ; and tnially
lie reaches the acme of a showman's career and performs
liefore his Queen and wins her smile. You see this
showman's story has just the right crescendo in it, and
he who tells it has just the sterling, romantic simple-
minded sense of values he ought to liave. It is in the
vein of Meredith's Jii^gliui^ Jerry.
We've travelled times to tliis old common ;
Often we've hung our pots in tiic gorse.
We've had a stirring life, old woman '.
You, and I, and the old grey horse.
Races, and fairs and royal tjccasions
i'ound us coming to their call ;
Now they'll miss us at our stations.
There's a Juggler out ; who jugtrles all !
Picture of Bygone Times
But I have still to speak of the romance of the picture
of bygone times which is one of the charms of the book.
He who lives adventurously in the interstices of society
and picks up a living by pleasing the crowd, whatever
age he lives in, sees most of such fragments as survive of
the older order which preceded it. It is what was oldest
in England of coaching turn-pike days that we see
reflected in the early pages of this book ; the Merrv
England, which was also so miserable an England, but
could still claim kinship with the days of Queen Elizabeth.
The adventures of the Sanger family upon the road,
the dangers from Chartists. small-po.\, drunken rioters
and magistrates, to whom they were " rogues and
vagabonds " par excellence, make an exciting Odyssey.
Peel had not invented Bobbies then ; the elder Sanger, a
man evidently of great resource and courage and natural
piety, had on occasions to take the law into his own
hands. Once at Landsdown Fair the showman's booths
and properties were wrecked by Bath roughs.
The drink booths were the fust to suffer. Soma
of the unfortunate owners were half-killed and the mob
drank itself in a frenzy more acute than before. Then
they started to wreck the booths.
•' Canvas was torn to shreds, platforms smashed up and
made bonfires of, wagons were battered and overturned,
show parts that had cost their poor owners small fortunes
battered to fragments. Everywhere was riot, ruin and
destruction. . . As dawn broke the riot died down,
and the drunken mob, glutted with the wanton destruc-
tion of the belongings of poor people who had never
done them any harm, began to straggle, shouting, swearing
and singing, back towards Hath
" Then, by ones and twos, the showncn came together,
pale with anger, some of them bruised and bleeding from
the fray, and all resolved on vengeance. They had
markedone or two of the ringleaders of the riot, and meant
to give them a taste of showmen's law. The scene is
before me now as 1 saw it when 1 stood with my brother
William, still pale with fear, but full of childish curiosity,
on the steps of our caravan, in the dawn-light, and watched
• some thirtv stalwart showmen, my father amongst tiicm,
armed with stout cudgels, mount the hastily collected
waggon horses, and bare-backed, ride after the retreating
mob. "
The showmen's revenge was to capture a dozen, tie them
at intervals to a rope and drag them through a ])ond.
•• No notice was taken of their cries, but backwards and
forwards through the muddy water they were pulled
till no breath was left in their bodies. One or two. indeed,
were so still that some of the showmen cried out in alarm
that they were drowned. " No fear," shouted my father
in tf)nes"that 1 can remember yet. "That sort do?sn't
die from drowning. l-Vtch 'cm out."
it was an ac'c when a disused charnel house in Lon-
don (once rented by Lord George) was used as a dancing
room, and the proprietor to attract customers issued the
notice : " liwdn Chapel — Dancing on the Dead—.
Admission Three-pence. No Lady or Gentleman admitted
unless wearing shoes and stockings"; when body-
snatchers inspired a horror in the poor greater than
murderers ; when grotesque raggedness with cold,
grimy nakedness between was a common sight in the
streets ; when the wonder that Sanger's jierfonnances
roused in countr\' places, roused also suspicions that he
was a " warlock " and better underground with a stake
through his body. In his story these days live again.
There are sunny scenes as well as lurid ones, like living,
life-size Cruikshank drawings ht by naphtha-Hares.
Great Hyde Park Fair
I like to move about the Great Hyde Park Fair, among
booths and little theatres set uj) to celebrate the coronation
of Queen \'ictoria : to visit little (ieorge's show of per
forming mice or see him balanced on a ladder on the chin
of an equilibrist ; to jam myself among the crowd,
thronging the booth of The I'ig-jaced Lady — alas, sfton
to be repressed as a fraud by law. [,ord George lets us ifito
the secret of this lady. " Madam Stevens " was really a
fine brown bear, tht; paws and face of which wore kept
closely shaved, the white skin imder the fur having a close
resemblance to that of a human being. Over the paws
were fitted white gloves, with well stuffed fingers, so that
the pig-faced lady seemed to have nice plump, white
arms above them. The bear, dressed in a Leech-bonnet,
flowing skirt and shawl, sat at a table, imderneath which
hidden by drapery was a boy with a stick to make the
pig-faced lady talk.
" I call your attention, ladies and gentlemen, to the
greatest wonder of the world! ]?ehold and marvel I --
Mmc. Stevens, the pig-faced lady, who is now in her eigh-
teenth year. I believe that is correct, miss ? (here the
hidden boy would prod the bear, who gave a grunt). As
you see, ladies and gentlemen, the young lady understands
what is said perfectly, though the peculiar formation of
the jaws has deprived her of the power of uttering human
speech in return.
" You were born at Preston in Lancashire ? (.Another
prod and another gnint) Quite so. And you enjoy good
licalth and are very happy ? (.Another prod and gnuit.)
\o\\ are iiKlinod, ! suppose, as other ladies, to be led by
some gentlemui into the holy bonds of matrimony '■
(Here the boy would give an e.xtra prod, causing the bear
to grunt angrily.) What, no ! Well, well, don't l^e
cross because I asked you ! "
Then, when the hat had gone round and the people
streamed out marvelling, the showman would rush to
the front, shouting to the crowd outside, "Hear what
they say ! Hear what they all say about Mme. Stevens,
the wonderful pig-faced lady ! " But I myself have
jiattered enough.
" \\alk up ! Walk up ! Walk up 1 This way for
a talc of stranger things, scenes and adventures. Lord
George Sanger is on the road again."
In a recent appreciation of Alexander Kuprin's novel
The Duel, published by Messrs. George .\llen and Unwin, the
title was by a slip of the pen given as The Exile. The Duel
is a fine example of modern Kussian literature, and deserves
a wide circulation in this country.
The war has revealed a surprising wealth of lit^^rary
expression among officers and men. Not much reaches the
very highest levels, hut the performance just short of this is
surprising. .\ delightful volume (5s. net) published b\-
Messrs. Smith, Elder, and entitled Colwyn Philipps, contains
poems and extracts from private letters written by this
gallant officer, elder son of I^ord St. Davids, who "fell at
Yprcs last May, in his 2()th year. There is here a pcrfectl\-
delightful little sketch of a morning in a cavalry school.
Captain I'hiliiips had a strong sense of humour, witness this
story told in one of his letters about a Canadian man : " Our
chaps are all right, " he said, " our rifle is a good one, the grub
is first rate, and our officers— oh, well, we just take tiiCm
along as mascots! " The verses are the least good of the
good things in tliis very charming volume, yet many of then-
are really fine. This verse comes from a little poem : " IV
Kudyard Kipling," it voices the gratitude of thousands:
What you've been you'll never kn<jw,
What a help upon my way.
In each turn of weal and woe.
F.vcry hour of everv day.
March 30, 1916
LAND & WATER
Aircraft Policy
13
And the Zeppelin Menace from the National Standpoint
By F. W. Lanchester
In this and the previous article, published last week,
an endeavour has been made to put be/ore the public
a dispassionate account of the reasoiis, facts ■ and
circumstances which have led to the present day non-
military ' employment of aircraft in warfare as
typically exemplified by the Zeppelin raids. The
writer has endeavoured to bring the question of
aircraft raids into their true perspective, both as to
their relative material importance as acts of war, and
. to their moral importance, as founded on the theories
of German military writers, as a means of causing
embarrassment to an enemy Government.
IN my " Aircraft in Warfare " I have pointed out
that there are adequate reasons for regarding the
aeroplane, or the flying machine, as being, from
a military standpoint, the mainstay of the
Aeronautical Arm ; the airship, even though it may be
of use as an auxiliary', does not require to be taken into
consideration when we are dealing with aircraft in its
fighting capacity. The reasons given are to-day valid ; as
a lighting machine the aeroplane is supreme.
It is possible that the large rigid airship of the future
may, in comparison with the aeroplane (also of the future)
be at a less disadvantage than it is to-day. Even if this
be so the fact as stated remains a truth. We have,
however, a new situation to deal with : the fabric of
international law has gone " by the board " and we
have to consider facts relating to the use of the airship
which are not of a military character, at least according
to the time honoured ideas of military duties.
Hostile Air Attacks
The popular clamour to-day that the civilian
population of a country have a divine right to be pro-
tected from hostile air attack has no more foundation
in fact than any rights they may have possessed in the
time of the Saxons against raiding by sea. It may prove
possible to defend the whole country from air attack in
future warfare, just as it has been found possible to pro-
tect our shores by means of our Navy, but this does not
follow as a logical conclusion. In the warfare of the
future the whole area of a country is liable to attack,
and, with countries so closely situated as in Europe, the
most carefully elaborated defence may not prove im-
penetrable. In other words the civil population may have
to accept the new situation and get acclimatised to it.
Naturally in the future every reasonable effort, every
possible effort, must be made to avoid or to minimise a
risk of this magnitude ; I merely point out that no one
has offered any proof that, in warfare between countries
within such short lange of one another as the leading
Powers of Europe, there is any real certaint}^ that im-
numity can be secured, even though our aeronautical
ascendency within our own borders may be unquestioned.
There is a great deal of misapprehension as to the
real arguments underlying the question of aeronautical
defence. For example, the Government are blamed, the
" experts " are blamed, and everybody concerned is
blamed, for not having foreseen that the Zeppelin airship
could not be attacked on a dark night effectively either
bv counter-aircraft artillery or by aeroplane "patrols.
This is not. correct. It was beheved that by night a
Zep}K'lin airshiyj would be unable to locate. any objective
of military value,, and none of the events which have
taken place have proved the contrary.
what was not foreseen was something far wider than
any question of Zeppehn behaviour. It was tlie broad
fact that the whole fabric of international law would hi-
jettisoned by the enemy, and in this respect the naval raid
on Scarborough is exactly on all fours with the raids
by aircraft on London or the Eastern and Midland Coun-
ties. We relied on a cliea]) jiiece of jjaper to ])rotect us
instead of an expensive engineering outfit and military
organisation.
At Scarborough, for example, a few heavy naval guns
mounted at any suitable jjoint a few miljs outside the
town would have rendered the bombardment of the town
by the enemy fleet too dangerous to be undertaken.
Nobody would lay any blame on the Government, or on
any particular Government, for the neglect to furnish
such defences. We may admit now that we were mis-
taken, but it must be recalled that this fabric of interna-
national law (by ^yhich 99 people out of 100 in this country
and ill many other parts of Europe thought they were
protected) has been growing up for the last half century
and more, and neither the Government nor the military
or naval authorities can be looked upon as to blame,
if reliance has been placed on these accepted international
obligations. Any man prior to the War who had sug-
gested that there was a need to make provision in the
form of guns and other armaments for such breaches
of international decorum as we ha\e witnessed would
have been generally voted a madman.
Where the Blame Lies
We must therefore endeavour to be sufficiently
level-headed in the matter of air attack to realise that
the failure of the proverbial " swarm of hornets " is not
a matter for which the experts are to blame, or the
Government are to blame, it is a matter for which the
public and notably the humanitarians of the last two
generations are jointly responsible. The main principles
have been accepted by all political parties since the
middle of last century^backed by such a force of public
opinion that scarcely a voice has been raised to denounce
the danger to which these international agreements
render our country hable. Unfortunately the country
which has been bombed fully justiiies the prognostica-
tions of the Bernhardi school. The British public goes
off its head and blames experts. Government and every-
body else within reach, for that which neither Govern-
ment nor experts are any more to blame than the man in
the street.
It may be said definitely that the change in the
situation is not due to any failing in the prognostications
of those who have been best qualified to judge on the
military or technical merits of aircraft and aircraft
defences, but wholly and solely on the World Illusion, I
would say ;:/ic Great Illusion (as distinct from Mr. AngcU's
Great Illusion) that international agreements on the
conduct of war are worth the paper they are written on.
The theory of Bernhardi and the German school of
thought on the question of attack on the civil population
(in contrast to that which is known as a military objec-
tive) is that although no great material harm is done, the
moral of the people is so shaken as to bring to bear an
adverse and demoralising influence on their own (Govern-
ment. In other words the intention is to shake the
nervous system of an enemy, just as a boxer may in-
capacitate his adversary by a blow in the region of the
solar ple.xus, and so bring about a national disorganisation
which will be reflected in an infirmity of purpose on the
part of this Government to the detriment of the efficiency
of his military and naval services.
Zeppehn Bombing
Now it is clear that if from a national point ot \iew
the material damage done by hostile air raids were of a
substantial character, that is to say, if twelve months'
experience of Zeppelin bombing amounted in the aggre-
gate to a measurable percentage of the total resources of
the country, it would be quite reasonable and proper that
strong military measures should be taken to avert the
danger or threat. If such were the case, and the damage
were great from the point of view of the material
injury, apart from any question of injured moral ; and
if the Government were to neglect to take appropriate
steps, and pressure were brought to bear on tliem bv
public clamour, this would not constitute of necessity anv
fnllilnient or justification for the theory propounded by
the German writers. If, however, the damage from a
national point of view be small (to the extent of being
N-irtually negligible) then, if any public action results iu
14
LAND eS: W A T E R
March 30, njiG
pressure being applied to the Goveriuiieut, the thesis of
the psyehological theorists is proven, and in fact the
vahie of an attack on the civihan population as a means
of undermining the power of the (lovernment is estab-
hshed. The question therefore turns defmitcly upon the
extent of the damage inflicted as related to what may be
tenned the psychological reaction produced.
Relative Magnitude of Peril
In order to form an estimate of tlie relative magni-
tude of the Zeppehn peril in this country as based on
experience, we may take the recorded iigures over a
sufficient period of time. Thus, during the past six
months the killed amount to 138 and injured 274, total
casualties 412. If we take the period of twelve months,
the figure is roughly double this, so that we may take
it that the punishment inflicted to date is less than 1,000
victims (killed and injured) per annum.
If this were the only method (Germany had to carry
on war it would take considerably more than 45,000
years to stamp out the British nation, even if we had no
rate of increase. Otherwise expressed, we may say that
it is not much more than i/ioooth of the total annual
number of births, and as a quantity which, if visited by
the Angel of Death in a less dramatic manner, would
escape observation in the nation's statistics. We may
look at the matter from the other point of view, namely
the loss in pounds, shillings and pence. The total
damage (so far as I know not actually estimated) ,
probably does not exceed one, or at must two days'
expenses of the British nation in running the war, and
it nuist be remembered that a great part of the property
destroyed does not of necessity need to be replaced during
the war, and is property which is in any case not
available for the carrying on of hostilities. As a matter
of economics there is evidently room for argument,
but the main fact that the real direct damage inflicted by
these raids is infmitcsimal from the j)oint of view of the
whole national wealth, is beyond doubt. This broad
issue is usually sunmiarised by saying the damage done.
by raids is of no military value to the enemy.
A certain writer on the subject has taken exception
to the current use of the term " military value " ; he
points out (rather unnecessarily) that every civihan
killed does weaken the nation, especially if he or she may
happen to be a munition-worker and contributing in an
indirect way to the success of our armies. It may be
supposed that the writer in question thinks that he has
made a great discovery, but he may lest assured that
facts of this kind are well understood.
National Injury
It scarcely needs mention that tlic statistical method
of dealing with a national injury, where life and death
is concerned, is not a complete answer, but it is the
crucial test as distinguishing between material and moral
damage. In a civihsed country imder peace conditions
the individual citizen rightly expects the privilege of
the best assurance against violent death which the State
can offer him ; this expectation is indeed the source from
which the necessity flrst for tribal and later for national
organisation has sprung, but the conditions of war abro-
gate this privilege. When many of our citizen soldiers are
called upon to sacrifice their lives in the defence of their
cotmtrv, the material or statistical measure of the
national injury inflicted by the enemy in any of his acts
is, or should be, the real criterion.
Thus, if the damage done in the past twelve months
by Zeppelin raids had represented an augmented result
of earthquakes and thunderstorms, England would be
no more shunned as a dangerous country to live in than it
is to-day : the injury inflicted at the same rate year after
year would be such as could be borne, both in lives lost
and property destroyed, without a noticeable or appreci-
able tax on'our national resources. Compared with the
wastage of men and material in the conduct of the main
operations of the war the figures are truly microscopic.
Under these conditions it can be asserted without hesita-
tion that the outcry raised for protection, the outcry
that the (iovernment and Services have been neglecting
their duties, the outcry that the (iovernment must be
" gingered," that it requires waking up, and more than
this in manv quarters, that it must b: turned out, is in fact,
and in reality, the very effect which military writers
and psychologists of the German school had confidently
expected. Thus, in shaking the popular nerve we have a
real justification for air raids and otlier modes of ternjris-
ing the civil population of a hostile country, of such potent
value that it will always be resorted to by a foe without
scruple. We must never in future allow ourselves to be
lulled into a false security in such matters by the pseudo-
legal sophistry of international agreements.
We have thus as a nation lost a great opportunity.
If we had been prepared to take the Zeppelin menace as
philosophically as we would have taken an outbreak of
measles, or of volcanic or earthquake activity, or as
philosophically as we would have taken some meteoro-
logical cataclysm involving previously unheard of injury
by lightning, it might have been established that the
bombing of civilians was useless slaughter without
appreciable military advantage. The fact that our
population has been unequal to the ordeal means that
no nation in considering its military future will be able
to remov'e the bombing of civilians from either its offen-
sive or defensive programme. In other words, Bern-
hardi-isn; and the German study of collective psychology
has triumphed.
Recent Unrest
There are those who will say that the unrest with
regard to the air service which has manifested itself in the
course of the last few months is nothing to do with the
Zeppelin bombing, and that it is due to a general dis-
satisfacti(jn with a branch of om- military and na\al
organisation. The brief answer to this is to leatl the
daily papers, either in the matter contained in articles
or in " letters to the editor," or otherwise bearing on
the" subject ; it will be found that an overwhelming
majority of what is said hinges on this one question of the
Zeppelin raid. .And it could not be otherwise, for the
British Flying Corps and oiu" Allies the French have, from
the time the first surprise was countered, possessed and
maintained an aerial ascendancy.
The real complaint is not against the weakness
or deficiencies of the aeronautical branches of our
Services. Our preparations in this direction were
adequate, and we have maintained our positiijn since. It
is debatable whether we could have done more. It
may be debatable whether by making fewer shells or less
mechanical transport we might have squeezed out more
aeroplanes from our factories. It may be debatable
whether the aggregate output from our factories has been
as big as it might have been if we had had a man of
Cromwellian cast at the helm. It may be debatable
whether, while Cabinet Ministers have been striking
bargains with miners, with labour leaders, with married
men versus bachelors, and occupying themselves with
other domestic quibbles, they could not by speaking
the word have done more than they have doni'. In
brief, it may be argued that more could have been dfic
by command than by entreaty ; but these are general
questions and must not be exploited to the detriment
of our Air Service.
The truth is, in the directions essential to the con-
duct of warfare we have an ascendancy, it may lie
greater, it nun- be less, but it exists. B\- what right do
the Press and Public (the same Public, which is so largely
resi)onsible for our early widespread mipreparedness) -
bv what right do they open their niouths to blacken the
character (tf those to whom this air service is due. I say
emphatically that the whole of this jHcsent air agitation,
sometimes for counter-aircraft artillery, sometimes for
Zeppelins or " super-Zeppelins," in brief the whole
agitation which has been worked up against the Govern-
ment on the i)resent position of our aeronautical equip-
ment is based on the ephemeral success of the German
bomb. It is a public spasm of funk, resulting from a
calctdated blow on our national solar plexus.
In tlefence of all that is best in our national character
it may be jiointed out that before districts had beconie
so depleted of their more virile population, as in tht; earher
raids on London, the only noteworthy effect of a Zeppelin
raid was a stiffening of the piiblic moral and a local boom
in recruiting. The opposite effect which we see to-day
and of which we have widespread (>vidence — is probably
to be accounted for by the fact that the more virile of
our manhood has gone voluntarily to serve with His
Majesty's F'orces.
March /,o, toi^>
L A X D .*v' ^^• A T F. R
15
Sport ' Round Salonika
By F. G. Aflalo
IN view of the absence of indecorous huny to attack
General Sarrail displayed by the Austro-German-
Bulgar armies, and pending such offensive as he
may be planning for the melting of the snows, it
looks as if the allied army of defence is in for a long spell
of waiting, and those with a fancy for a little lishing or
shooting may be glad to learn that their opportunities
arc, so only they know where to look for them, nowise
inferior to their leisure.
Ail along that indented coast of Greece, both islands
and mainland, is wonderful wildfowling ground, and the
spring flights of swans, geese and ducks at the end of a
liard March like the present cover acres of foreshore on
the Gulf of Salonika, the Gulf of Volos and Butrinto
Bay. The Katerina marshes, in full view Of Mount
Olympus, are classic ground for the fowler, and wild
swans, both mute and hooper, brent and grey geese,
widgeon, teal, mallard and jiochard are to be shot by
anyone who has thi> enterprise to punt among tlie
creeks in early morning or on moonlight nights.
Sonii' sort of dog, a retrie\'cr for choice, is neces.sary
if any considerable proportion of the bag is to be picked
up, as the natives are, ]>articularly before the air is
warmer, reluctant to go into the water after birds. And
here, having advised a civilised dog, let me add a word
of caution touching the savage brutes belonging to the
native shepherds. Shooting them, even in self-defence,
is apt to lead to more trouble than can be squared by a
few lepta or piastres, and all over the Balkans these sheep-
dogs are a dangerous nuisance, and the only thing, if the
stranger cannot gi\-e them a wide berth, is to keep them
at bay till tiieir owners put in an appearance. This
counsel of perfection applies to ordinary times. What
relaxation of normal etiquette war conditions may have
introduced, I know not. It may even be allowable to
shoot these canine atrocities without so much as " by
your leave." and without hearing any more of the matter.
If so, shoot them, say I ; for there are plenty more, and
they are nasty brutes, capable of giving a dirty and
poisonous bite if they get home.
Greece's Game Laws
This possible, and e\en probable, modification of
restrictions under existing conditions also applies to the
game laws ordinarily in force. When I was last in (irecce,
these were strict (though systematically disregarded by
the natives) and not always intelligible. Thus the Direc-
tor of Police of Athens and the Piraeus prescribed two
regulations for Attica, according to which partridges
were protected from February i6th to July 20th, and
other game (meaning chiefly hares) from March 15th to
the same date. There was no licence for either shooting
or fishing, b>it in such territory (e.g., Epirus, etc.) whicli
was then (but is not, nor ever again shall be) Turkish, all
manner of difficulties were put in the sportsman's way,
and these could be smoothed only by an incessant flow
of baksheesh, the mainspring of the Turkish official's
energy and vitality.
The sure finds for wildfowl are the smaller bays and
marshes, particularly those at Port Surpi, beyond Volos,
and the classic shore of Marathon. There is also a great
swamp near Na^'arino and another not far from the
iieadland of Papas, in both of which wild duck and snipe,
with a sprinkling of woodcock, used to be plentiful.
Quail give an excellent shooting on the spring migra-
tion, and several of the headlands round Salonika lie
in their line of flight, while Port Lero, in Mitylene, is the
best quail ground of all. Inrst come the landrails, the
avant-coiircurs of the quail battalions, and once these
are seen, or more probably heard, the quail will not be
long coming. It is true that these little birds are netted
in thousands on that coast, but there are plenty for the
guns as well, and, with a good dog to work the birds,
a day's quail-shooting early in April is by no means bad
fun. There may be a few sand-grouse also, and these
are best sought in early morning near the waterholes and
brooks where they drink. The sand-grouse does not give
a particularly difficult shot, but where these birds come
over singly, and not in packs, they afford pretty practice
and are excellent eating. For hares and rabbits, the
islands are better ground than the mainland, and the
noi'thern district of Andros is a little better than the
rest.
Big Game
Of big game, little remains in this much-poached
land. There arc still, for aught I know to the contrary,
a few ibex on the rocky islet of Anti-Milos, but even if
jiermission be given to shoot them they are somewhat
inaccessible, and the visitor to the island runs the risk
of being weather-bound during a spell of heavy seas, a
consideration to anyone on short leave. There are also a
few wild boar near Panagia, in Epirus, but they have
been so persecuted by the natives that they hide all day
in the dense reed-beds and have to be " dug out " on
moonlight nights with tiie help of native beaters. As
some of these are sure to tinn out armed with match-
locks, the ])erformance entails almost as much danger as
withstanding the much-advertised frontal attack on
Salonika, with none of the glory.
We are at that turn of the year in which the rod
replaces the gun, and the fly-fisherman at Salonika finds
himself on holy ground, for the first artificial fly ever
described was used in a little stream flowing close to that
city, the Thessalonica of St. Paul. It is to Aelian, a
writer of the 3rd century, that we are indebted for this
almost prehistoric account of the fly " Hippiuiis," which
was dressed with scarlet wool and cock's feathers for
catching iish in the river Astraeus, midway between
Thessalonica and Berea. When last at Salonika, I tried
hard to learn more of the river and its fish, but without
success ; and it remains for some keen fisherman, French
or British, to seek it out and throw a modern dry fly over
its fish, which I strongly suspect to be sea-trout; Yet
there are also trout, much poached but not wholly im-
responsive, in most of the small streams of Epirus ; and
in the Bay of Phalerum the sea angler with fine tackle,
and a bag of live shrimps (carides) for bait, may catch
bass and grey mullet.
If the whole truth must be told, Salonika is not
the best headquarters for either shooting or fishing in that
region, but, on the assumption that a few days' leave
should, in view of the leisurely enemy advance, not be
difficult to get, I add a few concluding words on some
other spots in the Balkan States in which, as either friends
or enemies, our Mediterranean forces are ere long likely
to find themselves.
Quail and Woodcock
Round Nish and Kruschevatx there is wonderful
spring quail-shooting, and in parts of Montenegro (where,
as Princess Elena of Montenegro, the Queen of Italv
enjoyed famous sport in her girlhood) tiiere is to be founci
some of the finest woodcock groimd in Europe. Close to
Sofia —and who can say how soon the Anglo-French army
of occupation may not find itself in that capital ? —there
are woodcock, quail, duck and other game, and the Tuni
Sviet marshes, though risky without a native guide,
would give any sportsman the snipe-shooting of his life.
Capercailzie, which arc shot with a small-bore rifle in
the spring tok, each bird being stalked and shot as it
sits in the tree tops, are plentiful in the woods round
Samakov and Petrokhan, and the big game of Bulgaria
include red deer, small bear and wild boar. Most of the
mountain streams of that region are well stocked with
small trout, and there are big lake-trout (which take only
spoon or a Devon) in Scutari, Ochrida and other meres!
Koumania, a State which a turn of the wheel may
any day put on our visiting list, affords immense stags,
wolf, bear, lynx, boar, roedeer, bustards, great and
lesser, and wildfowl, with trout, salmon and coarse fish
in the rivers of the Danubian system. There is no
shooting licence in Roumania, but private leave is neces-
sary, and a fishing permit must be obtained from the
Minister of Domains.
i6
LAND & WATER
March 30, 1916
The Old Western Seaports
By Arthur L. Salmon
CENTURIES sinoc, when tho call of the country
came, the old western ports heard it and replied
manfully. It was usually a different foe then to
be faced— it was "that sweet enemy, France," a?
Sir I'liilip Sidney styled her, or it was the pride and power
of Spain in her Rnatness. I'rom the creeks of Devon
and Cornwall the boats sailed forth Kallantlv, y)artly
for sheer love of lighting, but still more emphatically to
strike a blow for the motherland. The old ports might
quarrel among themselves as neighbours and rivals will - -
there might be feud between West-countrymen and the
stout seamen of the Cinque Ports — Cornishnun and
Devonians might nurse their endless grievances and
jealousies ; but all were one when there was an enemy
to be faced and dauntless deeds to be done.
At times these proud and high-stomached townships
wouUl even dare to wage war on their own accounts,
independent of national claims. "I am not at war
with my brother of France," said one of the Edwards to
the men of Fowey, on an occasion when the Cornish
folk ignored a treaty of peace ; but " tvc are at war with
F'rance " rephed tlic daring Fowey men. That was the
spirit that fostered the British Navy, which has once again
saved our land from the most imminent of perils ; a
Navy born in pirac /, it may be, born without sensitive
conscience or imp.?ding scruples, but born in great
hardihood, high resolve, fearlessness of wind and wave,
hungry for action and adventure. They are like it now,
the men of these nestling sea-towns and almost land-
locked riverways ; they give their grit and backbone to
the navy, or they fight heroically in the trenches side by
side with the landlubber who is equally heroic.
Dreaming of the Past
But the ships that now keep the Seven Seas come no
longer from these old western seaports ; in a naval sense
it is only Plymouth, in this corner of England, that
counts for miich. The little ports that were once rela-
tively so great, can now only lie and dream ; their sons
have" heard the call, but they themselves are in a back-
water. The elder men go fishing, the wives and mothers
stay with a burden of fear at their hearts ; the children
laugh and play on the old quaysides or in the precipitous
narrow streets, not realising that, far off, the world's
history is being shaped by their fathers and brothers.
Very different from this was it in days when the
island's history was shaped by the wooden vessels that
shook their wings like seabirds in flight from these
sheltering nests. They flew in flocks to the siege of
Calais, as they flew later to confront the Armada ; and
, if at times their exploits were simply in the nature of
privateering, there were other times when all the spirit
of national enterprise lay beneath their doings. It was
not often that governments sought to interfere with their
exploits ; rulers knew too well the value of these gallant
seamen and their sturdy ever-ready ships, that would
seem scarcely better than Ashing boats to-day.
In the early days of Elizabeth, when the country
was nominally at peace with both France and Spain, we
read that it suited the government that the fangs of
British sea-craft should be felt. FVoude tells us that
" hints were given through the western counties that
privateers who would adventure at their own cost would
not be closely enquired after ; and thirty piratical vessels,
heavily manned, were swiftly hovering about the Channel."
There was a belief in those days, he adds, that the sea and
all that was on it was English patrimony. In such tone
and temper was the naval genius of Britain fostered ;
a rough school, but it produced the world's finest sailors,
and it lead to such heroism as that which thrills us when
we read the story of the " Revenge," or of that Topsham
' man who, with "a single boy to help him, delivered his
vessel from a French prize-crew of seven men, bringing
her back safely to the little port, now so somnolescent, on
the eastern bank of the Exe.
The records of these quiet ports, now chiefly given
over to the tourist, are full of such tales— tales that rouse
us as the old ballad roused Sidney; they are full, of
roughness, sometimes brutality, yet, thank (iod, not often
stained with treachery or wanton cruelty, and scarcely
ever with cowardice. It may seem that the poetry of
sea-lighting has gone, now that steam and iron have stolen
its romance as they have certainly marred its picturesque
beauty; yet we know that the same spirit is there,
sobered and softened by a fuller conception of right, a
more cultivated ideal, a higher, purer morality. The
men are the same, loyal, bra\e, fearless ;.and so long as
the men are right there can be little ultimate danger for
the nation. And to all who love England, to all who
re\'ere the Navy which secures our homes, our bread, and
our national honour, these old seaports must be holy
places, the cradles of our liberty and our well-being.
As we linger about them we see more than the old
stone quays, we hear more than the cry of gulls. We
would fain keep them as they are, rugged, simple, un-
pretentious, speaking of old Elizabethan days and earlier ;
telling us of a past from which this present has sprung —
a past that has given us power to-day to do something
more than mere talking for the ideals we cherish so
dearly. Other ports may he bearing the burden now —
there is no room here for the building or launching of
huge Dreadnoughts or swift cruisers ; but these little
towns did their part well in the day of smaller things,
when hearts were as big though ships were tiny.
We do not now claim all that is on the water as our
patrimony, but we do claim that all upon the high se: s
should go in safety, that the ocean highroads shall be
kept free from the outrages of human wrong-doing, and
that the days of the pirate shall cease for ever.
Three Good Novels
One must be in the right mood to appreciate ^fy Lady
of the Moor, Mr. John Oxenham's latest novel. (Metlnicn and
Co. 6s.). It is the story of an attempted murderer, a convict,
who was also a great man, since he gained the strength to
give the man whom he hated most to the woman who, for
him, was next to divinity, i t is the story of the great sacrifice,
with no chorus of minor characters to divert the mind from
the main issue, no accompaniment to the melody but the sense
of Dartmoor and its strong influence. The book is clean and
fresh as the moorland itself, and its utter sincerity, redeeming
it from any suspicion of sentimentality, is impressive. It is
work well in keeping with the times, and given the mood —
one of the best humanity knows— it is good to read.
Twos and Threes, by G. B. Stern, (Nisbet and Co. 6s.),
is the story of Stuart "Heron, an extremely modern young
man with a theory to the effect that renunciation is the highest
good, and of Pepita — commonly called Peter — Kyndersley,
whom, by reason of his theory. Heron made suffer. It is,
incidentally, the story of several other people, including
Sebastian Levi, who bungled Heron's theory through lack
of the' fineness with which Heron, for all his selfishness,
retains the reader's sympathy. The book is brilliantly
epigrammatic, and is a fine and forceful piece of work, in spite of
the sense of unreality that characterises its earlier chapters.
Here are no cant phrases, no liackneyed scenes, but so much
of new tliought and creation that the work is challenging
and alive, while tlie author's detachment is of a quality that
rouses interest. Both Stuart Heron and Peter arc thoroughlv
original characters, and this book should place its authoi
among the novelists who count.
The .\merican reading public gave a very high place tc
Sanpriel, by Alvilde Prydz (George Allen and Unwin, 6s.), but
as far as the English public is concerned the book is not likely
to fire tlie Thames. It is a delicately-told story of a woman's
uniiappiness, and in the end her happiness ; it is an open-air
book, and its chief characters are dominated by Flyen, a
mountain-bounded moor that is characteristic of Norway
at its best. Certainly the descriptions of the moorland and
its influence, are sympathetically given, but, perhaps by
. reason of the inadequacy of tlie translation, the book suffers
from an excess of sentimentality. It is a simple, pretty
little story, not lacking in quaintly humorous passages.
March 30, 1916
LAND & WATER
17
Towards a Better Banking System
By Arthur Kitson
IN the course of these articles on Finance, I have
endeavoured to point out the evils of our present
Banking System and their causes. These evils
may be briefly summarised as follows :
(i) There is an insufficiency and an uncertainty of
credit facilities, both as to time and amount, for the
proper and continuous development of our industries.
(2) Owing to its unnecessarj' exposure to foreign
influences, our credit market is extremely sensitive and
unrehable, which results in our being aiSicted with the
most variable bank rate in the world.
(3) Our bank credit is in constant danger of a collapse
due to the export of gold — which has been made the legal
basis of credit. And the collapse of credit involves the
annihilation of trade.
(4) British bank credit 'has become practically a
monopoly of the London Joint Stock Banks due to their
control of the Clearing House. This monopoly gives
bank directors a power and influence over British in-
dustries which they ought not to possess. With the
constant amalgamation of our banks, this power is
falling into the grasp of fewer and fewer hands.
(5) The rate charged for loans is unnecessarily high.
Antiqualed Banking Laws
I have shewn that these evils arc the natural result
of our antiquated c-urrency and banking laws which ha\c
imposed unreasonable restrictions, compelling the banks
to base all their transactions on gold. Where the bankers
liave been to blame is, first, in resisting every proposal
for altering and improving the present system, and
secondly, in supporting foreign loans, often in disregard
of the needs of Britisli traders, whose interests have been
frequently sacrificed on behalf of the foreign trade
competitor. No doubt they -have had good reasons for
pursuing such a policy. Consequently when the foreigner
offers 7 per cent, or 8 per cent, for money where the British
trader can only offer 4 per cent or 5 per cent., they are
apt to close with the foreigner. But think of the stupidity
and shortsightedness of British statesmanship that enacts
laws making the nation's trade and industries subject to
ike cupidity or caprice of the professional credit dealers !
And when at the end of each year the directors of our
banks arc able to pay their fortunate shareholders from
12 per cent, to 22 per cent dividends, they are compelled
to agree with Pippa that " God's in his Heaven, and all's
right with the world.'"
Now although we have still several obstructions to
remove before the ground is cleared for a better system —
one remaining obstruction being the " gold standai'd "
which is the most difficult of all — it is possible to give the
reader a sketch of one or more of sevei-al better financial
systems than our present one. Any proposed substitutes
for the present system must be free from the evils
enumerated.
An industrial banking system built on sound
principles should (i) afford ample credit facilities for
every member of the commercial and industrial classes
for carrying on to the extent of liis capital : (2) grant
loans for a sufficient time to enable each one properly to
develop his business under normal conditions and
repay the loan out of his annual revenue : (3) furnisli
loans on all forms of productive capital without dis-
crimination, but within a predetermined margin of
safety : (4) fix the charge for the loan on the basis of
cost of service plus insurance against bad debts.
Just here let me point out that in spite of all our
improvements in machinery, by which the supplies of
commodities of every description have been enormously
increased and cheapened, in spite of the vast increase in
the production of the precious metals as well as the
marvellous economies in tlieir use for legal tender pur-
poses through the general introduction of the inexpensive
cheque system, the price of the loan — the rate of interest
— has not been permanently reduced a fraction of one
per cent, since the enactment of the Bank Charter Act.
Now we have already seen from Sir Edward Holden's
illustration (see article March 2nd) whv it is impossible
under our pi-esent laws for the banks to furnish loans^to
all applicants owning capital. Bank loans are limited by
the amount of the gold reserves — not by the amount of
securities offered. And the constant variations in -the
volume of these reserves due to the imports and exports
of gold, create similar variations in the amount of legal
tender with which credit is made redeemable.
Needs of Trade
The establishment of a banking system capable" of
supplying the needs of trade fully and satisfactorily', as
outlined, is therefore impossible tinder our present laivs.
If our trade could be cut down to a fraction of what it
now is, so that the amount of credit required was com-
mensurable witli the gold and cash reserves held by the
banks, we should then have a condition which no doubt
would have been regarded as ideal — by Sir Robert Peel-
where every pound of bank credit and every legal-tender
note, was redeemable in gold on demand. Whilst this
would provide no doubt for the quality of the credit, it
makes no provision for the wece^tSAry quantity . In tliis
respect money and credit are like food, clothing and
necessities. It is sometimes necessary to sacrifice quality
for quantity. A thing may be too good, too expensive
for practical needs. We cannot all afford the luxury of
brioche, nor can we supply silks and sealskins for our
entire population, and yet we must all eat and wear
clothing.
On what basis then should bank credit be issued ?
If gold is so expensive, so unreliable and so inadequate;,
with what must it be replaced ? The answer is with that
which has already replaced it in a large measure since
the War started, and which invariably takes its place
in all serious national crises, viz. : the Nation'al Credit.
To-day we are using one pound and ten shilling currency
notes, which are legal tender for any amount. These
notes are not based on gold, but on the national credit.
Since they were first issued they have performed all tlie
functions of money with the same facility as the golden
sovereigns and ten shilUng pieces which disappeared soon
after the ■« ar. They are safer and more reliable than gold
coins since they are not hkely to be exported. In every
SORTES SHAKESPEARIAN^,
By SIR SIDNEY LEE.
THE ATTESTED HUSBAND'S PLAINT.
Mosi accursd am I
To be by oath enjoined to this.
THE WINTER'S TALE, UL, iii.. 512.
Mr. PEMBERTON-BILLING TO THE GERMAN
AIR-COMMAND.
And if mine arm be heaved in the air
Thy gravi is digged already in the earth.
,2 HENRY VI., IV., i., 54 5.
AFTER-WAR POLICY.
Heat not a furnace for your foe so hot
That it do singe yourself
HENRY VIH., I., i., 110-1.
i8
L AND cS: W A T E R
March 30, 1916
great National crisis universally, (lie Governments 0/ the
world Itave ahtays fallen b.ick on their national credit
expressed in the form of paper vwney. Neither i;vld
nor silver bullets have ever proved so effective as paper
bullets. Surely if a financial system is sirfficiently strong
to weather a great crisis such as the United States went
through in her Civil vVar, it is good enough in times of
peace.
The National Credit
Now the national credit is based upon all the wealth
and all the productive capacity of the inhabitants of these
islands. It includes the credit of all the banks. It is
not based upon one comparatively insignificant metal — •
gold — but upon every commodity including gold, upon
all that is comprised within the British Isles and its
wealth beyond the seas. Moreover this crccht is not
the property of any one class or section of the community.
It exists because of the enterprise and labour of all
British citizens, past and present. It is as solid as anything
earthly can possibly be made. Why then should our
statesmen hesitate to employ it as the basis for legal
tender and bank credit for the bcrctit of the entire nation,
instead of lending it as a source of profit to a small and
privileged class ? Above all, why does the Government
dishonour the national credit by pawning it for bank
credit, which is inferior in (piality ? But more of this
later. The fact is that the linancial (juestion opens up
so many others, such as taxation, foreign trade, com-
merical union with the Dominions, etc., as often to
tempt one to })ursue this immense subject in all of its
different phases.
I suggest therefore that the basis for l)ank credit
should be the National credit. Legal-tender notes slujuld
be issued under proper regulations to the limit of meeting
the demands of trade. I may add, in passing, that the
root of all our currency and banking troubles exists in
the popular superstitution surrounding the so-called
gold standard — the pons asinorum of Finance — which
covers one of the greatest economic fallacies ever
taught.
Neither currency nor credit require any metallic
base. Values are ideal creations — not concrete magni-
tudes— and can hi expressed only in terms of the ideal.
Now the required financial conditions may be obtained
in several ways. They may be attained (i) by a system
of Mutual Banking, (2) by Free Competitive Banking,
or (3) by a system of National Banking. Our present
system is neither National, Competitive nor Mutual.
Like many other of our medieval institutions — the legal
profession, for example — banking is a highly protected
guild constituting a legalised monopoly.
An Astonishing Feature
One of the most astoJiishing features of our com-
mercial history is the failure of our commercial and
industrial classes to seize and control the banking business
as a necessary branch of trade. The entire business and
stock-in-trade of the banks is furnished by the trading
classes, and instead of forming a mutual banking system
under their own control and operated for industrial needs,
they have allowed a professional class to secure control
and run it for their own profit, until to-day the tail wags
the dog, and instead of our industries controlling credit,
credit dealers dominate our industries.
Mutual banking is a system whereby banking facilities
are furnished to all the members of the bank at a rate
sufficient to cover expenses and insurance. Anyone can
become! a member who owns capital and bears a good
H'putation. Credit accounts arc opened and advances
mack: after careful investigation of the x'aluc of the
securities and the character of. the applicant. The bank
orticers are elected by the members annually and the
bank is controlled by a committee similarly elected.
The object of mutual banking is to furnish cheaj) banking
facilities, not to make profits. Its success naturally
depends Upon the number and importance of its members.
In regard to legal cturency. This might bo obtained
at present by the ])ur(liasc of Government bonds, which
the Government would exchange for their face value in
legal-tender notes. Now supposing all classes could be
induced to patronise such a bank. It is evident that
very little legal tender would be ro(|uircd. Long ago it
was pointed out bv lohn Stuart Mill that if cverv busi-
ness man could be induced to open his account with one
central London bank, all business beginnfng and ending
in London could be transacted without the use of cash,
except that required for wages, small payments and
purcliases. All payments could be made by cheque, and '
the settlement of accounts would consist merely of the
transfer of credit from one person's account to that of
another. If all the banks of Great Britain were amalga-
mated, it would effect the greatest economy in the use of
money (that is. legal tender) ever achieved. It is
knowledge of this fact that is forcing the union of so
many banking firms, because it reduces costs, economises
cash, reduces the amount of gold reserves necessary, and
increases bank profits.
If all the business firms and members of the trachng
classes in this country agreed to organise a central Mutual
Bank, with branches in every town, on the lines suggested,
they would not only be able to j)rovide a safe and satis-
factory financial system for supporting the trade and
enterprises of Great Britain, but they would effect a
saving of tens of millions of pounds annually ! It has
been estimated that under such a system, credit could
bz supplied at the rate of i per cent, per annum, after al-
lowing for all charges, expenses, and insurance against losses.
Free Competitive Banking has never really existed
in this country. Most people believe that the various
Joint Stock Banks are fierce com]>etitors \sith each other.
And within certain limits, this is true. But the door is
dosed against the addition of any new banking company
by means of their control of the Clearing House,
The Clearing House
The Clearing House is most vital to the banking busi-
ness. It is where the daily balarices due by one bank to
anotherare ascertained and settled. Refusal by the Clearing
House authorities to clear the cheques of any banking
company would put it out of business. If, however, the
Clearing Houses were nationalised and free banking per-
mitted with the right of every bank to use the Clearing
Houses, such a system of competition would undoubtedly
tend to the evolution of a better and cheaper service
than has ever yet been discovered.
Naturally the Government would have to enact
rules and restrictions under which banks could be formed
and operated. In this case also, the National Credit
could form the basis of bank credit by the purchase of
Government bonds convertible on demand in legal-
tender notes. Here, let me say that at present I am
dealing exclusively with a banking system suitable for
our home trade and industries. I am aware that a some-
what different arrangement is necessary for carrying on
our foreign trade. At present the popular opinion seems
to be in favour of the creation of a National Banking
System, which could be effected by the purchase by
the nation of the Bank of Flngland, together with the
Joint Stock Banking Companies of London, including
those in the provinces, Scotland, Ireland and Wales.
Such a scheme is quite feasible, and would prove a
paying investment for the Nation. It would involve a smn
([uite moderate in comparison with the amounts we have re-
cently become accustomed to in connection with the war.
Naturally the credit of the nation could be better
organised and supplied to the peoi)le through a properly
estahlislied State Department than by any other means,
provided, of course, that such a Department was officered
by the right men. In this, as in all other (iovernmental
Departments, the success of an institution dejiends on
the ability and honesty of those who administer it.
Dameslic Life in Kotniania, liy Dorothea Kirke (Juhu
Lane, 5s. net.) is a ratlier <omn»oiii)iace account of a governess's
life with a Kouniani;in family, and cm lioliday in and about
Constantinople. It contains a good deal of inforinati(»n of the
domestic, jirosaic order, which is conveyed in a series of letters
that tliread together tlie details of a slight romance affecting
the writer of the letters and one other. The result is an ex-
tremely practical account of Roumanian life.
Th.' Platoon Commander's Vade Mccum, by Major H.
(i. ]<. Wakefield (Hugh Kees. is. t)d. net) emphasises the
importance of moral as the chief responsibility in the leading
of men, and details the duties of the platoon commander in
billets, in the trenches, and in the attack and defejice of a
position. The booklet is iutendc-rl as a handy guide to the
j)latoun commander, and it fullils the purpose well.
March 30, 1916
LAND & WATER
CHAYA
A Romance of the South Seas
By H. de Vere Stacpoole
19
Synopsis : Macquart, an advenimer who has spent
most of his life at sea, finds himself in Sydney on his beam
ends. He has a wonderful story of gold hidden up a river in
New Guinea, and makes the acquaintance of Tillman, a sporting
man about town, fond of yachting and racing, and of Houghton,
a well-educated Englishman out of a job. Through Tillman's
influence he is introduced to a wealthy imolbroker , . Screed, who,
having heard Macquart's story and examined his plans, which
agree with an Admiralty chart, agrees to finance the enterprise.
Screed purchases a yawl, the " Barracuda." Just before they
leave Macquart encounters an old shipmate, Captain Hull,
who is fully acquainted with his villainies. Hull gets in touch
with Screed,'who engages him and brings him aboard the yacht
just as they are about to sail. By degrees Captain Hull prac-
tically assumes command of the enterprise through force of
character. After adventures they arrive at New Guinea and
anchor in a lagoon. Macquart guides him to the place where
he declares the cache to be. They dig through the night but
find nothing and begin to think he is deceiving them. Here
they make the acquaintance of a drunken Dutchman, Wiart.
who is in charge of a rubber and camphor station. They catch
sight of a beautiful Dyak girl, Chaya. According to Macquart's
story a man named Lant, who had seized this treasure, sunk his
ship and murdered his crew leith the exception of one man,
" Smith." Lant then settled here, burie.i the treasure, and married
a Dyak woman, chief of her tribe. Lant was murdered by
" Smith," whom Captain Hull and the rest make little doubt
was no other than Macquart. Chaya, with whom Houghton
has fallen in love, is Lant's half-caste daughter.
Chapter XVII.
Saji
THE Dyak village situated about a quarter of a mile
from the Papuan village, constituted only a miser-
able remnant of what it had once been. There
were scarcely forty members of the tribe that ages
ago had come here from Borneo. Saribas Dyaks, sea
plunderers and fishermen wlio had found the river and fixed
themselves here, well sheltered from pursut of enemies yet
within touching distance of the sea.
E\en in the days when John Lant had come here and
•settled down, marrying the mother of Chaya, the tribe had
been in decadence.
When Lant died his wife had been chief woman of the
tribe. She was still.
The mother of Chaya was a full-blooded Saribas woman,
with all the instincts, all the pertinacity, all the ferocity, all
the tenacity of her race
She was not an olo woman in years, but she was old in
appearance, with a far-seeing and fateful look in her face
that was daunting.
Her husband, whom she had loved, had been murdered.
The murderer had done his work so skilfully that in a civilised
community no suspicion would have been attached to him
and no process of law could have been put in operation
against him.
But the mother of Chaya knew that the father of her
child had been murdered, and though the murderer had
escaped her and made good his escape, she knew that he
would come back.
Even civilised people have " feelings " that amount to
sure knowledge. Chaya' s mother, with an inherited instinct
for men and events preternaturally developed, had the sure
feeling that the murderer would return.
On an every-daj^ basis that event might have been pre-
dicted, for he had gone without the gold for which the crime
had been committed. Chaya's motlier did not know where
the gold was buried, she only knew that it was somewhere
in the vicinity of the river ; the man would come back to the
river, and for fifteen years she had waited.
The fishing Dyaks of the tribe — there were no pirates
now — had always been on the watch to give her news of
strangers arriving. It was part of their business in life, and
liad turned into a sort of rehgious observance.
The Barracuda had been observed even before she had
engaged tlie reefs, and Saji', one of the youngest of the fisher-
m:;n, had tracked her up to the lagoon. Hiding his canoe he
had observed everything to do with her berthing in the
lagoon, and then, when Macquart and his companions had
taken the boat and come up to the village, Saji had followed.
It was his canoe that they had found tied up to the landing
stage when they came out of Wiart's house.
Saji had obeyed not only his orders and his own natural
tracking instincts, but the desire to please the chief woman
of the tribe.
Saji was in love with Chaya.
The tribe had fallen into that condition which scarcely
allows for grades of rank ; Saji as one of the best fishermen
though he had no special rank or standing, was as likely a
suitor for Chaya as any of the others. He was eighteen years
of age, straight as a dart, well-formed, and even to a European
eye not bad-looking, but he was a pure-blooded Saribas, his
dress was little more than an apron, and in the eyes of Chaya
he did not exist as a man.
The white traders had shown her the edge of civilisation,
and her instincts inherited from John Lant raised her above
the level of the tribe. To complete the matter, Saji had
let her perceive the nature of his feelings f owards her. Besides
being a good fisherman he was a skilful metal worker, and he
had only a month ago constructed a bangle of copper, beating
it out from a copper rod with infinite pains and care ; taking
his courage in one hand and the bangle in the other, he had
approached Chaya with the gift — and she had refused it.
" Give it to Maidan," she had said.
Maidan was one of the tribe girls, and the least good-
looking of them.
Though disdaining him as a lover, Chaya did not show
any dislike for him ; she allowed him to accompany her in
the woods, and it was his half-naked form they had glimpsed
the day before amidst the leaves. He had led her to show
her the strangers, just as an hour before he had sought her
mother to tell of the new arrivals.
Last night when the party were digging on the spit of
river bank, Saji led the old woman to inspect them. In the
full moonlight, she had seen the face and form that her eyes
had been aching to see for fifteen years.
Revenge was at last in her grasp, and as they returned to
the Dyak village after watching the fruitless work of the
diggers, she said to Saji :
" You shall have Chaya."
" Aie," whined Saji as he trotted beside her. They
were going full speed down the jungle path to the village ;
" but she cares nought for me."
" You shall have Chaya on the word of her mother, and
the gift you will bring her will fetch her to your feet."
" What gift ? " said Saji.
" That I will tell you soon. You have each stranger
clear in your mind so that you would know each even in the
dark ? " •
" Ay, I could teU each by his spoor or his smell."
" Then watch them all, but more especially the one I
pointed out last — the others do not count."
They spoke in the Saribas dialect.
At the village they parted, Saji returning to keep a watch
on the newcomers even as they slept.
That watch was never relaxed.
Fortunately for Houghton, he was not the man specially
pointed out to Saji as the man never to be lost sight of.
Otherwise his meeting with Chaya might have been observed
with disastrous consequences to him.
CHAPTER XVIII.
Soundings
When Houghton got back to the tent he found Tillman
waiting for him. Hull was down by the boat attending to
some matter or other.
" Macquart is in there in the house with Wiart," said
Tillman. " They seem to have chummed up very much. There
they are smoking cigarettes and drinking gin and water."
" I don't think Macquart is a man to drink much," said
Houghton.
" No, he's not, but there he is with that soaker. I wonder
what they're talking about. I went to the door and the
smell of the place nearly knocked me down. Wiart asked me
in but I excused myself — said I had business to attend to."
" O, I don't think there's anything dangerous in it,"
replied the other. " Wiart has his business here to look after
and between that and drink, his hands are pretty full."
As a matter of fact, Houghton's mind was so filled by
Chaya that he did not want for the moment to think of any-
thing else.
20
LAND & WATER
March 30, 1916
Had he frightened or offended her ? He could not tell,
but lie cursed himself for his precipitancy and stupidity. He
went down to the landing stage and sat watching Hull, who
had baled some water into the boat to prevent the seams
opening, and who was now engaged in overhauling some of the
gear. But he did not see Hull. He was looking at the mental
image of Chaya, listening to her voice.
One of the fascinating things about her was the manner
in which she used gestures and pantomime to express her
meaning. He was beginning to understand the great fact
that whereas l.ove in many cases is the child of long acquaint-
ance, in others it is born instantaneously and is the child of
First Sight. There are natures that fly together at lirst
approach just as the elements of some chemical compounds
Hy together.
It seemed to him that he had been wanting Chaya all his
life, and that she had been waiting for him in these mysterious
forests of which he had never dreamed, of whose e.xistence he
had been absolutely ignorant.
He was deeply disturbed, not really because of the idea
that he might have given her offence, for some instinct told
him this was not so, but because of the general situation.
First there was his own poverty. How, even if she loved
him, could he ever take Chaya away from here ? He liad no
trade, no resources, the expedition seemed to be turning out
the wildest of wild goose chases. How, evcB supposing that
he could get away with her, could he ever take her to Sydney
beggared as he was in the goods of the world ? To remain
here with her was an impossible thought. To live here,
even with Chaya, would not be to live but to die to the world
The place lay heavy on his soul, filled him with a vague
terror ; the languorous, heat-laden atmosphere, the very
forms of the trees, the sluggish, oily-flowing river, the very
superabundance of life and of life in its most terrible forms,
all these had created around him that atmcsphere of night-
mare that the tropics can alone create.
Then even supposing that the cache really existed, there
was Macquart and his threatened treachery.
Macquart was a terrible man. He was beginning to
recognise that fact even more fully now. A man who worked
always for some hidden purpose and always underground.
A wolf that was yet a mole. It is only given to human nature
to incorporate in itself the properties of div erse animal natures,
and sometimes this gift produces most strange monstrosities.
He remembered that morning of his first meeting with
Macquart in the Dam tin of Sydney ; even at that first meet-
ing something predatory in the make-up of his new acquain-
tance had struck him. Since then, and by slow degrees the
nature of the man had been half-shewing itself, and the evi-
dence against him accumulating. Houghton had been keen
enough about the object of the expedition all through, but
now he was doubly keen ; it was not only the gold that was at
Stake, but Chaya. And he could do nothing but wait, nothing
could be done to hurry matters.
Houghton's keen psychological sense had given him
some glimpse of the extraordinary mentality oi the man
upon whom everything depended. He guessed in Macquart
some of those qualities that go to form the foundation of
madness. Not that Macquart was mad in the least, never
was there a man more coldly sane, but it seemed evident
to Houghton that here was a man who would destroy every-
thing, even his own chance of success, rather than allow
success to a man he hated.
And Macquart hated Hull with an ungodly hatred. To
Houghton, now, it seemed clearly demonstrated that Mac-
quart's original plan was to bring the Barracuda into the
lagoon, where without doubt the treasure was cached, and not
to come up here to the village at all. Macquart had meant to
run straight, at least, till the gold was on board the Barracuda ;
after that, who knows what he might have done, but he would
at least have used his companions for the purpose of shipping
the treasure.
The advent of Hull changed all this, and the way in
which Hull had managed to arm himself and his companions
whilst disarming Macquart.
Finding his plans destroyed and his enemy on top of him,
Macquart had evolved new plans which were now in progress.
What were these plans ?
It was impossible as yet to predict. It was only possible
to say that to gain time for some purpose, "Macquart would
keep them digging every night at the place where there was
notiiing to be found.
The hopeful part of the situation was embraced by the
fact that he knew nothing of their suspicions, and the only
plan of campaign for the present was to give him a free rein.
Hull presently relinquished his work on the boat and
came up and sat down beside Houghton, complaining of the
heat.
" Where's Mac ? " said he.
" He's in there in the house smoking and talking to
Wiart," replied Houghton.
The Captain lit a pipe.
" I don't know what's in me when I'm near that swab,"
said he. " I always want to lay him out. I do so. He
raises my gizzard. Now mind you, lie played me a low down,
dirty trick that time fower years ago. but it's not that makes
me want to flatten his head in witii a shovel, it's himsoif.
My Gawd, sometimes I feel I could let up on the whole of this
show just for the sake of givin' that mud turkle a rap on the
shell that'd finish him. Funny, ain't it ? "
"01 don't know," replied Houghton. " I feel pretty
much as you feel, sometimes, but he's the goose that lays the
golden egg and it's better not to think of him."
" That's what I can't help," said the Captain. " I
believe the chap's bamboozling us."
" Oh, nonsense," said Houghton, alarmed at the idea that
Hull was sniffing at the truth and at the idea of tlic possible
consequences. " \\'hy should he let us down over the busf-
ness ? He has just as big a stake in it as we have, and he's
no use without us."
" I don't know why he should," replied the other, " but
them's my feelings. We ought to have struck the stuff last
night, we sure ought to if it's there. If we don't strike the
stuff, well, all I've to say is it's Mac that'll be struck and
struck hard. You'll see."
" Look here," said Houghton, " promise me one thing;
promise me to say nothing to him ever that will make him
think you suspect him without first consulting with me and
Tillman. This is a serious matter. Captain, and supposing
for a moment he is bamboozling us —which doesn't seem
probable — we must act accordingly and all together to find out
his plans."
" O, I won't say anything," replied the other, 'or 111
have a talk with you two before I do. You tell me one thing.
If the stuff was cached on that bit of bank, the ship it was
took from, if they sank her, would be layin' close by. The
river is only three fathom deep off the stage — I've took
soundings— I don't believe it's much deeper up there, so
they'd have sunk her in only eighteen foot of water. Why,
she'd draw most that."
" She would," replied Houghton.
" Let's "go and take soundings off the bank up there,"
said the Cajitain. " It'll be something to do." He went to
the boat and fetched the sounding lead, and they left the stage
and walked along the river bank up stream till they reached
the spot.
"The Captain looked at their excavation work of last night.
" It's lonesome enough to work by day up here without
nobody knowing," he said, " only maybe that blighter of a
Wiart might see us goin' and suspect. I reckon perliaps
Mac's right — unless he's foolin' us."
He made a cast with the lead from the bank edge at the
base of the spit ; it showed two and a half fathoms or there-
abouts, then he went to the apex of the spit. The depth here
was nothing, till one got well away from the bank.
" I'd have to bring the boat up to get correct soundin's,"
said Hull, " but what we've got will do. You see for yourself.
There ain't anywhere just here a vessel could be moored to
and sunk at her moorin's, and that was the way of it, accordin'
to Mac."
" You're right," said Houghton. " The only thing one
can suppose is that the river has altered in the course of fifteen
years."
" / don't see what's to alter it," said the Captain,
looking at the river. " No, sir, unless there's some deep
pool near here we don't know nothing of, that ship was never
moored to no bank of this river."
It seemed astounding to Houghton that Hull should
not have thought of the lagoon and should not have con-
nected the idea of the old burnt ship in the lagoon with the
Terschelling, but a moment's reflection told him that Hull had
not seen the burnt ship as they saw it. and also reminded him
of the fact that the human intellect works in very narrow
circuits. Hull's mind was held by Macquart's story to the
village and this bit of bank ; he was utterly lacking in imagina-
tion and the lagoon away down the river never once occurred
to him as the " deep pool " where the bones of the Ter-
schelling might be lying.
They turned from the spit and made back through the
trees towards the tent, and they had scarcely gone a hundred
yards when something white moving amidst the tree boles
drew Houghton's attention
It was Chaya.
She had not been foUovvmg them, evidenfly, for she was
coming towards them, though not in the hne of their path.
" There's the gal we saw yesterday," said Hull.
Houghton's heart sprang alive in him like a struggling
bird.
It was only a couple of hours ago that she had evaded
March 30, 1916
LAND & WATER
21
Chaya a Romance o/ the South Seat ]
{tyiuslraleii bu Josei}h Simpaon, R.B.A.
" When the party were digging on the spit of riverbank "
him. He would soon know now if she were angry or not.
She had a basket in her hand and was evidently going
about some business or other, and she had seen him, he could
tell that. But she did not alter her direction. She kept
straight on, and passing them ten yards away she turned her
head, caught Houghton's gaze full, and smiled.
He could only tell that she was not angry, that she was
in fact quite friendly, but it seemed to him there was the
faintest, faintest trace of mockery in that smile. The
mockery of a child that has just escaped its would-be captor.
Then she was gone.
•" She give you the glad eye," said Hull. " She did
shore — Funny things them females are, she hadn't no eyes
for me. I never did hold with wimmen folk and never took
up with them much excep' maybe now and then when I've
had more money in my pocket than wits in my head."
When they got back to the tent they found Tillman
talking to Macquart.
Tillman was seated on the ground with his back to a tree
and Macquart was seated near him. The discussion.
22
LAND & WATER
March 30, 1916
whatever it was, between the two, was being conducted with
vigour to judge by the gestures of Macquart.
" See here, you fellows," cried Tillman as they ap-
proached. " Here's something new."
CHAPTER XIX.
The New Move
•■ Well," said Hull, taking his seat on the ground near
Tillman, " What's up now ? "
" Everything," said Tillman, " ask Macquart."
" It's not as bad as that," said Macquart, " in fact, as
far as I can see, things are looking better than they did
when we knocked off work last night, but I'm beginning to
have more than a suspicion that we have been done."
Houghton saw Hull's big hand clench itself as it lay
besde 'lim on the grou:id. Fearing that the Captain might
take up the questioning of Macquart, he moved close to him
and 1. ani^ed to nudge him unseen by the others.
" Jt^iovv do you mean ? " he said. " Who has done
us
Tlic natives I believe, and be
to them," said
Macquart. " It's this way. When we struck nothing last night,
when, in fact, I saw that the marking trees were gone I began to
suspect. I began to say to myself, can it be possible that the
stuff has been removed ? I thrashed the thing out in my
own mind. I said to myself, fifteen years is a long while,
can white men have been here and taken tlie stuff off ? Then
I saw at once, arguing from common sense that — outside
miracles — the thing could not be. No white rne.i in the
world had track of the position of the thing but me."
• Steady on," said Hull, speaking despite the warning
nudges of Houghton, " wasn't you goin' round the world
huntin' for a chap to put up money for this expedition ?
Why, God bless my soul, you told me about the thing fower
years ago in 'Frisco. Well, if you told it to me you told it to
loads besides. How do you know that one of them chaps
liasn't been to the money box ? "
The enmity of Macquart towards the questioner shot
out in his glance.
■ How do I know ? I know because I wasn't such a
complicated fool as to give any man a hint that would bring
liim within two Imndred miles of the thing. Have 3'ou any
more questions to ask ? Well then. I said to myself last
night, no white man has been here, but how about natives ?
The Papuans are out of court, they are too stupid. How
about the Dyaks ? They're clever, 'they may have ferreted
out the stuff, and if they did they'd know it belonged to John
Lant and they'd maybe move it to some other place more
safely hid than the river bank. They're full up of super-
stitions, and if anv bad luck had been happening to them or
if they'd been miliicky at fishing or if one of their wise women
had -been dreaming things they might have taken it as an
indication, if they knew the stuff was there, to move it.
Anyhow those were my thoughts. Then to-day when I was
yarning with Wiart I managed to liit on some news. Two
years ago there was a big disturbance here and the Dyaks
stopped fishing for a week. They were desperately busy
about something, carting mat baskets through the woods.
Wiart was very busy just then with the rubber and he didn't
notice things mucli till towards the end of the pow-wow, when
one day he was out prospecting in the forest and he came on
the thing the Dvaks had been carting theit baskets to. He
followed one of "the basket carriers to it, in fact. It was a
sort.of-temple hut and he didn't go further for he didn't want
to be seen prying into their affairs. He never thought that
the stuff those chaps were carting might be gold, he thought
it was earth from the river-side and they had some rehgious
reason for bringing it. He thinks so still. I haven't said
anything to make him think different. Well, I believe that's
where the stuff is. I believe they cut the marking trees
down, though maybe the trees fell of their own accord.
.Anyhow, that's the position and Wiart knows wiiere that
Imt place is in the forest, anyhow, he said he could go there
'Mijt,. easy."
Well," said Hull, " if he could we'd better yank him
(.III and make him lead us there."
" I believe there's something in this," said Houghton
with an air of conviction, " but we must go cautiously."
" There mayn't be anything in it at all," said Macquart.
•• it may be a wrong scent entirely, but it's worth enquiring
into."
■' If it's true, our difficulty will be this," said Tilhiian.
" If the Dyaks have hid the" stuff you may be sure they'll
not let us take it off without a word or two."
" And how about our Winchesters ? " cut in Houghton.
'And our six-shooters? Seems to me the argument on
our side will be the strongest."
" If it comes to that," said Macquart, " I'll make the
Dyaks do the hefting. I'll make them carry that stuff right
down to the Barracuda and not botlier about the boat. And
there's another point, you three are armed, I 've got nothing
but my naked hands, if we are to carry this thing through
we must all be a:«ned. I've got to have a gun."
" That's perfectly right," said Houghton, " ai d you'll
have mine the moment we touch the stuff."
Macquart said nothing but began to fill a pipe, then he
lit it. He seemed satisfied with Houghton's promise, at
least, his mind seemed to have travelled to some of inn-
subject.
"We'd better go on digging to-night," he said, " on
the chance that some shock of earthquake may have deepened
the stuff, though I don't think that's very probable. Any:
how, we'd better make plumb sure the cache is gone. I
believe I'm right in supposing it is, but we can never be
quite sure in this world. Then to-morrow I can fix it up
with Wiart to take us to that place."
" Why not call the chap out now and let's talk it over ? "
said Hull.
" If you like," said Macquart, " only I'd advise not.
He suspects nothing of what we're after, and if you leave it to
me he'll go on not suspecting tillwere dabbling our hands in
the yellow boys."
" You're right," said Houghton. " Hull, we'd better
leave this thing to Macquart, he's cleverer than the whole
of us."
" Oh, I don't pretend to be clever," said the other, " I
struck on the idea by chance and it was the merest chance
that I sounded Wiart on the matter. That's all there is to
it."
" Well, let's say nothing more till we've had another try
to-night," replied Houghton. " If we draw a blank then to-
morrow we can make arrangements with Wiart."
Half an hour later Tillman, taking Houghton for a
stroll down to the landing stage, broke silence.
" Do you think Macquart is in earnest ? " he asked.
" Not a bit," replied Houghton, " he's cooking some
dog's trick to play on us. I believe he has roped that scani])
of a Wiart into this scheme, as a cat's paw, of course. H„'
intends to take us into the woods and do for us. Notice tli?
way he made the bid for arms."
" Yes, and vou promised him your pistol."
" When we touched the stuff. The stuff is not in the
woods."
" Well, for heaven's sake, why should we go with him ?
I'm not a funk, but when we know or suspect he's going to
do for us, why not tackle him at once ? "
" If he was an ordinary scoundrel, I'd put my pistol
to his head and threaten to shoot him if he didn't show us where
the cache was," rephed Houghton. " But he's not. The
threat wouldn't have any effect on him simply because he'd
rather be shot, I believe, than show that stuff to Hull. There's
the faint chance that this yarn may be true, and that his
plan is to get us to lielp move the stuff before doing us in,
and there's the chance that he rnay lead us into some trap.
Now, if I could once convict him of that and escape the trap,
then I'd make him show us the place we want even by torturing
him, then it would be a question of hot blood. Biit we've
convicted him of nothing and you can't torture a man in cold
blood — I can't. So we'll just have to lay low, not care a
dump for danger and be ready to pounce."
" I'll be ready to do the pouncing," said Tillman, " if I
get tl;e chance."
.After supper that night and just before moon-rise tiiey
stole off again up stream to the spit.
Four hours' digging showed no result beyond a hole in
which, to use Hulls expression, they could have buried a
church. Then, depressed but not dispirited, they returned to
the tent.
Hull and Houghton retired to rest, but Tillman, according
to his arrangement with Houghton, slipped oif armed with a
Winchester to keep watch on the boat.
{To be continued.)
Once more we arc threatened with a revival of the waist-
coat, but this seems likely to be more general with frocks
than with coats and skirts. A waistcoat frock can be the
most attractive of models and in the newest form the waist-
coat is worn over the frock itself, after the way Qf a little
sleeveless coat. An unusually pretty frock of copper brown
taffetas just- arrived from Paris was made after this way, the
waistcoat being of dark purple velvet embroidered with a
somewhat scattered design of metallic autumn leaves.
.Acknowledgment of the wintry weather which has recently
fallen to our lot was given by a narrow edging of fur round
neck, sleeves and skirt.
OKIICEKS' LE.WE liKIGIlTENED BY BILLIARDS.— As an
indoor sport Riving endless opportunities for the exercise of skill,
nothing igjn equal Billiards — played on a Burroughes and Watts'
Table. I^^ascination is inexhaustible.
April 6, 1916
Supplement to LAND & WATER
xiu
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XIV
Supplement to LAND & WATER
April 6, 1916
TKc Palmolivc Secret
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serrpt. For centuries these two wonderful oils
have been renowned for their beanty-giving vir-
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nnd Eg_vpt, adepts, as they were, in the art of
Beauty Culture, used nothing else, and to-day,
in the form of ^^
PALMOLIVE
there is not iuiything to
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The skin responds to PfiJm-
olive like the flowers do to
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Intellectual Cravings
of Soldiers.
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Part 3 of the " LAND & WATER"
Edition of
Raemaekers
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^TT THIS part contains 12 Cartoons in colours,
%j\ and chapters by Sir Herbert Warren, W. L.
Courtnev. John Buchan, Boyd Gable, The
Dean of St. Paul's, H. de Vere Stacpoo e, Eden
Phillpotis, Hilaire Belloc, Arthur Pol. en, and
G. K. Chesterton.
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From a private letter received lately from an officer at the Front it
seems that there are many men who need something better than magazincf
and novels to satisfy their intellectual cravings. We niiitst remember that
our new Armies contain the flower of the universities and of the young
manhood of the nation. There are many men like our correspondent who
are surfeited with " light literature," and crave stronger meat. This
ofiicer says : —
"Could you arranije to stnd me an 'EVERYMAN,' or tome eon
of literary journal, every weelcl I have nothing here to read
except old nrngazinea, etc., with which I am turjeited; I never even
tee a paper now for days at a time. Therefore, that which it
literary in my soul cravet for sustenance, and it would be a great
boon to me if J could rely each week on a journal of that tort to
keep me in touch with those things which are above all travail of
the flesh."
Is it too much to say that there moBt be thousands of men with
similar tastes and cravings amongst our Armies in the various theatres
of war, to that of the officer in question. We think not. Agreed that
this is .so, it surely behoves everyone who has a soldier friend at the Front
to .see that his desire for literature of a more serious character than that
which reaches our Armies in large quantities does not go unsatisfied.
But why send EVERYMAN in particular! Why is it that this officer
specially mentions EVERYMAN? Are there no other journals equally
good, if not better, for the purpose? This is quite an interesting point.
Let us see what there is in it.
First of all, what type of journal is this periodical which keeps its
readers, in the words of the officer, " in touch with those things that art
above all travail of the flesh "?
Under what class can such a journal come? To be frank, it does
not come under any particular grouping of periodicals. It is in a class
by itself. There is no periodical of precisely a similar character.
Doubtless its distinguished editor (Dr. Sarolea) counts for this
exclusiveness and distinctiveness. The Newspaper Owner recently
referring to EVERYMAN said :—
" The Editor exhibits a marvellous range of vision and exact know-
ledge in various spheres of thought and activity. Owing allegiance
to no sect, uninfluenced by no consideration of partisanship, we have
in the Editor of EVERYMAN a pressman whost conclusions on
most questions possess an element of finality."
It is not surprising that the Newspaper Owner should speak in this way
of Dr. Sarolea because he is an inteniationalist and has studied, on the
spot, the social and political problems of most nations ; he has coUected a
foreign library of 60.000 volumes ; he is Doctor of Philosophy and Litera-
ture, and is first Lecturer and Head of the French and Romance Dept.
in the University of Edinburgh ; he has made a close study of European
politics, and one of the greatest of living German publicists has referred
to him as
" A Cosmopolitan by origin and by the circumttancet of hit career,
who shows a universality of culture which will seldom meet its
equal. He it acquainted and familiar with almost all the languages
and literatures of the world, and he treats politics and history with
the same virtuosity as literature. Although a Cosmopolitan he has
the keenest sense and appreciation for national patriotism."
Is it to be wondered at therefore that a journal controlled by such an
eminent internationalist should prove so remarkably in.ipiring to thought
ful men and women, and should earn the honour of special mention whicli
the officer correspondent makes in his appeal.
Immediately this letter was brought to the attention of the proprietor.^
of EVERYMAN they offered to send this particular officer a copy of
their journal regularly, at their own cost. This has quite naturally led
to the development of the idea of getting EVERYMAN into the hand.-^
of our thoughtful soldiers. Obviou.sly the proprietors cannot undertake-
to send out copies to the Front to an unlimited extent, but realising that
they have an opportunity of assisting in satisfying the cravings of intel-
lectual soldiers they are prepared to share the cost with those who would
like to bring to their friends the weekly pleasure that EVERYMAN so
evidently gives. The extent to which they are willing to go is to bear
one-third the cost by defraying the postage. In addition, they undertake
to address the wrapper, band up, and post. Thus for one shilling they
will send out a copy to any soldier weekly for three months.
A contemporary recently summed up the special characteristics of the
journal by describing it
"as having filled a distinct requirement on the part of the British
pulilic by the skilful presentation of subjects bearing on the domi-
nant thought in men's minds, without the arguments and pleadim/i'
with which readers of the duiliis are familiar. The j>lan has been
that of inducing judgment by deduction, by referring to men and
events in an objective manner, not always labouring the point,
nrvertlieless, continually kept in view. The policy could only
achieve its purpose by the exercise of restraint. That it has is no
dnulit due to the fact of Dr. Sarnlea possessing the double quati/i-
cation, in addition to his distinguished capability, of being a Belgian
who thoroughly understands Britain and the British."
We commend to you, therefore, the scheme of shilling subscriptions
inaugurated by EVERYMAN, in order that you can satisfy the very
natural cravin" for good, wholesome, intellectual literature of your soldier
friends. Alf that von have to do is to se'>d tn the Manager of
EVERYMAN, 10, St. Mary's Chambers, 161a, STR.AND, London, W.C..
the sum of one shilling, together with the name and rci;iment of the friend
at the Front you wish to please in this way. EVERYMAN will do the
rest.
Apii 6, IQ16
Supplement to LAND & WATER
XV
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VI
Supplement to LAND & WATER
April 6, 1916
Mr. Bernard Partridge,
the well-known " Punch" Artist,
expresses his appreciation of
Wateraiari's
FounSa^Pen
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For the above testimonial we are indebted to the courtesy of
Messrs. C Roberson & Co.. Ltd., 155 & 156 Piccadilly. W..
to whom it was addressed.
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LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVI No. 2813 [y?!!^]
TTTrTT?c:DAV APT?TT f\ Tr\Tf\ tregistered ash price sixpence
inuivoi^/A 1 , rtirivii^ u, j.y±u La newspaperJ published weeklv
Bi) Louis Uaemaekem.
Drawn exclusively for "Land and WaLei.
On the way to Verdun — " We took two houses in Malancourt."
LAND & WATER
April 6, 1 916
[fhotu by Lietitcuaiit Bvwcn.
The South Pole ^ Shackleton's Halfway House
U'holu bU ilLibill U. loii'uiH.
Mount Erebus — Shackleton's Goal
These photographs illustrate Mr. Herbert Ponting's article on page 17. The tent in Lieutenant Bowers'
photograph is the one set up by Amundsen, who anticipated Captain Scott. Captain Scott is at the extreme
left of the .picture. At the foot of Mount Erebus lies Gape Evans, Sir Ernest Shackleton's destination.
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C.
Telephone: HOLBORN 3828
THURSDAY, APRIL 6th, 1916
CONTENTS
On the Way to Verdun. By T^ouis Raemaekers
South Pole and Mount Erebus (Pliotos)
Tlic King's Gift. (Leading Article)
Enemy Object at Verdun. By Hilaire Bclloc
Cicrmany and the Neutrals. By Arthur Pollen
Sortes Shakespeariana;
Position of Holland. By John C. Van der Veer
The Chancellor of the Exchequer. By James Dougla
Agony of Serbia. By Alfred Stead
Shackleton's Expedition. By Herbert G. Ponting
Map of McMurdo Sound
Chaya. By H. de Vcrc Stacpoole
Town and Country
The West End
Choosing Kit
P.\GE
I
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lO
II
13
s 14
1 6
17
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xviii.
xxi.
THE KING'S GH T
Privy Purse Office,
Buckingham Palace, S.W.,
^ist March, 1916.
Sir, — / have received the King's commands to inform
you thai His Majesty has given instructions for the
sum of One Hundred Thousand Pounds (£100,000)
to be placed at the disposal af the Treasury.
It is the King's wish that this sum, which he gives in
consequence of the ivar, should be applied in whatever
manner is deemed best in (he opinion of His Majesty's
Government.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
F. E. G. PONSONBY,
Keeper of the Privy Purse.
The Right Honhlc. H. H. Asquilh, K.C., M. P., Prime
Minister.
" ^ ^^""^ deserve acts, not words in their honour."
/% This aphorism of the famous Greek orator was
/ — % never more applicable tlian to the King's gift.
It is easy to praise its munificence and to
commend its spontaneous generosity, but the true honour
of this kingly act, as announced in the letter at the head
of this article, lies in the manner in which the example
will be followed by all classes throughout the Empire. In
placing of his own free-will this large sum at the
disposal of his Government. His Majesty has once
again testified to the solidarity of the nation and
of the Empire in its fixed determination to carry the
war through at all costs. The willing spirit in which
the Buc'get has been received with its Pelion on Ossa in
the way of new taxation must further impress Neutrals
and foes alike that Britain is not to be daunted by any
demands upon her purse. The riches she has often
boasted in the past are a reality, and she is willing to
jiour them out ungrudgingly as the , purchase price oi
liberty and freedom.
Mr. McKenna had his task made easier for him on
Tuesday in that he was able to announce a reduction
in expenditure and an excess in revenue over his estimates
of last summer, and as he has no doubt framed his 1916-17
estimates on the same lines, it is not unreasonable to
expect tliat his anticipations will be more than fulfilled.
There is to be another Budget in July primarily for the
purpose of continuing the additional duties on tea and
tobacco imposed by the Finance Act of last September,
duties which would otherwise expire on August ist.
The opportunity will then be taken to review again the
financial situation and also, so every one hopes, for a
definite decision on the question of fiscal duties. In the
course of his lucid speech the Chancellor of the Exchequer
brought forward a very potent argument in favour of
the earliest ])ossible decision on this point. He said,
" W'c must not overlook the fact that after the war many
of our traders will have to compete with neutral rivals
who have been able through war prices to build up
immense reserves of capital which have not been subject
to taxation." British traders have the right to know
to what extent they may receive protection from their
own Government against this new rivahy, a perfectly
lawful rivalry but which nevertheless will have been
created by the very circumstances which will have
crippled their own powers of resistance.
Among the features of the new taxation which are to be
commended is the tardy recognition that all fluid re-
freshment other than spring water is a luxury, lemon-
ade just as much as champagne, gingerbeer as much as
gin and cocoa equally with tea. This principle we trust
has now been accepted for all time at the Treasury.
Table w'aters are as legitimate a source of revenue as
table wines, and it was a scandal even before the war
that the overflow of German wells should be admitted
to this country free, while the produce of French vine-
yards should be substantially taxed. Another good fea-
ture )s the tax on amusements. Surely there is no form of
tribute that can be rendered more gladly to the State
than this. Henceforth we may amuse ourselves with an
easy conscience knowing that every stall we buy at a
theatre is another clip of cartridges against the Hun.
Seeing that race meetings have now come within the
purview of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, let us hope
he may be tempted to go a step further into the betting
ring and there set up the public totalisator. As for the
tax on railway tickets, its results will be watched with
considerable interest and some anxiety. On whom
will the extra burden fall — on the railways or on the
travelling public, which has been considerably reduced
already by mar^y causes connected with the war ?
Mr. McKenna had a word of sympathy for the income-
tax payer. He evidently knows how heavily the burden
already falls on many, more particularly on the pro-
fessional classes, who are not only endeavouring to
maintain " the standard of life necessary in their circum-
stances for efficiency," but also to bring up and educate
children so that they shall be fitted to carry on to the
best of their abilities their duty in the state of life to
which they have been called. In the delightful character
sketch of Mr. McKenna from the pen of Mr. James
Douglas which appears on another page, stress is laid on
the fearlessness of his character, and he touched the
right note in the concluding sentences of his brief and
business-like Budget statement when he said : " Civic
courage is as important in its sphere as military courage
and we may justly claim in this time of stress that we
have not been found wanting in either of those great
virtues." This being so we appeal to Mr. McKenna to
use his influence to put an end to those fatuous " Don't "
posters and other banal emanations that disfigure the
hoardings to-day. Their appearance brands us as a
nation of either imbeciles or cowards. We are neither.
The Government would do well to adopt a more restrained
tone in such advertising as is still necessary for the busi-
ness of the country. Much good has no doubt been done
in the past by these methods but there is a limit to every-
thing. This attempt to regulate private expenditure by
public posters at the present time when everyone is
shouldering tlieir burden bravely is deeply resented.
LAND & WATER
April 6, itjif
THE ENEMY OBJECT AT VERDUN
By Hilaire Belloo
THE one question wliirh Wrdnn is suijgcsting
tliroughout ICuropo now is this : W'liat is the
(ierman object in continuing tin- attack ?
Upon Saturday, tiie Kjtii February last, the
Germans — after a preparation in the way of bringing up
heavy pieces and accunuilating heavy niunitionni<nl,
resting tlieir men, training six'cia! bodies, etc., for about
two months — opened the attack not upon the " I'ortress
of Verdini," for there is no such thing, but upon tiie
\'erdun sector of the western front. Tiiey delivered
on that day upon tlie lines from Malancourt eastward for
twenty miles, but especially on the eight or nine miles
between the Mcuse and Ornos, the first shells of an inten-
sive bombardment.
Upon ^[onday, February 21st, they launched their
infantry after the 48 hours' preparatory artillery work
against this eight to nine mile front : the number of
divisions employed in this shock being no less than
fourteen.
These lines are written upon Tuesday, the 4th of April.
T-"orty-six days have already elapsed in the pursuit of a
task which originally — if we may judge by the attempted
rate of advance upon the one hand and the reasonable
calculation of delay to French reinforcements upon the
other — was designed for about four days.
We all know the changes which have passed over the
great action and over the conception of the German
( ieneral Staff in that period. There have been two main
phases.
The first shock was intended to crush back the French
troops beyond the Meuse, and in the heat of that victory
possibly, or probably, to break the French line imme-
diately beyond. This original scheme, for which every-
thing had' been designed, broke down altogether, and
the uijoment of its failure was the French counter-attack
on the plateau of Douaumont, a little before noon on
Saturday, February 26th.
The battle of Verdun, as the Germans had designed it
and as their General Staff had conceived its objective,
was lost within the fust week.
On the analogy of all the other great offensives launched
in the course of this war, since the role of heavy artillery
became clear (the Chaiupagne offensive a year ago, the
Artois last May, Xeuve Chapelle, the two great attacks
upon the Warsaw lines. Loos, the great offensive on the
Tsonzo some w-eeks ago, the French great offensive in
Champagne, etc.), the German attack should at this point
have ceased.
There is a clear reason why it should ha\'e ceased, a
reason familiar to every student of the war, and a common-
place in the descriptions given by the higher commands
of their task. It is simply this ; that these great efforts
are. against the modern entrenched defensive, so e.\-
]>ensive in material and in men that you gamble upon a
rapid breaking of the front (such as has once been effected
in this war, to wit on the Dunajec last year), and if
you fail to do that you must cut your losses at once.
Supposing, for instance, that (ieneral de Castelnau had
gone on and oil through October against the German lines
in Champagne in the saiue fashion as that of his first great
assault on September 23th and 26th. it would have meant
perhaps half a million of losses and tite jjutting of a very
large number of guns out of action for scjuie time, as well
as the squandering of accumulated anununition. J'or no
Industrial nation can turn out shell at the rate at which
it is spent in these tremendous efforts.
But the Germans, having lost their battle in the first
week, continued the effort in the shape of a new and
different series of actions. This— that is, all the iin-
mensely e.xpensive struggle of the last six weeks — is in
tactical practice and theorv a distinct, novel, and second
affair. It has been prolonged up to the present moment
—that is for nearly six weeks — and will probably be
prolonged for luany days more. This new phase is
marked by the following cliaracters :
(I) fhe front which is being attacked is struck here
and there, not in a general assault but upon \t'ry narrow.
specially selected fronts : never more than 2,000 yards,
often only 500.
(2) Facii of these local actions is prepared with a
specially intense bombardment, very costly in munitions.
Each involves the use? of from one division upwards.
It is very rarely that any of them arc flelivered with less.
(.;) The special sectors so selected have each a fairly
obvious tactical value (as will be exjilained in a moment).
There is no element of surprise. There is a contiiuied
eft'ort to dri\e in at one of four or five points, each of
which is ob\iously a jjpint where success would be of
ultimate \alue to the enemy, and eacli of which the
I'rench now know by heart.
'fherefore — as the points are few, specially selected,
and of narrf)w front — failure upon them does not cause
the abandonment of the effort. Tlie troops broken at
the first or the second effort are witiidrawn, new troops
sent up, and when these are broken in their turn, new
troops again — and so on. At Vaux, for instance, where
there is barely room to deploy a division in full strength,
something like half-a-dozen divisions have been identified,
if 1 am not mistaken, from first to last ; and it is the same
with all the other points.
(3) Against this prolonged system of very intense, very
dense local attacks, conlined to particular, points upon a
general line of 30 miles in length, the French oppose
nothing but what has been well called in one of their
military phrases, " dynamjc resistance." It is not a
wall — that metaphor is bad. It is a hot iron against
which nmch of the attacking material, often all the
attacking material, melts away.
(6) Therefore the whole effort has become one quite
outrageously more expensive in men for the attacking
side than for the defenders and this question oj com-
parative expense is the cctpilal factor in the whole matter.
Modern war like primitive or savage w'ar thus con-
ducted eats up, not the old, small, renewable armies,
but the available force of whole nations : not in a genera-
tion but in a score of months.
Having got all this clear, let us proceed to the mam
question which has puzzled all observers in this war :
the German conception lying behind this prolonged
action. \\'hat is their object in going on for forty days
and more after failing in their initial effort ?
I have said that this cjuestion is the capital question of
the moment. It is one I cannot presume to answer :
no one can enter the enemy's mind. To do so thoroughh'
in any military conflict would be to ensure victory :
conjecture alone is possible. But one thing is clear.
There is an immediate objective — which is self-evidently
insuflicient — and there is an ultimate one. The imme-
diate objective anyone can see. The Germans are
obviously trying to get troops into the geographical area
marked by the houses of Verdun. To gi\'e their eft'ort
more meaning by changing the phrase, to call it " taking
Verdim," for instance, would be misleading. There is
nothing to take. They are not dealing with a fortress
'ilicy ii-e not in\esting a beleaguered anuy. I'hcy are
trying to compel the retireiuent of troops upon a par-
ticular sectiT of the front from lines they at present
occupy to lines some miles further east. In the process
they could put their troo])s into the area of Verdun —
and no luore. They are continuing in such effort because
they believe that it will not cost them more in armed
men than the ultimate result will cost the French. For
\ictory only means the disarming of one's enemy in so
nuich greater proportion than one's own troops are
disarmed during the process, that he will at last fall intc
a hopeless inferiority and give up the struggle.
What is that ultimate result which the enemy sees af
the consequence of a mere French retirement bcyont
Verdun ?
fhat second main question is the undecided kernel ol
the whole thing. Before approaching it let us answei
the first and much simpler point : the manner of th<
attack and its cost.
When wr have 'studied how the enemv is trving to reacf
April 6, 1916
LAND &WATER
Verdun and how far he is succeeding and at ^vhat rate,
we can turn to thc^ much more tundamental aspect of
the question — why he sfiould desire to effect this change
and at what cost he seems prepared to pursue it.
The present method of attaining the
immediate object
Tlie s'jctor of tiie Western front witii wliich the enemy
is deahng is a sahent not ver\- prominent and of the
N character expressed in the details of Sketch I.
If the reader will look at this Sketch I he will see that
the line, starting at the edge of the Argonne at Boueillcs
and curving round to a point within a mile of St. Mihicf
upon the Meuse, stands forward at its most extreme point
about 14 English miles beyond the nearest point which the
line would occupy if it were normally drawn instead of
forming a salient. In other words, the extreme depth of
the salient is 14 miles. Its width across what would be
the neck of it, if it were a salient more defined, but to
which it is rather ridiculous to apply that metaphor in so
very slightly pronounced a bulge, is just over .50 English
miles.
StlVtthid
If the enemy can get the hne back to the river Meuse
above Verdun, and if he can get it back behind Verdun
itself, he will apparently have effected his immediate
design
It sounds sillv. It seems, at first sight, to have rio
very definite military meaning, I know. But- that is
quite clearly what he is doing, and we must examine
later why he is doing it.
Now tiiis being clearly the object in the enemy's mind,
whether wise or unwise, what does it suggest to the
French as the object they should aim at ? The answer
is obvious. The weak point in the enemy's scheme is
that he is trying to get something of debatable value
at a price which must be exceedingly high, and which
mav pro\-e disastrously too high. It is the object of the
French to make him pay the very highest price possible.
So long as he ])a\s that price territory — within reason,
territory of 'a fe\v miles breadth— matters nothing. If
the enemy captures at an expense of 20,000 men, a few
acres which can lead to nothing more, save a similar
small advance sc\-c;ral days later at a similar cost, the
In-ench merely consider the difference between his losses
and theirs as a price ]5aid. And his losses are normally
from four to four and a half times theirs. If the few
acres which he captures would from tlieir position lead to
some immediate and more important result — for instance,
if they include a dominating height for observation or
make dangerously narrow the neck of a salient, or give
some other advantage which might immediately procure
fmllier and much larger results -then it is worth while
lowering the [jruportion of loss ; in other words, it is worth
while in that particular instance to counter-attack and to
rciover what vou have lost even if in so doing you lose
not the usual quarter or fifth, but half as many men as
your opponent, or even more. Such -counter-attacks
have been the exception in the long story of these six
weeks, e\x'r since the (iermans reached upon the east of
ihe Meuse the main defences and ever since they began
upon the west of the Jleuse their long struggle for the
Mort Homme.
We must remember in all this that the great war is
novel in nothing so much as in its scale ; both of time and
of ninnbers.
It is within measurable distance of exhausting; the
]K)wers of certain of the chief combatants ; it has more
nearly exhausted the powers of the Central Empires than
it has those of the Allies — even of the French. It permits
by its mere continuation and by the mere further ex-
liausting of the (\'ntral Empires of a reserve of man-
power coming in from this country, from Italy and from
Russia. Therefori' in any sober judgment the debate
nmst be a debate on numbers, as has been said here a
hundred times ; and the (".crnian Empire in particular,
whenever it gives us an opportunity to bleed it will, in
the bleeding of it, give us ultimate results of exactly the
same character as the more dramatic and vivid results
obtained in a local rapid and dccisi\e action.
We have, then, the French noting the enemy's deter-
mination to occupy a certain geographical area and his
readiness to spend a very large number of men in the
process : a very large excess indeed over the correspond-
ing French losses : an excess of, say, 4 or 4.I to one.
He is deliberately spending this capital for a future
return : an ultimate purpose still to be discussed. We
have the French therefore doing everything not to keep
the Germans out of the geographical area called " Ver-
dun," emphatically not to do anything so meaningless in a
military sense, but making him pay just the very maximum
price possible ; and the test of the price is the contrast
between his losses and theirs. \\'e have the enemy, for
whatever reasons, pounding steadily a.way in his desire
ultimately — apparently at a calculated but exceedingly
high price — to occupy that area. Let lis ask first what
tactical method the enemy is pursuing to achieve that
result.
The method he is pursuing is the one with which his
former work on the eastern front has made us familiar,
the creation of salients, or the attacking of particular
salients already existing and the attempt to flatten out
such salients, each such attempt when successful in-
volving the occupation of the area the salient formed.
Now it is quite clear on a mere inspection of the broad-
est points on the map that the salient of Verdun is not of
a pronounced kind. There is no hope whatsoever of
*' cutting it off at the neck." Indeed, as I have said, there •
is no " neck," properly speaking, at all ; there is, rather,
a very broad base thirty miles long, across which, even
before the attack began, fairly good lines of supply ran.
and w'liich now, with innumerable newly-hardened and
even newly-constructed roads and many light railways
can feed any number of men and guns at the fighting
front.
Upon Sketch Map I we see the main double lines of
railway of normal gauge, the northern one from Ste.
Menehould to Verdun, being the main line from Paris to
Metz and Central Germany, the southern one through
Revigny and Bar-le-Duc being the main line from Paris to
Southern Germany and Vienna by way of Strasbourg.
While the lateral line joining Revigny and St. Jlenehould,
connecting them to the northern of thesQ two lines, is
at all points vulnerable to long range fire, the southern is
immune. There are further light railways (one metre
gauge) shown upon tlie Sketch. There is a whole net-
work of excellent roads to which others have been added
in the last few weeks, and many new 60 centimetre gauge
field railways serving the front in every direction. The
three great railheads, as the French have told us, and as
is indeed obvious, are Ste. Menehould. Revigny and Bar-
le-Duc, and from them munitions and .stores, and even
reinforcements, when the\- are needed, pour into the fight-
ing front.
But while the enemy can hope for nothing by attacking
the existing corners of the salient he can effect something
by flattening out one after the other the smaller subsidiary
salients appearing upon the general trace of the front and
so getting nearer to and further threatening Verdun
itself ; since wc continue to premise that his immediate
L A N D & ^^• A T 1-: k
April 6, 1916
object is to put liis troops into tlvat particular geographical
area.
Upon Sketch I the reader will at once perceive two
subsidiary small salients, the one marked by an X, which
we may call the salient of Uouaumont, and the one sur-
rounding the point marked Z on the other side of the
Meuse, which niav be called the salient of Bethincourt.
Both these salients he has been trying to reduce for some
time and has been particularly trying to reduce this week
by attacks at their corners in the direction of the arrows
upon the Sketch.
Let us before going further regard each of these cffort-
in detail, dealing first with the^westeni one X against the
plateau of Douaumont and the ravine of Vaux, and nc.vt
with the salient of Bithincourt Z.
The Attack on Vaux and Douaumont
The enemy has for weeks past had the French in front
of him in about the situation shown in Map II, where
the French front, as it has stood for all those weeks.
is marked by a thick black line. He is in the ruins of
the old fort of Douaumont and he is in the ruins of Douau-
A I ^"^'^^ 1 , — , |1
/i O 1000 , 2000ffaT^i3000 i I
Dauuaujnt/X
Vilk^e '/l''ti\iT(ivtdi^///,
^ ' VhmamonfA
'ortofVcaix
Tudhsittjerman advance AprtlT^'icstApnlJ''^
TresentLme x k xx x « ^
mont village. He has attacked over and over agam in
the general directions reprisented by the thin arrows
starting from A, and he has attacked over and over
again towards the ravine marked by the bold arrow C
• and from the direction represented by the sheaf of thin
arrows starting from the point B. In the last week this
series of efforts (for which combined he has over the space
of forty days brought into play lirst and last at least six
divisions) have been continued with much greater effect.
Indeed, the attack on Vaux, in its entirety has formed
an excellent example of the fashion in which the present
phase of the great action is developing ; for it has shown
us a German offensive procuring some real tactical results,
and the corresponding necessity on the part of the
French to counter-attack, the whole object being, to
repeat what was said just above, that \yhatcver be the
German object the whole French object in this business is to
make the enemy lose disproportionately in men and never
to run the risk of considerable local loss to themselves
save in the rare cases where the enemy at some immensf
sacrifice of effectives, has managed to occuiiy a point of
real importance to his further plans. With these premises
in mind, let us see what the details of the affair of Vau.\
have been.
Attack on Vaux
Upon Tlulr^day night he attacked in very great force on
the north side of the ravine at C, that is from tiie direc-
tion of the short arrow at D, and failed. Later in the
night he tried again, this time up towards the ravine
from the south-east and from Vaux village and carried
the ruins of the whok- village. On the F'riday,
with new troops, but not until late in the afternoon, he
made a vigorous eiYort to clinch the matter by getting
up the ravine C from Vaux and right up to Douaumont
old fort uj) on the plateau. He jm-ssed thi> diniciiit
adventure ...with very dens'j forces indeed and lost pro-
portionately heavily, but failed. Upon the Saturday
morning he tried again and failed again.
Upon Saturday afternoon or evening, and apparently
over on to the Sunday, he deUvercd and pressed the last
and most formidable attack. To understand that attack
we must look at the Sketch Map III more detailed than
Sketch 11 just presented, and showing all the features of
that neighbourhood.
SC:S<:
UI
' Original Line
by Oennaas on AprUi'^
As you go up the main street of Vaux you come out
at the end of the houses on the western end of the village
upon a large pond. There is a by-road or lane starting
from this pond and running up the ravine, of which 1 have'
just sjwken. This lane mounts rather steeply through
woods and comes out into the open on the summit of the
plateau near the old fort, faUing into the main road which
serves the plateau and the fort at a point where the last
of the redoubts Hanking the old forts is situated. This
])oint I have marked on the acconiijanying Sketch 111
with the letter R. The wood to the right, or ncjrth.
of the lane that comes up from \'aux is called by the
general name of the wood of Haudromont ; the wood on
the left, or south side, of the lane, which covers the fall
of the hill, is called the wood of Caillettes. The line upon
which the two armies were struggling, the two parallel
lines of trenches, ran, a week ago, so that the ruins of
Douaumont village, the old fort and the extreme redoubt
at R were just in (ierman hands. The whole of the lane
was held by the French, and so was all the western part
of Vaux village beyond the church.
The (iermans, as v\e have seen, carried upon the Friday
night the w* stern houses of the village. They also
carried the ground round the pond, and so possessed
themselves of the beginning of the lane. Their subse-
(pient action was this : They struck not only up the
lane, but also from the north, from Haudromont wood,
and swept through the wood of Caillettes. There was a
mopient when they were thus masters of all the Vaux ravine
and had made of Douaumont village, or rather of the ground
just south of it, a very dangerous little salient, and
at the same time had created, by the same stroke,
another dangerous salient in the promontory and plateau
upon which slan«ls the old fort of Vaux. Had they
maintained their footing here, a rather large slice of the
plateau of Douaumont would ultimately have had to be
evacuated, and probably the promontory of the plateau
of Vaux fort as well. Had he held Caillettes Wood
the enemy would soon have had a considerably extended
line u})on the eastern and highest escarpment of the
heights of the Meusc instead of the very narrow front he
now has upon the. same heights at Douaumont alone.
On such an extended line occupying the flat top of the
hills he could have deployed a formidable striking force.
Tile area he had' just gained was therefore made the
object of one of those rare counter-attacks of which the
French are very diary, but which they will run to the
expense of when the local conditions of the defence seem
to make it necessary. Immediately following upon the
(jernian occupation of the Caillettes wood an intensive
bombardment was delivered from the French side upon
that ruined mass of beech, and upon Monday the ^rd, a
sharp counter-atta'k reoccupied the Wi':'jle of it, with the
April 6, 1916
I- A X D .S: \^' A T E R
exception of a tiny belt just near the redoubt. The lane
was recovered b\' the French and at the same time all
the western part of \'aux which had been lost three days
before.
.•^uch, so far as I can follow it in the communiques
and private accounts, including the French semi-othcial
summary and letters in the Paris press, has been the
story of the German efforts against this subsidiarv salient
of Douaumont during the last week.
The Salient of Bethincourt
NMien we turn to the other subsidiary salient, the one
on the west, that of Bethincourt, we find something
characteristic enough of all this duel upon the Verdun
sector ; a much more pronomiced- enen>y advance, and
vet no appreciable enemy gain. \'au.\ for a moment
was a real gain for the enemy, which liad to be eliminated
in its last stages. The work upon the Bethincourt salient
was not an\*thing of the kind.
Let me turn, then, to the details of what the enemy
has attempted and done against this second salient.
The main defence of Verdun upon this western side of
the Meuse is marked upon Sketcli I. and is already
familiar to the reader as the ridge of Charnv. It corre-
sponds to, and prolongs the main advance, beyond the
river. Now, within the salient of Bethincourt, some four
or five miles in front of Charny ridge, there is. as all the
world knows now, a height called the Mort Homme, or
Hill 293, which the French hold. If the French lose this hill
they would probably have to retire to Chaniv Ridge,
for there is no other good position in between. At anv
rate they would have lost the whole of the Goose Crest,
which runs from Hill 295 to the river and which, though
the most of it is in German hands, is of no use to them
until the summit of the Hill 205 is taken. All the German
work on this side, therefore, has been concerned with the
effort to carry or turn — at any rate at least to occupy
Hill 295. They have tried to rush it : to get round it :
to dominate it by selling the neighbouring higher Hill
304-
As with the Vaux salient on the east so with this
Western or Bethincourt salient, and its vital point, the
Mort Homme, there has been the continuous double
effort upon either side of its base, and to follow this we
must turn to Sketch V upon a larger scale.
Upon Sketch Map V the reader will re,\ rather roughly
and only approximately, I am afraid, the contours of the
neighbourhood. The original French line ran as does the
full line upon Sketch Map \'. covering Malancourt and
Bethincourt, the village upon the brook in the bottom
of the valley. The capture of positions upon the east
of this line by the Germans and in particular their capture
of the Crows' Wood, brought the hne on the east back to
the dashes also shown on Sketch V and close up to the
,Mort Homme, or Hill 295. Eflforts spreading over three
weeks were made to force this commanding position from
the eastern side. Tliey were, like :il\ the eft'orts which we
have to retail in the present account, immensely expen-
sive : they were begun o\ct and o\er again and they led
to nothing. The enemy tiien began attacking the further
side of the salient.
It will be remembered how he carried the projecting
horn of the woods at A and the hill above Haucourt at H,
after which action he had thrust into the French hues
trenches following the line of dots on Sketch I\'. The
French recovered the outlying part of the wood at A,
advancing about as far as the double line upon the
Sketch, and in particular taking the redoubt which
the Germans had established on the edge of the wood.
Why the French here made one of their very rare
counter-attacks will be explained a few lines lower
down. This was upon Wednesday last, the 29th, in the
morning. Meanwhile for 24 hours past the enemy had
been charging again and again down the open slopes in
front of Malancourt and Haucourt, which is a small
hamlet attached to Malancourt. These villages down in
the valley obviously form a very exposed projection and
the enemy attacked with the object of reducing it. On the
afternoon t)f the Wednesday, after being repulsed all the
Tuesday and all the morning of the Wednesdav, the
enemy got into the first houses on the extreme north-
west of Malancourt at C. Then he waited more than 24
hours to bring up fresh men. He brought them up in
^•ery great force and this is what happened :
He attacked after nightfall on Thursdav from down
the hill which he held on the west at H and from down
the hills in the direction of the arrow at D. He was
thrown back. This was about 9 o'clock." ' He attacked
again at about 11. adding new troops to those already
so severely tried. The attack was broken up with
very heavy loss. He brought up yet more troops and
attacked again at about one in the morning of Friday
and got into the first houses on the south-west side of the
village from the direction of H.
From that moment till about six in the morning, that
is up to dawn, he fought his way into the ruins, the
French, who had been holding this projection — or such of
them as survived— gradually falling back. By Saturday
morning last he had established his line where the dots
are marked upon Sketch V.
There now remained, as a result of all these efforts, a
very pronounced little salient round the village of Bethin-
court, which the French might have to give up at anv
moment. But not, presumablv, until the enemy had led
up again the effectives of at least a division and had had
another slaughter.
Note what followed, because in its own way it illus-
trates as clearly as the contemporary fighting near
Douaumont in the Caillettes \\ood the manner in which the
French are conducting these opierations. It was certain,
as I have said, that the enemy would attack and at heavj'
loss reduce .the salient north' and west of Bethincourt.
The concentration on the enemy side for this purjwse
Malatxcourt
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LAND & WATER
April 6, 1 01 6
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was noted during Saturday. These concentrations have
not been rapidly effected by the enemy dining the
last stages of the great struggle round Verdun. They
have got slower and slower because the expenditure of
men has gone far beyond the original calculation, so that
the filling up of gaps or the use of fresh units has become
in every case a more difficult business than it was.
In the night between the Saturday and Sunday, the
first and the second of April, the French abandoned all
the ground between the northern slopes and the brook of
Forges in the valley, which marshy little watercourse
runs directly from Haucourt to Bethincourt. (It is the
northern fork or source of the stream, the southern runs
into Bethincourt from the valley between Hill 304 and
the Mort Homme.)
All day Sunday and all the follow ing night the Germans
delivered an intensi\e bombardment over all the aban-
doned area, believing it to be still occupied, and on the
Monday noon they threw a couple of brigades forward to
carry what thej' still believed to be positions held by the
Ftench. They were caught there by an enfilading fire
from their left as well as by the fire in front of them from
beyond the brook, and paid a very heavy toll indeed.
Such are the fortunes of the Bethincourt salient up to
the last news received at the moment of writing.
The Proportionate Losses
Let us take this particular set of actions upon the
narrow front between Avocourt and Bethincourt and
study the object of the enemy and the price he has been
made to pay in this short time not for obtaining but for
merely preparing to attain that object.
It is perfectly clear that efforts of this sort involving a
loss of anything from 10 to 20 thousand men with a local
advance of anything from a mile to a quarter of a mile,
at a distance of 10 miles from Verdun itself and a
mere scratch upon the surface of the general salient of
Verdun, are not undertaken with the mere object of
occupying such little patches of territ(jry. To understand
what the enemy is doing here, we must carefully look at
the contours.
Over against the Mort Homme, at a range of about 2,500
yards, is a height called Hill 304. If the enemy can get
on to this fiat-topped hill Mort Homme is turned and is
untenable. If Mort Homme is turned and is untenable
there is no good defensive, as we have seen, tmtil the
main position is reached four or five miles behind.
But Hill 304 is very steep upon every side except the
west. It juts out like a sort of ])eninsula boldly from
the plateau. Therefore the (ierman effort is to take it
from the easier contours of the western side. The wood
at A gives them cover j ust as did the Crows' Wood against
the Mort Homrne at the other side. Hence their violent
effort to occupy the whole of it some ten days ago, and
hence the French counter-attack last Wednesday, which
recovered all that part of the mood which climbs the first
rise of the hill. That is where the Germans had put u|i
their redoubt which the F"rench recaptured. The attack
to carry Malancourt and Haucourt is of exactly the same
nature. It is preparatory to pushing up the slopes along the
arrow E, getting the French out of the horn of the wood
that they occuj^y and going up both from E and from A
to carrv Hill 304. The real effort, therefore, to turn the
^lort Homme has not yet begun. Only the foundation
for it has been laid.
Now the whole interest of these various efforts lies for
us in the proportion of loss sustained compared with the
result achieved. One might reiterate that truth fifty times
and not make it too emphatic. It is the one thing which
gives the fighting in front of Verdun all its meaning.
And to show the reader what that meaning is let me give
a couple of examples in detail.
The French held Malancourt and Haucourt, the hamlet
next to it, with one battalion — to take that particular
case. Tiiat is, they were here prepared, not to sacrifice
in its entirety, but to suffer very heavy losses in, a
unit which, even at its full establishment (which it certain-
ly had not after the first days of fighting) would have
numbered but a thousand men. Against this defensive,
within the ruins of Malancourt and Haucourt, the enemy
. launched forced difficult to estimate upon so small a
front and coming over such open ground, but not less than
about twelve times as numerous as the forces of the defen-
sive. W'e know under what conditions they attacked—
their double repulse, their sending for reinforcements,
their final triple action through the night. We
have recei\'ed from authoritative sources, and there
has been printed, with full leave from the commanders in
the l-'rench press, detailed accounts of what happened.
And we are perfectly certain that before the Saturday
morning was reached more than 12,000 and probably
15,000 men had been flung into the massacre of that attack :
an attack renewed over and over again in formation s)
dense that it was in the nature of a swarm. The French were
." firing into the brown " all the time. B\- Saturday
April 6, 1 916
LAND tS: \V A T E R
morniiifj; the remnant of the defendini; battahon evacuated
the rums and estabhshed their new trenches just
outside, behind Haucourt. _
There is, of course, in the description of such' tilings,
ample room for the noblest emotion and the most powerful
description for those who liave the ability, or whose task
it is to dwell upon such things. Mine, here, is only to
conjecture the driest elements of numbers, because by
thess alone shall we be able to say that there has be'eu
success or failure when the whole thing is cast up.
Well, what proportion of men among this great mass
launched against all three sides of the little Malancourt
sahent were hit ? It is notoriously difficult e\en for men
upon the spot to gauge the losses of an enemy, especialK"
in night lighting. Kut'look at the mere common sense of
the thing. You have these dense masses of men, enormous
for the space occupied (think what twelve to lifteen
battalions mean against r.ymething half the size of St.
James's Park) not rushing the small area at a charge, but
thrown back again and again, and getting in at last from
wall to wall, after ample reinforcement. The Ciermans
cannot possibly have lost against Malancoiut less than
four men to the French one. They may have lost five,
or even six.
You have exactly the same story in one particular
incident out of the thirty or forty attacks, small and great,
against the Ravine of Vaux. Tiie first, second and third
battalions of the igth Reserve Regiment of the German
5th Army Corps came on upon March qth — say rather
less than 3,000 men. They tried to rush just before night-
fall the ruins of the village. They formed the advance
body of the whole division that was attacking. Certain
companies were, in the literal sense of the phrase, annihi-
lated. That is quite certain, because every single mari
accounted for by the Freiich as dead, or wounded
upon the ground, or taker, an unwounded prisoner.
Next day the iqth of Reserve had to be replaced not
only by another regiment, but by another regiment of
another corps, the 64th of the Ilird corps.
I only give these special instances, which are dull in
their minute detail, in order to show the kind of thing
which is going on round Verdun.
The French hardly ever counter-attack. They do so
on the rarest of rare occasions, where something vital is
concerned, like the horn of Avoccnut wood the other day,
or the little dent made behind the fort of Douaumont last
Sunday. Nearly all their work is simply a thin outer
defensive that kills and wounds day after day a much
denser enemy defensive perpetually renewed, and as per-
petually destroyed.
We have had precise details of the establishment of
very many enemy companies. We have found, over
and over again that a third of the effectives had to be
formed of the 1916 class. In many cases two-fifths of
the effectives were formed of the igi6 class, sometimes
the T917 class were present. We have had similarly
detailed proofs of companies recently reinforced and
yet coming up for the first assaults reduced to 120 rifles.
The losses have been as enormous as they have been
continual. With a sufficient prolongation of them, there
is no particular reason why the crests should not be slowly
occupied, and even the Meuse itself reached. But only at a
price to the enemy which will leave him exhausted.
What then is his final object ?
A Conjecture as to the Ultimate Object.
I still take it that the enemy's object is mainly political.
I tiiink he adds to it the belief that there is about to
appear a revulsion in French feeling and that continued
hammering will hasten it. A true strategical object now
it is impossible to discuss.
The enemy is perpetually telling us that his object is
not political at all. That he has some far-reaching
scheme in this mere rhythmic repetition of losses four or
five times his opponents, and that on some distant day
the great result will appear. What is it ? A new line
west of the Meuse is no conclusion. To talk of " turning
the frontier fortresses" is to-day meaningless. File
luistern defence of luance t(j-day is not a line of fortresses
but of trenches.
I cannot but conclude that the moral effect of an
entry into Verdun is the main German object.
There is also the second point I have mentioned. It is
poss'hic that the enemy believes, by some judgment he is
forming upon tiie I'rencli temper, tliat mere luunnieriug,
no matter at what cost to himself and no matter how small
the French losses compared with his own, will cause the
French moral to break. It is for him to judge and for
the result to show whether so strange a conclusion is well
founded. . The attack (jn Verdun has not caused him
less than 270,000 men. It has probably cost him nearer
300,000. He may expect to shake the confiden.e
of the world by the entry into Verdun or to shake in a
more restricted area the moral of the I'rench army by the
same act — to disgust them with lighting by perpetually
pounding. He may think it worth while to lose half a
million. His lines will still be intact if he loses three-
quarters of a million. But witii every fraction that he
throws away, if his calculation of moral'' e.ffect is unwise,
as we believe it to be tmvvise, he is throwing'tiway a calcu-
lable portion of his remaining power to fight.' -
The German Accounts.
If we wish to sound the enenu'fs . inind in the
matter we may do so both by tiie effects j^eis anxious to
produce upon neutrals and by> the accoi^nts. jwhich he
orders to be printed in his domcstio. press; :^j(!)jie Schiibart
in the Allegenieijic Kinidschaii, haf.: put .l^' name to. a
statement, certainly censored and probably ordered, and
the gist of it is in this ;-,entencc. " We shall certainly
take Verdun ; but it will take a long time." He then
goes on to say that it may take jjretty well any length
of time ; and bids us not to expect any final results on
the western front " till perhaps next year -"
The Deutschcs Tagczcitung tells us that "even if we
measure only by territory occupied the effort- is well
worth while." The Frarikjort Gazette in the matter of the
Mort Homme first says that it has been taken and then a
few days later says that it has been " practically " or
" virtually " taken, because on the French maps the word
" Mort Homme " occupies a space greater than the actual
summit of the hill ! The Cologne Gazette a whole niouth
ago told its readers that the I'rench paper Homme
Echanie had been suppressed "for announcing the fall of
Verdiln," which the French desired to conceal.
In the matter of influencing neutral opinion we get
exactly the same note. The district near Verdun has
been flooded with American correspondents, one of whom
has been told that the losses are not "-particularly severe,"
and the worthy man confirms this by telling us that he did
not himself see any great numbers of wounded passing the
position which had been allotted to hirii. The losses
could anyhow be replaced. So serious a neutral organ
as the cultured Xation of New York informs its readers
that the (iermans can add one million new recruits to
their present forces from the young men not yet taken
within the course of this year. They might as well have
said a million hippogrilYs.
Everywhere it is the same tune. Verdun is to be
" taken " — a phrase which means nothing now save the
occupation of a piece of ground. The immense price
paid is either denied or ignored. When the continuation
of the effort begins to disturb public opinion at home the
most extraordinary historical parallels are quoted. The
people are told that Verdun — the mere town— is the
" heart of France" — the official phrase has already appear-
ed quite seriously in another Cologne paper. I have
already pointed out the ludicrous parallel with the siege of
Sevastopol. The word " investment " is used, as though
of a fortress of the old fashion surrounded by a containing
army. Another paper informs us that there is " still
one avenue of entry left to the beleaguered fortress."
Now all this surely means one thing. , That for some
reason not military, or at least not directly military, the
mere ad\-ance to the Meuse over a few miles of ground, the
mere retirement by those few miles of an unbroken
enemy front, is to be achieved at almost any cost — at
almost any risk of future weakness short of a sheer local
collapse, and therefore at almost any risk of the catas-
trophe that would follow sooner or later if the exact
measure of losses tolerable were passed. It is an un-
satisfactory solution. It leaves the question hardly
answered at all — but I can see no other. H. Bkli.oc.
A military Rugby match has been arranged to take place
on Saturday, April Sth, between the New Zealanders and
South Africans, at tlie Richmond Athletic Ground. All
))roceeds resulting from tlie match will be devoted to the
Sailors' and Soldiers' Tobacco Fund.
10
L A N D c^ W A 1 h R
April 6, i'ji6
GERMANY AND THE NEUTRALS
By Arthur Pollen
THE week has rovcakHl no inavkcd changi- of any
kind in tlu- naval situation, though that an air
raid has reached Scotland for the rirst time may
not be without sifjniticance to the (irand Fleet.
The submarine campaign continues without any new fea-
ture beyond maintaining the destnictivcness with which
it started. The. tension between (iermaiiy and Holland
which the 'fulmntiii and Palambaiig outrages have created
is demonstrated by the fact that extraordinary military
measures arc being taken on the Dutch frontier. We
need not be surprised that these measures are repre-
sented by the Berlin Wireless press as being due to
an ultimatum from the Allies to the Dutch Government.
.\merica has made no overt move, but thert; are many
indications that the decision of the American Ciovern-
ment is taken. And | not least interesting of these is
the development of ttie political situation in Germany.
Armament of Merchant Ships
It will be remembered that a ruthless, reckless, sub-
marine cani)>aign against all ship])ing plying with Eng-
land or with any of the allied countries — a campaign
that was to be final and decisi\e— was proclaimed to
begin on the first day of last month. This proclamation
was issued when it was supposed that America had
yielded on the point that an arnied ship was in a' different
jwsition from an unarmed ship, so that not omy would
the ordinary canons of civilised war not apply in such a
case, but Germany would be released from the specific
promise not to sink any liner or indeed merchant ship,
without visit, search, and provision for the safety of the
people on board. But between the proclamation of the
new campaign and the date of its promised beginning,
it became ot)vious that the American Government was
not going to accept the German contention as to the
defensive arming of ships.
If the new campaign were persisted in, it must
force President Wilson's hand. There ensued a
struggle between civilians and extremists in the
Emperor's council. The civilians, led by Von HoUweg,
saw clearly enough that no submarine successes that
could reasonably be expected could compensate Germany
for the loss of American friendship. The extremists led
by von Tirpitz insisted first that only by submarine war
could any success against England be obtained at all
and, next, that only by utter ruthlessness in the treat-
ment of all ships neutrals liners, and the rest, could any
success worth having be obtained.
While this controversy was at its highest the attack
on Verdun failed, and Gennan capacity to keep war going
became gravely limited ; this in turn made it doubtful
whether a large portion of the world's shipping
could be destroyed, and England thus brought to her
knees, before Germany's power of resistance must come
to an end. The diplomatists and statesmen could not
fail to see that should the submarine campaign fail of its
ultimate goal, its reaction on the German position, when
surrender became inevitable, must be utterly disastrous.
For the United States was not only the sole great neutral
power that could help Germany in peace negotiations, that
was the sole commimity with the wealth and good will
capable of putting Germany on her feet again when the
war was over. The failure at Verdun then was the
decisive factor in the dismissal of \o\\ Tirpitz and the
abandonment of his jjolicy.
It was here that tlie (ierman Govermuent paid the
penalty of the peculiar methods it had adopted to en-
slave the public opinion of its pecjplc. For a year or
more the shipowner paying demunage on his idle shij)
in American ports, the ruined merchants of Hamburg,
the crippled manufacturers, and the half-starved jnolc-
tarians had been told that all their losses and sufferings
had been causc-d by F^ngland. and that the War Lord's
vengeance was falling upon that country by his destruction
of her ships. The first of March was to have seen this
campaign quadrupled in violence, A'on Tiri^itz, a greater
master of political agitation and intrigue than (jf naval
>cience — it was his famous League that besotted the
Germans into thinking that they would become a naval
j)cople, and perhaps the final and determining factor in
persuading them that Great Britain could be ignored in
the world conquest upon which Germany entered 20
months ago — \'on Tirpitz had so organised things that,
if he could not save himself, he could at any rate save his
policy. The protest against submission to the neutrals
was instantaneous and universal. Within five days of
the Grand Admiral's disiuissal, the Ivmperor had to order
the initiation of his programme, in spite of its author being
no longer in j)owcr. The first and obvious moral of the
situation then was that the Clovernment of Germany no
longer had Germany in hand and consequently was no
longer master of its own actions.
During the past week a great effort has been made to
re-establish the authority of the Chancellor. A com-
mittee of all the Reichstag parties has been formed, and
they have heard trom the Chancellor, from Dr. Hellferich
and from the secretary of the Marine Amt a full exposition
of the military and diplomatic position. The object of the
Government was to obtain a resolution which should
pass the Reichstag unanimously and give the Chancellor
and his august master a free hand to deal with the
situation.
Two parties apparently stood out against the course
which was finally adopted. The new SociaUsts took up
a line, the details of which are not given to us. But
they are not difficult to guess, and Herr Ledebourg, who
represented it on the Committee, was a final dissentient
from the resolution which all the other parties accepted.
But the Radicals seem to have accepted it only after a
struggle for a very material alteration. The resolution,
as agreed upon, recites that the submarine is an effective
weapon against England, that such use must be made of
it as will guarantee the winning of a peace that secures
the future of Germany, and that any negotiation with
neutral states must provide that " while their just interests
are to be respected, the German Government is to
reser\-e such freedom in the use of the submarine as is
necessary for the full assertion, of Germany's sea power."
The radicals tried hard to limit the resolution to saying
that the submarine must be used against Germany's
enemies only. But having failed they accepted the
decision of the majority. It is claimed in the semi-
official press that the resolution re-estabhshes the
authority of the Chancellor. It seems on the contrary
as if it were the agitators that have prevailed. For there
is no conciliation to neutrals in a doctrine which says
that Germany's necessity is to be a measure of Germany's
freedom to use force at sea, and is to be the criterion of
(iermany's judgment as to the limits of right and justice
that neutral powers can claim.
A German View
The significance of the situation is perhaps best con-
veyed by its effect on the cooler German minds. We
saw last week how Maximilian Harden welcomed the dis-
missal of von Tirpitz as a triumph of reasoned statesma;i-
ship over insane militarism. The failure of the Reichstag
to back up this triumph, and its determination to commit
the German nation to a crazy campaign of outrage, has
evidently, made hhn despair of his countrymen. " In
spite of uncountable \ictories," he says " the war is a
cruel misfortune. In spite of Bethmann Hollweg's lamen-
table 'scrap of paper ' statement, Germany wants
treaties to be res]x>cted. Let us all agree that .the war
was a mistake, made not by one but by all, though not
e(pially by all, and you will find Germany ready to
organise the pea<'e of Europe. The hour has come foi
the Kaiser and the Chancellor to state their war ends.
Our enemies are afraid that after the war Germany
will continue to arm herself and prepare other wars.
This would mean an attempt to world rule and would
bring all those who would sign peace with us in deadly
April ,6, 1916
LAN D & WA TER
II
I. Td
nniary
G
f
A
N
N
N
■ (
^
(A)
A
Feb.
NL
(ETn
NA
. N
N
A
N
1 2 3 45^6 7 8 ^\0\XXLVb'l\\SU>\'J\&\<)1£iUl%73Vt25Zi>l7X%Z9
II. March ,
A
N
A
N
N
N
N
A
A
c
N
Mar
A
N
(A
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
A
A
A
N
N
I
Z
3 4- 56 7 8 ^ 10 U 12 13 H 15 16 17 IS 19 ilO^JIW 23 24 2526 Z72S 25 3031
1
2
3
ip?z7
The above diagrams show ships attacked or sunk by mines and submarines in the months of February and March and the first-
three days of April, 1916
danger. This will never be. Nobody will remember
this war with pleasure. Let us end it and organise peace.
To hush up this desire for peace because it would prove
our weakness is folly. Germany has learned the mysterious
ivays of Providence."
it is hardly necessary to ])(jiut tlie moral of Hi'rr
Harden's words. The ominous arming of the Dutch,
the hardly less ominous silence of the American (Govern-
ment, these things tell their own tale. The wholesale
destruction of neutral ships has long since made all
civilised people condemn the Germans in their con-
sciences. These judgments cannot indetinitely remain
untranslated into action. In the case of Holland and
Denmark, their land frontiers are so vulnerable as to
make the initiation of action against Germany as
quixotic an affair as was the belligerence of Belgium.
Both probably would fight as brayely as did Belgium
if war were forced upon them. But to begin it them-
selves is another story^ No such danger threatens
America. There the obstacles to defending the national
dignity and to following the dictates of national honour
are domestic, not foreign. But those obstacles are being
slowly but surely removed. It is at any rate as clear as
noonday now that President Wilson will not abate his
insistence that the submarine cannot ever be a legitimate
vessel in the war on commerce. There is no reconcilia-
tion possible then between American principle and the
German practice. What the Americans are beginning to
see is that there is no reconciliation possible between
American principle and American practice. The folly
of the Tirpitz programme, clear as the sun in heaven to
all dispassionate observers, so clear to Maximilian Harden
that he sees no alternative between national ruin and
immediate peace, will perhaps not be made intelligible
to the Germans until its inevitable fruit, the belligerency
of America, at last brings it home to them. It may
need this to lift the veil from the mystery of Providential
ways.
The Schleswig Raid
At the time of writing last week we had practically
no details of the affair off the Island of Sylt. There was
little to record then beyond the fact that three seaplanes
had been lost in attack on the Zeppelin bases at Toudern,
and that the aircraft that made the attack had been
brought to the North Frisian archipelago by Conunodorc
Tyrwhitt's light cruiser squadron. We have still no
detailed account of the proceedings, but there is enough
to show that brilliant work was done in circumstances of
quite extraordinary difficulty. According to telegrams
from Danish sources, Commodore Tyrwhitt's achance
was disputed by five cruisers, 20 destroyers, 5 hydro-
planes and the Zeppelin L14. But they do not seem to
have put up much of a fight, for no damage to any British
ship is reported as inflicted by the enemy, there seems to
have been no killed and wounded, and the only loss
is three seaplanes, all of which were compelled to descend
but her people were taken on board a destroyer, so that
there was no loss of life.
The Naval Action
The Scotsman has published a vivid account of what
took place, from which it a])pears that the venture was
made in a high sea and a blinding snowstorm. It nuist
have been Quiberon ovcp again, though on a small scale.
Two armecl (jerman trawlers were sunk. A destroyer
was rammed by the Cleopatra, and a battle hydroplane
was brought down. At lirst it was believed that a
submarine was dcsti-oyed also, but this the (lermans
deny. The German cruisers do not seem t'> have cut
much of a figure, but it is probable that Commodore
Tyrwhitt's ships were better handled, and that his
gunnery was more equal to the severe conditions. They
probably showed a wise • discretion in keeping away.
In the heavy weather the destroyers would have been
exceedingly difficult to handle. The writer in the Scots-
man says that several destroyers retreated in flames and
badly hit. That one was run down by Cleopatra would
leave one to suppose that it was either unmanageable or
SORTES SHAKESPEARIAN^,
By SIR SIDNEY LEE.
THE KING'S GIFT.
/ thank Ihee, King,
For thy great bounty.
RICHARD II., IV., i,, 299-300.
Mr. ASQUITH IN ROME.
Set xve forward; let
A Roman and a British ensign zvave
Friendly together.
CYMBEUNE V, v. 4E0-2.
by engine trouble
enemy's fire. One
-not as I supposed last week by th-.
ship. Medusa, was lust liy collision,
PRESIDENT WILSON'S NEXT NOTE TO COUNT
BERNSTORFF: A SANGUINE FORECAST.
/ ivill not. look upon your master s lines •
I know they are sltiff 'd with protestations
And full of nctv-found oaths, which he
will bi-eak
As easily as I do tear his paper.
TWO GENTLEMEN OF VERON.V, IV. iv.. 1.35-8
12
LAND cS: WATER
April 6, 1916
was coinmandid by an otVuir who had more courage
than good fortune. It speaks well for the seamanship of
Commodore Tyrwhitt's officers that tlie whole of tlu-
peoplp in the .^hdiisa should be sa\ed, and a large number
of prisoners picked »ip out of the armed trawlers that
were sunk. That such a venture should have been made
in such conditions is eloquent of the enterprise and pro-
fcisional mastery of those that undertook it. It resulteci
in the enemy being driven -off, and the iield being Jeft
clear for the flyers. Thc\- apparently went up on the
following day— and in better weather.
Submarine Losses
1 gi\e to-day graphs representing the submarine Iossl'S
reported at J-loyd's for the months of February. March
and the lirst throe days in April. As usual, Mediterranean
losses are distinguished in circles, Allied and Neutral
losses by the initials " .\ " and " X." In l-'ebniary it
will be noted that there were jj losses altogether, of
which 6 — 2 Neutral, 2 Allied ancl > British — took place
in the Mediterranean Tiiere were therefore 27 ships
attacked in home waters in _'() days. Of these 10 were
Neutrals and 3 Allied, leaving a total of British losses in
home waters of 12. The total losses in March are 41),
of which .)— -2 British and Neutral — were in tlie Mediter-
ranean, lca\'ing 46 in home waters. Of these 14 were
Neutral, 8 Allied and 24 were British. The losses in the
first thi-ec days of April are 11, of which 6 are Neutral
and the rest British.
If we regard the new campaign as having been in-
augurated on the 20th, the losses in the preceding 48
days, that is from the ist February to the 20th of March,
were 43 ships. In the 15 days the 20th of March to the
3rd of April inclusive, we have 41 ships gone. The new
campaign then has raised the rate of destruction by joo
per cent. The actual loss is at the rate of 2.74 ships per
day. The highest rate ever reached since February of
last year, except by the 15 days, between August 8th
and 22nd inclusive, when 47 ships were attacked. This
is the only period during which the rate of loss exceeded
3 a day. It is perhaps worth remembering that before
mid- September the rate had fallen again to what it was
up to tne 20th March. It will, of course, fall again now.
But it would be rash to say how soon. Such losses arc,
or course, enormously more serious now than they were
last August, simply because these losse.-; are cumulative,
and the demands on our shipping for the oversea forces
become greater as time goes on and our numbers at the
\-arious fronts increase. Anything the Government can
do in the way of restricting imports, other than of things
necessary to productive trade, to feeding the population,
an(} to_the supply of the armies, should be done at once.
In this matter no precaution can be taken too soon.
The Zeppelin Raids
The recent Zeppelin raids have been marked by two
interesting features. F'or the first time an enemy airshiji
has been brought down by gunfire, and, also for the first
time, the Zeppelins have reached Scotland. Hitting an
airship travelling at a high speed and at a great altitude
has been shown by the experience of the war to be a matter
of so great difficulty, that while giving every credit to
those who have performed the task successfully, it is
idle to shut our eyes to the fact that success is quite im-
possible without exceptional luck. This detracts nothing
from the merits of those who ha\c achieved the task.
Theoretically no doubt, stationary guns could be equipped
with fire control instruments that would make success
almost a certainty. Those who have studied this ques-
tion longest arc, it seems to me, most confident that the
difficulties can all be overcome. But for fear that people
should run away with the idea that there has been any
gross neglect in this matter — at any rate since the war
began — it should be made clear that the number and
elaboration of the control installations required, would
make such demands on the instrument makers that, had
they been put in hand, it would have been quite im-
ywssible to su])])ly the far more urgent needs both
of the fleet and of the armies at the front. To construct
a scientific gun barrier would need a group of 2 or 4 guns
on, say, ever}' 2 miles of front, and those whose curiosity
is equal. to the task of picking out all the vulnerable spots
in England, can figure it out for themselves, the length of
the lines required for any reasonably adequate pro-
tection. The\' can then estimate the demands that the
fitting out of these lines would make on the gun-making
and instrument making capacity of the coimtry.
Aircraft and the Grand Fleet
The fact that the Zeppelins liave reached Scotland
raises the question whether the enemy is forming designs
on our naval bases in the North. As we have seen, in
previous papers, the probability of airships being able to
injure war \essels under way is exceedingly slender,
("ommodore Tyrwhitt's most recent and most brilliant
pcrfornianccs oft the Island of Sylt, where he had 3
battle bi))lanes and a Zeppelin opposed to his cruisers
and destroyers, confirmed the experiences of the Cux-
ha\en raid, and srems to be conclusive as to the capacity
of well-handled ships to out-manteu,vre aircraft of all
kinds without dilliculty. The situation, liowe\er, would
be very different if any considerable number of airships
could be brought over a harbour in which a battle fleet
was anchored. Hei-e again the experienccb of the Cu\-
haven raid are instruc.ive. The Von der Tann. which
was conspicuous in the raid on Scarborough and Whitby,
was absent from \-on Hipper's stiuadron in the affair of
the Dogger Bank. That she was desperately injured in
the air attack on Cuxhavcn has been widely stated in the
American press. It is not supposed that she was actually
damaged by bombs dropped on that occasion, but it
seems certain that the raid threw all the- shipping into
confusion, and that hectic efforts were made to get out
of the harbour^as was recently the case at Zeebriigg^.'.
It was in the consequent confusion that ^'on der Tann
is supposed to have run foul of some other ship or stone
work, and so to have put herself out of action. No doubt
the probabilities of Zeppelins catching any of the Grand
l""leet in similar conditions are small. But that an
attempt to get at the Fleet from the air seems more
probable now than it ever has seemed, is indisputable
Control of the Air Service
The feat of Lieutenant Brandon seems to have ri\alled
that of the late Lieutenant \\'arneford, V.C, and it will
gi\e a new lease of life to the theory that the right
place to fight Zeppelins is the air. The evolution of
right doctrines in this very vital matter must be left to
the experts — for it would be 'as grave a misfortune for
too many aeroplanes to be kept for home defence as for
the ordaiance and instrument makers to be monopolised
by providing anti-aircraft guns and sights.
I confess 1 noted with the deepest regret Pro-
fessor Wilkinson's endorsement of Mr. Pemberton-
Billing's complaints in Parliament on this subject.
Professor Wilkinson justly holds the very highest place
as a lay critic of military strategy. Yet in his letter to
The Times he seems to me to have fallen into a most
dangerous error. This letter seemed to amount to the
adx'ocacy of land war, sea war, and air war being treated
as three quite separate and distinct activities. But our
experience of the last twenty months should have opened
our eyes in this matter. It is true that except in purely
coastal operations, naval fighting and land fighting are
so entirely dissociated, and the character of sea fighting
and land fighting are so entirely different as to make
their separation, both for strategical disposition and
ministrati\-e supply, a logical necessity of war. But
the amphibious undertakings, on an unprecedented scale
which the last thirteen months have witnessed, should
have taught us that there are terrific dangers in the
principle oi separation, even in the case of two services
where joint work is the exception rather tlian the rule.
Aktuik Pollen
Professor Bald^vin. who was on board the Channel steamer
Sussex when she was torpedoed and at one time was thought
to have perished, has brought out, tiirough Messrs.' Putnam's
Sons, a \-olunie on Amtrican Xcidralily : its Cause and Cure.
The Professor's \-ievv cannot be better explained than in this
sentence, almost the last in the l)ook : " This is not a Furo-
pean conflict : it is not an un-.Xmerican war ; it is a human
conllict, a world-war for the preservation and extension of
what is of eternal \alue. the right to self-governnieiit and the
maintenance of public morality." This may be said to be the
thesis of the volume and most ably is it argued out. The
Professor's final hope is that the war will draw together " tlie
three Great Powers of the .Atlantic that love justice and the
life of' peace— France, England and tli'.; I'nitcd States. "
April 6, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
The Position in Holland
By John G. Van der Veer
(London Editor of the Amsterdam " Telei^raaf.")
IHA\'E been asked to throw some light on the
present position in Holland, since rumours about
certain measures taken last week by the Dutcli
Government have caused undue misapprehension.
\\'e Dutchmen here arc just 'as much in the dark as
anyone else about the true meaninf( of those measures.
But to me the greatest puzzle is, how any Britons could
conclude from them that Holland might throw in hvv
lot with the Central Powers and thereby commit suicide.
For every sane Dutchman understands quite clearly that
such and nothing else would be the result of a small
neutral nation siding with the only aggressive Power.
The fate of Bulgaria and Turkey has certainly not been
lost on level-headed Dutchmen, whose love of their inde-
p.'rfdence, so dearly bought and so stubbornly maintained,
is historically ingrained in them and will never be rooted
out. I am not now saying that (icrmany has at the
present moment any intention of threatening Holland,
but I do say that the Allies have, since the beginning of
this war, never, either by word or deed; threatened even
ntho neutrality of Holland, far less her independence and
the integrity of her rich Colonies. What Germany might
have done, had she been able to win the war, is a different
matter, and I shall refer presently to what leading Ger-
mans have at various times openly stated about the
position of Holland.
The Rumoured Ultimatum
One further preliminary remark is necessary about
these rumours. It was reported that after the recent
Conference held at Paris, the Allies were to have presented
to Holland an ultimatum to allow the landing of Allied
troops on Dutch soil apparently for an attack on Ger-
many's weakest spot. Such delusions have from time to
time been spread in Holland, but they never had anv
foundation whatsoever. W'e alwa^'s knew from what
source these reports came. The large mass of Dutch
opinion, whose sympathies in this war are, or ought to be
well known, never paid any heed to them. Personally, I
iind them so ridiculous that their contradiction is any-
thing but pleasant to me. But T am fully convinced,
that nothing was decided at Paris which could in anv
way cause uneasiness in Holland. The recent measures
taken by the Dutch Government cannot therefore be
explained by the totally unfounded fear that the Allies
might be tempted to do to Holland what Germany did
to Belgium.
What then is the true explanation ? To begin with,
we may be quite sure that any measures taken by our
Government at the Hague have only one object, and that
is : To defend at all cost the neutrality of Holland, and
in case of need her honour and her full independence.
The Dutch people of to-day have not withdrawn frpm
the position 0/ their heroic ancestors, to whose " coura-
geous resistance of historical and chartered liberty to
foreign despotism " John Lothro Motley paid so warm
a tribute. We have our small group of pro-Germans,
whose sympathies run eastward, and are loudly pro-
claimed in the notorious pro-German weeklv De Toekomst.
out of all proportion to their influence. Most of our
people have overwhelming s^Tiipathy with the cause of
the Allies. Could it be otherwise in a country which
prides itself on having been the birthplace of the illus-
trious Hugo Grotius ? We should betray his great
name by siding with a Power which in this war violated
all those ma.xims on the conduct of war expounded
in his master work, The Rights of War and Peace.
To revert to the measures taken by the Dutch Govern-
ment, I find in my paper of last Friday the following
reports issued from the Correspondence-Bureau at The
Hague : " We learn that for the time being all leave of the
(Dutch) naval and army forces has been stopped, "
" The highest military authorities of the naval and
military forces were busy conferring together." " The
^linister for Home Affairs had conferences with the
Director of the Cabinet of the Oueen and with the Minister
for Foreign Affairs." " It is rumoured that the Chamber
of Deputies will hold a secret session." And immediately
underneath these reports I read : " Dr. Bos (the parlia-
mentary leader of the Dutch party of Liberal Democrats)
writes (in the organ of that party) : " Not since the begin-
ning of the war has such an emotion overmastered the
Dutch people, as that caused bv the torpedoing of tin-
Tuhanlid. The base attack on a' passenger boat of , <i
neutral power, without warning and reason, lias stirred
the cool blood of the Dutchmen to boiling point.".
Torpedoed Dutch Steamers
Is that statement the clue to the foregoing reports ?
I know how deeply the torpedoing of the Dutch
steamers Tubantia and Palambang has stirred and hurt
the feelings of our people. And there is no doubt what-
soever, in Holland, that both these steamers were sunk
by a German submarine. The sinister attempt to throw
the blame on the English, failed altogether. The Dut. h
say rightly : " Why should the English sink Dutch
steamers, which carried no contraband to or from Cier-
many." Even in such a case, the Enghsh never sink a
neutral merchant ship. In the unbiassed and influential
Dutch monthly De Gids it was stated last December : —
" Whereas the manner in which England, during this
war acts at sea will in future not be considered as in
conflict with the Law of Nations — for that Law, which
. always mainly consisted of the rights of war, has to reckon
with changed l)circunistancer and adapt itself to them —
the way in which Germany tries to rule over any por-
tion of the open sea is on a totally different level.
It is certain that the civilised nations will never justify
such a destruction of human lives and goods, which is also
ineffective from a military point of view. For that method
goes completely against the principles of International
Law, which are based on humanity and military purpose,
next to the mutual interest of all parties. That Law can
never adapt itself to German methods of warfare. To
excuse such action, which runs totally against the customs
of International Law and against every notion of humanit\",
the German Government said that it is usually too dan-
gerous for a submarine to investigate beforehand the ship's
papers, and that self-preservation compelled their sub-
marines to act as they do. That may be so, but then the
German Government ought to have concluded from that
the simple fact, that such warships are completely unfit
for the task imposed on them. What, indeed, would
any sane man sav of a policeman, who without
any investigation, shoots down an apparently suspicious
person because he is afraid to talk to him ? "
Public Opinion
This was written four months before the sinking, of
the Tubantia and the Palcmham'^. The reader can judge
what the Dutch feeling must be after those two tragedies,
which followed each other so closely. When last spring,
a German submarine sank the Dutch steamer Medea,
which brought to England a cargo of such dangerous
contraband as oranges, the editor of De Gids wrote :
" If Dutch lives are again lost by such acts, the cup
of injustice will overflow." And one Dutch subject
happened to be a Javanese, but that makes no difference.
And it is a wonder that no more lives were lost with that
steamer, for the captain, the first officer and some other
members of her crew had very narrow escapes. Now is it
not clear that a neutral government cannot allow the
lives of her subjects to be endangered, while they use
the open sea in a legal and innocent manner ? The Allies
have never ruthlessly sunk neutral ships which carry on
trade at sea, nor have they ever endangered the lives of
innocent neutral seafarers. How, then, could the measures
taken bv the Dutch government be interpreted as directed
against the Allies ? The idea is too ridiculous.
Neither does any sane Dutchman think that the inde-
pendence of our country has anything to fear from Eng-
land and her Allies. On the contrary, the maintenance
of Dutch neutrality happens to be a vital interest for
M
LAND c'v: W A T E R
April 6, if)i6
tliis country, iwon it it wore otherwise, we would not
believe for one moment that England would liarbour
dangerous thoughts against our country. \\V an- tirmly
convinced that England and her Allies arc lighting for the
maintenance of all independent nati<jns. But self-interest
is for many people a more convincing motive. Now, on,
that ground, Hollanci has absolutely nothing to fear
from the .Allies. .And if she had, she wcnild as in old times,
put up a good tight to repel any attack. It is sometimes
also said, that England may desire Holland's rich colonies.
That notion can also be dismissed as without foundation.
ICngland cannot desire more colonies. Besides, the
Dutch Indies are a source of strength for Holland. .\nd a
strong Holland is in accordance with England's own
interests. We have often, but in vain, challenged our few
pro-Germans to point out one instance when leading
linglishmcn or Frenchman have threatened Dutch inde-
pendence. But the German literature, written previous
to and during the war, abounds with instances of such
threats from Germany.
Some time ago the famous Dutch jurist. Professor Van
Ifamel, quoted in the Dutch weekly, De Amskrdammcr,
numiMous German utti-rances, which were afterwards re-
]iublislu'd in a book. In all those utterances appear the
eager desire that Germans' should possess the mouth of
the Rhine, which is only possible by annexation of
Holland. The Germans know, however, that the Dutch
character could not easily, if ever, bow down under the
German Custom I'nion, whereby Germany could by
" peaceful penetration " obtain the control over the
mouth of the Rhine.
So far back as 1841 the learned German economist
Freidrich I-ist, wrote : " Holland is by her geographical
position, as well as by her commercial and industrial
interest, by her origin and language, an original German
province, without whose reincorporation Germany is a
house of which the door belongs to a stranger. Holland
belongs to Germany as much as Brittany and Normandy
to France, and so long as Holland remains independent,
Germany can never develop to her full strength any more
than France could when those two pro\'inces belonged to
England."
The Prussian historian. Treitschke, wrote in 1870 :
!' There is no escape from the duty of the German policy.
to regain the mouths of the king of rivers, the inexhaustible
resource for (iermany, the Rhine. A pure political connec-
tion with Holland is perhaps unnecessary, but an economic
union is not. And we are much too modest if we fear to
say, that Holland's entrance into the (ierman Custom
Union is for us as necessary as our daily bread."
That " modesty " later German writers shook fear-
lessly off. Herr Fritz Bley wrote, in 1897, '" the AU-
dcutschc Beii'egunn und die Xicderlande : " We do not
think of making Holland German, for since the memory of
man it is already (ierman. . . . ^\'e shall give Holland
again the life of a realm. She needs our emigrants and
our power for the development of her colonial possessions.
We need those dominions, drenched with German blood
(sic) for our economic expansion. We must have the
Rhine to the mouth, where Holland's silent resistance
obstructs us."
Bernhardi said the same in Germany and the next
War. Her Groh wrote four years ago, in his book,
Holland Deutschcr Bundestaat (Holland a German League-
state) " Alliance \vith Germany ? No, only uncon-
ditional connection can secure Holland quietly her
colonial possessions If Germany is once established in
Holland, then has she the head of the greedy English
polyp in her hand."
Such ideas were uttered not infrequently during this
war. Herr Alfred Ruhemann wrote, after the fall of
Antwerp : " Even if we keep Antwerp we have not vet
secured an outlet to the sea. We need that certainty
which we can only get if Holland becomes more closelv
connected with us." Even the King of Bavaria lent his
authority by saying, that (iermany "could at last get a'
straight outlet "of the Rhine to' the sea." Germans
forgot, when talking about the annexation of Belgium,
the statement made by Herr jagow, the German Secre-
tary of State for Foreign .Affairs, just before the outbreak
of hostilities, that (iermany " could not prolitably annex
Belgian territory without making at the same time terri-
torial acquisitions at the expense of Holland." Those
signilicant words are not, and cannot be, forgotten in our
country.
All this makes the position of Holland quite clear.
We can dismiss as chimerical any idea of Holland ever
siding with the Central Powers against the Allies.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer
By James Douglas
LATE in the seventies a lad was lifted out of the
water at the Lambeth Swimming Baths, after
having won a hotly contested race. He had
taken the last ounce out of himself, and as he
lay at full length it was apparent that he was utterly
exhausted. Nevertheless, in a few minutes he was on
his legs again, ready for the next race. The boy was
Reggie McKenna. None of those \yho applauded his
pluck could have foreseen that he was destined to become
Chancellor of the Exchequer during the greatest war
in our history. The boy was father of the man. Ever
since he won that race he has been winning other races
by sheer courage and greatness of heart. In 1887 he
was bow in the winning Cambridge University Eight, and
he rowed in the Trinity Hall boat which won the Grand
and the Stewards' cups at Henley. These athletic
triumphs provide a clue to his success in the Parliamen-
tary area. That success is due to character as well as
brains, to courage as well as intellectual power.
Throughout liis political career he has been remarkable
for his iron fearlessness. He has never hesitated to
face a storm of unpopularity after he had made up his *
mind. It is a rare quality in a statesman and a very
valuable one. The British people like a man with a
backbone, and whatever fault may be found with Mr.
McKenna, his severest critic cannot sa}' that he is
invertebrate. There is no living politician who is more
impervious to the biting blasts of unpopularity. He
seems to thrive on criticism and to draw fresh strength
from contumely. It is d-flfi-rult to imagine a situation in
which his consummate n-rvc would be rattled. The
Germans assert that this war will be won by the nation
with the strongest nerve. It is with satisfaction that
the British public notes the strong nerve of the Chan-
cellor of the E.xchequcr, for he is the nerve centre of our
financial system. As the business world looks to the
banking world for light and leading, so the banking
world looks to the Treasury, and so the Treasury looks
to the Chancellor. There is a profound difference between
peace linance and war finance. In peace blunders
and aberrations are not irretrievable. There is a margin
great enough to cover a multitude of financial sins. But
in war — and especially in a war utterly unparalleled in
scale — one false step may bo irreparable.
It is not too nivich to say that upon Mr. McKenna
depends the solvency of the Allied Powers. " Compared
with Reginald McKenna," said a picturesque American
writer, " John D. Rockefeller is a piper." No multi-
millionaire ever handled operations so colossal as those
he has carried out with an easj' mastery which astonishes
the astutest financiers in the world. In finance nothing
succeeds like success, and the ignorant are too apt to
take success for granted. The sense of difficulty over-
come is curiously absent from the Chancellor's exploits,
'lo the average man he appears to be a magician who
waves his fiscal wand and produces thousands of millions
out of nowhere. But the experts know that he is a
supreme master of his art, with a mind capable of seeing
the whole curve of finance as well as grasping its minutest
details.
It is not easy to persuade the general public that his
great War Loan was equivalent to a great victory for
the Allies, a victory as vital as the Marne or Ypres or
Verdun. Yet such is the truth. It is not indiscreet now
April 6, 1916
LAND & WATER
15
tu admit that the lust War Loan was a c.jinpaiativc
faihire. It produced only three huudrcd millions. Tiie
second War Loan produced six hundred millions, being
the- vastest loan operation the world has ever witnessed,
combined with a gigantic scheme for converting and
liquefying hundreds of millions of Consols. There w^ere
many" gloomy forebodings among the wise men of the
city. They "thought his proposals were revolutionary.
But they worked without a hitch.
A Great Business Man
The truth is that he is a great business man as well as a
great financier. He can hold his own with the highest
banking authorities in the City. His scheme for utilising
American securities was so daring that it took away the
breath of many of our greatest financial experts. A story
is told of a conference between the Chancellor and the
bankers. It may be true or it may not. It is sa.id that
the bankers came to the conference in a hostile and
sceptical mood. It was a critical juncture, but Mr.
McKenna's nerve rose to the occasion. He convinced
and converted the conference, and came out of the
duel triumphant. It must be admitted that no amateur
lawyer-politician could have performed that dazzling
fc-it. The Chancellor knew his subject. He had sur-
veyed every inch of the ground. He was fortiiied with
facts and with reasons. And it is safe to say that the
fruits of his audacious foresight will not all be gathered
in till a later stage of the war.
It is worth remembering that Mr. McKenna was one of
Sir Charles Dilke's yomig men. He won his spurs as
the honorary secretary of the Free Trade Union. His
first parliamentary victory was gained in a rather
meticulous duel with Mr. Austen Chamberlain over a
preferential duty on unstripped tobacco ! " C-B "
a shrewed judge of men, promptly made him Financial
Secretary to the Treasury, where he evolved the
machinery for Old Age Pensions, a faultless piece of
work. From the Treasury he went to the Board of
Ivducation, where he secured grants, for Secondary
Schools, organised medical inspection, and opened the
training colleges to Nonconformists.
But these things were but the prelude to his titanic
work at the Admiralty from igo8 to 1911. To it we
owe our command of the sea in the present war. Public
memory is short, but it is well to realize that we are
indebted for our naval security to Mr. McKenna's far
seeing resolution In March, 1909, he disclosed to a
startled House the facts which a searching analysis
of the German naval estimates had revealed. There
had been a large increase in the German annual instal-
ments. He showed that the increase could only be
explained by one or other of the hypotheses or by
both combined. Either the rate of German construc-
tion had been greatly accelerated or the size and
cost of the German ships had been largely increased.
Both hypotheses proved to be true. The acceleration,
at first denied by the Germans, was ultimately con-
fessed. But the degree of acceleration was insuflicient
to account for the increased expenditure, and the
second hypothesis was quickly verified. The new
German ships proved to be of far greater size and power.
They were armed with 12 in. instead of 11 in. guns.
At the Admiralty
There were sharp differences in the Cabinet as to the
number of Dreadnoughts to be laid down. Mr. McKenna
clemanded eight. Se\eral powerful members of the
Cabinet \-iolently opposed him. But Mr. McKenna carried
his programme. The Iron Duke. Sir "John Jellicoe's
flagship, was one of the ships he laid down.
It was expected that the famous eight would be armed
with 12 in. guns; but when the full intentions of the
(iermans became known to the Admiralty, and after two
ships had been laid down, the designs for the other ships
were revised, and 15.5 in. guns were introduced. For a
long time the secret was kept, and when the war broke
out Germany had in being no heavier armament than her
12 in. guns. It was Mr. McKenna who evolved the power-
ful D and E class. Mr. McKenna was the first to arm a
submarine with a quick-firing gun.
It is not generally known that if he had remained
at the Admiralty wc should in i()i4 liave had rcadv
a Heel of Zejipelius- So long ago as ii)ir he gave
an .order to Vickers to build the first Britisli Zeppelin.
It was built, but its back was broken by an accident
when it was launched. The true story of that accident
has never been told. Unfortunately, "Mr. McKenna left
the Admiralty in lyii. and nothing more was done in
the matter of Zeppelins.
Mr. McKenna, like Mr. Asquith, is a master of state-
craft. He understands the art of managing men. There
were no quarrels while he was at the Admiralty. No greater
proof of his gifts as an administrator could be conceived.
He is not an explosive and destructive statesman. He
prefers to build upon the existing foundations. He once
said, after being some months at the Admiralty, " I have
found many customs and regulations which seemed ripe
for abolition, and then on closer examination I have dug
out the reason for them. ' There is or there has been a
leason for every Departmental tradition. The point is
to find aut the reason before you sweep it away. This
is often very difficult, but it is always worth while."
This explains the mixture of courage and caution
which is found in the McKenna's rule at the Treasury.
He can put his foot down firmly and keep it down, but
he cultivates an open mind. He makes up his mind
very slowly, but once made up it closes like a vice. He
is broad in his outlook. Although he was ojiposcd to
\\'oman Suffrage, he ne\er lust his lubane patience under
persistent and acrimonious attacks. No man can stand
fire more serenely. ■ The first illustration of this quality
was his attitude as Home Secretary towards the agitation
for interning enemy aliens. He was the target of many
violent criticisms, but he never flinched before fire that
was in reality aimed at Lord Kitchener. He never
revealed the fact that he himself desired to intern all tho
enemy aliens, and he never defended himself at the
expense of the War Office.
Loyalty to Colleagues
It is now common knowledge that the War Office were
reluctant to undertake the burden of internment, for
the simple reason that they had no accommodation, and
could not spare soldiers to guard the internment camp.
Loyalty to his colleagues is Mr. McKenna's dominant
characteristic. It is a characteristic which he shares
with Mr. Asqvuth. It explains the close bond between
him and the Prime Minister. Without internal loyalty
the Coalition Ministry could not stand the strain of war.
That it should have stood it so long and so well is a proof
of public spirit in one statesman which matches the
publtc spirit of the nation.
In council Mr. McKenna is irreplaceable, for his supreme
quality is judgment, calm, cold, and impartial. Nothing
else accounts for his disciplined rise from obscurity to
power, O/ving nothing to a platform popularity or to a
good Press. There is dramatic irony in the fact that he
was placed in the Treasury by the agitation over the
shortage of shells, the authors of which/ builded
better .than they knew. Prophets predicted that Mr.
McKenna would resign over Conscription. They were
wrong. They misjudged his jndgniient. He does not
wage war as a party man. He is like Dilke in his power
of looking ahead. It is with to-morrow that his spirit
wrestles. He is no stickler for absolute security in such a
struggle as this. He recognises that war abolishes the
canons of peace, and that it is the duty of the statesman
to be bold to the verge of temerity where the stakes arc
so high and the cause so sacred. His five hundred million
Budget is worthy of Pitt in his most daring mood. It is
a blow at the heart of Germany.
A word about the private character of the Chancellor
may not be out of place. He is the most domestic of
men, devoted to his brilliant wife and to his charming
chiklren, M chael and David, w'ho invariably appear at
the luncheon table in Smith Square, and who are humo-
rously nicknamed, " Kultur " and " The Hun.'' Mrs.
McKenna works as hard as her husband, and is his right
hand in public life. Thanks to her, the Chan:cllor bears
the burden of office lightly and almost gaily. It may
interest Dr. Helferich to" know that his redoubtable
antagonist is physically and mentally unabashed and
miabated by (ierman frightfulness, and that he faces the
coming vear of war with smiling confidence and ironic
assurance, based iipon the knowledge that he is rowing
bow in the winning boat.
i6
t;
L A X D AND- W A T E R
The Agony of Serbia
By Alfred Stead
April 0, lyiO
(HUS do they sigh whu are about to weep."
No more fitting description in few words can be
found for the present pHght of the Serbian
nation. The war presents no more complete,
no more terrible traj^'dy than that which has befallen
the bra\e peasant people who so lung and su successfully
defended the pass, barring the road to the Central
Powers to Bulgaria and the East.
The welc^ome \-isit of Serbia's exiled rulers, the Crown
Prince and M. Pashitch should not only afford this country
an occasion of paying tribute to brave men in evil plight,
but should also bring to all minds a fuller realisation of
the enormity of the catastrophe which has overwhelmed
oiu- .\llies. It is difficult here to imagine the dramatic
suddenness, the poignant agony of the tidal wa\X'
which submerged Serbia in a few short weeks.
The country is not known here. Englishmen have few
friends in Serbia ; there were no daily steamers to any
Serbian Ostend to make realisation more easy. But,
notwithstanding the difficulty it is vitally necessary to
realise. The Serbians will not speak freely of their
calamity". They are a proud ))eople, who find in mis-
fortune rather a reason for renewed effort than for lamen-
tation on the housetops. While admiring them for their
stoical endurance, it must be confessed that Serbian
reticence makes it hard for this country truly to compre-
hend the real situation.
On broad lines it is known that after tyvice repelling the
Austrian invader, after suffering the scourge of typhus
and the sapping drain of starvation, Serbia, beset on all
sides but one, fighting gallantly, albeit hopelessly, against
tremendous odds, .withdrew her righting remnants
towards the west, leaving her country to the tender mercy
of the savage Bulgarian, the micivilised Hungarian or the
kultiir-loving Teuton. But what is known of the true
horrors, the whole cloth upon which the brief tragic
story was woven in relief? Since October of last year
conservative estimates place the losses to the Serbian
nation at about one million souls — and this out of a small
population far less than that of London. Killed and
wounded in battle, died of disease and prisoners form but
a small portion of this total— the civilians, the women
and chiklrcn have supplied the greatest the most horrible
proportion. Manj^ have been borne away into captivit}',
especially women with male children — the women are
now working in Hungarian fields, the children are being
moulded to the best ability of Jesuit schools into subjects
of the Dual Monarchy. Both Hungarians and Bulgarians
agree that only by schools can anything be done against
what they are pleased to call " Serbian chauvinism,"
or what we would recognise and applaud as patriotism
and love of national ideals.
It is easy to see how inevitably a national catastrophe
must follow a national defeat. Even after the second
Austrian invasion, when by a superb counter-attack the
Serbian army drove the enemy north of the Danube and
freed Serbian soil, the conditions were terrible. In
January, 1915, the Serbian Metropolitan said that there
were a million destitute old mc'n, women and children, of
whom a large percentage must die imless relief came.
The richest provinces of the country had been de-
vastated ; there was no food ; there were no medicines.
A visit to these provinces was the most awful experience
that war has given. Thfe cries of untended wounded on
the stricken lield are terrible to the ears of those who
unaxailing hear and see, but the unending moan of
children which ascended to the skies from the shattered,
pillaged villages — what were once Serbia's fail est villages,
cannot be described. To imagine it is a nightmare.
In each house children were lying and children were
dying ; there was no milk ; there was little bread : the
water, like the houses, was polluted and microbe-laden ;'
doctors there were none ; medicines were not to be had.
.\nd so in ceaseless moaning hundreds and thousands of
little lives went out, victims of the war.
If this was the case when the Serbian Government
was at Nish, when the railway to Salonika was open,
and when aid from the .Allies, if dilatory and insuHicicnt,
was available, who can picture the condition today.
In place of a Government anxious to help the suffered
there are military forces whose fundamental belief is
that the fewer the Serbians who remain ahve the easier
will be their task. " As long as there are Serbians then-
will be Serbia," is the Bulgarian view. Nor must it be
forgotten 'that the recent offensive was prefaced by the
ra\-ages of typhus in the whole country, the victims
munbering over a hundred thousand, while many who
recovered were wi'akened and devitalised, unable to meet
and live through any unfa\-ourable conditions.
Till' combined attack on Serbia in last October brought
into sharp relief the sutferings f)f a retreating nation. J
In under three months the entire tragedy had been played l
out. The sacrifice of the Serbian army, although the
side of the story most in prominence, was but an in-
finitesimal part, and after all soldiers go to war expecting
disaster and death. The only unnecessarily horrrb'e
part of the army's retreat was that the men felt that it
was because of no fault of their own, or of their nation.
And yet thcN' bear no grudge and want to fight again.
The slow retreat, the awful hardships, the deadly silence
of that sullen long-drawn reluctant march from the
beloved soil of Serbia to alien lands, will never be fully
appreciated — even the bards of Serbia will fail to render
justice to it. To those who shared in it, the retreat
remains as a slow-moving symphony of crescendo despair
with, however, ever a leitmotiv of hope and confidence in
the future.
The wounded and sick of the army were left hopelessly
ar.l helplesslv intermingled with the star\ing populace.
Women and children shared filthy straw-strewn floors
with soldiers, whose wounds were rank with septic
poisoning. Later, the civilians with the army sickened
and died bv scores. How hard was the way may be
judged by the fact that of the thousands of Austrian
prisoners ' who set out for the coast only some 12,000
reached Valona. The retreating soldiers saw the civilians
die of hunger and exhaustion and could do nothing
whatsoever to help them.
In the snowy mountains of Albania, figures could be
seen, struggling to, their knees in the snow in silent suppli-
cation for food->~but there was none, agd silently the
sulferers would sink down soon to be a quiet snow-
mound by the roadside. As we looked at those unfortu-
nates, the knowledge that the sufferings of those left
behind surpassed those we witnessed, added horror to
existence. For, in the grasp of the enemy there were far
worse things than kindly, although long-drawn-out
death in the snow, or the mud. Families saw their mem-
bers subject to indignities worthy of a drunken Roman
emperor in full Saturnalia. Mothers were divided from
children, and dragged out a life of shame and misery,
knowing that their lost ones were dead in unknown
graves. I'ood was sent to Germany, given to the soldiers,
there was little enough, and none for the inhabitants,
(iold and silver were expropriated, and rich and poor
alike were driven to beg in the streets. Law and order
ceased to exist. The whim of the common soldier had
replaced all codes of law. And with all this there was no
neutral eye-witness, no Americans to keep the brute
instincts of the conquerors in check. In Nish, there were
a few Columbia l'ni\-ersitv giaduates of a Red Cross
Mission who stayed behind, but the Bulgarians could
not long tolerate their presence.
The Serbian nation is condemned to suffer alone, with-
out anyone to hesu", much less to help. While we wait for
the fulfilment of our promises to make Serbia greater than
before, the nation is giving its puund of flesh which cannot
be replaced. .We can feed Belgium, we cannot feed
Serbia. Nobody.can help them and nobody will e\er know
what horrors are going on in where once was happy Serbia.
It is noble that the Serbian army should wish to begin
again the struggle, but we must not forget the silent army
of Serbian civilians, the old men, women and (hildren,
who are stiffc-ring and dying daily to make an l-Jiiperor's
holiday. When, we do" arrive again in Serbia, let all
measures of relief be ready with the army, do not let it be
necessary to make appeals at the eleventh hour. Much
has been asked of Serbia and nmcli shall be given her.
April 6, 1916
.LAND & WATER
17
Shackleton's Expedition
By Herbert G. Ponting
In this most ''ntcrcsttng article Mr. Herbert Ponting.
member of Captain Scott's Expedition and therefore
ilwroiighly familiar icith the conditions that are lil^ely
to prevail during the latter part of Sir Ernest Shaekleton's
expedition, explains as nearly as can be done from the
scanty information that has so far reached us the probable
position of Sir Ernest's party at the present time.
The photograph of the South Pole appearing on page 2
was printed from a n^ga'ive taken by Lieutenant II.
Bowers. The film was brought lack by Captain Scott
to his last camp, and icas there found by the Search
Party eight months after his death. It was subsequently
developed at Cape Evans.
THE real incentive for Sir Ernest Shaekleton's
trans-Antarctic journey is to explore the unknown
region v^'ch lies between the \\'eddcll Sea and
the South Pole. That in itself is a tremendous
xuuk I taking, but merely to regard the Pole as a " half-
way house," so to speak, and to essay to continue on
the journey to the opposite side of the Polar continent,
is a colossal task. To accomplish this unprecedented
feat of exploration has been Sir Ernest's fondest hope
ever since he penetrated within one hundred miles of
the South Pole eight years ago.
The risks of all previous South Polar expeditions arc
practically doubled, as Sir Ernest is not only relying on
his own party getting safely through, but also on another
party safely reaching the opposite side of the continent
independently, and providing him with supplies for a
large part of the latter part of his great journey as well
as for emergencies when he reaches his journey's end.
Had he essayed to rest content with reaching the South
.Yole from a point from which it had not hitherto been
approached, and to turn back on his tracks, and return to
the VVeddell Sea, he would have had the absolute certainty
that provisions would be cached along the latter part of
his return route, and he would have known exactly what
arrangements had been made to meet any emergencies
which might arise. There could be no such certainty in
the tremendous task which he set himself, and, perhaps,
anxiety about the expected food licpots and supplies
at the journey's end have been among his hardships.
From the Pole
At the time of writing these lines, March 28th, we
know little more than was contained in the tirst wireless
messages from the Aurora. These messages indicate
that Sir Ernest intended to travel from the Pole, via the
Beardmore Glacier, to Hut Point on McMurdo Sound,
which is an arm of the Ross Sea. In the absence of any
information from the Endurance, the ship by which he
and his main party'sailed to the Weddell Sea, we can only
assume that he adhered to his proposed time schedule,
and started on his trans-Antarctic journey from some
point on the shore of the Weddell Sea between Graham's
Land, which is due south of South America, and Coat's
Land, as near the date of October ist, iqi.S, as the weather
permitted, and not later than Novembef ist.
Providing that he met with no misfortune, and no
impassable mountains or chasms impossible to cross —
and nothing but such physical barriers would daunt Sir
Ernest Shackleton — he hoped to reach the South Pole
about Christmas Day. Assuming that he did so, and
that his dog-teams were well and going strong, and that
neither his party nor the dogs were distressed for lack of
food, we can best estimate the approximate date of his
journey's end by referring to Amundsen's time-table.
Amundsen left the South Pole on December 17th, iqii.
rtith 16 dogs, and he reached his base at the Bay of Whales
on the Great Ice Barrier on January a^th, iqi2, with
eleven dogs, all well. He therefore covered the 700 miles
in 40 days, but he was extremely fortunate as regards
weather, encountering little of the sevc'rc' wind' which
distressed Scott's party so much. (The Bay of Whales is
400 miles from Cape Evans on the Ross Sea main part
of the Barrier not shewn in the plan.)
Shaekleton's route, via the Beardmore Glacier, is
about 50 miles longer than Amundsen's. Allowing say
ten days for the extra distance and the worse conditions
of weather which would seem to prevail on this route,
and assuming that Shackleton left the Pole on December
26th, and that the Aurora party laid out depots of food
for him for the greater part of the way to the Beardmore
(ilacier, we may hope that he safely reached Hut Point,
some time about the middle of Ecbruary la,st. On a
journey of such magnitude however many delays might
be experienced, and, even if he got through safely, it is
conceivable that he might have been several weeks longer.
Had everything worked out as Sir Ernest hoped and
planned, and had the Aurora not met with the mis-
fortune recently reported, he would have left McMurc'o
Sound early in March, and we should have had news of
him from some New Zealand port early in April.
So much for man-made plans. But in that storm-
beaten end of the world one never knows what a single
hour may bring forth as regards weather. The blizzards
of the Antarctic are of such severity that even small
stones are blown about in the wind.
The " Aurora "
On May 6th the Aurora was blown from her mooring
• off Cape Evans, Lat. 77.25 S., and became fast in the ice-
pack, in which she appears to have drifted for oyer nine
months to as far North as Lat. 64.30 S., 161 E. With
this misfortune to his .ship. ended all possible hope of Sir
Ernest's relief this year from the Ross Sea end of the
journey. It is unlikely that any relief ship can reach him
before January next, as until then, it being now the
beginning of the Antarctic winter, the sea will be frozen
or blocked with ice-pack.
But the fact of the Aurora- being blown out to sea, and
relief for the pfesent impossible, does not necessarily
infer disaster to anyone. It means a year's longer exile
in the Antarctic, and a certain amount of hardship,
but if the base has been reached safely by Sir Ernest
and his party, and proper supplies were found theF«,
not of necessity anything worse.
The drawing o\'er leaf prepared from my photographs
of the south part (of McMurdo Sound will illustrate the
points which I wish to make clear, so far as. I am able to.
I do not pretend that it is geographically correct, but
it gives a fairly accurate idea of the topography of the
district, from an imaginary point above the edge of the
Barne Glacier at Cape Evans. The line of approach
to Hut Point across the Barrier, at the end of the journey,
would vary according to the ice conditions. If the sc'a
were frozen it might extend well out to the south-west,
or it might lie towards the eminence called Castle Rock,
if the sea were open, and the surface of the Barrier badly
crevassed near the land on the line marked. I ha,ve
made it a summer view, when the sea would be " open,"
but it must be borne in mind that from the end of April
to January the sea would probably, but not by any
means certainly, be frozen. The freezing of the sea
depends on the roughness of the weather. If continual
storms are experienced during the winter the sea may not
even freeze at all over a large part of the Sound.
Cape Evans
On the other hand, it is quite possible that the Sound
might be frozen not only during the winter, but, to a
less extent during the summer as well. In short, though
it is more than probable that the winter ice between
Hut Point and Cape Evans would break up during the
summer, it is yet possible that it might not.
The fact that the Aurora had taken up moorings ofl
Cape Evans indicates that Captain Scott's winter-quarters
were being used as the base for operations. If Sir Ernest
succeeded in reaching this place he would be able to live
with some pretence to comfort, providing enough clothing
had been landed from the Aurora. Unfortunately a
message has stated that " the party is short of fuel and
clothing" Clothing would certainly present greater
difliculties than food, as nothing warm can be made from
i8
L A X D Si W A T !•: R
April 6, 1916
eal skins. The " Wcddcll " seal is not a fnr bearing
creature, but is covered with coarse hair which has no
warmth in it. These animals are protected from the cold
by a thick layer of fat, called 'blubber," which lies just
under the skin. Newlv-born seals have soft, fur coats,
but they arc not calved imtil October; Seal blubber
makes excellent fuel, and if enough seals can be secured,
this would solve the fuel difficulty.
Ready Stores Only
It apjxjars that " ready stores only " were landed at
Cape Evans. Fortunately there are large stores of food
left by the Scott Expedition here : and at Cape Royds,
Sir Ernest's old winter quarters during his last expe-
dition, about seven miles distant, there are other large
supplies of tinned food and flour. This place can be
reached from ('aj)e I-'vans whether the sea be frozen or not.
by way of the Barne C.lacier. It appears that only
two months' stores were landed by the Aui-ora at Hut
Point, but at the Discovery Hut at this place there were
considerable supplies of biscuits in i()i2, and these will
be good for any length of time.
It seems fairly certain that there is not likely to be any
distress from lack of food. Clothing is likely to be the
difficulty. Fairly satisfactory foot-gear can be made
from seal-skins, but not clothes. Seal-meat is excellent
eating, tasting not unlike bear flesh.
It would appear that food depots had been laid out
towards the Pole, as the message tells of " six who had
made the journey to the South " having returned s"fely
on March 4th of last year. At present, however, we do
not know how far south this party succeeded in placing
these depots. The message states, "On January 24th (iQi.s)
a party of three men, with dogs, set out for the Bluff to
establish a depot, taking stores with them for that
purpose." Also, that " the next day Captain Mackin-
tosh, accompanied by two other members of the party,
left the ship for a sledge trip with dogs."
Later wc are told, on May 6th, the day the Aurora
was blown out to sea, that " Captain Mackintosh and his
two companions, as well as the three men who had gene
to the Bluff to establish a depot, and four members of the
Scientific Staff, were ashore." The message continues;
" We saw no more of them. " It would appear, at first
sight, that there was a grave note in this last sentence.
And if the ship were at Hut Point all the time, from
January 24th to May 6th, and the two references con-
cerned the same journeys of these two parties, the news
would be grave enough, as it would be clear that the
Bluff party (we are not told where the other party went)
at least, was several weeks overdue. They would not be
likelv to be out more than two weeks from Hut Point,
as the distance would jirobably be not over 80 miles to
where they would depot their supplies. As they had
dogs with them, this should allow "ior reasonable delays.
Bvit on January 24th and 23th, when these two parties
left, the Aurora, on accovmt of the ice, had probably
been unable to get within many miles of Hut Point.
On referring to my diary I fincl that in iqii Captain
Scotfs ship the Terra S'ova got within two miles of
Cape Evans as early as January 4th, yet the following
year she was unable to get nearer than two miles of
Cape Evans as late as February 6th. It is therefore
quite concei\'able that the Aurora might have been 20
miles or more from Hut Point on January 24th.
Hut Point
The Bluff party, having made one journey to the place
where they depotcd their stores, perhaps returned to
Hut Point, and after a few days started off again with
other supplies. In the meantime, the ice having broken .
up between Cape Evans and Hut Point, the ship proceeded
there, and on March 4th, as we know, took olf the i>arty
of six who had returned from the journey on which they
started on January .list.
Unless the Bluff party of three made, as I think they
did, more than one journey, they had not returned -two
months after the motor-party got safely back, though
they had started a week earlier than the motor jjarty.
The message is not clear on this ])oint, but 1 think that
wc may safely assume that they made more than one
journey, and that they had not returned from the last
one. In the meantime, since thc\' left on January 24th,
the ship had merely not be6n in touch with them, and
had left Hut Point" for her winter berth on March 4th.
\\'e can but hope that this is what is meant, until we
know more.
The motor party no doubt aimed for a point much
farther south than the Bluff, but Capt. Scott's experience
of motor-sledges was not a happy one. How far this
party went is at present a matter of conjecture. We can
only hope that they had better luck with their machine
than Scott did. As for the scientists, they are probably
safe enough at Cape Evans.
Cape Evans cannot be reached from Hut Point except
by way of the frozen sea, and if Sir Ernest Shackleton
arrived at Hut Point in February or March of this year
he would probably find the way to Cape Evans barred bv
open water, as the ice usually breaks up in January and
February. In this event, he would have to remain there
imtil the sea froze, which it probably would do in April.
There is no way of reaching Cape Evans from Hut Point
except over the frozen sea, the land is completely blocked
by the impassable glaciers of Mount Erebus. He would
have to subsist on such supplies as he found there,
supplemented by seal meat. There are usually a good
many seals at this place, and the blubber would make
good fuel. Here again clothing would be a problem,
as very little of anything seems to have been left
by the Aurora, beyond the sledging rations, the major
part of which was probably " depoted ' by the various
Southern parties at different points. In any case, it
would not have appeared necessary to land large supplies
at Hut Point, seeing that the Base was Cape Evans and
that was well provisioned.
Doubtful Points
A few more days will j^robably set at rest all furthe'"
conjecture, as we shall no doubt hear of the safe arrival o^
the Aurora at New Zealand. It is to be hoped that all
these doubtful points will then be cleared up, and that the
fortunes of the brave fellows who have risked so much
will appear more favourable than the present meagre
infoimation to hand seems to indicate. And again, the
Endurance, now due at any time in South America, may
arrive with Sir Ernest and his party safely aboard. Though
he had failed to carry out his splendid project in full, the
whole nation would breathe a sigh of profound relief to
known that at least he and tho.se with him, are safe.
For the present we must derive such comfort as wc can
from the certain knowledge that the Empire does not
hold a man more fitted for the task he undertook than
Sir Ernest Shackleton, and that in such men as Wild,
Crean, Hurley, and Marston, he has men of as great
resource in emergency as himself.
*****
P.S. — I add this on .\pril 4th as the article goes to
Press. I see from the information contained in to-day's
despatch to the Daily Chronicle, concerning the missing
Southern . parties, is still obscure, byt Lieut. Stenhouse
who has now reached New Zealand on the Aurora
considers that the bad weather would accoimt for their non-
return up to the time the ship left Hut Point.
It now appears that the party that set out on January
25th from the ship headed for Mount Hooper, which is
175 miles from Hut Point.
it would seem that the motor-sledge was found to be
as unsatisfactory as those of the Scott expedition, as it
failed to reach Hut Point. One of Captain Scott's
motors, after numerous breakdowns, pushed on some
fifty miles or more further.
Great difficulty seems to have been experienced by
the sledging parties off Cape .\rmitage, according to the
latest despatch. This place has always had a bad
reputation for dangerous ice, owing to erosion by the
current which flows under the Barrier here.
We would draw attention to the charming shilling paper-
covered booklets pulilislu'd for the Miedici .Society by Mr.
Philip Lee Warner, under the generic title of Meninrahilia.
.'\ninng the latest volumes to he issued are PnrJraiU 0/ Chris/
and The Lasl Suf>pcr ; thev are erlited by Mr. G. V. Hill of the
British Museum and illustrated with reproductions of famou?
pictures. Mr. A. \i. Zimniern's translation of the iii^toncal
speech of Pericles forms another but tmillustrated \olume,
and yet another contains Easier Poems. These Memor;diilia
arc a di-tinct boon to lovers of literature and art.'
April 6. xgi6
LAND & WATER
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20
LAND & WATER
CHAT A
c// T^omance of the South Seas
"By H. T>E FERE STAC POOLE
April 6, igib
Synopsis : Macquart, an adventurer who has spent-
must of his life at sea, finds himself in Sydney on his beam
ends. He has a wonderful story of gold hidden up a river in
New Guinea, and makes the acquaintance of Tillman, a sporting
man about town, fond of yarhting and racing, and of Houghton,
a well-educated Englishman out of a job. Through Tillman's
influence he is introduced to a wealthy woolbroker. Screed, who,
having heard Macquart's story and examined his plans, which
agree -with an Admiralty chart, agrees to finance the enterprise.
Screed purchases a yawl, the " Barracuda." Just before they
leave Macquart encounters an old shipmate. Captain Hull,
who is fully acquainted with his villainies. Hull gets in touch
with Screed, who engages him and brings him aboard the yacht
just as they are about to sail. By degrees Captain Hull prac-
tically assumes command of the enterprise through force of
character. After adventures they arrive at New Guinea and
anchor in a lagoon. They go by boat up a river where they
make the acquaintance of a drunken Dutchman, Wiart, who
is in charge of a rubber and camphor station. They catch
sight of a beautiful Dyak girl, Chaya. According to Macquart's
story a man named Lant, wlw had seized this treausure, sunk his
ship and murdered his crew with the exception of one man.
" Smith." Lant then settled here, buried the treasure, and married
a Dyak woman, chief of her tribe. Lant was murdered by
" Smith," whom Captain Hull and the rest make little doubt
was no other than Macquart. Chaya, with whom Houghton
has -fallen in love, is Lant's half-caste daughter. Macquart
guides them to a spot on the river-bank where he declares -the
cache to be. They dig through that night and the following but
find nothing ; they begin to think he is deceiving them. Then
he starts the surmise that the Dyaks have moved the treasure
to a sacred grove in the jungle. Wiart is his authority for this,
and he persuades his shipmates to go with him in search of it.
CHAPTER XX
A Picture in the Forest
IT was noon next day when Macquart, who had been in
the house with Wiart having a long talk, drew the
others together for a consultation.
He led them among the trees to a spot where a clearing
had been made by Nature, a regular room of the woods roofed
with blue sky and walled with the liquid shadow of foliage.
Macquart took his seat on the trunk of a camphor tree long
fallen, Tillman sat down beside him, whilst Hull and Houghton
remained standing.
■' Well, I've fixed it," said Macquart. " He's open to
lead us to the place, not to-day because he has to look after
the rubber chaps, it's pay-day, but to-morrow."
" Will he be sober ? think you ? " asked Hull.
" He's off the drink. When we landed he was just at the
end of a burst. He'll be right enough now for a couple of
months and then he'll have another. He's that sort."
" Well," said Hull, " I guess you know more of the
fellow's clock-works than I do. I can't stomach the blighter
no how. Them whiskers of his sticks in my gizzard. I
never could abide whiskers on a man — them pork chop style.
If a man's a man, let him grow a full face of hair or stick to
a moustache. Them sort of whiskers is unholy, and I don't
mind a drinkin' man that takes his drink proper, but that
chap don't. He's a last night's drunk goin' about in trousers.
Bv Jiminy, boys, if we don't hit the cache, we'll export him
as an objec' lesson. Them temp'rance guys would give a
hundred thousand dollars for him to take round the States,
they would so."
" Well, he's our last chance," said Macquart, " and I
pin my faith to him, I do so. You mayn't like him, but
don't say anything to rile him ; he's the kej^ to this pro-
position."
" We won't do anything to rile him," said Tillman.
Where's Houghton going ? "
Houghton had walked off and was away among the
trees.
"It's that gal," said the Captain, " she was peekin' at
us from the trees and he's gone after her. She's after him,
too, or my name's not Hull. We only wanted a cage of
turkle doves to add to our top hamper and b' gosh, 1 believe
we've got one."
Houghton had glimpsed her, a white glint among the
trees. She had been looking at them. He knew quite well
that if he had not been of the party she would not have been
there. Forgetting the others and heedless of everything, he
made towards her. Seeing him coming she evaded him with-
out taking flight, allowing herself to be seek every now
and then and every now and then vanishing completely from
sight.
This was the edge of the great and mysterious forest that
throws its cloak far and wide over New Guinea. The trees
just here were not very closely set but swinging lianas tufted
with growths and huge shrubs with foot-broad leaves gave
ample cover for anyone pursued. Not wishing to call out,
half laughing, half vexed, hit in the face by leaves and
clutched at now and then by thorns, he continued the ptirsuit
till now where the trees were denser and the gloom more
profound he stood lost and without sight of her, surrounded
on all sides by a barrier that on all sides was the same.
Parrots were crying in the tree-tops and the push of the
wind against the foliage came as' a deep sigh, the voice of
leagues of trees sleeping and half disturbed in their sleep.
"Then came a scuttering in the branches up above, and a
nut hit him on the shoulder and as he glanced up another
nut caught him a sharp blow on the cheek. He was being
pelted by little monkeys, swarms of little monkeys, skipping
from branch to branch, hanging by their tails or by one hand.
He was wiping his cheek when a laugh sounded almost at
his elbow, and, turning, he saw Chaya. She was pushing
back the leaves that hid her to peep at him and before she
could escape he caught her.
He held her hands, and as he drew her towards him he
felt as though he were drawing towards him the very
soul of the mysterious forests, the very spirit of this tropical
land, unknown and strange. She looked straight and deep
into his eyes, and for a moment the prisoner and the captor
changed places ; then, breaking the spell, he released her
hands to seize her to him, and he seized only air. She had
eluded him again and he found himself face to face with
nothing but swaying leaves. She had vanished as completely
and suddenly as though the forest had snatched her from him.
The forest that was her accomplice and of which she was
the true child.
He pushed the still swaying leaves aside, thought that
he perceived a glimpse of her and pursued it to find — nothing.
Then after half an hour of fruitless wandering, he broke into
an open glade and found himself close to the Papuan village.
There was a great commotion in the village, one of the rubber
gatherers had been brought in. He was lying on the ground
turning from side to side, crying out and, to all appearances,
delirious.
As Houghton approached, the unfortunate man ceased
his outcries, raised himself with a supreme effort nearly to his
feet and then fell back. He was dead. The natives, seeing
the white man, pointed to the corpse and seemed trj'ing to
explain matters. Then one of them shook something from
a mat basket, pointed to it and to the corpse. The thing he
had shaken from the basket was a scorpion, rather smaller
than the one from which Chaya had saved Houghton. It had
bitten the unfortunate man only half an hour ago and liere
lay the result.
Houghton shivered at the thought of what he had escaped.
It was like an object-lesson of what tliis country held for the
unwary, a picture of its dangers for all who tread the paths
of life or love.
CHAPTER XXI
The Great Thorn Bush
Saji knew nothing of the meetings between Houghton and
Chaya. Had he done so, Houghton's story would have
come to a very abrupt end. Saji was a being who moved
entirely in bhnkers with a more than vivid view of his
immediate objective, but with great darkness on either side
of him. So we might fancy the tiger to move through the
jungle.
Having received his commission to watch the strangers
and especially Macquart, he fulfilled it to the letter. The
reward of his obedience would be Chaya ; that was sufficient
to blind him to everything else but his work.
Hull and his companions had found themselves unobserved
April 6, 1 91 6
LAND & WATER
2L
Chaya a Romance of the South Seat.]
Vlluatrated by Joseph Simpion, R.B.A.
" Before she could escape he caught her.
and alone. The interest of the Papuans in them seemed
t<j have died out and the Dyaks showed no evidence of their
existence. In reahty, the newcomers made scarcely a move-
ment that was not noted. Saji, unseen, was always with them.
He had followed them to the second digging at the spit, and
he had lurked behind Wiart's house listening to the con-
versation between Wiart and ]\Iacquart througli a hole in the
boarding of the wall.
He knew very httle English, but enough to make out
that a new move was in progress and that same night, coming
back through the forest glowing green to the moon, he met
the mother of Cliaya and delivered his report.
" They have done no digging to-night," said Saji. "They are
all now asleep, but they start to-morrow with the rubber man."
" Where ? "
" I do not know where, or for what. The rubber man
and he whom you told me to watch have been with their heads
together for a long time talking in one another's ears. They
mean no good to the others."
" How ? "
" I do not know how, but I smell death in all their talk. I
see that five will go away into the forest and only two return —
the rubber man and the other."
The old woman said nothing for a moment. She seemed
22
LAND & WATER
April 6, 1916
listening to the wind in the trees and the night soun;ls of
the forest.
In thit vague green hght, sht- seem? 1 unutterably
sinister and old, and Saji, his naked body glowing in the vague
light, seemed -the incarnation of the spirit of tiie Punan
stabbling spear he carried.
It was Hkc a conference between Age and Destru.tion.
Then she said :
" You must follow them, even if they l"ad you to the
Black Waters, and you must deal witli the one you know at
the very moment when you find him alone. .Should you fail
to get him alone you must deal with him in the presence of the
others, even though you die. Do you promise ? "
" I swear."
Chaya came out from amidst the trees. She had been
with the old woman and had left her before the meeting with
Saji ; then, looking back, she had seen the meeting and had
returned to listen. Saji had been watching her all the time
as she listened, and the fer\'our of his words seemed derived
from her presence. The old woman did not seem to notice
her, nor to care whether she was listening or not."
" At what time do they leave ? " she asked.
" I do not know," said Saji. "But leave when they may,
I will be with them unseen."
Without a single word more the old woman turned and
made for the village.
Saji and Chaya found themselves alone. These two.
•despite the fact that Chaya was indifferent to him as though he
were a dog, had long been companions in the forest. It was
Saji who had taught her to use a blow-pipe so that she could kill
a tree kangaroo or a bird at ten yards' distance ; he had taught
her woodcraft from the time when they had been children
together, and she had once gone in the fishing prahu with him
and had seen the sea breaking on the reefs, and the trepang
gatherers at their work, and the great gnlls fishing, the sailor
brothers of the forest birds and as different from them as the
foliage is from the waves.
She had gone with him on his hunting expeditions in the
forest. Saji was a great hunter of small game. He would
have been equally great after big game had there been any to
hunt, but here in these forests you might travel days without
meeting anything more dangerous than the lizards and the
climbing kangaroos.
" You are going hunting then ? " said Chaya in the sing-
song voice to which the Saribas' dialect inchnes.
" To-morrow," said Saji, without raising his eyes, which
he had lowered at her approach.
" In the forest ? "
" In the forest."
" You have told me of the big black kangaroo that hunts
in the thorn, but to-morrow you follow the little one, the one
with the beard."
" There are two bearded ones in that party," said Saji,
falling into her vein.
" But your game is the least," said Chaya. " I know.
He was the slayer of the white man who was my father. He
must surely die."
" It has been said."
" But the others," went on Chaya, " must not die."
" Who knows ? " replied Saji. " The forest is very full
of death, he will lead them to it. His purpose is set more
straight than a spear shaft, than the flight of an arrow."
" I will go with you and see this thing," said Chaya.
It will be better to see than the kiUing of little birds
with the blow pipe or the trapping of fish in the nets. I will
be with you at daybreak and 1 will bring my spear."
Saji for the first time looked up at her. His eyes burned
in the gloaming, then he glanced swiftly down.
" As you will," he said.
Meanwhile the man in the tent and the man in the boat
by the landing stage and the man in the frame house slept.
The whole comj)licated and intricate conspiracy, now vaguely
shadowed forth, lay in balance, watched only by Saji hiding
near the tent and Houghton, who, to-night, had taken Till-
man's place and was hiding near the boat.
Macquart, whose able mind was engaged on whatever
plans he had made against his fellow adventurers, had not the
slightest fear of the past or suspicion that a hand was stretchirg
out to feel for him.
Macquart was in the position of a man who leaves a
. illage, spends years of adventurous life in distant countries,
and returns fancying himself forgotten, forgetting the fact
that nv ;nory lives long in quiet places and amongst small
< ommunities.Q
With the exception of one or two of the fishing Dyaks, he
had not seen a member of the tribe, and he slept now the
sleep of the unjust, which is often more peaceful and profound
than the sleep of the just.
Saji, hiding near the tent, had not the slightest notion
that Chaya, who was to accompany him on the morrow, had
any interest in the expedition except the interest of the killing
there might be to sse. Saji judged Chaya by himself, just as
.\lacquart judged the memory of the tiny Dyak village by the
memory of the great civilised cities.
Hull, unconscious of everything and Tillm m suspicious
but tired, slept so that the sound of their snormg might lui\e
been heard by the two watchers, Saji by the tent and Houghton
by the river.
Then, as the colour of the sky, the voice of the forest
changed with the breaking dawn, and the river that had held
the stars in reflection showed to the increasing hgiit ghost
spirals of mist that clung to the mangroves with wreathy
fingers.
Then, a golden glow came over the forest, and the sky
above the green of the trees deepened in distance and where
the stars were but a moment ago there was now the blueness
unutterable of the tropic dawn.
Hull came out of the tent and stretched himself. Hough-
ton had released himself half an hour ago from his duties as
sentry, and was engaged in shaving himself before a mirror
fastened to the tent canvas, and now Jacky and Macquart
showed themselves coming up from the river-side.
Lastly, Tillman made his appearance.
" We'd better get breakfast and then set to work to pack
the provisions," said Hull.
" We won't want to take too much," put in Macquart.
" The expedition won't last long and we can always shoot as
much as we want for food."
" Maybe," replied the other, " but I ain't goin' to trust
to no roast lizards for my grub. Here comes the sleepin'
beauty."
It was Wiart who had appeared on the verandah ot his
house.
Wiart had improved very much in appearance since they
first met him. He had been then at the end of one of his
periodical drinking bouts and he would be all right now till
the next attack. His face looked more healthy and more
human, despite the whiskers that gave such great offence to
Hull, and he had a rifle under his arm and a bandoUer of
cartridges slung across him.
He came towards the party by the tent, for he was to
breakfast with them.
Hull stared at the coming figure with a frown on his
face.
" Hi," said he, " what's that ? What are you doin' with
that gun and them ca'tridges ? "
" Doing," said Wiart. " Nothing, carrying them."
" Well, then," said Hull, " you'll just oblige mebycarryin'
them back and leavin' them in the house ; this is a picnic, it
ain't no huntin' party."
, " But what are you talking about ? " cried Wiart. " I
always go armed in the woods."
" Not with me," said Hull. " I'm meanin' no offence,
but I don't go walkin' with armed strangers in no woods. I'm
as sure as certain you're an amiable man, but you're a stran-
ger to me as the lacly on the 'Frisco tram said to the gentleman
whose foot was on hers. Now do you take me or do you don't
—my ultimatum is no armaments."
" Then you can go without me," said Wiart, grounding
the butt of the rifle and half-turning away.
" One moment, son," said Hull, " I can not. You've
contracted to lead tliis party, and it's up to you to finish the
contrac'."
Whether he received some sign from Macquart it is im-
possible to say, but the Rubber Man gave in suddenly, and
unconditionally on the point of arms, put the rifle and car-
tridges back in the house and sat down to breakfast.
" I don't blame you for being cautious," said he,
" though this seems caution run mad, if you'll excuse me for
saying so, 'specially as the whole lot of you are armed. How-
ever, let it stand at that. I don't mind."
He understated the case. Tliis was much more than
caution run mad ; it was perhaps the most deadly insult that
one white man could put on another in that place. Hufl
did not care in the least. If Wiart had attempted to back out
of leading them he would, as he said, have taken him along
by a halter. Instinct had warned him against Wiart. He
knew absolutely nothing of the suspicions that filled the more
cultivated and sensitive minds of his companions, but he did
know that not on any. account would he trust himself in
lonely places with the Rubber Man if the latter were armed.
There is no doubt that in his sub-conscious mind Hull had
worked out the sinister possibilities of any collaboration be-
tween Macquart and Wiart, but he was unconscious of the
fact.
When breakfast was over, they began to pack up the
provisions, Hull supervising.
" We don't want no tent," said he. " There ain't no
(Cctrttiuiii-J on i-<ige iM)
April 6, 1916
LAND & WATER
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24
LAND & WATER
April 6, 1916
(Coniinuea from page xxll)
skeeters in the forest to speak of, and we can light a smoke
fire to keep 'em off if there are. Jacky can carry tlie pick and
shovel. Now then, if you're ready, histe your bundles."
They streamed off, Wiart and Macquart leading. Jacky
and Hull coming ne.vt and Tillman and Hougliton following.
Wiart had a pocket compass and Hull had another, though, as
Wiart said, his knowledge of the road was so intimate that
compasses were unnecessary.
They went down the glade past the Papuan \'illage and
struck into the trees where the glade ended:
It was like passing into a house ; the damar, cutch and
camphor trees round them flung their branches to make the
roof, a roof supported by a thousand thousand pillars.
Just as the outline of the Tartar tents can still be seen
in the outhne of the roofs of the Chinese pagodas, so in the
l)illars of the cathedral we can see a vague sketch of the I'orest,
that first home of man, and in the gloom of our cathedrals
some tincture of the gloom of the great cathedral that God
created for the first worshippers.
The forests of the north have a solemnity all their own,
and the forests of the tropics a mystery incommunicable to
those who have not experienced it.
Here in the twilight that seems the twilight of the birth
ut things, vegetable hfe appears still clinging to its first and
most extravagant forms. It moves. Like that convolvulus
in the Botanical Gardens of Caracas that grows at the rate of
nn inch an hour, here, in the forests of New Guinea, the lianas
K'ngtlun themselves almost perceptibly, vines fight the trees
and kill them, trees fall and crush tlie vines. The orchids are
everywhere. They seem the furious attempt of the \cgetable
world to enter the kingdom of the birds and butterflies and
insects. That bird chnging to that rope of Uantasse is a flower,
that butterfly is an illusion, that insect an orchid.
That bursting crash is a tree that has been faUing for a
year. The forest kills itself and recreates itself eternally ; it is
a community where the vegetable is king and where the vege-
table wars with the animal, and the insects set traps for flies
and thorn entanglements for animals, and mazes to bewilder
and destroy men.
Houghton was alive to these impressions, Tillman less so.
" I've fi.xed up with Hull," said he, " to keep those two
cliaps always in front of us ; they can't do any harm then."
• "I'm not afraid of them and their tricks, unless we find
the cache," said Houghton. " You see, while we are hke this
we can always guard against them, but should by any chance
this lead of Macquart's be a real one and we touch the stuff,
then, in the excitement of the business, when we aren't think-
ing, they may get their blow in."
■' You needn't worry about that," said Tillman. " This
lead is a spoof. I'm dead sure of that. Mac has some black
joke up his sleeve. D'you know, I've got to that condition
now that the gold is less to me than tiie chance of doing
Macquart in if we catch him playing tricks ; that chap has got
on my spine. God ! how I'm beginning to hate him ! "
" I'm feeling hke that," replied the other. " It's the
strangest thing. At first I. liked him, he seemed better than a
fairy tale, and slowly I've got to feel hke you. Yet he lias
never given me offence. Hull hated him all along, you see he
knew him better and. besides, he's a chap that moves by
instinct. Did you notice the down he's taken on Wiart ? "
" You mean on his whiskers. Hull's a rum chap, and
somehow he's hit the thing about Wiart that seems the bull's-
eye. A chap must be a beast to grow a pair of things like
that on his face — lost to all sense of decency."
Houghton laughed and they said no more.
The work was becoming heavy. They were crossing a
boggy patch where tall nipah palms grew — the nipah palm
loves the water— and their feet sank ankle deep at every
step.
Beyond lay clear ground except for barrier lianas sagging
so low that sometimes they could be stepped over.
In cutting Hull out of their councils, Houghton and Till-
man had made a mistake. They had considered him too
volcanic to trust with their suspicions, they had forgotten
that he had a mind of his own, and that the working of that
mind unchecked by them might be prejudicial to their
plans.
Hull as hs ate now, was thinking. The working of the
jaws in mastication stimulates some brains, just as the con-
templation of the ideal stimulates others. Hull, as he chewed
his bully beef, began to think that he had never made full
enquiries of Macquart as to the extent of Wiart 's knowledge of
their real business or his compensation if they were success-
ful.
" Look here," said he to Wiart, " you know, I s'pose, that
you're not takin' us on this traverse for the sake of our
health."
Wiart glanced at Macquart \vho at once chipped in :
' O. I've told Wiart we're not hunting, for that place
the niggers carted the baskets to tor nothing. He's quite
ready to lend us his assistance without prodding too deep into
our affairs."
" All the same," said Hull, " I'm a man that takes
nothing from no man for nothing, and if we strike what we're
lookin' for I'm not goin' to deny his due to him who brought
us to it."
" There's no use in talking of that yet," said Houghton,
hurriedly.
" O yes, there is," said Hull. " It's better to settle
jobs hke these right off at the start, then there'll be no quarrel-
hng at the finish, and if we hit what we're looking' for I'm up
to give Mr. Wiart two hundred pound for his work in directin'
us, a man can't say fairer than that."
Tillman, who was looking at Wiart, thought tliat he saw
a momentary gleam of mockery in his eye.
" O, that's all right," said he. " I'm not bothering alwut
rewards. I can see plain enough what you gentlemen are
after, and I'll not deny that I guessed it from Mr. Macquart's
questions and what he let fall. Well, if it's treasure, then, and
you strike it rich, I'm not indisposed to take what you offer.
I came on tliis expedition for the fun of the thing and to get
away from that confounded rubber plantation for a day or
two, that's what riled me when you objected to my carrying
a rifle. That's maybe why you objected. You thought in
your mind, this man may make trouble "
" Wait a bit," put in Hull, " I only put in my word against
arms because I didn't know you and because you were a bit
thick with Mac here. You'll observe Mac doesn't carry a
gun. Mac and me has differences at times, don't we, Mac ?
And I objects to any chanst of us quarrellin'. Now, if Mac's
friend had a gun, Mac might borrow it, mightn't you, Mac ? "
Houghton jumped to his feet.
" Come on," he said. " There's no use in sitting here
talking. Let's be doing."
lie began to pack up the things and the others, rising to
their feet, helped him. Then they got under way in the
same order of procession.
At four o'clock they arrived at a part of the forest which
goes by the native name of the Great Thorn Bush.
(To be continued)
The new faille silks are first favourites for spring frocks ;
these, as their name indicates, having more or less of a raised
surface. There is a considerable amount of substance about
them and as a result they cut exceedingly well. Faille silks
are rather expensive, the better quaUties mounting into quite
a large figure per yard. The French designers were the first
to leaHze their possibiUties, and the French factories still
working are responsible for quite a number of them.
The new wrap coats for .warmer weather have made
their appearance, and in the majority of cases call for prompt
admiration. A beautiful Bernard model seen the other day
was of Lincoln Green suede cloth with facings, collar and
cuffs of green and white bird's-eye spotted foulard. To
the making of this coat no fewer than eight yards of material
had gone, and the model hung in very full folds of singular
gracefulness.
Some very pretty hats have a narrow veil of lace, falling
over the brim and just veiling the eyes. It is the same idea
as the narrow line of tuUe hanging from many of the hats
last year, but carried to a greater extreme. For these lace
frills are to all intents and purposes eye veils, and should be
very restful to the eyes when there is a glare, or a wind, or
dust is blowing.
Tiny shoulder capes are being seen here, there, and every-
where, but it is a well-known authority's opinion that they
will not be worn in earnest till the turn of the present year.
Be that as it may, numbers of the new suits and wrap coats are
decorated in this manner and it is said that cotton and linen
frocks will follow the example in due course.
Pockets have come into their own, not deceptive bogus
affairs into which hand or handkerchief could not possibly
be slipped, but the genuine article. They are generally of
diagonal shape, stitched either side of the skirt, and are edged
with military braid or a piping of satin or taffetas. Quite
an attractive dress of serge had the pocket outhned with a
wide button-hole stitching of worsted and looked very well.
C.A.V. LAMP BULBS for Car Lighting, bein^ specially cons-tructed
to withstand excessive vibration, are superior to the severe tests im-
posed by a long run on a rough road. Motorists are invited to write
for Catalogue and full particulars. — C. A. Vandervell and Co., Ltd.,
Electrical Engineers. Acton, London, W. — Advt.
Aprii 13, 1916
Supplement to LAND & WATER
XV
INEXPENSIVE
HATS
for Easter
THE Hat illustrated
is an excellent ex-
ample of the value
to be obtained in our
Millinery Department.
Our Book of New Spring
Millinery posted free.
Attractive Toque, de-
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own workrooms, in
buck panne, with high
tnlle crown, tied round
with blue ribtxm in an/
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Prici 29/6
MARSHALL &
SNELGROVE
LIMITED
VERB ST. and OXFORD ST.
LONDON
a Campaign Boot
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D/oriOeJIs
'F^erih '^ oots
" Direct from Scotland."
The Norwell Trench Boot (as illustrated)
Specifi- is hand-built throughout — light, but with
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dryness, and com'prt. See the illustration — -
note the welt all round the Heel, and the full half-inch
sole of double-wearing, waterproof Dri-ped. Water-
tight tongues right to the top, waterproof pebble-
grained uppers, black or brown ; special leather
lining. With 3 buckles as shown, or with '7 C I
ordinary laceholes to the top. Post Free. I iij~
Also the Cavalry Officers' Field or Riding Boot.
The uppers are cut from best selection of water-
proof brown calf-skin, special flexible uppers, leather
lined, hand-built throughout, with or wiihout toe-
cap?, Wellington high legs, to lace over instep only,
and filled wiih small strap at top of leg to keep this
in position. Fitted also with garter loops if
preferred to strap and buckle. Post Fr
D. NORWELL & SON,
PERTH, SCOTLAND.
Specialists in Riod wearing footwear. (Estab-
lished over too years.
Foreign orders receive special aUtntion.
t^'rite now for New Footwear Catalosue.
The Original Cording' s . Estd. 1839
High-Grade
Military Waterproofs. J
The "EQUITOR" Coat
(Regd.)
Officers speak highly of the
special provision for mounted wear
in the attached apron buttoning on
one side. This absolutely shuts out
any rain, and when not in use fastens
conveniently (out of sight) on the
inside of coat, which then serves
just as well for ordinary wear afoot.
The coat can be had fitted with belt
if desired.
One of the recommended materials,
No. 31, in colour an approved mili-
tary fawn, is a tough, though finely-
woven fabric, light in weight, yet
absolutely reliable for hard wear and
tear.
Also made with warm
fleece detachable lining.
All " Equitor " Coat with this
snug woollen wrap or inner coat
added, will keep out the bitterest
wind or cold, and will most surely
minimise the evils of enforced ex-
posure at night.
When ordering an "Equitor" or " Ser.
vice " Coat (the " Service " Coat is matJe
without the attached apron), or directing
that one be sent on approval, height and
chest measure, and reference, should be
given.
New llluttratea List of waterproof coatt, cape; boots/trench waders &c., at request.
J. C. CORDING & G.
Waterproofers to H.M. the King
Only Addresses :
19 PICCADILLY, W. & 35 st. jamess st.
Inexpensive
Crepe de Chine
B I o u
s e s
In view of the present
widespread feeling for
economy in dress, we have
designed a number of
simple and dainty, yet
t h 0 r ou^hly practical,
blouses at ouite excep-
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more apparent when the
present remarkable rise in
the price of all silk e:oods
is taken into consideration.
PRACTICAL CREPE DE
CHINE BLOUSE, made
by our own workers from
reliable quality Crcpo de
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to be worn outside coat.
In black, white, navy,
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blue, and raauve.
SPECIAL PRICE
21/9
In thick Japanese silk,
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In soft white spot muslin,
15 9
CATALOCUE PO'iT FREE
DebenKam
&Freebod[y
Wigmope Street.
iCovendish Square) London.VC'
Fomous tor over a Century
(orTosle (or QuaMv for Value
XVI
Supplement to LAND & WATER
April 13, 1916
Mr. Dunlop heads a deputation.
" In conclusion, I will summarise my points :
(1) Hiere is annually a sum of more than
£3,500,000 going out of this country in the
purchase of foreign-made tyres.
(2) There is an ample supply of British built
tyres to meet all legitimate demands without the
importation of a single foreign tyre.
(3) Foreign tyres, on account of their bulk,
occupy an appreciable amount of valuable space
and thus accentuate the existing shortage of
shipping.
I submit, therefore, that on these three counts,
the free import of foreign tyres at the present
juncture is economically unsound and contrary
to national interests."
y m
RUBBER COMPANY, LIMITED,
FOUNDERS OF THE PNEUMATIC TYRE INDUSTRY.
Aston Cross, Birmingham; 14, Regent Street,
London, S.W. PARIS: 4, Rue du Colonel Moll.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2814 [v^Tr] THURSDAY, APRIL 13, igi6 [rN^E'S^H^^l^A^] lS^Si.^U\'irKl^
By Louis RacmaekcTS.
Drawn exclusively (or "Land and Water,"
A Zeppelin Raid: The Kaiser counts the bag
"Land & Water" War Lithographs, No. 11
JJLti^imi.
Y'i'riae^nisnebiiii^m^tm
mi^mk
By G. Spencer Prysc
A refugee ship from Ostend receiving instructions from destroyers
in mid-Channel, October, 1914
April 13, iQi*^
LAND & WATER
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSVVAY, LONDON, W.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY. APRIL 13th, 1916
CONTENTS
PAGE
I
4
10
13
A Zeppelin Bag. By Louis Raemaekers
A Refugee Ship. By G. Spencer Pryse
German Character (Leading Article)
The Right Perspective. By Hilaire Belloc
Combined Arms in War. By Arthur Pollen
Spring in Gallipoli. By Eden Phillpotts
German Chancellor's Speech. By G. K. Chesterton 13
When the Men Come Home. By Professor J. H.
Morgan I5
The Spirit of Russia. By L. B. Namier 16
Sortes Shakespearian;^;. By Sir Sidney Lee 17
Germans on the Stock Exchange 18
Chaya. By H. de Vcre Stacpoolc 19
Town and Country 24
The West End 26
Choosing Kit xix-
GERMAN CHARACTER
Wi
'E have no time for rhetoric. Stronger than
rhetoric is the might of facts and we let them
speak for us." We thank you, Bethman-
Hollwcg, for teaching us these words. Strange
though it may appear to many, they were actually uttered
by the German Imperial Chancellor in his speech to the
Reichstag. It is by the might of facts that Germany
is indicted at the bar of civihsation, and we have to see
to it that rhetoric has no part either now or hereafter in
swaying our judgment. In the same issue of the Times
which contained the text of tl^e Chancellor's speech,
appeared the report of the awful conditions prevailing
at the camp for prisoners of war at Wittenberg during an
outbreak of typhus. Rhetoric cafi never wipe away this
infamy ; it passes into history among the unpardonable
greater barbarities of war. Its horror is heightened by
the fact that this crime against defenceless prisoners was
committed with the concurrence of a whole town, and
that the arch-offender was a doctor — a man of sufficient
scicntilic knowledge to be fully cognisant of the sufferings
and death to which he was condemning these poor
captives by his cowardly callousness and neglect of duty
— a neglect for which he has been given the Iron Cross,
a decoration which might fittingly have been instituted
by Herod or Caiaphas as a distinction for cruel men to
commemorate the part they had taken in putting to a
shameful death Him who showed to mankind divine pity
and compassion.
Hideous facts succeed one another so quickly that by
the very weight of their numbers they almost crush the
heart and mind into a state of apathy. Words either
fail to describe them or else have lost their significance
by constant repetition. But we have to keep steadily
before our eyes that those horrible facts, which we would
gladly lose sight of, are the true German character — the
writing so to speak in which the Teuton nature expresses
itself. Raemaekers' cartoons are no exaggeration ; they
arc only the pictorial representations of actual occurrences
or Hving truths. Regard the Kaiser gloating over a
^^cppelin bag on the previous page. Its inhumanity
ivould appal, did we not know that it represents the exact
mental attitude which the Kaiser and his entourage
i^issumc towards the results of airship raids. They hope
to terrify Great Britain into demanding an early peace ,
wherefore the more British women and children that are
slaughtered, the more they triumph.
In the Reichstag last week, the well-known Socialist
member, Dr. Leibknecht protested vigorously against the
Chancellor's flagrant perversions of truth. No doubt he
does not stand alone, but those who are with him form
such a small minority of the German people that one is
reminded of Abraham's unavailing plea for God's mercy
on the cities of the plain. Professor J. H. Morgan, who
speaks with the authority of experience has declared
that " the whole people is infected with some kind of
moral distemper. To regard Germany as the misguided
pupil of a mihtary caste which alone stands in the way
of her reformation, seems to me to ignore the volume of
evidence as to the comphcity of oificers and men in those
orgies of outrage." The Wittenberg infamy is yet further
evidence of the same nature, and we doubt not that other
testimony will continue to be forthcoming, for we have
not plumbed to its uttermost depth German foulness in
war, which is an integral part of the German philosophy of
life. Mr. Asquith understands this, and has expressed
himself more than once in 5uch plain and explicit terms,
that those are mistaken who consider he was whittling
away his previous determination when in his speech at
Lancaster House he attempted to define what he meant
by the destruction of the military domination of Prussia.
On the following afternoon in the House of Lords Lord
Crewe made this quite clear when he rebuked Lord
Courtney of Penwith in this straightforward manner ;
When Lord Courtney tries to separate German enter-
prise from German militarism and the character of the
German people from the ambitions of the German General
Staff, he is undertaking an impossible task.
The best answer which has been given to the German
Chancellor's speech is Mr. G. K. Chesterton's brilliant
analysis of it in Land & Water to-day. He turns
the big pronouncement inside out, and by placing in
juxtaposition its ludicrous contradictions and non-
sensical falsehoods reveals in a clear light its insincerity
and hypocrisy. He points out that while it is true that
Prussia is the only country that the AlUes or any other
people in the civilised world have any reason to put
under lock and key, it does not mean Prussia is threatened
with destruction in the way it has destroyed for its own
ends Belgium and Serbia. No phrase could better
describe the object we have in view — that German,y is
to be put under lock and key for a term of years until
it gives the world indisputable evidence that its whole
national character is changed ; and it must be deprived
of power and organisation to do evil. We know that
many of the foul offences committed during the war
which she endeavours to justify on the ground of necessity,
or on some other equally heinous pretext have had their
counterpart in times of peace in business transactions.
That acute student of modern Germany, Dr. Arthur
Shadwell, has remarked on the low commercial morality
of German merchants. The main object of the Paris
Conference must necessarily be the adequate protection
of Allied countries against a repetition of an unscrupulous
commercial offensive after the war is over.
Character does not change of an instant ; blackest
turpitude is not a sudden occurrence. We have seen
how Germany has used the lawful occasions of commerce
in order to betray her neighbours and has gloried in hei
cunning. There is not a capital or industrial city in
Europe which cannot tell a story to match the one
related in these columns to-day of how the Germans have
over-run the London Stock Exchange. The purpose of
the Paris Conference is to formulate a plan of campaign
which shall have for its aim the placing of Germany
under lock and key, that is of depriving her of the freedom
she has utilised hitherto to exploit and undermine the
industry of other nations for her own merciless ambitions.
LAND & W A T E R
April ij, 1916
THE RIGHT PERSPECTIVE
By Hilaire Belloc
THOSE who read the mihtary history of the past
al\va\s remark one piizzlin;^ feature n that
history ; it is the eontrast between the sinipHeity
i>f the mihtary problem and the complex, because
incomplete, fashion in which that problem is usually
attacked.
The fundamental cause of that contrast is, of course,
what has been called in all these" articles the " political
factor. "
The nearer one is in time to a military problem, or the
more concerned one is with its result, the more one under-
stands why this "political factor" conies in to disturb
the comparatively simple military problems.
We, for instance, marvel to-day at the Allies in 1793
di\idin{,' their forces for the siege of Dunkirk. We marvel
that such a blunder was possible. We regard the victory
of the French at Wattignies as something given away by
the folly of the divided EngHsh and Cicrman commands
to their opponents.
But the reason we mar\el is that we feel none of the
passions of contemporaries ; that we have not before us
the actual men with their conflicting wills and separate
interests ; and, most of all, we know the future.
When we exclaim at the folly of the Allies in separating
their forces 'in 179 5 it is because we know that their failure
to destroy the revolutionary armies while there was yet
time would breed the whole business of the Napoleonic
wars.
The lesson of history in all these matters is surely clear
enough. It may be summed ujj, I think, in the following
simple proposition : —
The great styuggles, in ivhich ullimate issues arc involved,
always reach a complete decision sooner or later.
In other words, to cry off before you are yourself
disarmed or have disarmed your opponent, because you
happen to think some other matter (such as your present
wealth, or physical or mental suffering) more important
than victory, is not to achieve a compromise but simply
to sign a foolish truce in the midst of what will necessarily
be — taking history as a whole— a still further prolonged
war.
Victory once achieved, the defeated party is defeated
usually for ever, always for generations. Short of this,
the struggle is but briefly postponed.
\\ith historical events we see this truth quite clearly.
With contemporary events it is confused by the false
proportions we give to things that are too "near us or
with which we are too much concerned, and by the
multitude of objects disturbing our judgment.
Whether non-military considerations will or will not
mar the effort of one party or the other in this great
struggle duly the future can show. But with regard
to the present moment of it — I mean the situation
as it stands in this particular Passion Week ol iqi6 — the
attitude of the future historian will be very simple. The
\iew presented to the future historian will be what all the
soldiers have long seen, and what it would be well fo ■ all
others to see as clearly as the soldiers do.. It is this :
In a conflict the 'ultimate issue of which was at best
the new form which European civilisation should take
on, and at worst, the life or death of that c.vilisation
(for myself I believe it is a struggle of the latter and not
the former sort), the military problem was clear. Of the
two groups of combatants one came to enjoy after the
winter of 1914— through the collapse or insignificance
of all others in its orbit— a direct and simple control :
Prussia organised- and used with >m(iuestioned authority
much the most of the machinery and much the most
of the metal production of Europe, and the man-power
of nearly 160 million people. Against this enormous
force (which, according to one view, was trying to
. niodify the future of Europe, in its own image f accord-
ing to anotiier could only destroy European civilisation,
being impotent to create) were chiefly opposed three
western .-Mlies, less in population, far weaker in pro-
ductive power, but representing the old and intense
civilisation of Europe. Happily they had the aid of
another body lunncrically large — the I\u:.^ian Empire.
But this .Ally was cut off from them and from Iuiro])<au
aid, and in resources and character differed wholly frcni
the western group upon whose resistance would ultimately
turn the fate of the war. The western group had railways,
machinery, ships, mines and could call, in a very great
extent for food, to a much less extent for metals and their
products, upon the New World, which was not yet
involved. It was superior to its enemies in the factors
of intelligence and skill. It was immeasurably their
superior in morals. But it was not actually and
mechanically united, however strong its agreement, upon
the common end. Not one part}' within that group was
even the admitted leader, let alone the unquestioned
master of the whole. Their very aims were somewhat
divergent, for what each desired from the war differed
somewhat from what each of its fellows desired. Italy
could not but seek the control of the Adriatic and the
security of her Northern frontier, France the positive
destruction of a new and menacing barbarism beyond
her frontiers ; Britain, the continuation of an economic
position and h^mpire built up by two centuries of magnifi-
cent adventure.
The resources each party could bring in aid of the others
similarly differed. A reduced but very considerable
\olume of manufacture for exchange remained to dreat
Britain, who further kept the sea open for her Allies.
The French had been first and best prepared with the
purely military machine. The Italians, from the narrow-
ness of their front, were using a lesser proportion of their
total mobilisable forces than the rest. The Eastern
ally with only one narrow gate of entrance for foreign
supply (separated by half the world from the field of
battle) undeveloped industrially, lacking for many months
anything like an adequate armament, represented in the
combination an exception which further disturbed the
unity of the whole.
The victory of the Alliance against Prussia and her
dependents was none the less certain, and had already
virtually been achieved in the April of 1916, if the problem
were regarded as a purely military one.
But it could not so be regarded. Not only a certain
necessary divergence - of aim but the divergences of
national temperament and recent experience, affected
particularly the western Allies. The interest of the late
spring of if)i6 (as this future historian will say) lay in the
contrast between these disturbing political factors and
the clear military problem.
Prus.sia could ultimately be disarmed. There was no
conceivable accident to interfere with this conclusion
if the war were pursued to its conclusion as a purely
military task. In spite of her original enormous pre-
ponderance in men and her existing prepc^nderance in*
metal and machinery, exhaustion threatened her as it
did not threaten her western opponents. Mere ex-
haustion did not threaten her eastern opponent at
all. This exhaustion Prussia felt particularly upon
the score of men. And it was clearly one of her main
objects at the moment at once to conceal this ex-
haustion as much as possible by misleading statements,
and to achieve a decision before it should become fatal.
Therefore did she perpetually and at vast expense con-
tinue to attack, her attack being no more than the attempt
to break the lines of the great siege. But she further
relied upon affecting non-military opinion, especially in
the western powers opposed to her. So much did r.he
rely upon this ,that two incidents at that particular
moment — the late spring f)f 1916 — which will be to that
historian of the future quite plain in character, wore as
a fact distorted by the passions and the inevitable lack
of proportion affecting the judgment of contemporaries.
These two incidents were tlie enormous attack ujjon
the sector of Verdun and the isolation of a very smal
British force in the remote h^ast at Kut el Amara.
Such a historian would marvel at first that any mi^
conception was possible : that such phrases as " the
taking of ^■erdun " or the " peril of Kut " should be
April 13, 1 916
LAND & VV A T E R
possible at nil. But if lie know liis history well and roiikl
compare the situation with a hundred other such in the
past, he would kno\y how the niisconce'ptioris had arisen.
It' is our whole business in this critical ihbment to-day
to see the thing as he would see it and to correct those
misunderstandings to which, if we are not wise, that
historian may have to ascribe our defeat. For to con-
:lude the struggle before Prussia is disarmed is to suffer
defeat, with all the consequences of that disaster for
Europe and ourselves.
Let us therefore state once more the merely military
problem of the moment. The- enemy is trying " to take
Verdun."' In ]\Icsopotamia a relieving force is trying to
disengage a single division contained by the Turks upon
the Tigris. What, apart from all effect upon non-com-
hatants, is the merely military meaning of these two
efforts ?
The isolated force contained upon the Tigris is not a
quarter, it is not a sixth, of a single Allied force in
action last Sunday upon one tiny front of nine miles out
of the French front. It numbers in effectives not a half
per cent, of the men actually engaged upon the western
front.
Upon the other hand, the phrase, " to take Verdun "
has, in the purely military sense, no significance whatso-
ever. The whole meaning and the only meaning, so far
as the military problem is concerned, of the struggle round
Verdun, is the proportion of loss which either party has
suffered at any stage during the attack. There is no
question of breaking the French line. Ihere is no
question of the "surrender of the fortress," for there is
no fortress to surrender. No army is surrounded or
nearly surrounded. No mass of material and munitions
even is in jeopardy. The enemy is prepared to sacrifice
a certain number of men over and above the number of
men which he puts out of action upon our side. He is
prepared to exhaust himself in this degree in order to be
able to .say that his soldiers stand in the ruins of a par-
ticular town — that is, upon a particular geographical
area upon the map — there is now nothing more whatso-
ever to be discovered in his efforts.
Why is he prepared to do this ?
Because he believes that the effect, not military but
political, not upon soldiers studying the military problems
of disarming an opponent, but upon civilian opinion —
outside France — will be such as to determine an early
peace in his favour. For the same reason he may direct
his last efforts against ourselves.
In the first days of the attack upon Verdun he had
another object. He thought that he would break the
French line. Now he knows that this cannot be done.
And we know it too. But he is persuaded that by the
continual repetition of the name " Verdun," by the con-
tinual description of it as a fortress, by the concentration of
the world's attention upon those mere houses, his presence
among their ruins will shake the confidence of his foes
and perhaps determine some accession of neutral aid for
himself. The whole thing may be compared to the point
which we ridicule so rightly in the later mediaeval wars,
when the capture of a single personage in an action was
regarded by both parties as decisive. Because the French
King John was taken prisoner at Poitiers, a victory which
might have ended in the complete domination of France
1)y Ihe Plantagenets and came (o within an ace of pro-
ducing, a generation later, the union of France and Eng-
land under one crown, was thought to have been gained.
M'ho to-day pkys the least attention to the death or the
capture of a political individual in an action ? Who
some time hence will conceive it possible that the mere
moving backwards or forwards of a small section of an
unbroken line upon the western front appeared to so
many contemporaries an event of capital importance ?
The French higher command has for now nearly two
months stood strictly upon the defensive — " killing
(iermans." \\'hy ?
It is a tremendous moral strain on chiefs and men
alike, in restraint of temper and in endurance of evil and
pain.
There is a superabundance of men for a counter offen-
sive : Wo out-number the enemy in the West by much
more than half as much again as the total of his forces
there. Yet the French line stands round Verdun abso-
lutely restricted to defence for weeks and weeks, and,
at stated times, slowly withdrawing — killing and maiming
the enemy in heaps. Is it not ob\ ious why ?
I repeat, it is our whole duty in this moment, and the
duty of all those whose opinions in sum make up that
national judgment upon which governments repose, to
treat the struggle round Verdun simply and solely from
the point of view of numbers. What sacrifice can we
impose upon the enemy ? What price can we make him
pay for something which has no military value ? of how
much blood will that exhausted body still let itself be
bled. That is the only thing that counts.
If at the end of the fight round Verdun the French
Ime ran from the Argonne south-eastward direct to St.
Mihiel ; if the enemy were present at the close upon all
the ground now held by the French within the salient
(including of course the area of Verdun town itself),
and if in the balance of loss and gain the enemy had lost
200,000 men more than the French, then the action would
be an asset of the highest value to the Allied side. If the
extra margin of loss was not 200,000, but half a million,
it would not only be a victory, but probably a decisive
victory turning the whole war.
To see that point clearly and to retain it unshaken
throughout all the vicissitudes of the battle is, so far as
mere opinion is concerned, to win the war, and it will
be doing exactly that which the enemy most fears our
doing.
To that numerical estimate of the situation we must
add another corollary equally important. If the Allies
can compel the enemy thus to exhaust himself upon the
Aveetern front it will be with the object of destroying him
when the counter-offensive shall be launched.
The troops concentrated by the Germans .throughout
the pre\'ious forty-eight hours were launched in the clear
weather of last Sunday, April loth.
The comprehension of what followed will be the easier
if we merely draw a line without contours, marking with
crosses at i and 2 the heights of the Mort Homme and of
Hill 304.
One body, amounting to somewhat less than two
divisions, attacked along the arrows AAA, its left coming
short of Bethincourt by some hundreds of yards, and its
Something
right being a little to the west of Avocourt.
BethinCOUit
B
»jiafu-i:n^M ■»-f^'.JljU'«9'^'
LAND & W A T E R
like half this assault, therefore, was delivered from the
mass of woodland called bv the name of " Malancourt and
Avocourt woods." and the whole of it aimed alonj,' the
easier slopes which led up to the hark of Hill 304. It is a
mile to a mile and a half of hard open ground,' rising only
60 feet above the last trees of the wood and 140 feet above
the valleys. This attack along the arrows AAA appears,
so far as we know at the moment of writing, to have
been delivered somewhere about eight to nine in the
morning of Sunday. It came on by colunms of com-
panies- that is. in very dense and deep formation -and
its first and most vigorous effort very nearly reached to
the Frencli trenches, coming in some points to within a
hundred yards of them. This first effort, however, was
broken and the large force employed retired to reform.
Just after this first episode in the battle, apparently
about ten o'clock in the morning (these hours are con-
jectural only until further information shall be afforded),
the second attack was launched along the line of
the arrows B B B, this second attack being somewhat
stronger in number and amounting to at least two full
divisions. In all, therefore, the equivalent of four divi-
sions, two corps, or thereabouts, were already engaged.
This first attack upon the east also failed before it had
reached the first French trenches ; unlike its western
fellow it went to pieces, and the troops used fled for
cover suffering the particularly severe losses consequent
on such local breakdowns.
It was already clear before noon that the enemy was
not only attacking in such a direction and fashion as
menaced the Mort Homme directly upon the one side
and indirectly, by Hill 304, upon the other ; but also
that his form of attack was such that if either of these two
wings achieved its object it would take the remaindey
ot the French line in reverse. Although the salient
attacked was not pronounced, success upon either side
would mean not only the retirement of the French in
front of that success, but also a threat to the rear of the
remainder of the French force suffering attack from the
other section of the Germans.
It is significant in this connection that apparently after
the repulse of the first attack from B there was launched
—as from C— a very large fresh force— on the exact
strength of which accounts differ— across the now dry
fiat belt of meadowland between the hills and the banks
of the Meuse itself. This grass is water-meadow often
(and recently) flooded between that stream and the
(lOose Crest, stretching up to the steep bank by which
the crest overlooks the stream. This very heavy blow
was struck right at the ruins of Cumieres village and the
French trenches covering those ruins and stretching to the
nver but the field of fire was open, and the German
check here led to very heavy loss.
Such up to somewhere about noon or a little later was
the first phase of the battle.
The ne.xt phase, which covered all the afternoon up to
sunset, consisted in no more than the repetition of these
first assaults. How these were directed upon the eastern
wings from B and C we have as yet no details. But we
know ihey were repeated, probably with better troops
hitherto held in reserve, and that, late in the evening
a space of about 500 yards round about the thicker
line D D, the German masses reached and occupied
the first advanced French trench at the base of the Mort
Homme, and ultimately remained in possession of it
throughout the following night and day— up to the last
information received On Tuesday evening, when these
lines are written.
It was little or nothing to get for such an awful price
but the western attack from the direction A A was even
Jess fortunate. The renewed assaults were delivered here
three separate times in the course of the afternoon and
all three of these renewed attempts were thrown back
as had been the first in the morning.
Upon this front, towards the end of the day, somewhere
between five and six o'clock, an entirely fresh body of the
strength of a brigade (I think it may turn out to be
Bavarian) appeared still further to the German right along
the arrow E and struck at Avocourt from the extreme
north-west. Coming in thus at the close of the affair and
triking the French trenches when these had supported
he whole weight of the da\-. this brigade— or its head
lements—not onlv reached but entered the trenches at
April 13, 191(3
about the point F, and were only dislodged just before
dusk by a counter-attack.
This Sunday fighting was the main affair. Upon
Monday all was quiet in front of Avocourt. A strong
enemy effort against the centre behind Bethincourt
was thrown back ; a flank attack on the right touched
a point or two of the adxanced trenches, and no more.
^ buch was the situation at the close of the battle so
.ar as the description to hand in London on Tuesday
evening informs us. It is clear that the news leaves us iii
the middle of an action not yet completed and one upon
a scale comparable to the great original attack of seven
weeks ago upon the other side of the river I say " com-
parabe,'' but not equal. For the numbers engaged,
though formidable, have hitherto counted only half
those which struck the line between Ornes and Brabant
on February 21st.
While thfs main attack for the carrying and seizing of
the Mort Homme and Hill 304 was proceeding, another
attack, similar m volume and probably intended to
prevent reinforcement by the pontoons across the Meuse
was being launched against the Cote du Poivre.
There had been great artillery activity along this main
position east of the Meuse the"day before, just as there
had been artillery activity west of the Meuse seven
weeks ago before the main attack was launched upon the
eastern side, and it was thought at one moment that the
enemy was attempting to assault all along the line but
little came of it. And if would seem that the bombard-
ment to which the one side had been subjected was (as
the converse bombardment of the western side had been
se\'en weeks before) designed only to leave the French
command in doubt upon the point of main effort.
The Evening Losses
We have as yet no estimate of the proportion of enemy
losses in this affair up to the ^Monday evening where our
present information ceases. We know that forces esti-
mated at the lowest at seven and at the highest at nine
divisions were engaged in the attack from Avocourt to
the Cote du Poivre. We can only obtain the vaguest
conception of their sacrifice bv noting that the attacks
were renewed again and again throughout the day and by
a very general statement (the basis for no reasoned con-
clusion) upon the specially heavy loss of the enemy
in front of Cumieres and its wood— points where the enemy
broke, whereas upon the rest of the front he retired after
each attack in some order and reformed regularly for its
renewal. What is simple and satisfactory in the relation
IS that the enemy continued to bring up "fresh men. We
are particularly told that the body which struck between
the Goose Crest and the river was new and so was the
brigade which came down on Sunday evening from the
extreme north-east upon Avocourt. What other new
elements were present we have not been told.
But the enemy, who would be enormously advantaged
if he could compel us to take up a foolish attitude towards
the mere area of Verdun (which attitude he; believes we
are already taking), would be almost equally advantaged
if the moment, let alone the place, of the main counter-
offensive were to be determined by political and not by
military judgment.
When or how the counter-stroke is to "be delivered is
a matter for the allied command alone. No one, whatever
his personal vanity or power may be, would openly dispute
so obvious a truth. But there "is a danger that the mass
of uninformed opinion may bring pressure to bear in
favour of premature action. This danger is particularly
great in a society the ultimate direction of which is com"-
mercial and civilian. Every day of delay is an- added
expense and an added strain. That it has the same effect
upon the enemy we tend to forget. That the endurance
of such expense or such strain is like the sowing of a
harvest only to be reaped when it is ripe, those un-
acquainted with the military conditions of concentration
and supply equally tend to forget.
When we have made the enemy pay the very fullest
price in exhaustion for a foolish purchase upon which he is
now embarked, not with a true military, but with a
political object, it will be our next duty, as negative and
therefore as difficult as the first, to wait patiently through
whatc\-er space of time will best prepare the decisive
character of the counter-stroke, and not to hasten or to
April 13, 1916
LAND & WATER
confuse by public clamour the plans which will then be
laid To do so would be only second in folly, if second, to
the folly of attaching to the area of Verdun the super-
stitious importance which you already find attached
to it in too many quarters . .
I have written at this length upon the significance of
the moment because, lacking an appreciation of it.
the actual operations will be without meaning. Let
us now turn to an examination first of the position m
Mesopotamia and next of what the last enemy effort in
this region of Verdun has been.
Position in Mesopotamia
With regard to the position in Mesopotamia there is
little or nothing to add to the official summary which has
been circulated through the Press with a map, also
officially provided, which gi\'es all the mam points of
the situation. We do not know the chances of success,
for the very simple reason that the numerical factor, both
in pieces and in men (which is the essential of the whole
matter) is necessarily concealed from us. We know
from the experience of Europe that with reasonably
good troops a line of six miles long entrenched is held
at full strength if, say, more than twenty and less than
thirty thousand men are present. We know that such
a line cannot be touched, no matter what superiority of
infantry attacks it, until it has been pounded by very
numerous heavy pieces for anything from 36 to 48 hours.
But what numbers are present of guns or men— the whole
basis of judgment— is not to be published.
With the ground every one is by this time famihar.
'M^i^
•^'uwau'/dt "dial's !i
S€ I
I
Oiyoiloh
The Turks have consolidated an extremely strong main
position running upon Sketch III from A to B, some 6
miles in length, continuous save for a couple of miles
where it is broken by the Suwada Marsh, and reposing
upon its right or southern extremity upon the Shatt-cl-Hai.
These lines contain General Townshcnd's besieged British
force lying in the bend of the river at Kut, and are known
as the EsSinn position. Beyond the dry, or mainly dry
watercourse called the Dujailah, the flank of these
positions is covered by a series of six redoubts. The corner
where this flank joins the main front is strengthened by a
strong work, the Dujailah redoubt lying immediately
behind the fosse formed by the old watercourse. Some
miles in front of the main Es Sinn position, the ultimate
breaking of which is essential to the relief of the small
force besieged at Kut, the Turks have put forward
advanced positions of less strength destined to delay the
British relieving force. The first of these at C, 15 or 16
miles in a direct line down the stream upon the Es Sinn
position, was carried by the relieving force some days ago.
The second and more formidable one, known as the
Sann-i-Yat position, is unfortunately still intact.
This advanced line of the enemy reposes securely upon
two marshes north and south of the Tigris, the interval
between (nearly bisected by the river) being little over
four miles. There was apparently no possibility whatso-
ever of turning this comparatively short line, the marshes
having been recently flooded, though the river has not
risen.
These floods have also restricted the front the enemy has
to defend upon this advaitced position by encroaching
somewhat upon the two extremes of it. All our public
news with regard to the effort to carry this advanced
position is contained in a despatch of exactly seventeen
words in length : " An attack was made at dawn on the
qih, but failed to get through Ihe enemy's line," and that
is all we know.
It is impossible upon such information to discuss the
matter further. We can only wait for the result.
Main Offensive against the Mort Homme
Upon last Fridav and Saturday, April 7th and 8th, the
French command was advised of a great concentration of
fresh forces (probably not less than four divisions ia
strength and perhaps more), upon the front behind the
heights which run from Forges to the woods of Malan-
court. The front line of German trenches at that moment
ran as do the crosses upon the accompanying sketch Map
I, and the main concentration was taking place roughly
w'here the two groups of thick black lines, A and B, stand
upon that sketch.
It was therefore clear, especially in connection with the
very violent bombardment which had developed against
the French positions along the whole of this nine miles
sector, that the enemy was going to make a strong bid for
the Mort Homme.
That height, as the reader knows, is the point upon
which all this first line, four or five milts in front of the
main Charny ridge, depends. The enemy must hold the
Mort Homme and Hill 304 if he is to have full and secure
possession of the first line : only when he holds them can
he even begin his advance towards the main position
behind.
It is possible, as we shall see later in this article, that
LAND & W A T E
April 13, 1916
Hke half this assault, therefore, was delivered from the
mass of woodland called by the name of " Malancourt and
Avocourt woods," and the whole of it aimed along the
easier slopes which led up to the back of Hill 304. It is a
mile to a mile and a half of hard open ground, rising only
60 feet above the last tret^s of the wood and 140 feet above
the valleys. This attack along the arrows AAA appears,
so far as we know at the moment of writing, to have
been delivered somewhere about eight to nine in the
morning of Sunday. It came on by columns of com-
panies— that is, in very dense and deep formation — and
its first and most vigorous effort very nearly reached to
the French trenches, coming in some points to within a
hundred yards of them. This first effort, however, was
broken and the large force employed retired to reform.
Just after this first episode in the battle, apparently
about ten o'clock in the morning (these hours are con-
jectural only until further information shall be afforded),
the second attack was launched along the line of
the arrows B B B, this second attack being somewhat
stronger in number and amomiting to at least two full
divisions. In all, therefore, the ecpuvalent of four divi-
sions, two corps, or thereabouts, were already engaged.
This first attack upon the east also failed before it had
reached the first French trenches ; unlike its western
fellow it went to pieces, and the troops used fled for
cover suffering the particularly severe losses consequent
on such local breakdowns.
It was already clear before noon that the enemy was
not only attacking in such a direction and fashion as
menaced the Mort Homme directly upon the one side
and indirectly, by Hill 304, upon the other ; but also
that his form of attack was such that if either of these two
wings achieved its object it would take the remainder
of the French line in reverse. Although the salient
attacked was not pronounced, success upon either side
would mean not only the retirement of the French in
front of that success, but also a threat to the rear of the
remainder of the French force suffering attack from the
other section of the Germans.
It is significant in this connection that apparently after
the repulse of the first attack from B there was launched
• — as from C — a very large fresh force — on the exact
strength of which accounts differ — across the now dry
flat belt of meadowland between the hills and the banks
of the Meuse itself. This grass is water-meadow often
(and recently) flooded between that stream and the
Goose Crest, stretching up to the steep bank by which
the crest overlooks the stream. This very heavy blow
was struck right at the ruins of Cumieres village and the
French trenches covering those ruins and stretching to the
river, but the field of fire was open, and the German
check here led to very heavy loss.
Such up to somewhere about noon or a little later, was
the first phase of the battle.
The ne.xt phase, which covered all the afternoon up to
sunset, consisted in no more than the repetition of these
first assaults. How these were directed upon the eastern
wings from B and C we have as yet no details. But we
know ihey were repeated, probably with better troops
hitherto held in reserve, and that, late in the evening,
a space of about 500 yards round about the thicker
line D D, the German masses reached and occupied
the first advanced French trench at the base of the Mort
Homme, and ultimately remained in possession of it
throughout the following night and day — up to the last
information received On Tuesday evening, when these
lines are written.
It was little or nothing to get for such an awful price
but the western attack from the direction A A was even
less fortunate. The renewed assaults were delivered here
three separate times in the course of the afternoon, and
all three of these renewed attempts were thrown back,
as had been the first in the morning.
Upon this front, towards the end of the day, somewhere
between five and six o'clock, an entirely fresh body of the
strength of a brigade (I think it may turn out to be
Bavarian) appeared still further to the German right along
the arrow E and struck at Avocourt from the extreme
north-west. Coming in thus at the close of the affair and
triking the French trenches when these had supported
he whole weight of the day, this brigade — or its head
leraents— not onlv reached but entered the trenches at
about the point F, and were only dislodged just before
dusk by a counter-attack.
This Sunday fighting was the main affair. Upon
Monday all was quiet in front of Avocourt. A strong
enemy effort against the centre behind Bethincourt
was thrown back ; a flank attack on the right touched
a point or two of the advanced trenches, and no more.
Such was the situation at the close of the battle so
far as the description to hand in London on Tuesday
evening informs us. It is clear that the news leaves us in.
the middle of an action not yet completed and one upon
a scale comparable to the great original attack of seven
weeks ago upon the other side of the river. I say " com-
parable," but not equal. For the numbers engaged,
though formidable, have hitherto counted only half
those which struck the line between Ornes and Brabant
on February 21st.
While this main attack for the carrying and seizing of
the Mort Homme and Hill 304 was proceeding, another
attack, similar in volume and probably intended to
]5rcvent reinforcement by the pontoons across the Meuse,
was being Jaimched against the ("6te du Poivre.
There had been great artillery activity along this main
position east of the Meuse the day before, just as there
had been artillery activity west of the Meuse seven
weeks ago before the main attack was launched upon the
eastern side, and it was thought at one moment that the
enemy was attempting to assault all along the line, but
little came of it. And if would seem that the bombard-
ment to which the one side had been subjected was (as
the converse bombardment of the western side had been
seven weeks before) designed only to leave the French
command in doubt upon the point of main effort.
The Evening Losses
We hav e as yet no estimate of the proportion of enemy
losses in this affair up to the Monday evening where our
present information ceases. We know that forces esti-
mated at the lowest at seven and at the highest at nine,
divisions were engaged in the attack from Avocourt to
the Cote du Poivre. We can only obtain the vaguest
conception of their sacrifice by noting that the attacks
were renewed again and again throughout the day and by
a very general st.atement (the basis for no reasoned con-
clusion) upon the speciallj' heavy loss of the enemy
in front of Cumieres and its wood — points where the enemy
broke, whereas upon the rest of the front he retired after
each attack in some order and reformed regularly for its
renewal. What is simple and satisfactory in the relation
is that the enemy continued to bring up fresh men. We
are particularly told that the body which struck between
the Goose Crest and the river was new and so was the
brigade which came down on Sunday evening from the
extreme north-east upon Avocourt. What other new
elements were present we have not been told.
But the enemy, who would be enormoush* advantaged
if he could compel us to take up a foolish attitude towards
the mere area of Verdun (which attitude he believes we
are already taking), would be almost equally advantaged
if the moment, let alone the place, of the main counter-
offensive were to be determined by political and not by
military judgment.
When or how the counter-stroke is to be delivered is
a matter for the allied command alone. No one, whatever
his personal vanity or power may be, would openly dispute
so obvious a truth. But there is a danger that the mass
of uninformed opinion may bring pressure to bear in
favour of premature action. This danger is particularly
great in a society the ultimate direction of which is com-
mercial and civilian. Every day of delay is an- added
expense and an added strain. That it has the same effect
upon the enemy we tend to forget. That the endurance
of such expense or such strain is like the sowing of a
harvest only to be reaped when it is ripe, those un-
acquainted with the military conditions of concentration
and supply equally tend to forget.
When we have made the enemy pay the very fullest
price in exhaustion for a foolish purchase upon which he is
now embarked, not ^\^th a true military, but with a
political object, it will be our next duty, as negative and
therefore as difficult as the first, to wait patiently through
whatever space of time will best prepare the decisive
character of the counter-stroke, and not to hasten or to
AjM-il 13, 1916
LAND & WATER
confuse by public clamour the plans which will then be
laid. To do so would be only second in folly, if second, to
the folly of attaching to the area of Verdun the super-
stitious importance which you already find attached
to it in too many quarters
I have written at this length upon the significance of
the moment because, lacking an appreciation of it,
the actual operations will be without meaning. Let
us now turn to an examination first of the position in
Mesopotamia and next of what the last enemy effort in
this region of Verdun has been.
Position in Mesopotamia
With regard to the position in Mesopotamia there is
little or nothing to add to the official summary which has
been circulated through the Press with a map, also
oflicially provided, which gix^es all the main points of
the situation. We do not know the chances of success,
for the very simple reason that the numerical factor, both
in pieces and in men (which is the essential of the whole
matter) is necessarily concealed from us. We know
from the experience of Europe that with reasonably
good troops a line of six miles long entrenched is held
at full strength if, say, more than twenty and less than
thirty thousand men are present. We know that such
a line cannot be touched, no matter what superiority of
infantry attacks it, until it has been pounded by very
numerous heavy pieces for anything from 36 to 48 hours.
But what numbers are present of guns or men — the whole
basis of judgment — is not to be published.
With the ground every one is by this time familiar.
The Turks have consolidated an extremely strong main
position running upon Sketch III from A to B, some 6
miles in length, continuous save for a couple of miles
where it is broken by the Suwada Marsh, and reposing
upon its right or southern extremity upon the Shatt-el-Hai.
These lines contain General Townshend's besieged British
force lying in the bend of the river at Kut, and are known
as the EsSinn position. Beyond the dry, or mainly dry
watercourse called the Dujailah, the flank of these
positions is covered by a series of six redoubts. The corner
where this flank joins the main front is strengthened by a
strong work, the Dujailah redoubt lying immediately
behind the fosse formed by the old watercourse. Some
miles in front of the main Es Sinn position, the ultimate
breaking of which is essential to the relief of the small
force besieged at Kut, the Turks have put forward
advanced positions of less strength destined to delay the
British relieving force. The first of these at C, 15 or 16
mfles in a direct fine down the stream upon the Es Sinn
position, was carried by the relieving force some days ago.
The second and more formidable one, known as the
Sann-i-Yat position, is unfortunately still intact.
This advanced line of the enemy reposes securely upon
two marshes north and south of the Tigris, the interval
between (nearly bisected by the river) being little over
four miles. There was apparently no possibility whatso-
ever of turning this comparatively short line, the marshes
having been recently flooded, though the river has not
risen.
These floods have also restricted the front the enemy has
to defend upon this advanced position by encroaching
somewhat upon the two extremes of it. All our public
news with regard to the effort to carry this advanced
position is contained in a despatch of exactly seventeen
words in length : " An attac.'i was made at dawn on the
gth, but failed to get through ihe enemy's line," and that
is all we know.
It is impossible upon such information to discuss the
matter further. We can only wait for the result.
Main Offensive against the Mort Homme
Upon last Friday and Saturday, April 7th and 8th, the
French command was advised of a great concentration of
fresh forces (probably not less than four divisions in
strength and perhaps more), upon the front behind the
heights which run from Forges to the woods of Malan-
court. The front line of German trenches at that moment
ran as do the crosses upon the accompanying sketch Map
I, and the main concentration was taking place roughly
where the two groups of thick black lines. A and B, stand
upon that sketch.
It was therefore clear, especially in connection with the
very violent bombardment which had developed against
the French positions along the whole of this nine miles
sector, that the enemy was going to make a strong bid for
the Mort Homme.
That height, as the reader knows, is the point upon
which all this first line, four or five miles in front of the
main Charny ridge, depends. The enemy must hold the
Mort Homme and Hill 304 if he is to have full and secure
possession of the first line : only when he holds them can
he even begin his advance towards the main position
behind.
It is possible, as we shall see later in this article, that
lof Indaitation eject-
ed in Fvtnch f rmifc
titnch by Ocniian
aitac k ofr Su I uim£ & .
Monday hist.
I
■ ■-tiMrjH* ■ -*■
8
LAND & WATER
April 13, 1916
his efforts here are not intended to be carried on as far
as the Charny ridge, but have only for their object the
clearing of all the front between the first positions and
the Charny ridge in order to prevent the French from
firing across the Meuse upon the German troops which
continue to front the main position beyoiul the ( 6te
du Poivre and so round to Douaumont and Vaux. But,
at any rate, whether he intends ultimately to make his
main attack upon the Charny ridge or no, his immediate
objc( t is tlie carrying of the Mort Honmie, or Hill 295
and Hill .;o4 above and behind it.
The first disposition made by the l-"rench conunand for
meeting this massed attack — intended probably for the
<onclusion of all this last month's efforts west of the
^leuse — was the evacuation of the salient of Bethincourt.
This evacuation was effected partly in the night between
Friday and Saturday, partly in the night between Satur-
da\- and Sunday last the 8th and qth of April. The new
F'rench litje ran on the morning af the Simday tiie c)th
as does thv^ continued jjlack line from (' to D upon Sketch
1, the sharp salient shaded in the sketch being wholly
abandoned by the F-rcnch before the Sunday morning.
In the process of this abandonment the (ii>rnians claim
that the French left isolatt^d certain small bodies which
they surrounded and captured. I'nfortunately the
(ierman comnnmitjucs for some time past in what concerns
the fighting round Verdun have been quite untrustworthy.
I say "unfortunately," because an enemy's claims in
such statements are esstMitial to any jur.t judgment of a
situation, and the less reliable they are the lesr. accurately
can one piece together the scanty material at one's
disposal. Occasionally the French are at the pains of
issuing a detailed denial, though usually tlicy leave the
statements to pass for what they are worth. It is posJblc
that a few score men went astray in the darkness. It is
almost certain on the analogy of the puerile statements
in the past with regard to F'orges. Malancourt, Douau-
mont. Vaux and half a dozen othvr points, that the
numbers of several hundred unwounded prisoners given
by the enemy are false. What the exact amount of the
exaggeration may be we cannot tell. The point is at any
rate insignificant in view of the forces about to be en-
gaged.
The French new line thus drawn up upon the morning
of Sunday, the loth, presents, as will be seen from
Sketch 1, the form of a slight salient,. but the bend is not
so accentuated as to present to the enemy any advantage,
and the form which the attack took was little concerned
with the salient formed and much more with the lie of the
ground.
If the reader will glance at the contourr, of the foregoing
sketch Map I, he will .see, as lias been pointed out in
former articles, that there are two opportunities, the one
direct and the other indirect, for mastering the ilort
Homme.
The first is by rushing the comparatively small distance
— -about 700 yards — separating the Crows' Wood and its
southern portion (called the wood of Cumieres) from the
summit of the hill. The enemy can debouch from the
cover, such as it is, of these shattered woods and has but a
comparatively short distance to go before he reaches the
lowest slopes of the ;\Iort Homme. Looked at from the
edge of the wood this height is a rounded boss, the culmina-
ting point of which is about 100 feet above one ; and the
first French trenches coming up from the fork of the roads
near Bethincodrt touch the lower edge of the bos^ rather
more than half-way from its summit to the wood.
They stretch on down the hill, covering the ruins of
Cumieres village and so to the Meuse, the floods in the
valley of which have subsided.
The second, indirect, method is. as we have seen in
j)revious articles, to turn Mort Homme by the capture of
Hill 304, a height which .slightly dominates the Mort
Homme at a range of rather over 2.500 yards.
As we have also seen in previous attacks, the only enemy
approach to Hill .',04 available is by the easy western
slope, which conies up from the woods of Avocourt and
the south-western side of the valley in which the ruins of
Haucourt and Malancourt stand.
We can get a good deal of light thrown upon the imme-
diate tactical method and object of the enemy and a fair
measure of his success or failure by quoting the main
])oints of a document captured from him during the fcburse
of the winter.
In this document the lessons taught by the great
Allied offensive of last Septemberj^werc summarised and
certain modifications of such an offensive necessary to
future success are defined.
Further Notes on the Enemy's Effort against
the Verdun Sector — An Enemy Document
The gist of the report was that an attack upon the first
line would. almost certainly be successful at a given
expense of men and after a gi\en and very expensive
artillery preparation. But that to continue Injin this
immediately to attacking the second line was an error.
The time retpiired for moving the heavy artillery forward
and still mcjre the time required for establishing new
head supplies of heavy munitionment, the exhaustion of
the troops employed or, alternatively, the ditticulty of
bringing up very large reserves at such short notice
makes a continuous effort very doubtful of success.
So far, the conclusions of those German students of
the war who drew up the report were at once negative and
fairly common ground. It was the recognition of such
truths which led the French Higher Command to "cut
their losses " and preserve what might have been wasted
in too prolonged an attempt against the second line.
But there followed i'^ this document something
more important, to wit a positive prescription. In
future (it affirmed) the advance must be made by stages.
You must not hope to break the resistance at one blow.
You must, after "appreciating the result of your fin.t great
effort, leave some interval for the preparation of a second.
You must follow that by a third and a fourth, always
calculating your expenditure of men as against a total
which you are prepared to sacrifice for a final result.
These efforts stage by stage will obviously cost a much
greater accumulation of munitionment than the effort
tcndu — that is, the attack without relaxation — but they
may hcjpe within a certain margin of time and a certain
margin of expense in men and munitions to pierce the
enemy front permanently.
If the German attack upon the sector of Verdun liad
successfully followed these lines we should only have to
regard it, in spite of its prolongation, as the full and
successful working out of a pre-arranged scheme, and
certain students of the war, notably in America, did in an
earlier stage of the great battle treat it so.
But if we examine the thing as a whole, we shall discover
that there is no such exact correspondence between the
plan and the result. Far from it : there has been a mis-
carriage.
In the first place there was an effort to break through
all at once. ,In other words, the enemy Higher Com-
mand only used the doctrines of this report as a " second
best " after their initial failure on February 26th.
In the second place the " successive stages "— wlien
once reluctantly accepted by the enemy — have worked
irregularly and at far too great an expense of time, men
and material. True, what succeeded to the first great
blow was a series of efforts intended to be spaced apart
by about the time required to reorganise the attack and
especially to bring up heavy munitionment. But wlicn
it came to practice instead of theory, the intended regular
advance by successive and calculated steps failed. The
factor of time has been quite disproportionate to the result
aimed at, and the factor of exhaustion in men has also
been disproportionate. Further, after a comparatively
early stage in the action it was clearly found impossible
to proceed by successive general efforts. That first
general effort (by which 1 mean that effort upon a broad
front) was succeeded by a great number of particular
efforts agaiii-st narrow fronts. Only upon very rare occa-
sions spread out at great distances of time was there any-
thing like advance in line. One might almost say that
sinfe the original great movement, which was checked
on Saturday, February 26th. there has been no similar
blow delivered U])on a broad front until the effort of last
Sunday. April ()tli.
That part of the plan which has come nearest to
realisation has been the .succession of intensive bombard-
ments. The supply of munifionment has been kept up
perhaps beyond the expectation of the .\llics, and sliows
so far. no sign of failing. It is clear, as we have pointec
out in these columns already, that the expenditure o
munitionment is at a far greater rate than the supply car
possibly be ; but still the supply is coming in on to thii
April 13, 1916
LAND & W A T K R
particular sector at a rate superior to that which was
perhaps calculated for it upon the other side. With the
expenditure of men, however, it is .far otherwise. No
reasonable calculation of the numbers at which it was
worth while to secure the result can have allowed for the'
immense losses already suffered, especially if we remember
that' those losses have been suffered withrtut any corre-
sponding result.
\Miat those losses precisely are as a ma.\imum to date
it is manifestly impossible to determine. The French
authorities have been very careful to keep down in their
ofhcial or quasi-official statement:, to ihcjiniiiiinwi estimate.
But even so, the judgment based upon private reports and
descriptions escapes this oflicial caution and justly tends
to regard the (ierman real los;. as much highei' than the
strict minimum occasionally estimated. Indeed, this
minimiUTi as published from time to time, quite apart from
private I'eports, confirms such a view. For instance, one
correspondent, speaking immediately after official infor-
mation and from all his work manifestly warning us against
excessive estimates, has told us that the loss of the firs.t
four weeks was certainly more than 150,000. Another,
writing a good deal earlier, already quoted the figure
100,000. A more recent very cautious statement issued
in some detail to the British press discovers, the attacking
troops actually identified to reach 450,000, puts their
losses up to nearly a fortnight ago at about one-third of
this number in the attacking line- plus about 50,000
at least from losses behind the attacking line through
artillery fire and sickness, making a total loss as late as
that fortnight ago of 200,000. But we must remember
with regard to such a calculation two things, first, that
its whole object is to .correct an undue optimism and
the legends which stories from the. front give rise to ;
r.ocondly that the number of units actually identified
iipon the immediate front attacked must always be less
than the units employed. How much less we cannot
tell, though v,e may guess it from the nature of the
fighting.
The identification of units upon a fighting front can only
be arrived at in one of four ways.
1. Tiie noting of those imits from which the dead and
wounded discoxered upon the ground in an advance are
drawn.
2. Those units from which prisoners are drawn.
3. The statements of prisoners under examination.
4. Documents taken from the enemy.
All these four somces, when one is strictly on the defensive
;ind either immobile or occasionally retiring, arc obviously
more imperfect than when one is advancing.
Line of German Supply
We must always remember that the attack upon Verdun
is conditioned for the enemy by a new railway which is
built from Spincourt to Montfaucon (crossing the Meuse
at Dun). The existing railway by Conflans and Etain
is directly imder observation and long range fire from the
heights of the Meuse and very diflicuit for the enemy to
luo. • He is really dependent ujion the new lini'.
. This means that the main Cierman attack was con-
demned to come from the north antl the north-east and
north-west. It could not have a complete choice of all
points upon the sector of Verdun. The reason why the
enemy was thus tied to ^he twelve or fourteen miles
upon which all his efforts ha\'e been directed, was in some
measure liis dependence upon the 305 howitzers, the
380 guns (a naval gun, I believe) and great 320 howitzers.
It is true that he liad the same choice of supply by road
as the French had, and could organise the movement
of munitions in lorries as the French could, but his
special dependence upon very heavy pieces has here once
again, as throughout the campaign, affected his mobility.
Those wlio may think tliis an odd word to use in con-
nection with siege work would do well to note the very
practical meaning of the word in this case. The munition-
ment for the 305 (which piece is capable of moving along
roads) is U^ some extent independent of the rail That is,
the munitionment can go by rail and be transferred to the
battery, even at some dii.tance, by lorry. But when it
comes to the big 380 naval gun and the 420 howitzer it is
another business. Theoretically, of course, one could
move the shells though not the pieces without the aid of
the rail. But in practice the handling of these enormous
masses ties one to the railway, or to the close proximity
of it. -
As a matter of fact we ])robably know both the
number and the situation of the 420's in this case. They
ha\'e been emplaced for months upon regular platforms
in Hingry wood, and in other portions of the big wooded
area between Orncs and frilly.
There was als.o a naval gun of 380 in the wood of
Mazeray, south-west of Spincourt.
Of the 420's there seem to be about twelve so far cm-
placed, and it might seem that some of these would be
shifted round westward later to deal with the front on the
left bank of the Meuse. But I believe there is as yet no
evidence of this. It is, at any rate, a thing worth noting
(though no more definite than any other information in
such a matter) that the enemy's present efforts are
directed only to getting rid of the French positions that
threaten him on the other side of the river. In other
words, he wants to carry the whole of the Goose Crest,
including, of course, the Mort Homme and Hill 304 in order
to be quite secure in his position east of the Meuse, which
situation arrived at, he would concentrate again upon the
old main front from the river round to Vaux, and there,
after an artillery preparation entirely directed against
that sector, would launch his last main attack.
The suggestion is that the enemy, being bound by his
line of supply from Spincourt to Montfaucon, to attack
from the north between Vaux and- Avocourt, means
his main last attack to come only upon the main positions
east of the Meuse from A to B on Sketch IV., where
T^LUT
Tvloatfoucoa
"Mxlon,
Avocourt,
'^M-f^
IV
']?iinjjes m tlioiisands ofyards
O S JO L< ^o
pcec-es. 380mm <P^20iaa.. lilt
VERTUN
Okf 'J^hziwa^-s -(III )..
T^^rett
10
LAND & W A T E R
April 13, 1916
his first great effort was made nearly two months ago ;
and that his effoiis to capture the Goose Crest, Hill
304 and the Mort Homme, which are still proceeding,
are undertaken with the object of permitting this linal
attack to be delivered along the whole line A B, the
western portion of which on the line of the arrows E E
is now hampered by the remaining French possession of
the shaded ground upon the sketch. It is suggested
that if he captured the northernmost positions between
Avocourt and the Meuse he would not go on to attack
the Charny ridge, but having thus eliminated the threat
to the flank of the arrows at E E would attack all along
the western position between Vaux and the river.
I g ve the suggestion for what it is worth. It has
been attentively listened to and discussed in I'-ranre.
It is all a question of numbers. If he cares to lose enough
men he can, of course, after carrying the Mort Homme
and 304, attack the whole line of the Charny ridge as well
as the position east of the Meuse between that river and
Vaux. As a mere problem of ground it is self-evident
that he would get greater results by attacking the Charny
ridge alone, because he would thus, if he were successful,
automatically compel a retirement from A B. But that
would mean a redisposition of his heavy artillery, which
is now in the woods of Mazeray and JHingry, and the new
emplacement and making of new heads of munitionment
for 380's and 420's (15 and 17 inches) is a verv long
business.
rSote on the German Mineral Supply
r believe that information has been received with regard
to the condition of the iron ore supply in Lorraine, which
is of capital importance to the enemy at this moment.
The information is of double importance as showing us
how the Germans are breaking the solemn treaties to
which they put their names (for what that was worth) in
the treatment of prisoners and also the straits for labour
into which they have fallen.
It seems that the mines in the Briey basin, especially
those nearest Metz, Hommecourt, Moutiers, Landres
and others, are now being worked by gangs of Russian
prisoners. But some of the mines have got flooded,
particularly Pienne, and none of the blast furnaces
there are at present working. In this connection it is
further worth recalling the fact that the whole of this bit of
country, of which Verdun is one principal centre and
Metz. opposite, the other, is the one field of supply for iron
ore upon which the German Empire can securely depend.
Just before the war three-cjuartors of the iron ore won
within the Empire was, if I am not mistaken, provided
by the territory annexed from France in '71, in Lorraine.
Much of the foreign supply was provided also from French
Lorraine, just over the frontier. A confidential memoir
was addressed, according to the French authorities, to the
German Chancellor last May by a group of the great
industrial interests, pointing out that any grave inter-
ference with the supply of Lorraine ore would mean the
loss of the war. And in this same memoir the annexation
of Verdun was urged as one of the conditions of peace —
at that time, of course, the basis of such illusions, though
flimsy, was a little less flimsy than it is to-day, the German
losses at that moment being actually less than half of
what they are now, and the effect of the great success on
• the Dunajec recent and fresh. It may further be remem-
bered that the trace of the new frontier in 1871 near
Metz was exactly calculated to convey to Germany,
what was then known as the whole iron bearing area of
Lorraine. It is only since that date that the mines on
the French side of the frontier have been put into
exploitation. H. Belloc
COMBINED ARMS IN WAR
By Arthur Pollen
WHILE the submarine war remains the absorb-
ing topic of the moment, there has been news
of several minor naval incidents of interest,
and Sir Charles Monro's j^rotoundly interesting
description of the evacuation of Gallipoli has been pub-
lished. Never have the complexities of war been more
clearly laid before us, and the dispatch is full of lessons
to those, and they appear to be many, who imagine that
the great campaign in which we are engaged can be
simplified and made more efiicient by the problems of air
war being divorced from those on land and sea. I
touched on this subject last week. The situation has
developed markedly since then, and in response to several
correspondents, I propose to discuss it at slightly greater
length to-day. But the purely naval events must be
dealt with first.
The Submarine Campaign
Undoubtedly the most serious fact of the present
naval situation is that the (lerman submarine successes
continue at the high level that prevailed last week. Our
last diagram showed the total reported up to April 3rd,
but three have to be added to that total. In the ensuing
week 22 ships have been sunk in home waters, and four
in the Mediterranean. The casualties then in the last
three weeks, excluding the Mediterranean, have been
20, 25 and 22.
Of this total of 67, 6 are allied ships, 26 neutral and 35
British. That the rate has been so high and has been
sustained so long is to be explained more by there being a
greater number of submarines engaged, than by these
submarines being of a new type. But the chief ex-
planation is that all the submarines "seem to act alit'ays
on the principle of sinking at sight. It is noteworthy
for instance that in no single instance in the last three
weeks has it been reported that a ship was sunk, or even
attacked, by gunfire. It is equally noteworthy that, in
almost every case, those on board the attacked ships
saw no submarine. When in September the German
Government volunteered a promise to America that they
would sink no more ships without visit, search and pro-
vision for the people on board, it was pointed out in these
columns that were this promise carried out, the sub-
marine campaign would be robbed of nine-tenths of its
terrors. It was this that made it obvious that if both
Germany and the United States were serious — the first
in her determination on an effective blockade, and the
second in the maintenance of national honour — a conflict
between them must be inc\itablc. The success of the
last three weeks would have been quite impossible had
the bargain with America been kept.
That it has not been kept, that Germany is in fact
carrying out the ruthless and relentless campaign origin-
ated by \on Tirpitz, urged by Reventlow, and forced upon
a vacillating Chancellor and a shaken Emperor by a
bloodthirsty popular agitation, creates an entirely new
problem for the counter-attack. The Admiralty very
rightly keeps its own counsel as its form. But it is clear
that if submarines avoid the surface altogether, if they
eliminate all the delays — even the five minutes' delay
incidental to giving the crews of the doomed ships time
in which to lower their boats — if ships are sunk every-
where by invisible foes, whose pres2nce in the locality
only becomes known when the survivors in boats are
picked up, either by other steamers or by patrol craft,
then the kind of organisation necessary for dealing with
such tactics must differ altogether from those that
characterised the milder campaign of last summer and
autumn. The essence of the matter now is pace in getting
to the spot from which news of the enemy is received.
And pace is not so much a matter of the speed of the
ships engaged as of promptness in sending them upon their
work at the first intimation that there is work for them to
do. Promptness of this kind is quite imposible unless the
control of the patrolling and attacking craft is completely
decentralised. It is quite useless for information of a
submarine's presence to be telegraphed to the Admiralty
and for the initiative in the pursuit to originate from
Admiralty instructions. This is the first and the most
obvious lines of modification that the counter-campaign
must take. The second is an alternative way of attaining
the main object, viz : bringing armed force more swihly
to the infested swt. In preen conditions imarmed
April 13, 191G
LAND & WATER
II
drifters, yachts, launches, etc., arc perfectly useless.
Any news they may bring will be too late. They must act
instead of reporting. It may not be possible to multiply
the craft engaged in the hunt. It should not be impossible
to see that every unit engaged in it is capable of taking
an effective part. At any cost any one of them must be
armed. And if it is necessary to despoil the old cruisers
of their 3-pounders, 6-pounders and 3-inch guns, their
loss of efficiency would be well balanced by the greater
efficiency of the anti-submarine flotilla. So long as the
old cruisers can keep their 6-inch guns, they can spare the
armament originally put into tliem as defence against
torpedo boats. It is useless against the modern destroyer
and is far more wanted in craft actively engaged in
the defence of commerce to-day.
These remarks must not be taken to suggest that the
Admiralty's counter-measures are inadequate, that no
.changes of organisation are taking place, that the pro-
cess of multiplying the means of attacking submarines is
not in full swing. That the Admiralty measures have
not appreciably reduced the rate is no proof that they
are not effective. The counter-measures can only have
a result proportionate to the numbers of submarines engaged .
Without them the rate might easily have been twice as
high. What is satisfactory about the present situation is
this. The course of the campaign from September to the
20th March seems to indicate that during this period,
Ihe German Marine-Amt was making special efforts
to produce boats and to tram crews, so that we now have
upon the field the total product of five months' strenuous
preparation. \\'hcn it is remembered that we have the
maximum possible force against us, and this is employed
with a total disregard to human rights or international
obligations, the wonder is not that the victims are so
many, but that the results fall so far short of achieving
the German purpose. ,
The Loss of Ships
Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge contributed a letter to the
Times last week, in which it was pointed out that the
total enemy attacks on merchant shipping had in 20
months only reduced the numbers of our merchant ships
by 4 per cent, and the tonnage by about 5 per cent.
While this is undoubtedly true, the totals are a little
misleading, because that gallant and learned writer did
not distinguish between ships engaged in foreign trade
and the coasters, cross-Channel boats, etc. Something
less than four-fiftlis of British steam vessels are usually
employed in foreign trade and it is from these in the main
tliat deductions clue to enemy attacks must be made.
If we take 8,000 as our foreign trading fleet, and assume
it to be reduced to about 5,000 by the requirements of
the Navy and the oversea forces, then the losses due to
the enemy attacks show a far higher percentage — roughly
indeed 8 per cent, and 10 per cent, instead of 4 per cent,
and 5 per cent. Not that there is anything really alarm-
ing in these totals. In the revolutionary and Napoleonic
wars the percentage of ships lost often attained 7 and
sometimes exceeded 10 per cent, in a single year Eight per
cent, in 20 months is of course not 5 per cent, per annum.
Even if the rate of loss of British ships during the last
three weeks were maintained, it would only mean an
annual loss of just over 10 per cent. It is obvious
then tliat while the diminution of shipping caused
by the submarine losses may raise freights, and
conseciucntly prices, may make it necessary to restrict
imports more severely, and in many respects embarrass
supply and trade, there is not the faintest ground for
anticipating any grave shortage of food, any serious
crippling of our economic life, above all, even the slightest
relaxation of our military or naval activities. It is
important to bear these facts in mind, because the whole
of Germany's case for her sea savagery is based on it
being necessary to inflict upon England the same priva-
tions that the English blockade has inflicted upon (Ger-
many. Where people throw over honour, decency and
humanity, they are left with only one justification to
console them for their crimes, and tliat is success. In
this case it is clear that even tliis miserable consolation
will be denied them.
The Washington-Berlin Crisis
The Amsterdam Tclegraaf published a telegram from
its Washington corresoondent on Monday to the clfcct
that an ultimatum had been sent to BerHn, but this is
not confirmed. It is more to the point that there is no
indication that American public opinion is weakening.
It still finds the continuance of the present position
intolerable. That Mr. Wilson will have to break with
Berlin appears then to be certain.
German Trade in the North Sea
On Monday it was reported in the Times and con-
firmed from Copenhagen, that Hamburg' had sent two
ships to Aalesund, taking fuel and returning with pro-
visions and oil. It is added that they left and returned
under the convoy of destroyers. The story is told as if
these ships had put to sea in the ordinary manner,
confident in the ])rotection of their escort, and had
entered Aalesund, and left again exactly as if the British
fleet could either be ignored or be driven off by the craft
that con\oyed them. But an impartial view oi the facts
shows the situation to have a quite dift'erent significance.
That German ships can leave Hamburg and maintain
themselves for a time in the North Sea is obviously
jVjssible. There are the examples of the Moeur and the
G'm/ to prove it. Any ship that has sufficient ingenuity to
disguise herself as a neutral, and sufficient enterprise to
take the risk, will be reasonably sure of a certain number
of hours, if not days, of rather exciting cruising in the
North Sea. But the journey from Hamburg to Aalesund
would not even call for many hours of exciting cruising.
The distance is about 700 miles, but except for the
crossing of the Skagerrack, the whole journey coTild be
done in territorial waters. Save then for the passage of
the Skagerrack —and e\en this could be avoided by
coasting round Denmark, and then taking the Swedish
territorial waters until those of Norway were reached —
German ships could embark upon this journey reasonably
sure of protection for the entire journey. But note two
things in regard to this. First, this journey could not be
undertaken regularly, but only occasionally, for, as recent
news has told us. Commodore Tyrwhitt is sometimes to
be found cruising off the Island'of Sjdt, and it is after
all, less than a month since the Kong Inge was taken by a
British submarine in the Kattegat, and sent home in
charge of a prize crew. In no sense then is the journey
between Hamburg and Norway one upon which the Ger-
mans can rely. Note next that it can only be made at all
because the ships arc protected from the attentions of the
British fleet. But such protection as exists is not derived
from the High Seas Fleet of the German Admiral in the
Atlantic, but from the inviolability of Danish, Swedish
and Norwegian waters ! Thus the whole aifair, instead of
being an assertion of Germany's freedom to use the r.ea,
is a confession of German naval weakness, and is jx)ssible
only because tlv.' Germans can rely upon our naval respect
for international law.
A Superb Amphibious Operation
Sir Charles Monro's despatch describing the evacuation
of Gallipoli, throws important light on the art of uying
naval and military forces in combination. He pavs a
generous tribute to the Navy's efficiency, and reminds us
of a truth insisted upon in these columns since the first
landing, tha-t throughout these operations the fleet has
taken the place of all the paraphernalia and organisation
summed up in the expression " lines of communication
and transport " in land operations. Never have the
two arms been combined on so important a scale before ;
never has the combination been more perfectly and
successfully exhibited than in that final test of efficiency
— the successive evacuations of Suvla, Anzac and Holies.
Air War — Sea War— Land War
During the last week Mr. Billing has carried through
an oratorical campaign that has only been very imperfectly
reported. Lord Montagu and Lord Derby have resigned
from the air committee, and according to one journal,
because the need of centralising and co-ordinating the aii
service in a single department is not recognised. Exactlji
what these distinguished men mean by this centralisation
is not explained. It is probably rash to attribute to them
the views which Mr. Billing has proclaimed. But Pro-
fessor Wilkinson's endorsement of Mr. Billing lends im-
portance to the rumour that the real issue now is not
disagreement as to the best way of organising the supply
12
LAND & W A r E R
April 13, 1916
of aircraft, but diHorenres as to tl]c strategic administra-
tion and command of the air service as a whole.
The arf^unient in favoiu- of a supreme and independent
air force, for employment in a purely air war. is put in
such terms as this. " Command of the Air " is as essen-
tial in this war as " Command of the Sea." It must be
sought and won as an object in its?lf. It cannot be won
by an air service if that service is under a divided admini-
stration. The air fleet which is at the dii.po.al of the
navy cannot be taken from the navy and employed upon
the main jiurpose for which tiie air ;.ervice should exist.
Similarly the <-raft belonging to the army must be left
severely alone. So long as the organii.ation and.conniiand
of the air forces are in the hands of a mixed commis:;ion,
military and naval needs will be given the first claim,
and the existence of an independent air force neglected.
But this neglect is ruinous, tor air raid:; on enemy vital
points may. and indeed must, be regarded no longer as
secondary operations, but as primary, and i)rimary
because they may easily be decisive. Who. for instance.
can doubt that the effective bombardment of Essen would
isolate the (lerman army from its chief gun and munition
supply, and achieve at a stroke almo:.t all that an army
marching victoriously to the Rhine coidd do ? Would
not then such a bombardment be a far heavier blow to
Germany than the loss of. say. Paris would be to France ?
Tiie capacity of aircraft to deliver r.uch attacks is well
enough established for it to be worth a supreme national
effort to carry them out on the desired scale. We must
then have a force entirely free from naval or military
control.
The Obvious Weakness
This may be an extreme, but it surely is not an unfair
repre:.entation of what we may call the forward party's
case. Its weakness is obvious. There can be no such
thing as command of the air in the sense in which there
is command of the sea. \Vhen Mr. Billing tells us that
in the future the first will be more important than the
second, he seems to me to be saying w-hat is absolutely
meaningless. This is because except for military pur-
poses th.ere is no use made of the air as an clement at all.
It cannot be used for the transport of troops, for the
exchange of commodities, or for supply. There is not
s.omewhere in the air, as there is at sea, a concentration of
force which commands it as a means of communication.
Airr.hips and aeroplanes can rise from the land into the
air, and opposing airships and aeioplanes can pursue and
engage them, and then for the moment, the destruction
of the enemy craft is an object in itself. But the
ntltimatc object of attack and counter-attack is not, as at
sea, to seize or dispute the possession of an element, but
to use the element momentarily for some purpose imme-
diately or indirectly military or naval. Thu* the ultimate
object of every air raid is to assist the army or the navy
in its task.
It may be said that raids like those of the Zeppelins over
I^^ngland. or the proposed raid on Essen, are so remotely
connected with naval or military operations as to make it
quite scientific to regard them as ends in themselvts. .\
case no doubt might be established for this philosophy.
What is more immediately to the point is, that we have
no experience to show that such raids ever ha\e or ever
can achieve so definite a success a;; to justify a war
carried on by air being treated as a thing apart "from land
or sea war. The ain.hip raids on England have in a
military sense achieved less, on each occasion, than the
battle cruisers' raids on the East Coast. They have
acliievcd far less, altogether, than the submarines' raids
on shipping. If Germany's fleet had been of sufficient
power to be an active fleet, had it been engaged from the
firs.t in trying to find opportunities and means of forcing
the British fleet to action — by having squadrons con-
stantly at sea. by disputing the passage of our transports,
by sending their cruisers to interfere with our sea services
— would (iermany. in these circum;;tanccs, have devoted
her Zeppelins, whose scouting capacity must at times be
of the highest naval strategical and tactical value, to such
indirect methods of obtaining a military result as scatter-
ing boinbs over the country in the hope that some vital
damage wbuld be done ? in fact, are not the Zeppelin
raids strictly spreaking, just as much confessions of naval
weakness, as is the submarine camp:\'gn ? And is it
not in each case the pursuit of a secondary or indirect
military purpose, to be explained by the fact that the
German navy is not strong enough to use these devices for
any direct na\'al .object'?:
The Purpose of Raids
Now what is the indirect objective which the
enemy has in view in these raids ? They are first and
foremost «to make a demonstration of a frightful and
terrifying use of 'power to cheer and console the
(lermans, who are the victims of a real and direct
u;;? of naval power, and next frighten and exasj^erate
the linglish who are made the victims of them. But
the moral effect sought by an e)iemy is not limited
to inspiring terror and anger. He seeks to create
a diversion of naval and military force from its true
])urpose. The Admiralty, after the Yarmouth bom-
bardment, \ery properly announced that the pursuit
by the enemy of an unmilitary object would nut
lead the Admiralty to alter the distribution of the Fleet.
But if the air raids on England result in the diversion
of our air policy from its true purpose, the enemy will
have achieved his end. For it is useless to deny that if air
war becomes an object to be sought for its own sake,
if Mr. Billing's thousand " best aeroi>lanes in the world "
are to be produced by a vast national effort for the
destruction of Essen and so forth, then it is as certain as
anything can be that the air needs of the army and navy
wiil take a second place. There is at least one excellent
reason why this must appear as a very serious threat.
If the accessory utility of aircraft, always to the army
and sometimes to the navy, is proved by experience to
the point of its being absolutely indispensable, the utility
of aircraft in making raids of decisive military value is still
to seek. All the Zeppelin raids on England put together
have not yet achieved the casualties of the Lusitania,
nor military damage that is more than nominal. The
raids made by ourselves and our Allies over German
communications and depots and the enemy's counter
raids, are not, I believe, rated by military authorities as
of one-tenth of the value of aircraft in more direct .services,
such as scouting, the correction of fire, and so forth.
The real reason why raids are not more efficient than
they are is, that the aircraft bomb has not a destructi\-e
capacity sufliciently great to compensate for the lack of
])recision in its use. In other words, if aircraft only
existed as a means of attack no v'ery notable addition to the
implements of war could, on our present experience, be
supposed to have been made. Their real value is as
accessories to naval and military force. To get the best
out of aircraft they must be used in combination with the
fleet or the army. If this is so, it is quite unscientific
to treat this branch of war as if it were as separate from
the other branches as they are from each other. Thej' are
separate because the units of naval and military force arc
utterly different, are employed in totally different ek
ments. and have a technique entirely separate and di>-
tinct. It is the exception for them to be used together,
and consequently to deal with land and sea forces as
separate is strictly scientific. But it is the exception
for air forces to be used otherwise than in combination
with land or sea force.
If the agitation for the reform and the infusion of
greater vigour of our air policies is limited to supplying
more and better machines and distributing them as the\
are wanted to the army and navy, reserving what is wis.
for the defence of these islands against raids — and; o'
course, for counter-raids if the force is available for them-
then the agitation may do nothing but good. But if honu
defence and reprisals are to be regarded as ends in them-
selves, and the air force is to be organised primarily witii
these objects, then the danger to the army is manifest.
ARTlilR POI.LK.V
The twenty-four short stories which make up Richard
Dehan's last book. Earth to Earth (Heinemann, 6s.) seem tc
bear little relation to the rather ambiguous title, which is als;
the title of the first--and in many ways the best —of the storios
They are all mere sketches, often commonplace in themselves,
yet in each is an underlying motive that makes it worth the
reader's while. Man\- of them concern the MacWaugii, a
character very reminiscent of Du Maurier and the Trilh\
trio of artists, but the autiior is obviously more at home out-
side the studio than in, and t!ic first and last are the best
stories in the hook.
April 13, 1916
LAND & WATER
Spring in Gallipoli
13
By Eden Phillpotts.
Gcncyal Sir Charles Monro's despatch on the withdrawal of the Allied troops jrom the Gallipcli Peninsula
ivas published on Tuesday. It emphasises once again the heroic eharactey of this adventure. " 'J he
position occupied by our troops presented a military sitiaition unique in history," writes General Mo
nro.
There is a fold of lion-coloured earth,
With stony feet in the .ligean blue,
Whereon of old dwelt loneliness and dearth
Sun scorched and desolate ; and when there flew
The winds of winter in those dreary aisles
Of crag and cliff, a whirling snow-wreath bound
The foreheads of the mountains, and their miles
Of frowning precipice and scarp were wound
With stilly white, that peered through brooding
profound.
But now the myrtle and the rosemary.
The mastic and the rue, the scented thyme
With fragrant iingers gladdening the grey.
Shall kindle on a desert grown sublime.
Henceforth that haggard land doth guard and hold
The treasure of a sovereign nation's womb —
Her fame, her w^orth, her pride, her purest gold.
Oh, call ye not the sleeping place a tomb
That lifts to heaven's light such everlasting blooin.
They stretch, now high, now low, the little scars
Upon the rugged pelt of herb and stone ;
.\bovc them sparkle bells and buds and stars
Young Spring hath from her emerald kirtle thrown.
Asphodel, crocus and anemone
\\'ith silver, azure, crimson once again
Ray all that earth, and from the murmuring sea
Come winds to flash the leaves on shore and plain
mist Where evermore our dead — our radiant dead shall reign.
Imperishable as the mountain height
That marks their place afar, their numbers shine,
Who with the first fruits of a joyful might
To human liberty another shrine
Here sanctified ; nor vainly hav'e they sped
That made this desert dearer far than home.
And left one sanctuary more to tread
For England, whose memorial pathways roam
Beside her hero sons, beneath the field and foam.
The German Chancellor's Speech
By G. K. Ghesttrton
^HE German Chancellor has once more delivered
a long speech on the situation, in the course
T\
of which he says that the Allies are troubled
with a brutal lust of destruction and annihilation,
that we have the discomfort of having on top of us big
and broad mountains of bitterness and deception of the
people, that peace can now only rise from a flood of blood
and tears and from the graves of millions, that Germany
is being treated as a scape-goat and must answer with a
sword, because (it would seem) we have tried to put back
a clock, and might have succeeded had not history since
advanced with an iron step ; and, finally, that he has no
time to use rhetorical expressions. He considers with
some care what it can be that makes him and his imme-
diate neighbours morally and mentally better than other
people : and, finally, comes to certain conclusions about
what it is " that makes our hearts and our nerves so
strong " : so that if it only made our heads a little
stronger, we should be quite complete.
For the main element revealed by such a Prussian mono-
logue is merely a sort of weakness of mind. The Prussian
will have it all ways ; his greed is full of fear , like the
timidity of a climber who will not let go of one foothold
though he has found another. This gives some significance
even to this first point of form ; the strong silent man
standing on his mountain of metaphors. He must be
talking, to draw attention to his well-known taciturnity-
The political philosophy of the speech is of the same
blend. .It is full of precisely that kind of bumptious
sliiliy-shallying which marks the man in a three-act farce,
who cannot be off with the old love before he is on with
the new. Mr. BcUoc has often pointed out in these columns
the impossibility of prophecy in war, or even in politics ;
and perhaps the nearest approach to a safe prophecy is
■hat whatever happens the Prussian will go on praising him-
self. But though consistent in praising himself, he is
not consistent even in the nature of his praise. He
praises his wonderful heroism in enduring to the end a
starvation which his wonderful foresight has made im-
possible from the beginning.
I do not know whether it is worth while at this time of
day to explain to the Prussian the elemcntarv ethics of
such things as the blockade. It is obvious that for
anyone remote, as Prussia has alwavs been remote,
from tlie tradition of chivalry (and therefore unguided by
an instinct in the matter) a sopliist may draw the line
anywhere, on the plea that all war affects women and
children more or less. Such a sophist will sec at one end
of the incline the breaking of a woman's heart by killing
her .lover, and at ^.he other end the breaking of her ribs
by jumping on her with heavy boots ; and if he has no
chivalric \tradition, there is obviously only one other
distinction he can employ. It is the question which
party has made innovations of ferocity, and has extended
the license of war to cover things which it did not pre-
viously cover. In the present case, to ask such a question
is to answer it.
There have been hunger-sieges in war ever since war
existed ; and the reduction of districts by cutting off
supplies has been the special policy of r.ome of the loftiest
publicists, like Lincoln, and some of the lowest, like
Bismarck. There has never been anything resembling
the baby-killing of the Zeppelins before, and it is not
only desirable but jjrobable, that there never will be again.
But it is idle, as I have said, to urge even anything so
obvious as this in order to justify a shortage which, by
the enemy's own account, does not exist. The contra-
diction is only worthy of note as one of the examples of
the special weakness of mind which is here in question ;
that omnivorous and indiscriminate greed of vanity which
wishes to be admired at once for its squareness and its
rotundity, for its bluntness and its sharpness, for its
lightness and for its weight.
As the Prussian politician pays a mass of contni-
dictory compliments to himself, so he flings a mass of con-
tradictory charges against his opponents. He says that the
three principal Allies united against Germany with the
aim of putting the clock back to ancient times (whatever
that may mean), and proceeds to prove that their aim is
a wrong one, in the following further description of it.
" What can the enemy coalition to-day offer to Europe ?
Russia the fate of Poland and Finland. France the
preten.sion to that hegemony which was our bane. Great
Britain, the state of dissension and of continual irritation
which she called the balance of power on the Continent
and which is the internal cause of the unspeakable misery
which this war has brought upon Europe."
It is tiresome to attempt to unpick this tangle of noa-
14
LAND & WATER
April 13, 191G
sense. But suiely it is ubvious llia.t the three Powers
cannot have combined to achieve these objects, for the
simple reason that thej' arc incompatible. Whatever a
French hej^emony may mean, it cannot possibly mean
the balance of power. And if Russia is offering Kurope
the fate of Poland and Finland, that is the fate of being
ruled by Russia, she is offering something which cannot
possibly be either the balance of power or a French
hegemony. We must therefore suppose that the three
conspirators agreed in a common plan, because each was
seeking something which the other two must of necessity
be the first people in the world to prevent. The alterna-
tive to this incredible cross-purposes is, of course, the
simple fact that the three Allies really had a common
ground — and a good one. It was resistance to the one
power that really did claim a hegemony, and really
did threaten other people with the fate of Poland — for
which she was primarily and originally responsible.
Three Important Admissions
All that the Chancellor has here really succeeded in
doing is making by implication three rather important
admissions, which he would probably rather not make.
First, he admits that, in spite of all the talk about the
earth-devouring British ogre, Britain really desired all
powers to remain powerfid and on a sort of equality.
Second, he admits that, in spite of the talk about the
decadence and disappearance of France, that country
has still a considerable chance of playing the first part in
Europe. And third, in the case of Russia and l^oland,
he admits that the one consistent and conspicuous piece
of advice that Prussia ever gave to Russia was un-
commonly bad advice ; which was indeed the case.
Prussia first proposed and pressed the Partition of
Poland. She afterwards prevented the emancipation of
Poland. She has since incessantly bragged of the
natural inferiority of Poland and the complete subjuga-
tion of Poland. She now says, with an unsmiling visage,
that she will not give poor Poland to shocking improper
Russia ; though it was only by her own wish that Poland
was ever given to anybody. Much might be said in a
gay and pleasurable spirit about this attitude, or antic,
but for practical purposes a simple and sober fact will
sultice ; and that is the fact that nobody ever heard, or
dreamed of hearing, a Prussian talk in such a tone until
after the Battle of the Marne.
Here I merely remark on the advantage of hearing the
Imperial Chancellor publicly repudiate the chief work of
Frederick the Great. It is not the only confession of
somewhat the same kind. It is worth while to note one
other implied admission, which may have been more
intentional, the contrast made between Germany's
present aims and her aims in 1870. " when Germany
was dreaming of Alsace and Empire." No (ierman
wx)uld deliberately dissociate himself from any imitation of
Moltke and the example of Alsace, if he were not bidding
cautiously for peace. Truly, Germany is not now
thinking of Alsace — in that sense. She has become
magnanimous. She is not troubled about getting her
neighbour's goods, but only about keeping them.
The hrst stamp of this sort of stuff is an illogical vanity :
The second is an utterly dead and disembodied pedantry.
The best summary of it is Rousseau's " nier ce qui
est, cl cxpliqucr cc qui n'esl pas." The Prussian is an out-
law and the enemy of everything in existence ; but he
is v.ry careful in j)reserving the things which do not
exist. Thus, there was and is a compact, unmistakable,
indepentlent kingdom called Belgium ; which he and
everyone else not only recognised but guaranteed. He
has "suddenly and savagely overpowered it, and now
says there must be a new Belgium, by which he means, of
course, a German Belgium. That is, we are to declare to
all future ages that any prince who chooses to invade a
weaker country shall be rewarded with that country
even if he is conquered.
So far the thing, though a joke, might be held to be an
old joke. This is not the first though it might well be
tlic worst case of a kind of impudence which, bring also
impenitence, may quite properly be called damin'd impu-
dence. But what is unique and German, what would
only be conceivable in a (ierman is the fact that the
Chancellor covers up this moral tragedy with a sort of
scientific fairv tale. He suddenly becomes very much
excited on behalf of something which he calls " the long
suppressed Flemish race," which must have something
which he' calls " a sound evolution " based on its national
character. The Flemish race would seem to ha\c been so
long and so successfully suppressed that the Flemings
have forgotten all about it ; and arc all fighting tooth
and nail for a country which they call Belgium. No
doubt if the Germans were still in a position to do so,
they would invade England to provide a sound evolution
for the Jutish race ; but I will not speculate, for even in
answering such words one wanders out of the land of the
living. It is as if a man who had just cut my mother
into small pieces told me he had been very careful of
her astral bod}'.
The Chancellor remarks that Germany is the only
state threatened with destruction. If we may take this
as meaning that Prussia is the only country that the
Allies, or any othei people in the civilised world, have any
reason for putting under lock and key, it may be true.
If it means that the Allies and the civilised world will
probably be in a position at the end of the war to put
Prussia under lock and kej', this also we may concede to
the eager intelligence of the Imperial Chancellor. But it
might be noted, as a preliminary point of fact, that what-
ever nation may be threatened with destruction at the
end of the war, at least two nations were threatened with
destruction at the beginning of the war, and were actually
visited with practical destruction in the course of the
war. The indejjendencc of these two nations was
threatened by Germans alone, and was destroyed by
Germans alone. The sovereignty of Serbia and the
neutrality of Belgium were abolished at a blow by the
Teutonic Powers, not as part of a difficult settlement of
Europe, but as part of a perfectly wanton unsettlement
of it. Whether or no any sort of annexation would be
Europe's last word to Germany, it was certainly Germany's
first act against Europe.
The Chancellor indicates, so far as I can follow him,
that he is too refined to reply to Mr. Asquith because this
would be replying to " personal calumny " ; as if Mr.
Asquith had accused him of bigamy or stealing bicycle's.
So far as I know, the very simple substance of Mr.
Asquith's just indignation consisted in saying that it was
wrong to invade Belgium ; and I cannot understand how
Mr. Ascpiith can indulge in calumny by saying of tint
Chancellor what the Chancellor said of himself.
A Misapprehension
Touching the whole of that matter there is only one
thing which we particularly need to say. Upon one point
the Chancellor seems to be under a misapprehension.
He seems to suppose that because he has behaved like
an anarchist, he has turned the world into an anarchy.
He thinks that the mere fact, which we are ready to con-
cede to him, that (icrmany has broken the civilisation of
the world into pieces, means that we ha%'e entirely for-
gotten how it was put together, and shall be content
with any patchwork he may pick and choose for us. In
short, he thinks that his bravoes have not only knocked
us on the head, but knocked us silly ; so that we. has'c
forgotten our father's name and our baptism and even
tiic wrong that he has done us. He is mistaken. The
story of the German adventure has been dreadful ; but
we do not find it in the least dubious. It is the character
of a crime to shock, but it need not of necessity bewilder :
and in this we do not see any particular mystery cxcepl
the mystery of iniquity. At the end of it the Prussian
will not tind himself i)icking up whatever he can get in ;i
scramble ; he will tind himself more and more separate<l
from his dupes and tools, and punished impartially, aii<'
])unished alone. It is only by a misleading nieta])lior thai
we speak (jf a criminal as breaking the law. The law
of Christendom is not broken.
There is one word of truth in the whole of the German
Chancellor's speech ; and it is a very vivid and exact
word. He says that at this moment the Germans are
" deep in Russia." They are. They are deep in a great
many things which they do not understand. They are
deep in a deep reaction against vulgar power, deep in an
ancient disdain of pride, deep in a most divine hatred of
cynicism and cold and unclean success. And to these
both the name and the metaphor chosen are by no means
inappropriate. Russia is really something of a human
sea ; there is a thing known to the sea-bather as being out
of one's depth. And to-dav the tide conies in.
April 1^, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
When the Men come Home
By Professor J. H. Morgan
S;
MITH, the sergeant has reported you to nic for
insubordination. What have you to say ? "
j"Beg pardon, sir, but him and 1 had a dispute
'about the number of carbon copies. He said
he wanted three and I said two'd be enough. And he
said ' Them's my orders.' And I said again ' Two will
be enough.' And he said ' Them's my orders ' ■ and I
said ' Two — ' " '
" That'll do. Why didn't you obey the sergeant's
orders ? "
" Well, sir, I told him he was wrong and I offered to
■proj'e he was wrong. You see, sir,—"
The Colonel scribbled a note or two on one of those
fawn-coloured strips of paper which a thrifty War Office
prescribes for H.O. Memoranda, and gazed soarchingly
at tin's forensic offender. He was young, pert, and ratlicr
pleased with himself, having been specially enlisted as a
typist, with special rates of pay, and detailed to that
marvellous corps which, as regards its intellectual attain-
ments, is notlnngless than a profession, in respect of its
mechanical gifts is certainly a craft, and in point of the
\aricty and burden of its tasks could give points to
" casual labour." On his shoulder straps were the
letters " R.E."
" Look here, my lad " said the Colonel. " The
Army's not a debating society. No ! and it's not a
trade union. Or if it is we've only got one trade union
rule, which is ' Do as you are told, and do it quickly.'
I've got to do as I am told. That surprises you, does it ?
Well if I didn't, home would be the word, perhaps some-
thing worse. H you don't, then field punishment's the
word. Nasty thing field punishment " he said pensively.
" It takes many forms— all of them more or less unpleas-
ant, some of them very distressing to the sense of smell.
Now we'll say no more about this. Don't do it again.
You can go."
Casuistries of Obedience
As the delinquent saluted and withdrew, the Colonel
turned to me. I knew him well for a wisp man and
discriminating. What he doesn't know about the labour
movement is hardly worth knowing, for whenever there's
been " labour unrest " in the last ten years at home, and
the harassed authorities have had to call in the military
in aid of the civil power, that unlovely duty has fallen
to him and a certain illustrious chief of "his. He has gone
in and out, in mufti, among Labour conventicles, atten-
tive, persuasive, expostulatory, drinking bad beer in a
good cause and almost persuading your Socialist to be a
citizen. If any officer has ever got to the bottom of
that conundrum of the King's Regulations and the
common law which presents an officer in times of civil
"disturbance" with the pleasing alternative of being
hanged if he obeys an order and shot if he doesn't, that
officer is Colonel X. He knew, if any man did, that the
only solution in dealing with the " disturbed" civilian
is the exercise of a stupendous tact. Consequently
liis opinions on the casuistries of obedience were worthy
of respect.
They often begin like that," he explained to me.
" You see they come over here fresh from a city office
where they've probablv wrangled incessantly with the
senior clerk as to who should do the least work in the longest
time, and they've hardly discarded their paper cuffs
and put on khaki before they begin to try it on out here
at G.H.Q. And they can talk— talk a dog's hind leg off.
' One of the first things that surprises 'em — and there are
many— is the silence in this office. The second is Work.
The third is Overtime. The fourth is— What you've just
heard. I don't think I shall have any more trouble with
him." ^
This allocution has often recurred to me since. For
.. with several millions of men taken from civil life and
passed — many of them at their most impressionable
age— through the mint of the British Army, ther*? is
likely to be an abiding impression left upon them wlien
they have passed out of military circulation and are
returned to civil life. What kind of i'lnrM-es^ion ? In those
memoirs of military life which are a classic of their kind—
Souvenirs de servitude et grandeur militaires — ^De Vigny,
who came of a dynasty of soldiers and was a soldier
himself, speculates with extraordinary insight as to the
effects of military life upon those who have been sub-
mitted to it. His early years were passed under the spell
of Napoleon, and throwing his books at the head of his
tutor he quited the Lycee for the Army, only to find him-
self, with the fall of the Emperor, waiting for a war
which never came — kicking his heels in a barracks and
reilecting on the futility of his career, and the " isola-
tion " of the military life. The Army, he declared, was
a nation within a nation, and though he loved with a
passionate devotion the camaraderie of regimental life,
he deplored its long divorce from civilian influences.
Universal Service
Few have celebrated more enthusiastically than he
the bracing virtues of Army life—" c'est un hon livre
pour connaitre I'humanite " ; none have dwelt more
mournfully on its drawbacks. Superb in war, it was
banal in peace, and the soldier, he complained, was in-
ordinately flattered and no less inordinately depreciated
according as the civilian found him necessary or the
reverse. De Vigny's one hope was in universal military
service — he wrote in the days of standing armies — where-
by the Army and the Nation should become identified.
Such a change, he prophesied, would be equally beneficial
to the soldier and to the civilian. The soldier would cease
to be obsequious, the civilian would become docile ; the
one would acquire flexibility, the other discipline. As it
was, the soldier had too little confidence in himself, the
civilian had too much.
This catastrophic war — a war which has come to be
what von der Goltz prophesied it would be — a war not of
armies but of peoples— has wrought the very change that
de Vigny looked for. We have a nation in arms. Two
things will result ; the Army will leaven the nation, the
nation will leaven the Army. Neither will ever be quite
tire same again. One may predict with some confidence
that each will have a better opinion of the other. But
of the two there can be little doubt that the nation had
most to learn.
Both industrially and politically it was going from
bad to worse ; Liberal and Conservative, employer and
workman, abused each other as though he were an alien
enemy instead of a fellow-countryman, and never did
anarchy run so high. Oc the other hand, though the
nation had never been in a worse condition, the Army had
never been in a better. In the early days of the present
. conflict a certain ex-Secretary of State for War, with
whom I was discussing the retreat from Mons and the
superb rearguard actions fought by our men, said to me :
" Yes, for its size no better Army than the British E.x-
peditionary Force ever took the field."
The Army of Mons
Anyone who knows anything of the inner life of the
Army during the ten years from 1904 — 1914 will endorse
that verdict. Every officer from the divisional commands
down to the youngest subalterns had set themselves to
study the men ; the new recruits no longer, as in the pre-
historic studies of Kipling, gave every reason for joining
the Army but the true one, and to say that " there was
a woman at the bottom of it " ceased to be either pleasant
or true ; drunkenness had become merely foolish and
disease disgraceful ; the musketry of the British infantry-
man, always good, was now excellent ; barracks were no
longer the dreary inhospitable places they once had been ;
officers who took their profession seriously were no longer
regarded as " mugs," and to be indifferent to the recrea-
tions of your men was regarded as neither amiable nor
wise. In a certain little yellow manual recently issued
confidentially to ofticers on active service, are words
to this effect : " It is important for officers to remember
that their first care should be not for themselves but for
their men." Those words might stand as the motto
of the original British Expeditionary Force. How
i6
LAND cS: WATER
April 13, 19 1 6
truly tlio (idiccrs tonk tlioni to lioail may be road in tlie
stiuiis of tlio almost iiKivdiblt; drvotioii of their im-n.
What is Koinj; to be the effort on the millions of civilians
who have pone to school in an Army such as this ?
Of one thing we can be quite s\ire. The men who
have been tlirough this gnat freemasonry of arms will
he very impatient of tiie old api)eals to class-prejudice
which have so long distigured our politics. After the
reulitie;. of war the sham-tights of politics will wear u
singularly inept vesture, and in nothing will thev appear
so inept as in their attachment to words and phrases. The
men who will come home will have lived the life of action
in which men are judged not by what they sa\' but by
what tliey do. I doubt if any of them are likely to be
hypnoti .'.>d by the old catchwordsof politics with th<' stupe-
fying rhetoric of the platform. It may be also that they
will be far less conscious of rights and far more alive to
duties. They will bring a highly critical mind to bear
upon these things. The clerk and the artisan who has
been an N.C.O. or a subaltern, and the employer or pro-
fessional man — there are many such— who has served as
a private in the ranks will have learnt, the one to rule,
the other to obey, and each will have discovered the
peculiar secret of all Armies : that he who aspires to give
commands nuist have learnt lirst how to execute them.
Of all the lessons that the Army can teach that is the
most enduring and the most valuable, and the one whicli
the average linglishman — especially the Englishman
who ha:, not been to a public school — needs most to learn.
Another is the habit of turning your hand to anything
. — on V (ififyn'itd a mcttrc la main a tout, anx chases Ifs
plus basses annine aii\ f>liis elevees, as the French soldier
put it-- without inquiring too closely whether it is the
job you contracted to do or whether you are getting the
pay you bargained for. The lirst thing a man in the
Army finds — particularly the infantryman— is that his
pay bears no appreciable relation to his work, that he
may be called upon at any moment to do another man's
job, that there's no such thing as piece-work rates and
" overtime," and that it's a mere chance whether he
can count on no more than four days in the trenches,
four in support, and, no less than ten in billets
after he has rung the changes on the one and the other.
Also that there is no crime like that of " slacking,"
whether in a section or a whole battalion, and that
liesitation here and slovenliness there only means that you
are letting other fellows down. If a battalion gets a bad
name for that kind of thing, other battalions will take
care that they never hear the end of it ; 1 well remember
the scorn with which my servant, a private in the Sutfolks,
used to speak of a certain battalion who had left the
trenches taken over by his regiment in such an untidy state
that they had to do a kind of spring-cleaning after them.
Whati'v.r clsf a man learns or does not learn in the
The
Spirit
By L. B.
FOR centuries they have been watching the calm
white face of a silent god, they have gazed at
the patient, mute eyes of a suffering i)eople.
They have cursed it and they have taught it ;
thc\- have feared it, and they have bullied it ; they
tried to wring from it and master the \mknown, they
tried to bring it to the level of their own thinking,
to conquer it, to transform it and to destroy it. It
remained. Then it became a nightmare to them. Some-
times (Germans describe it as the spirit of the fiussian
soil, as the spirit of the Russian people. The " spirit of
a people." what is it ? Merely a phrase, a subterfuge of
those who in self-defence try to enclose life into abstract
words and meaningless descriptions, so that they may
master it, measure it and juggle with it at pleasure.
Cio into the endless sad plains of Russia, among
its infinitely patient peasant folk. What can you (ier-
mans do with them ? For you always wish to do some-
thing. You and vour work and your thoughts will pas^
over Russia as the wind that straggles across -the plains.
Even in that wind there is more than in your wisdom ;
it is part of infmite nature. It has wandered across the
Steppes, it has seen the rising sun, the cowfields have
.\rmy. he at least learns io regard liis work as exacting
as high a standard as his sport. He learns to " play the
game." Is there any other national institution that
teaches the ICnglishman that ?
Thesi> men are going through a great school of patriotism
and it would be atfi'ctation to deny that nine out of ten
ICnglishmen badly needed it : TIk; luiglishman is a
born individualist — and never so much so, paradoxical
though it may sound, as when he calls himself a Socialist ;
before the war he had never learnt to subordinate his
own interests to those of the State. He was always
a man with a grie\ance and as such an easy prey for
exploitation by jxiliticians whose trade seems to consist
either in discovering grievances or in inventing them.
Hence the conscientious objector — he is a kind of survival
of our imregenerate days aiid is no doubt genuinely
surprised to lind that he is no longer popular. There was
a time when he wt)uld have had all his own way in the
parks and on the plinth of the Nelson Column, but he has
come to cut rather a sorry figure by the side of that
evangelist of a new gospel — the man home on leave.
The more " leave " the authorities can hnd it possible
to give the men at the F'ront the better ; they will
leaven the whole nation. I well remember how during
the old bad days some months ago when certain miners
were crying " down tools " and, in almost so many words,
" to hell " with the Navy and its coal, a Staff Officer at
(1. H. 0. told me that a certain regiment raised in the
very district affected had begged to be allowed to be sent
home for a few days to deal with the malignants. " Yes,
and if 1 had my way," added my friend, " I'd let them
go and I'd make John " (he mentioned a certain
Labour M.P., who has played the game magnificently at
home) " a colonel and put him at the head of them."
F'ortunately nothing so drastic is now necessary ; tlte
men at home in the workshops and the mines are beginning
to reflect something of the devotion of the men at the
front. All this, however, has taken us a prodigious time
to learn and we have paid an enormous j)rice ff)r it.
The people at home have still much to learn ; they have
yet to learn that the nation's extremity is not the spend-
thrift's and the striker's opportunity. I have been in
I'rance some seven or eight months and my official duties
took me everywhere north of a line drawn from Rouen
to Rheims. During the whole of that time 1 never once
saw a drunken person, whether man or woman, soldier
or civilian. I saw much thrift, no frivolity, and little
pleasure, an immense, almost religious, concentration of
purpose, and everyone living on the very margin of
subsistence. When I returned to England 1 saw — I
need not say what I saw ; everyone has seen it. What
is going to save us ? There is only one thing that can
and will save the British nation and teach it a new way
of life — it is the British Army.
of Russia
Namier
bowed to it, and it has talked to the trees in the forests,
and it goes on towards an endless, unknown future ; just
like the Russian people. Men have listened to its songs,
to the songs which it sings to lonely men in the wide, open
fields, and it has listened to the mute sighs of ]>atient,
suffering men, who work silently, waiting for the day
'whose coming none can tell. But what are your thoughts,
what are those artiticial, stillborn creatures which you
call ideas ? " Children of the Spirit ? " What is the
spirit which is not man, which neither suffers nor rejoices
but merely prides itself on an unreal oxistence ? Your
ideas will pasi away unheeded.
You call the liastern man aggressive because he is
not willing to fight you on your own level. Why should
he light against you ? You are the " dumb ones,"*
the strangers, wlio com? an» go. The Russian p?asant
can put up with much that is unpleasant, and Russia has
put up with plenty of (iermms. Why have you so
suddenly grown fierce ? What do you fear, you clever
efficient, victorious people ? You have been insulted,
Russian life itself is an insult to you. You tried to
•.";crmani ;irc railed in Slav lansiiayca by a woril wliicli sinnilics
the dumb m.an " ; ' Slavs " are the " worded ones."
April 13, 1916
L A X IJ ^ \\ A T !•: R
^7
transiorm it and you failed ; you tried to understand it
and you shuddered ; you tried to deny it in a wild,
hysterical cry, and the same silent, patient eyes still look
at vou with amazement. Poor amaaing German folk I
You do not even know how to suffer. Your conceit i:i
too great, your achievements are too magnificent, your
philosophy is too highly developed. You have asked
Russian life for its philosophische, erkenntnisslhcoretische
Errungcnschaflen* and you got no answer ; so you called
the Russians barbarians. Then why do you fear them '<
And by God, you do fear them.
There was a German poet who wrote many fine,
delicate lyrics, that skim the lesthetic surface of the life of
the educated rich. He has also written several novels
^vhich describe the unreal \acc cf the meaningless German
yachllebzn (is it not funny, your petty vice of the
body and your great spiritual discovery that it is not
vice ?). The writer's name was Otto Julius Bierbaum.
He was very dciUscli and in the year 1912 set out to study
iidas Phnovienon iJostojeu'ski. He has come very near
being tragic. He escaped it by a hair-breadth. He saw
a strange god, and did not strive with him. He shut his
eyes and did not dare to keep them shut : and he finished
by playing hide-and-seek like a little child, he, the great
spokesman of a Kultur-Sation. He did not dare to keep
his eyes shut, for he suffered from an europdisches
Kuliurgewissen (a European conscience for culture)
and he did not dare to keep them open, for he felt that he
was shaken in his conceit as he gazed at the calm, open
features of the man who had the courage to see, because
he had neither the desire to judg^% nor the impulse to
change the things which he saw.
The German writer feels that " a kind of perversion
of his natural feelings overcomes him," his pride on which
he prides himself is in danger of vanishing before the
suffering, the understanding and the crushing humility
of that simple, human giant Dostojewski. Bierbaum
wishes for a N'ietzschean " transvaluation of all values."
but values must remain ; there must be definite values,
other .vise, how could there be pride of achievement ?
Dostojewski is truly great, says Bierbaum, " though
at bottom I don't Uke him ; he oppresses me more often
than he uplifts me. I know it now, he is not a peak, he
is a mountain-system. All our modem peaks, excepting
only one. reach scarcely to half the height of his middle-
chain. The one wfio excels his height is Nietzsche ;
but beside the enormous massif of live-rock that peak
looks to a terrifying degree hke a work of art, like some-
thing made, beside things elemental." Nietzsche's
ideal expressed itself at its best in one giant statue, in
his superman Zarathustra. Dostojewski has created
crowds of men ; none of them takes thought to add to
his own stature, they bow to the ground in the sad,
humble consciousness of their human Uvcs. And yet,
when looking from a distance at his living crowd, one
perceives " a colossal figure resembling the images of
those Indian gods with hundreds of heads, with thousands
of arms, uniting in their bodies all the generations : the
giant people of Russia."
Moments come when the German feels that he can no
longer stand up as judge, as a wise and cultured judge
against the poor, groat man Dostojewski. He follows
him as in the old legend the children followed the mystic
piper. He look-s to him as to a saint, he would adore him,
and pray to him for miracles. " His works are . . -
self-crucifixion ; all literary confessions vanish before the
stations of his Cross, there is no word which could express
the adoration . . . when one sees that suffering man
rise up again and again on his path toward Calvary ;
he loves the pain, and with the pain he loves humanity.
. . . But without any pathf>s, without any pose.
One might think of the images of the Byzantine Christ.
But only for a moment. For the magnificence of Byzan-
tium is lacking. Dostojewski is the very opposite of a
schoueSeele (a beautiful soul). He was too great for that."
Dostojewski understood the heart of man and knew
the name of God. He loved that which the world des-
pises and crushes in contempt, says Bierbaum, but
" which internally is glorious and sublime." And hi-:
love for it was not that of mercy, not even that of com-
passion ; he wanted to change nothing, for he knew the
secret glory which li% Ci in debasement and suffering, and
rejoiced in it. Before Dmitri Fyodorovitch, the brazen,
' lents io the philosophical theory of knowlerlg'
animal, and yet so passionately human Karamazoff,
Father Zosima fell to the ground in silent, feeling rever-
ence ; and he sent his disciple .\lyosha into the world to
live man's life, to learn the mystery of good and evil,
and the meaning of things which lie beyond the borders
of both. It is beyond those borders that reveals itself
the true sense of existence, for redemption cannot be of
this world, material achievements are froth, and freedom
and power are to be found only in feeling and under-
standing.
Is that then his Gospel ? "If so, w(; have arrived at
a jxjint w here the instinct of the man of Western Culture
refuses to follow any further the sorcerer Dostojewski."
He refu.scs to work miracles ? He is not " a saint of
action " ? He will not use his power to any material
purpose ? He cannot therefore crush us. Our simple
and sane German mind and German wisdom are
stronger than he I The charm is broken ; a broad,
greasy grin spreads over the fat, angular face of
the German writer. " \a, ja, Verehrleslcr, at the best
we may use you as an interesting exhibit ! " It was only
w hen dazed by fear that the eyes of the (ierman had seen
the glories of things which lie beyond the reach of calcula-
tion. The mystic piper has left the land of dreams, the
golden stars of his magic robes have died away, his power
has vanished. The German brings him back as captive
into the land of values ; he is now hardly anything but
an interesting fool — the div:iple has changed into his
impressario. He will explain das Phdnomenon Dosto-
jewski and charge an entrance-fee. The German nation is
safe. It has no reason to fear ; it will make profits from
trading in Russian " spiritual values " as for centuries it
has by trading with the bodies, prop>erty and freedom of
the Russian nation. Heroes, when it is safe, otherwise
hucksters.
" Sincerely prepared to admire those virtuosi of
humility as extraordinary men." says Bierbaum, " and to
ascribe to them jxjwers akin to those of saints, we refuse
to accept them as examples and models for humanity
at large .... And we enjoy the confident hope
that,jf the Russian spirit is really affected by this
inclination towards passi\nty, which we con.sider sublime,
but yet diseased, then there is no danger of our being
overwhelmed by it. Processions of flagellants do not
conquer the world . . ."
" That which has made Dostojewski so great, is
perhaps just the thing which will prevent the Russian
nation from becoming great as against ourselves. But
even assuming that this spirit answers the Russian heart,
and is therefore beneficial for it, it can hardly further our
own development. For it seems that we are not made to
enter into it in the way shown to us by that, after all for us
very strange, phenomenon Dostojewski. To follow his
spirit would mean to deny Goethe and to consider
Nietzsche a disease . . ."
The Germans will never do that , but Goethe did not
care for Germany, and Nietzsche prided himself on his
foreign Slav extraction.
Sortes Sbahespcauiana:
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
The Clyde Strikers :
Keep peace, upon ) our lives ;
He dies that strikes again.
tjmt \jtn \\: ii . 52-3.
The German Chancellor's Last -S^xiech :
He speaks plain cannon fire — and svwke
and bounce.
K n< Joha II.. •.. ¥£.
April r : The Doom of the Zeppelin:
/ see thy glory like a shooting star
Fall to the bise earth from the firTiiaiiient.
Ridnrdir.. II., i.. l»-».
i8
LAND cS: WA T E R
April ij, lyiO
Germans on the Stock Exchange
Till- (icrnKuis have invaded almost every branch of
British finance, industry, and commerce. Their head-
ijuartcrs over here ivas naturally the City of London. In
this article, written by a gentleman familiar with the City
for over five and twenty years, how Germans gained their
present strong position is explained, and the difficulties
that will occur in disentangling their influence pointed out.
WHEN the Germans first invaded the City they
were either welcomed or ignored — chiefly per-
haps the Jattcr. But those who can take back
their minds, say, twenty years, and think of
what has happened since have plenty of food for rellection.
Wc have seen London branches of German banks
established, which offered greater financial facilities for
trading— be the traders stockbrokers or merchants —
than our own banks did. We have seen bill-brokers and
discount houses not only springing up but increasing.
We have seen the London Stock Exchange overrun by
(Germans who became members and were surrounded and
supported by a staff of clerks, half-commission men and
" runners," all eager to seize any business going and all
after it at the same time. English lirms of stockbrokers
soon found that their German competitors made consider-
able headway and they did not like it. So many firms took
Germans into partnership in order to secure their con-
nections and to minimise competition.
How these many Anglo-German combinations worked
together is only known to those directly interested. In
some cases dissolutions of partnership took place, whilst
in others the German partner became senior partner in an
old English lirm and paid out his British partners.
The Kaffir Boom
The Kaffir " boom " of twenty years ago was respon-
sible for introducing to the City a host of German un-
desirables. During this period of exceptional activity
the Stock Exchange was subjected to a veritable German
raid. Most of the Kaffir magnates of those days are now
dead. Many of them were German and they naturally
bestowed their favours in the way of orders to German
firms and German " runners." It was during this boom
that most of the German firms of stockbrokers established
and developed themselves. They worked on the " large
turnover and small profit " system — for in those days
there was no regulation scale of brokerage — and by the
" cutting " process they managed to estabhsh a large
clientele amongst British investors and speculators who
Mere seduced by a smaller commission than they were
accustomed to pay to their usual broker. But thougli
the commission was less it did not follow that the goods
were bought in the cheapest market, and many true tales
could be told in this connection.
To give an illustration : When a market m any par-
ticular share is active, the price of such share usually
\aries considerably during Stock Exchange hours, i.e.,
the opening price might be 4i and the closing price 5] —
a rise of 13s. on the day. The chent on scanning the
prices in his evening paper would congratulate himself
on the fact that as his order was sent by post over night
he would obtain his shares at the opening price. But
when he received the contract from his German brokers
hi-i hopes were seldom realised, and he found that although
he did not pay the top price of the day, he nevertheless
l)aid much more than the opening quotation. If he
complained there was always a plausible reply that the
broker had every reason to believe that the early rise
would not be sustained, therefore lie thoughtfully waited
for the shares to re-act — which they did not do. The
client could, of course, challenge the price if he so wished,
but how o ten has this been done, and what percentage
of disappointed speculators would take the trouble ?
It is no stretch of imagination to say that there was a
great deal of dishonesty in this direction during the
Kaffir " boom," and the so-called clever people who per-
petrated this fraud were in some instances so elated with
their success that they were foolish enough to talk about
it. Whether the custom continued after the Kaffir
" boom " is not known, but to the credit of the British
members of the London Stock Exchange be it said,
the many tricks indulged in by their foreign rivals never
appealed to them. Tiie writer well remembers dis-
cussing this ipiestion with a somewhat cynical critic
who knew he had been victimised ; but he merely smiled,
shrugged his shoulders and remarked : " The Germ ins
are so clever — we cannot beat them."
How German Banks Help
With the assistance of German banks in the City, the
German broker could always offer better " carrying
over " facilities than the ordinary British broker who
had not unlimited capital at his back, and whose own
bank would only lend on " approved " securities. Such
special facilities not unnaturally attracted business to
the German broker from various quarters. Knowing
this, he was shrewd enough to encourage his assistants to
secure business. They were supplied with an enter-
taining allowance, and those with pleasant manners
worked their way into all sections of society, keeping
their eye on business all the time.
At one time it looked as though Germany would
rule the City of London, which was doubtless i)art of the
German programme, and progress was only stopped when
hostilities broke out. For some reason or other we
never seemed able or inclined to put a brake on the
German wheel. On the contrary we have encouraged
German enterprise and loudly proclaimed the marvellous
ability, industry, patience and perseverance of the
(iermans amongst us, both privately and in public,
little thinking what a rod we were making for our own
beuks. Now we see the folly of our ways. The time
has surely come to devise a plan of campaign for the
future, but there will be much work to be done in the
City before we can expect to succeed. Although the
Germans may leave many businesses behind them, these
cannot be taken up just where they are left. Much as we
despise, and have every reason to despise, our foes for
their methods of warfare, in fairness we must admit
that they have taught us much in finance, commerce,
engineering, chemistry, etc. The secret of the whole
position is that they have developed their resources to
the full whilst we, with the same resources, energy and
brain power, have taken things far too easily. From
Kaiser to hawker the German is a born " pusher " —
not a " pusher " such as the familiar American "hustler,"
but a slow, calculating, methodical deep-thinking
individual who has a goal in view and whose ambition
is to reach that goal, no matter by what means.
To be Rid of the Hun
So far as the Stock Exchange is concerned it would seem
that the best way to be rid of the German influence would
be, not by attacking individual members of German
origin, but by going further and attacking with every
possible weapon at our command the German issuing
houses who use the London Stock Exchange as a dump-
ing ground for their wares. If this could be done, and
there seems no reason why it should not, the result would
be not only a gradual weeding out of the objectionable
element on the Stock Exchange, but it might save British
investors millions of pounds. The German financial
houses in the city are mostly off-shoots or subsidiaries of
leading financial institutions in the United State;, Berlin,
Frankfort, Vienna, etc., and the bonds sold to the British
jjublic are created abroad by alien financiers. We
should boycott every security, no matter liowever tempt-
ing it might look, that emanates from a German financial
house, whether its headquarters are in New York or
on the Continent. The process should not be difficult.
It is only a question of making up our minds. The
placing power of such houses is at the present time
happily crippled, and if British investors determined
not to touch anything of these issues in the future, it is
safe I0 say that France, Russia and Italy would follow
their example and Canada and Australia would certainly
do the same. Therefore, the only markets left would be
the United States, Austria, Germany and Turkey. This
boycott would automatically weed out those members
of the London Stock Exchange, Germans almost to a
man, who speciahse in such securities.
April 13, igi6
LAND & WATER
CHAT A
<^ l^mance of the South Seas
"By H. T>E FERE STAC POOLE
19
Synopsis : Macquart, an adventurer who has spent
most of his life at sea, finds himself in Sydney on his beam
ends. He has a wofiderful story of gold hidden up a river in
New Guinea, and makes the acquaintance of Tillman, a sporting
man about town, fond of ya Ming and racing, and of Houghton,
a well-educated Englishman out of a job. Through Tillman's
influence he is introduced to a wealthy woolbroker. Screed, wlio,
having heard Macquart's story, agrees to finance the enterprise.
Screed purchases a yawl, the " Barracuda.'' Just before they
lezve Macquart encounters an old shipmate. Captain Hull,
who is fully, acquainted with his villainies. Hull gets in touch
with Screed, who engages him and brings him aboard the yacht
just as they are about to sail. They arrive at New Guinea and
anchor in a lagoon. They go by boat up a river where they
make the acquaintance of a drunken Dutchman, Wiart, ivho
is in charge of a rubber and camphor station. Here they
meet a beautiful Dyak girl, Chaya. According to Macquart's
story a man named Lant, who had seized this treausure, sunk his
ship and murdered his crew with the exception of one man,
" Smith.". Lant then settled here, buried the treasure, and married
a Dyak woman, chief of her tribe. Lant was murdered by
" Smith," whom Captain Hull and the rest make little doubt
was no other than Macquart. Chaya, with ivhom Houghton
has fallen in love, is Lant's half-caste daughter. Macquart
guides them to a spot on the river-bank where he declares the
cache to be. They dig through that night and the following but
find nothing : they begin to think he is deceiving them. Then
he starts the surmise that the Dyaks have moved the treasure
to a sacred grove in the jungle. Wiart is his authority. He
persuades his shipmates to go with him in search of it. Th-
Tourney leads them through what is called the Great Thorn Bush.
CHAPTER XXII
Macquart's Third Trick
IT is the chief wonder of this part of the forests of New
Guinea. Square miles upon square miles of Wait-a-
Bit thorn, six feet in height, cut into a thousand
intersecting roads and presenting a maze all the more
intricate from the fact that the roads are sparsely occupied
by trees.
Where the thorn is there grows nothing but thorn,
forming a terrible wall, impenetrable as a barbed wire en-
tanglement.
" There's a bad bit of stuff in front of us," said Wiart,
" but we can get through before sundown ; the way through
winds a bit, but I know the road, and if I should rniss it the
compass will put us right."
" Heave ahead," said Hull.
Wiart, Macquart, and Jacky led the way, the others
followed. Hull had closed up with his two companions and
as they went along, Houghton proceeded to take him to task
for his indiscretions.
" It was no good of you opening that question with
Wiart," said he.
" What question ? " asked Hull.
" Good Lord ! About the payment we'd give him. Two
hundred pounds — what's two hundred pounds to the amount
we're expecting to find ? "
" And how's ha to know what we're expectin'," asked
the other. " My idea was, if we nosed the stuff, to get rid
of Don Whiskerandos before we carted it off, pay him a lump
sum and get him drunk. He don't know what we're ex-
pectin'."
" How do you know he doesn't ? "
" Who'd tell him ? "
" How do you know Macquart hasn't told him ? "
" He's not such a durned fool as that," said the Captain.
" Where'd be the sense of lettin' another chap into the
know ? "
" Well, it's this way. Tillman and 1 have been sus-
pecting that Macquart is up to some trick to do us three
out and he's pulled Wiart in. Of course it's only suspicion,
but if there is any understanding between them and if Wiart
does know wliat we expect to find, the offer of two hundred
will only strengthen his determination to help Macquart.
He'll say to himself that with such a measly offer it's worth
risking everything to go against us. I think we'd better let
Wiart into the whole thing and make him a partner and
see if we can get him to peach on Macquart, if jVIacquart has
been doing any plotting. I could take him aside when we
camp to-night and sound him if you fellows agree."
" Let him in 1 " said HuO. " You'd better let the whole
of New Guinea in whiles you're about it, and put up placards
when we get back to Sydney statin' the job we've been after
and the amount."
" I think Houghton is right," said Tillman. " It's
better to lose a bit than lose all. Macquart is a rat and he
hates you, Hull, and would be only too glad to serve you
some dirty trick."
" Listen," said Houghton.
They were pursuing their way along a thorn alley in
sight of Macquart and the others who were leading the way
and now, seeming to come from far away behind them, they
heard a voice as though someone were haiUng them.
A girl's voice evidently. Then it ceased.
They looked back, but they could see nothing beyond
the distance of twenty yards or so. Though the trees were
so sparsely placed that walking between them was easy, in
the aggregate they made an obstruction to the eye, to say
nothing of the fact that the path was irregular in its course.
" Come on," said Hull, " or we'll lose sight of them chaps
in front. It's a bird, maybe, anyhow it's no consarn of ours."
They resumed the way and their argument, till at last
Hull gave in.
" Well, if you chaps are set on it," said he, " I'm not
goin' to stand against you, and Mac will have to pay the
blighter out of his share. He's fooled the bizness up to this
an' he'U have to pay for his foohn'."
They had reached a part of the great thorn bush now,
that was simply a maze of alleys. This great maze extends
over many square miles, how many no man can say, for no
man has ever mapped it or measured it. The whole of this
district is hated by the natives and feared as the abode of
evil spirits; small wonder, for nothing can be more sinister
than this intricacy of paths hedged by the mournful thorn.
Macquart and Wiart and Jacky, going steadily ahead,
disappeared round an angle of the way, and when the others
reached the angle they found bending paths leading from it in
every direction, but of Macquart and Wiart and Jacky not a
sign.
It was as though the earth had swallowed them.
" Hullo," cried Hull. " What's gone with them '
blighters ? "
" They've given us the slip," said Tillman. His face had
suddenly turned pale and his Ups so dry that he had to moisten
them.
Houghton, putting his hands to his mouth, shouted out.
Not a sound came in reply.
. " Quick," said Hull. " Drop everything and after
them."
He cast his bundle down, as did the others, and started
off down the broadest of the paths before them ; it split
into three ways, and dividing they each took a path, calling
all the time to keep in touch.
They found nothing, and after a while, fearing to lose
company, each began to return along the way he had come by,
only to be confronted with the fact that he did not know the
way ; all sorts of feeding ways and side-cuts, passed without
thinking, fonned now a problem move dark than the problem
set by the Sphinx.
Keeping in touch by calling, they managed at last to
reunite, but they were now utterly mazed, without the least
idea in which way to go — and the precious bundles were lost.
Dusk would soon be falling, suddenly, like a shut lid,
and they were without food.
" Oh, cuss that swine! " cried Hull. " I oughter a' put
a bullet through his carciss. This is the third fool trick he's
played me. It's my fault ; I oughter a' known."
" That beast Jacky must have played up to him," said
Tillrrtan.
Houghton said nothing for a moment. Then he spoke :
" There's no use in abusing them, or thinking of them till
we're able to catch them. What we've got to do is to get out
of this infernal place ; we've got a compass, and if we strike
consistently in one direction, we will be all right. That
20
LAND & WATER
April 13, 1916
river runs north and south ; well, we must strike west, or at
least take the most westerly paths we can find."
" Well, I'm blest if I didn't forget the compass," said
Hull.
He opened the box containing it, got it level and found
the west.
The path directly opposite to where he was standing
led due west, and with a load removed from their minds, they
started down it. It was only now, with safety in sight, that
they began fully to realise the horrible situation from which
they were escaping. The thorn tangle had a personality all
its own, wicked and malevolent, its intricacy seemed the
intricacy of an evil mind set on their destruction.
The path they were on led them in a straight hne for
some few hundred yards, and then bent to the right leading
due north.
" Fitchered, b'gosh ! " said tlie Captain. " We're done ! "
" Come on," said Tillman. " There's no use stopping,
and the light won't last long."
They hurried ahead to a point where the path broke up
into three ways, one leading due west.
They struck down the westerly path, and it led them
bravely till a curve came in it and they found themselves
facing due south.
Tillman felt the sweat standing out on the palms of his hands.
The most terrible result of a maze Uke this is its de-
n^-^ralising effect.
Hull, with a movement of exasperation, flung away the
compass ; it fell into the thorn wall on the right of them and
stuck there.
Then he folded his arms.
Tillman and Houghton glanced at one another ; then
Tillman recovered the compass and put it in his pocket.
" I ain't used to it," said Hull, as though he were address-
ing some fourth and viewless party. " I ain't used to it.
It ain't fair on a man, a lee shore ain't in it — cuss the carciss
of that onholy blighter ; and to think I had him in reach
of the grip of my fist — an' let him go ! "
Tillman took him by the arm.
" €ome on." he said. " There's no use in talking. Our
only chance is to keep moving. We'll get out somehow, and
then we'll deal with Macquart."
This latter idea seemed to restore the Captain to his
senses, and they started off.
But now, with the suddenness of the tropics, night was
on them.
It seemed to rise up from the earth like a mist, and then
the stars were shining abo\e.
They kept blindly on ; there was sufficient light to let
them see their way, but a terrible tiredness was coming on
them. Since morning they had been travelling, with only a
break for the midday meal, and the excitement which had
made them fight their tiredness was now having its own effect.
Tillman stopped where a tree had fallen lengthways in
their path.
" We'd better stop and rest," said he. "Here's stuff for
a fire, it'll be company ; lend us a hand to break some of the
branches."
The tree had been dead long enough to make the branches
brittle without rotting them, and in a few minutes they had
collected enough sticks. Houghton produced a box of matches
from his pocket ; the flame of the first match caught, and in a
moment the fire was crackling and blazing.
Then they sat down round it.
It is not till you are in the wilderness that you know
the value of a fire.
A fire holds much more than brilliancy and warmth ;
to men and to dogs it recalls in the subconscious mind the
camp cooking and evening rests from the million years when
we were nomads. The dead Past lives in a fire, just as it
Kves in music. It was not round a tent pole, but round a fire
that the first home was built.
The effect of the fire was greatest on Hull, who, producing
his pipe, filled it and lit it. Houghton by the firelight had
perceiveid a prickly pear growing amongst the thorn, and he
was engaged in cutting some of the fruit ofi with hb knife,
taking care to avoid the prickles.
" See here," said he, " we won't starve nor die of thirst ;
there's lots of this stuff about, I saw several bushes as we came
along. It's the only thing that seems to grow here beside
this beastly bramble stuff ; have some ? "
Tillman took one, and having got rid of the prickles
ate it and found it very good, but Hull refused food just at
present ; he was content with tobacco and he was busy in his
mind with Macquart. His extraordinary intellect seemed
to have eliminated Tillman and Houghton from its purview ;
it was as though all this Inisiness concerned him alone, ard
he seemed to be reviling Fate as well as Macquart, though he
never named the lady.
" It's cruel hard," said he, " cruel hard. No, I don't
want none of that prickly stuff ; if I can't get man's food
I'll leave it be ; I'm not goin' to fill my inside with sich gar-
bige — it's cruel hard to be laid be the heels like this with a
d — d bramble hedge givin' one the turn at every p'int. It's
playin' it pretty low down on a sailorman to set reefs before
him like that a" shore. And to think I had a good gun in me
hand and didn't put a bullet through the skin of that blighted
scarecrow when I had the chanst. It's the same trick he
served me outside the 'baccy shop in Sydney. In I went to
get a seegar, and out I come to find him gone. Saw him
through the winder as I was lightin' the seegar, and before
I'd blown the match out he'd gone. I ought to a' known the
chap wasn't a man ; he's a conjurin' trick on legs worked by
the devil, that's what he is, and I ought to a' spoiled him
when I had the chanst. It was the same fower years ago ;
left me doped in a pub, he did, and slid off with me money."
" Did he take much ? " asked Houghton, more for the
sake of saying something than from any interest in the question.
" It's not s'much what he took," said the Captain,
evasively, " as the way he took it ; left me on a mud bank
stranded, he did. Never clapped eyes on him again till I
sighted him at Sydney."
He had let his pipe go out, and he was relighting it now
when, of a sudden, he dropped the match and started to his
feet.
Someone was hailing them.
The very same voice that Houghton and Tillman had
heard that afternoon came again clearer this time and closer.
•' Hi— hi— hi 1 "
Hull made answer.
" Hullo ! " he roared. " Where are you ? — who are vou ?
Hullo ! "
Again came the hail, closer now, and away down the path
shown by the stai light amidst the trees, they beheld a
figure, white, like a ghost.
CHAPTER XXIII
Chaya
ALL through that day Macquart and the party he was
leading to their destruction had been followed by
Saji, intent on Macquart and his doings, and with
Saji had been Chaya.
It was nothing to them to pursue without being seen,
and it was indicative of the mentality of Saji that on a business
like this Chaya. his main desire in Ufe, although she was at his
side, was obliterated for him by the immediate objective.
As I have said his mind wore blinkers, when he was
hunting he was a huntsman pure and simple and he had no
view of anything else but the quarry. Chaya might have been
a dog for all the attention he paid her on this business.
At noon, when the expedition paused for the mid-day
meal, Saji and Chaya kept watch through the trees, and when
the expedition started again they followed.
Saji had quite a clear understanding of the fact that
Macquart was in partnership with the Rubber Man for th=
purpose of destroying his companions. Had you sifted
Saji's evidence before a court of justice, or rather had you
sifted the evidence that satisfied Saji about the murderous
intentions of Macquart, you would not have obtained a con-
viction. All the same from what he had observed, from what
he had heard, Saji, with his unerring dog instinct, was con-
vinced of Macquart 's intentions.
But he did not know how Macquart was going to carry
them out. He thought at first that Macquart, relying on
Wiart's knowledge of the forest, was going to lead his com-
panions into one of the pit-traps dug by natives for wild
animals, but when they arrived at the great thorn maze
everything became clear to him. Wiart had explored this
place and been through it twice with perfect s'^curitv owing
to the fact that he had blazed his way. Wiart, when the
drink was not on him, was an enthusiastic forester and his
knowledge of the rubber plant and its habitats was equalled
by few. He was also a naturalist. The thorn maze had
interested him as it could not fail to do and Saji, now faced
with it, perceived at once the gist and meaning of this ex-
pedition. But he would not enter it. He had no need to for
one thing. Instinct told him to get back to the river at once,
to hide near Wiart's house and to await the return of Wiart
and Macquart. They would come back alone —of that he was
certain. The 1 he could continue his tracking of them, for it
was no part of his scheme, laid down by the mother of Chaya,
to deal with Macquart till that person arrived at the end of
his tether and disclosed the place where John Lant's treasure
was really hidden.
" I go back," said Saji, when the party had disappeared
into the thorn bush. " The Rubber Man and the other are
leading them there to lose them, then they will come back ;
I go to meet them quicker than you can follow."
" Go," said Chaya, " I can return alone."
Next moment he was gone.
Chaya knew all about the thorn maze, though she had
April 13, 1916
LAND & WATER
21
Chaya a Romance 0/ the South Seal.]
llUtulrated by Joeeph Simpeom, R.B.A.
" Saji and Chava watched through the trees
never entered it ; she knew that it was a haunt of evil spirits,
and the Dyak blood in her veins and vague old traditions in
her mind made the place repellent to her. But Houghton
had gone in there to his death, and without hesitation she
followed, just as the iron filing follows the magnet.
Chaya knew nothing about love, she had never even
considered the name of the thing. When Saji had shown his
feelings towards her she had repelled his advances as she
would have repelled the fawning of a dog ; he had never
'ressed them.
Once, and once only, he had stroked her arm and she had
flung his liand away angry at his action, but not knowing in
ihe least the real cause of her anger. With Houghton it was
different. Since first seeing him he had never been out of lier
mmd. He was something quite new. A man like Wiart or
the rubber traders, who had sometimes come to the village
but, somehow, absolutely different. Wiart had also made
advances to her. Wiart in fact had once tried to kiss her and she
had repelled him just as she had repelled Saji and just as uncon-
sciously and without knowledge of the evil she was repelhng
But Houghton seemed to her a different being from
these, not only on account of his good looks, which pleased her
but on account of his personahty and his power to call her to'
him and hold her thoughts.
The thought that he was in danger raised i .: her a leehng
of dread as though the danger threatened herself —as to what
became of Tillman or Hull, she did not care in the least
When she entered the thorn tangle the others had trot
22
L A N D & W A T E R
April 13, igib
far ahead. The path sjie was on showed no traces of them
and before she had gone very far slie was confronted with
the choice between two paths so ahke that they seemed
twins.
She chose the WTong one. pursued it for a while, paused to
hsten and fancied she heard voices. The thorn bush is full of
illusion to the person wha is alone and listening.
Then she called out several times but receivecl no answer.
It was her voice that Tillman and Houghton and Hull heard.
Had they replied to it things might have been different, but
they went on to their fate and Chaj'a, receiving no answer,
went on to hers.
She followed the path till it divided into three ways, took
one of them haphazard, and pursued its winding course
till she was lost as surely as the person whom she was trying
to find.
And still she kept on, not trying to escape, but endeavour-
ing to find.
She had no thought at all of her own danger, she chd not
consider in the least the fact that if she found Houghton they
•would be both in the same position — lost.
She just sought for him, tilled onh' by the tremendous
passion that only now was beginning to declare itself in her
breast.
Something great as the sea, as reasonless, as powerful.
She would find him in this terrible place if she kept on.
If she did not find him she might die — it would be the same
thing.
She kept on.
Then all at once she found a meeting of the ways and
on the ground three bundles. They w&rc the bundles that
Hull and his companions had been carrying. She had watched
them packed that morning, she had watched them unstrapped
at the midday meal, and there they were, lying on the ground.
What did it mean ?
She sat down beside them. What could it mean ? Had
Macquart and the Rubber Man slain the others then ? There
■was no sign of a struggle, no blood. The bundles were just
lying there where they had been cast without a sign to tell of
the reason why they had been abandoned ,
She listened intently and now, sitting there alone, she
heard in the utter stillness the voice of the thorn maze, the
murmur and drone of a million insects inhabiting this green
and treacherous sphinx.
For five minutes she sat without moving, waiting, watch-
ing, listening. Then she rose to her feet, looked in every
direction and then, stooping and picking up the bundles, she
resumed her way, taking without choice the path she was
facing.
The bundles were not too heavy to carry but they were
awkward ; she cast one over her shoulder by its strap, held
one under her right aim and the other in her hand. She did
not feel the weight nor did their awkwardness trouble her, she
had only one thought — the man she w.s looking for.
Then the darkness came.
This was a terrible moment for Chaya, the gloom filled
her mind just as it filled the world, vague terrors rose up
before her. Death, starvation, injury, even the terror that
lies in entanglement could not influence her or make her
turn fron> her object, but the terrors of darkness daunted
her soul. Ghosts of all sorts of superstitions and beliefs
that had once haunted the brains of her ancestors awoke in
her mind and walked there, paralysing her thought. She
wished to hide, but there was no place of refuge. Then, as
though the darkness were a heavy load bearing her down, she
crouched on the ground beneath the stars.
On this, as on nearly all the paths, there were trees
sparsely set, and the branches above moving slightly to the
faint night wind now obliterated the stars and now let them
p>eep through.
How long she had been crouching thus she could not tell,
when something reached her, rousing her from her half-dazed
state as a person is roused from sleep.
It was the smell of burning wood.
One of the results of living in the jungle ;is Chaya had
lived, is the power to translate the messages that sounds,
sights and smells bring one, from the language of the jungle
into the language of human thought or into thought pictures.
The smell of burning instantly produced in Chaya' s mind
the picture of a camp fire.
She sprang erect, and then slowly turned with head half
cast up testing the air in every direction. You could have
noticed that she did not " sniff " the wind, she breathed quite
naturally and then, assured of the fact that a fire was lighted
somewhere about and that the scent of the burning wood was
coming on the light breeze, she picked up her bundles and
came along the path in the direction she had been going before
Terror and the darkness had overcome her.
Arrived at dividing ways she chose the one that led most
nearly in the direction of the ([uarter the wind had come from,
and then at a point where it split she was rewarded.
Away down the left hand path she saw the glow of the
fire.
She instantly hailed it and at once came Hull's answer.
She rephed and came along clutching the bundles tightly,
walking swiftly, scarcely breathing, laughing to herself with
joy-
Why its a gal," said Hull.
" She's got our bundles," said Tillman.
Chaya advanced straight into the firelight, so that the
red glow lit her to the waist ; she did not seem to see
Hull or Tillman, she dropped the bundles one after the other
Und still, without speaking, and with her wide dark eyes fixed
on Houghton, held out both hands to him.
" You ! " said Houghton taking her hands in his. He
could say nothing more for a moment and the others stood
by waiting whilst in the stillness, against the far murmur of
the forest, could be heard the faint crackling and flickering
of the fire.
" I followed" said Chaya, " fearing the man would leave
you to be lost. Then 1 lost myself looking for you."
She explained, pointing to the bundles as Houghton
released her hands, and then they began to understand the
bitter truth that this joyful vision was a prisoner like them-
selves, a butterfly that had managed to get imprisoned with
common flies in this huge vegetable fly trap.
But she had brought the bundles and pushed starvation
away from them, they were saved for the time being, and as
for water, they could never actually die of thirst whilst they
had the succulent fruit of the prickly pear, to say nothing of
pitcher plants which they had noticed yesterday attached to
some of the lianas that hung between the sparsely set tree
boles of the paths.
They sat down, Chaya and Houghton rather apart from
the others, and Hull, putting some more sticks on the fire,
opened his bundle and produced some food. The Captain had
become quite cheerful again. It was indicative of his mind
that he did not seem in the least interested in Chaya or the
problem of how and why she had followed them. The bundle
and its contents filled all his thoughts.
" Well," said he, " I never did think I'd have set my
teeth in a piece of beef again. Thems as likes prickly pears
may eat 'em. I can't get on with garbidge, no how. They
tell me there's chaps that lives on green stuff like rab.bits and
enjoys it, chaps with money enough to buy beefsteaks. I'm
not beyond likin' a good cabbidge in its place, but it has to
be in its place, and that's a long way behind a piece of steak.
Lord love me ! I'd give half my share of that there cache
for a steak and taters and onions now and a cup of corfee."
" Well, you're not Hkely to get it." said Tillman, who
was also engaged on the contents of liis bundle. " If you
even smell a beefsteak again you'll be lucky — you're not eat-
ing, Houghton."
" I'm not hungry," said Houghton.
He was sitting so close to Chaya that their arms touched,
and he had just captured her hand which was Ijdng on the
ground beside him as if waiting to be captured.
He felt the firm palm and then he felt the fingers close
upon his thumb, the most delightful embrace in the whole
world.
He knew that she had followed him all that day and that
she had risked her own safety by entering the maze in an
attempt to save him. He knew that she was lost now just as
he was, and that. Death was literally standing over them.
The thought did not trouble him, or troubled him just as
little' as it troubled her. Love is so tremendous a power that
Death, unless it means separation, has no force of way against
it. It becomes the httle thing that it really is just as that
inflated phantom, the centipede, becomes withered leaves under
a destructive blow.
(To b€ continued.) ■
Nearly all the new gowns are being made with remarkably
severe bodices, there being a' great leaning towards those
planned on very tailor-made lines. Little coat-bodices
fitting closely into the waist, with a breast pocket and military
froggings across the front already have a great following, and
look specially well made in silk faille.
A new idea is the short full dress raised a couple of inches
or so to show an equally full lace petticoat. Many afternoon
gowns of black taffetas are being made in this way, the
petticoat beneath being of a rather fine meshed lace of the
Chantilly persuasion.
Odd skirts for the country are being made in black and
white checks of enormous dimensions. There is nothing of
the modest proportions of a Shepherd's plaid about these
materials, the designs are as large as they well can be, and
it is only the very slim and well-proportioned who can success
fullv wear them.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2815 [^] THURSDAY, APRIL 20, 1916 [^ifA^s'^P^^?/!] lS^:!iinii^i^l
liy Louis Raemai;kcrs.
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Droitn exc\M»\vt\y for "Land and Water.'
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April 20, 1916
L A >J D & W A 1 E K
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, APRIL 20. 1916
CONTENTS
PACE
I
Bunkered. By Louis Raemaekers
The Alarm. By G. Spencer Pryse 2
Folly of a Truce. (Leading Article). 3
The Advance on Trebizond. By Hilaire Belloc 4
War by Submarine. By Arthur Pollen * 10
Air Defence. By F. W. Lanchester 12
The New Dominion. A Poem. By Lord Montagu of
Beaulieu 15
Shakespeare To-day. By Sir Sidney Lee 15
Chaya. By H. de Vere Stacpoole 17
Town and Country 20
The West End 22
Choosing Kit 25
THE FOLLY OF A TRUCE
No sane man can believe that the interpretation
placed by the German papers on Mr. Asquith's
reply to the German Chancellor, corresponds
to anything tliat was in the Prime Minister's
mind wlieU he spoke. Tne enemy has a very obvious
motive for Jumping at anything which could possibly be
twisted into. an indication that this country was weakened
In its determination to prosecute the war unflinchingly
until complete and final victory had been obtained ; for
a truce which will leave their power intact and the
resources at their disposal still formidable and give them
time to prepare for a renewed attack upon this country,
is now the only hope of the Prussian rulers of Germany,
and constitutes the true end of all their present policy,
whether mihtary or political. Tne fact, however, that
some publicists, even in this country, have shown a dis-
position to put upon Mr. Asquith's words a gloss, less
monstrous indeed than that of his German interpreters,
but none the less unjustifiable and very mischievous,
makes it a pressing duty to emphasise once more the
reasons why no peace will be tolerable which leaves the
military power of Prussia in being.
Tne great majority of the people of this country wel-
comed the Prime Minister's Guildhall declarations be-
cause, as tlie Nation expresses it, " it might be taken to
mean that the military aim of beating Germany in the field
nnist be pressed until either the German army had ceased
to exist or the German State had been reconstituted, and
the Prussian hegemony, established in 1870, annulled.''
In point of fact this seems the least that it possibly could
mean ; nor have we any reason to doubt that it is what
:Mr. Asquith mt-ant and what lie means still. At the
same time, it is doubtless true that there exists a minority,
small indeed in numbers, but by no means devoid of
political power, which would not be indisposed to put an
end to the war so soon as it could point to what the Nation
(which may be taken as more or less representing the views
of this section of opinion) calls " a more or less beaten
Germany." And since this minority is beginning, how-
ever unjustly, to claim the Premier as a sympathiser, it is
nece.ssary to explain once more why their policy, howaver
well intentioned, amounts to national suicide.
First, let us remember that a " more or less beaten "
Germany— that is to say an uncrushed, imhumiliated
and undisarmed Germany— will remain a Prussian (Ger-
many. Tlie ccjutrary view strikes us as one of the most
curious miscalculations into which men otherwise in-
telligent have fallen in regard to this war. They think
that if Germany is " beaten " in this very qualified sense
she will voluntarily change her aims and perhaps her rulers.
Such a view is based upon a complete misunderstanding
of the German attitude, and of the relations between the
Germans and their Prussian masters. We may call
Germany " more or less beaten," because her aggression
against the liberties of Europe has failed. But that is not
how the rulers of Germany will represent the matter to
the people of Germany. They will claim that the whole
world combined in arms to crush Germany ; and that,
thanks to Prussia and the Hohenzollerns, the whole world
failed. They will point to the ravaged provinces of their
enemies and to a Germany almost e.xempt from invasion
as a practical justification of their " mihtarism." Finally,
they will say that if their enemies are still armed and able
to renew the attack, that is a reason for even more
extensive military and naval preparations, and for even
more concentration of power in the hands of the military
authorities in Berlin.
It is no good arguing that the picture thus drawn
would, from a historical point of view, be ludicrously
false^that the war was deliberately planned by the
Prussian authorities for two years, that they started with
an enormous advantage over the Allies in men and
materials, and that they counted on immediate and
decisive victory. All the pictures drawn by the rulers
of Germany for home consumption ai^e as false ; but they
are believed, as this one will certainly be. Only if Gcr.
many suffers patent and ruinous mihtary defeat, if her
territory is visibly occupied by foreign armies and the
terms of peace dictated to her involve open and uri-
disguised humiliation, is there the smallest chance of the
German people asking if Prussian rule is worth bearing at
such a cost Any such peace as that indicated above
would certainly both increase the prestige and confinn
the rule of the Prussian mihtary caste.
That is the first point. The second is that tliia
Prussianised Germany, which would still exist after such a
peace, and which would still have at its disposal the
enormous resources of the German and Austrian Empires,
would certainly make the first aim of its future policy
the isolation and final destruction of this country. On
the Continent Prussia is already defeated ; and though
she will not admit it unless we make her, it will be long
before she again ventures on a policy of aggression against
France or Russia. But some compensation might be
found in the establishment at our expense of a great
Colonial Empire and a predominance at sea. To tliis
achievement the new efforts of Prussia will be bent.
Our isolation will be the first objective. This may
actually be made easier by the fact that Prussia's conti-
nental schemes have miscarried, that she may have had
to give up Alsace-Lorraine to France and recognise
Russian predominance in Poland and the Balkans. It
will certainly be made enormously easier if we have had
the chief hand in making the inconclusive peace from
which we shall be the chief sufferers. Under such circum-
stances, we could not reasonably expect our present
Allies to come to our rescue, when our folly and timidity
were about to receive their due punishment. We should
have to fight our battle for existence alone against the
energies and resources of two great Empires devoted
this time to a single end, and that end the dismemberment
of our Colonial possessions and the reduction of our country
to a position of permanent inferiority.
With the question of what terms should after victory
be imposed upon the Germanic powers, we do not here
deal. It is too early to think of such things. What
is not too early to say is that such terms must be imposed
and not negotiated, and that before we even speak of
them " the military power o| Prussia must be utterly
destroyed."
LAND & WATER
April 20, igi6
THE ADVANCE ON TREBIZOND
By Hilaire Belloc
WE know very little of the Russian advance
through Armenia, But wc arc able to sum-
marise at this moment (Tuesday evening,
April i8tli), from the last news received, the
general situation, and it may be siunmarised as follows : —
(i) We are fairly clear that the main Russian forces
are in three groups whatever the liaison may be between
tiiem. The one group is already well to the west of
Bitlis ; the other is in the neighbourhood of Baiburt on
the single high road leading from Erzerum to Trebizond,
the third is — that is, was last Saturday or Sunday —
in the neighbourhood of Trebizond itself.
(2) Where the most ad\anced units of the Russian
progress now stand we do not exactly know, howe\'er,
save in the case of the northernmost, which is in the
immediate neighbourhood of the Black Sea Coast, re-
posing, indeed, with its right wing upon the sea, and about
a day's march eastward of Trebizond.
(3) The Russians are compelled to take Trebizond
before they can advance to their ne.\t step through the
centre of Asia Minor, and before they can exercise a
])ressure from the north compelling the retirement or
imperiUing the Turkish forces in Mesopotamia, ^^'hcn
they hold Trebizond they command ultimately all the
eastern mountain country down to the Mesopotamian
plain.
They are compelled to take Trebizond because that
Port is the main avenue of supply for men and materials
upon which the Turkish forces in this region depend. And
.though it would seem that ingress to the Port (or rather
roadstead) is not unimpeded (there is not a regular
blockade) it is upon Trebizond that the strength of the
Turkish forces in Armenia reposes. Only when Trebizond
has fallen will it be possible for the Russian armies to hold
the full line from north to south, which is marked by the
three points Trebizond, Erzingan, Diabekir. When they
hold that line they will immediately threaten the railway .
which already reaches Raz El Aim and is being continued
to Nisibin, and under that threat the Turkish forces in
Mesopotamia will be isolated or will withdraw to the
north and east.
This line Trebizond, Erzingan, Diabekir, is by no means
the end of the business. It is onlv the end of the first
stage. Against a further advance the Turks can mass
troops based upon Angora, which is ser\'ed by the railway.
But that first stage completes the extreniclv difficult work
in the tangle of mountains which is the whole ground of
Eastern Asia Minor. The second stage permits of an
advance over the great Central Plateau which is far
easier going.
Upon Trebizond, therefore, must our attention be
concentrated in the immediate future so far as this field is
concerned.
Let us fir^t ask ourselves why the main Russian advance
is being made along the rather difficult seacoast, and next
what the chances of defending Trebizond upon that
sector are.
The ad\'ance is being made along the seacoast because
the terrible tangle of mountains of the interior hampers
our Allies in two ways. It Icngtliens the winter in-
ordinately, leaving many of the higher tracks and passes
deep in snow for several w'eeks to come and, of course,
rendering the passage of guns anc^ supply exceedingly
difficult. There is only one road through these moimtains,
which threads its way along th j gorges of the rivers from
Erzerum westward, coining round by a great elbow to
Trebizond. It is on that road that the central Russian
forces have advanced to the neighbourhood of Baiburt.
It can hardly cut across the angle to Trebizond in support
of the force on the seacoast, because, though there is a
track followed by the telegraph line which leaves the main
road somewhat west of Baiburt and cuts off the angle,
that track is not, I believe, jmssable to artillery. The
Russians are doubtless constructing roads as they go,
but that is very slow work in such a coimtry.
Progress along the seacoast has the second advantage
that it can be supported and supplied from the sea, and
that it is proceeding imder good climatic conditions. All
that slope down to the coast varying in height from 6,000
feet to the level of the sea is now, in its lower portion,
under the full influence of the spring.
The Russian force operating along the seacoast is,
on account of what has been said above, almost certainly
the largest of the thiee bodies. It is believed to be
opposed now by about three Turkish divisions, or po^sibly
rather more ; say 60,000 to 70,000 men. It has reached
llniformly
Country
I
r
* ' ' '
\
April 20, 1916
LAND & WATER
the main and perhaps only defensive line covering
'Ircbizond which is that of the Kara Dere, and is about
15 miles from the town itself. The left, eastern, or
further bank of the Kara Dere had been verj' thoroughly
strengthened by the Turks imder (icrman guidance.
BLacL Sea.
TREBlZONa
TarAtsA-
onSahuuai/ or
Suiuiay.April:s^s°-
This river, like all those shorter ones which run from
the escarpment of the high plateau down into the Black
Sea, is in most of its course a torrent running through a
deep and difficult gorge. The country becomes possible
for troops somewhere about the point A on Sketch II
above. Immediately upon the sea this rapid and
dark stream (now swollen with the snow melting upon its
higher sources) passes through a belt of marsh just east of
Cape Erekli, but between the gorge (flanked by summits
about 6,000 feet high) and the marsh, there is a front of
quite ten miles and perhaps more upon which our Allies
can attack. To have turned the line of the Kara Dere
by its right or south was not practicable. The moimtains
were too diflicult. It had to be forced by a frontal
attack.
So far as the very brief message which has reached
London informs us, the Russians have carried a portion
at least of this fortified front. At any rate some elements
of their force seem to be established upon the further
bank. So far as can be gathered from the message re-
ceived this success was scored last Saturday or Sunday.
The remaining distance of the advance to Trebizond has
no obstacle comparable to that of the Kara Dere. There
is immediately to the west of the Kara Dere, coming out
by Cape Falkos, a smaller but similar stream flowing
down from the mountains called the Jambolu, but its
shores are flatter and the western bank does not dominate
the eastern as is the case with the Kara Dere. Then,
after three small streams, one comes upon the last true
defensive position covering Trebizond, which is a double
range of hills at B with a saddle between, and to the south
the same high mountain lands as everywhere marks this
region. But it is very near the town, not continuous,
and overlooked entirely from the south-east. Only
those on the spot can tell whether it can be defended or
no. Beyond this position nothing could save the
town, or at least the use of the roadstead, because it lies
right under observation and fire. from. these hills, while
the considerable stream running immediately east of the
city is too close to it to give a true defensive line.
OPERATIONS BEFORE VERDUN
After the great attack of last Sunday, the 9th (which
was comparable to the first German blow of two months
ago in intensity and not far inferior to it in numbers,
which continued throughout a great part of Monday
and which failed with exceedingly heavy losses), the
enemy remained a whole week reorganising his broken
units, probably bringing up new men and certainly
replenishing his stock of munitions.
It seemed probable that lie was preparing an advance
still further to the west. The time required for moving
big pieces a few miles westward would account for so
very long an interval of inaction. It has always been
evident that the heavily-wooded country between Mont-
faucon and tlie Argonne, lying as it does upon the very
edge of the salient of Verdun, offered him a chance of
concentration which he has not yet used. But at the
moment of writing there is no sign of this development
of the battle westward. On the contrary, it was renewed'
at two in the afternoon of Monday last, the 17th, upon one
of the old fronts in the old fashion and with the old
result. The usual allowance of twenty men to the yard,
the front of about 2,000 yards, the crushing losses, the
retention of the few yards of ad\'anced trench. The pick-
ing up by the enemy of a certain number of wounded, and
less unwounded, prisoners in the small section of advanced
trenches reached, the grotesque exaggeration of their
numbers in an official Berlin communique, and all the
rest of it. The thing has become a sort of type or model,
and the story of one such attack is the story of half a
dozen others : particularly in the reiterated and violent
falsehoods in the enumeration of prisoners which — on
such a scale — is a novel feature dating from last Feb-
ruary.
In this particular case the blow was struck in the
centre of the segment from about the middle of the Cote
du Poivre through the ruins of Louvemont and through
the little Chauffour Wood to a point slightly to the east
of that wood, and the small section of advanced trench
which the enemy entered was a little salient just south of
Chauffour Wood at the point marked A in sketch III here
appended.
The affair is of no significance, but it affords an oppor
tunity for discussing the \yhole French motive and type of
tactics before Verdun in some detail.
The French Tactic at Verdun
I said recently in these columns that the question every-
one was asking,^ll over Europe, about Verdun was, " Why
was the Germaii attack continuing ? " Seeing that the
original attempt to break the French line at the best, or
at the least to put out of action a very much larger
number of Frenchmen than the operation should cost in
Germans had failed, the reason for continuing so expen-
sive an offensive puzzled everyone. It puzzled the
German critics just as much as the neutrals and the Allies,
and the proof that it puzzled them was that they gav«
all manner of different answers.
I said, in connection with this question, that I did not
pretend to answer it, and that I only suggested certain
possible answers, two of which seemed .to me the most
probably true : two that might both be true at one and
the same time.
The first was that the political importance of putting-
troops into the geographical area called " Verdun "
was considerable for the enemy. He had fixed attention
at home upon that point. Civilian attention abroad
was also fixed upon it. The attention of all neutrals
was fixed upon it ; and in varying degrees, the attention
of his enemies was also fixed upon that mere geographical
expression. However meaningless as a military opera-
tion, the thing had become what hundreds of other similar
operations have become in the past, a symbol disturbing
and cutting across the purely military problem.
Secondly, the enemy probably believed — and still
believes — that this constant hammering will at last
produce a break-down upon the French side. He may be
exaggerating the value of his infantry, but he certainly
puts that value very high. He hopes that the enormous
expense in German armed men which the hammering
process costs him will be recouped by the sudden much
larger expense in French armed men which the collapse of
his opponent at the end of the process would involve.
All that ground we have already gone over. But there
LAND & WATER
April 20, i<)i6
is another side to the business wltich has so far been
barely stated in these columns, and which now merits
a more thorough cUscussion. It is the French side of the
atfair.
What are the French doing upon the sector of Verdun ?
They stand week after week. They retire occasionally
In their retirements they necessarily lose a certain
quantity of men and material. They attempt no serious
counter-attack. What is the meaning of this ?
The best informed of the London daily papers took
up this question the other day, and replied to it — I think
a little si-perciliously — by saying that the whole thing
was quite clear. The (iernians were attacking and the
French were defending, and that was the end of it. We
were to watch very anxiously the German attack, which
might succeed. We were to watch with equal an.xiety
the French defence, which might fail. We were to regard
the whole struggle as an undecided balance between these
two forces, the ec^iilibrium between which would at last
fail to the detriment of the one side or the other.
Tnis same conception, put with less clarity and with
varying degrees of knowledge, runs through the most
of our Press. It is apparent in all the current comment
of the French Press, except in the half-dozen daily articles
which appear from the pens of competent students (tlies.-
by the way, often helped in their suggestions by the
French Command). It appears (with similar exceptions)
in all the neutral Press.
Now this view is obvious and undeniable. But it
brings us no nearer to the answer of the main question
which is not merely "Wh^it are the French doing," but
" Why are they doing "it ? "
Objects of the Defensive.
Consider the various objects which a defensive can
have in view.
(I) A large body of men and of material is contained
within a certain area from which it cannot escape. It
consists, let us say, of a quarter of a million men with
their complement of guns and of military stores of all
kinds. Its enemy prevents its leaving that area because
(a) this enemy is more numerous and can therefore every-
where concentrate superior forces against its attempt at
retirement, (b) He is in positions or can at will arrive in
positions, which block that retirement. This is, in fact, a
siege. The enemy's object in attacking in this cas3, if he
attacks at all, is to crush back the ring of the defence
upon a confined space where it has not elbow room to
manoeuvre, so that the besieged force shall fall into con-
fusion and become his prey Or he attacks to break the
ring which, once broken, is no longer a defensive organisa-
tion and equally falls a prey to him. If he has reason to
think that food or munitions will be exhausted in useful
time he does not actively attack, he merely sits down
before the besieged place and lets time do its work.
The object of the defensive is to delay the enemy as
much as possible until succour shall arrive ; to keep the
area within which it can manoeuvre large enough to
prevent confusion, but not too large to be held
adequately upon every side.
If the defensive can hold out until succour arrives and
the siege is raised, it has won and the offensive has lost.
Ladysmith in the Boer War was an example ; Man-
beuge in 1793. The effect of the delay has been to
immobilise numbers of the enemy over a critical period.
If the defensive is either crushed or starved into
surrender it has lost. W^e have had plenty of examples
of that in the present war. Przemysl surrendered from
exhaustion ; Kovno was rushed ; Maubeuge saw its
ring of defences broken. In all these cases the defensive
was standing a siege against superior forces, and failed.
There is nothing of this sort at all about Verdun.
Verdun is not besieged ; no large force is contained
without issue there, within a circle of foes. It is simply
a town standing in a shallow salient, the Unes of which are
lines of trenches, and behind these trenches artillery
helping to hamper and to break the attack as does machine
gun and riHe fire from the trenches themselves.
(II) A large body of men with their material stands in
a salient with a comparatively narrow neck. The enemy
does not surround this body, but he nearly surrounds it.
The issue by which that body can retire is small for the
movements of such numerous forces. The enemy while
" holding " his opponent along all the bulge of the salient,
strikes with particular force against either edge of the
" neck." If he cuts the neck before the retirement has
begun he will put out of action all the troops and the
material within the salient. Even if he narrows the
salient so much that the retirement gets congested, he
will reap a very big harvest of men and guns by crushing
in the bulge during that retirement.
There is nothinj^ of all this in the case of Verdun.
The salient has no neck. It is a mere slight curve and
the main attacks are not even delivered against the
extreme points where that curve begins its projection.
(III) .'\ weaker force holds up a stronger one liy stand-
ing on the defensive upon a particular part of a long line.
Its object in so holding up the attack of the stronger
force is either to deceiv-e the enCmy upon the places where
strength is concentrated in other parts of the field or to
allow time for developments in that other part of the
field or both.
We have had what is now a classical example of this
kind of defensive in the case of the (irand Couronne in
front of Nancy in the first week of Saptember, 1914, which
made possible the victory of the Marne.
There is nothing of that sort ahoitt \'erdun.
The enemy knows perfectly w.^ll what troops we have
and where they are, nor is there any necessity for the
I'Vench to m:'et him, imless they choos?, with less-r
numbers. There is no tactical play to be considered ;
an immansely long line of trenches over 500 miles stands
intact ; one particular portion of it, about 4 p?r cnt.,
is being \igorously assaulted ; upon the rest there is
freedom of concentration at will — within the limits
permitted by the numbers withdrawn for the defence f)f
the small sector attacked. Troops can be sent to aid in
that defence, withdrawn shortly afterwards and sent to
another part of the line, replaced by other troops taken
freshly from elsewhere, and so on in rotation.
(IV) Even where a long line of this sort exists intact
and only a small section of it is vigorously attacked, a
prolonged mere defensive may be necessary, and its success
may be of critical importance, because the lateral com-
munications behind the whole line are bad and because
the moving of m^n up and down the line is therefore
difficult, very slow or impossible. The defence in this
case must depend upon its own resources. If it breaks
down the line will be pierced. Its mere tenacity is of
the greatest moment to the caus3 of the defenders.
There is nothing of this about Verdun.
The lateral communications behind the French line are
the best in Europe. They are superior even to the
corresponding communications behind the (icrman line,
for they are not interrupted by the n^ccssit}' for garrison-
ing occupied districts, or the interruption caused by such
masses as the Vosges and the Ardennes. It is a very
small point. The lateral communications of both oppo-
nents are first rate, but at any rate the French and British
lateral communications are perfectly clear and sufficient
for practically any movement of troops whatsoever at
the shortest notice.
(V) Lastly, there is the attack- upon a particular sector
which may have great political or great economic or great
strategical importance, or all three cfHiibint'd, and which
therefore must be specially defended. Antwerp was
a first-rate example of this kind. For the (Germans to
enter Antwerp in the autumn of 1914 was economically
of great importance to them. It gave them building yard;.,
a great town for the repose of troops, huge titocks of
materials, etc. Strategically it was of great importance
to them, because it cleared their fianks of all menace,
and if they had not blundered in neglecting to cross the
Scheldt it would have given them a mass ot armed men as
well. Even as it was, it gave them the elimination of
very many thousands of their opponents at insignificant
experise to themselves, and a very great (pnntity
military stores and guns.
The defence of Antwerp, had it 3cen pos ;ible (and it
would have been possible if the Allies had cared to violate
the nei.trality of Holland and had at the same time been
prepared with a large force to throw into the place), would
have been of the utmost value.
Politically the entry of German troops into Antwerp
was also of very high value. It decided the occupation
of Belgium. It gave them what was incomparably the
most important centre of civ-ilian life within the area
April 20, 1916
LAND & W A T J:; K
^
of their opeiatiuiis. It profoundly affected opinion at
liome and abroad.
How does \'crdun stand in this fifth category ? What
economic, pohtical, strategic importance has it ?
Economically it is worthless.
Politically it is what we ha\e seen it to be : A place
with an old reputation of being a fortress and a place upon
which the eyes of the world have become fixed. It is a
place the occupation of which would have an immense
effect upon German opinion and a very great one upon
neutral opinion. I will not deny that its occupation
would have its effect upon instructed belligerent opinion
as well. It is regrettable that this should be the case,
but it is true. You cannot have the enemy tr5'ing to do
a thing for weeks, even if the military value of that thing
be doubtful, without his success impressing all opinion,
even that of those whose business and capacity it is to
isolate the purely military problem from all others. The
phrase, " The Defence of Verdun " has become current
witli the Allies. It is even occasionally implied in French
orders of the day.
What of tlie strategical value ? ,
The slight salient of Verdun comes at an importai^t
point in the general line. It threatens directly one of the
main (ierman communications, that through Metz, and it
threatens almoL,t equally that through Lu.xemburg.
It lies upon the Hank of that great German salient, the
ape.x of which stands near Noyon. A French advance from
this point in the future would jeopardise the German line
if it could be made before that line were retired. The lines
before \'erdun, the " corner " which the trenches here
turn, is an offence to the enemy's plan. If it were wholly
eliminated, if the French line had for the future to be
drawn from the Argonne right down to opposite St.
Mihiel, the Germans would be in a better posture. The
mere occupation of the town of Verdun would effect no-
thing like so much as that, but it would lose to the French
something of the advantage hitherto given them by a
bridgehead beyond the central Meuse. It would give
the Germans the whole line of that river. To that extent
there is a purely military object in the defence of the
mere town. But it is not a capital object, it does not
seriously affect the campaign. An advance (when the
enemy is sufiiciently weakened) that should start from a
few miles to the west or even to the south, would not be
rendered impossible by the loss of the point of Verdun.
Indeed, the great offensive of last September was at-
tempt/i fifty miles away to the west. Still, the point has
that amount of military importance, and it must be
admitted.
There is then reason here for the German offensive,
and there is in some degree leason for the French defen-
sive too ; I mean for its character and for its continued
presence in jront of the little town.
But the whole thing still remains a question of price.
And the enemy has already paid a far higher price than
the slight strategic advantage is worth. It is equally
true that the French, by their strictly defensive tactics, are
doing nuich more than merely defending tlie area of
Verdun. I j they thought the msrc holding of Verdun a great
essential, they could with their superSoiity of numbers
design a very different fight.
It is not conceivable" that the mere tenure of lines a
few thousand yard;; in front of Verdun determines the
French plan. It has another object and, so far as I can
sec, that object is to compel the enemy to pay the very
highest price for what the F"rcnch conceive to have been
an error upon the part of his higher command.
Sliort of that the metiujds adopted would seem to lose
their military meaning.
Consider wiial thos'- methods have been and then com-
l>are then with the resources of the Allies.
'I'he French through all these eight weeks have either
retired very slowly or have been content to hold a pure
defensive. Upon very rare occasions they have launched
a local counter-offensive for the temporary regaining of
one small point, which the local command found necessary
to the j-ilans of the moment. They have never — with all
their advantage in numbers — attcmptf^d a permanent
regaining of ground. In the main, the whole thing has
been, since February 26th, a series of deliberate and
cautious retirements, coupled with an equally deliberate
and lengthy stand upon chosen sections of line. They
gave up all the ad\anced positions in the Woevre without
reinforcing them, and before suffering serious pressure.
They held Malancourt with one battalion against pretty
well any odds, sacrificed the greater part of that battalion,
did not reinforce it, ordered its remnant to fall back.
Earlier they dealt in precisely the same way with the
advanced post of Forges. They hold the eastern end of
the Goose Crest with a comparatively small force, and
allow it to receive the ultimately successful assault of a
whole division. Only when an enemy advance threatens
the continuity of the forward lines which for the moment
they oppose to that advance, do they spend men in the
temporary recovery of the area involved. And whenever
they design such a recovery they invariably effect it. It
was so with that last corner of the Avocourt Wood which
laps up on to the first slopes of Hill 304. It was so with the
Crows' Wood, six weeks ago ; it was so with the ruins of
Vaux and the Caillettes Wood a fortnight ago. In the one
case c f the Douamuont Plateau when there was a moment
of real danger, at the very beginning of the operations,
there was a really considerable expenditure involved in the
recovery of a critical point. But take the thing in the
mass and it is everywhere a strict defensive very slowly
retiring before, for long periods immobile before, a succes-
sion of violent and repeated movements. And all this
is doneiaith forces superior in number, easily equal in
machinery and munitionmcnt to the attack.
That last is the capital point of the whole busines*
If the Allies in the west were inferior in number, if
their nmnitionment was now inferior or the handling of
their artillerj' worse than the enemy's, or the quality of
their troops lower than his, the thing would have a very
different meaning. As things are with our knowledge of
the numbers available, with our knowledge of the way in
which the French maintain a continual rotation of fresh
troops, with our knowledge of their consistent exposure of
the very minimum number of men in advanced posts, it
seems impossible to draw any other conclusion upon their
method than that which is drawn here. This strange and
highl}' disciplined anchoring of the Allies to a pure
defensive ; this refusal to create a diversion though there
has been ample time for that. This absolutely consistent
" blocking " for now eight weeks without so much as the
sign of " lashing out " can surely only have one meaning.
It is designed to exhaust. I hav^e seen no other tenable
hypothesis put forward. There may be one, but it is
certainly not apparent.
False Enemy Figures
I know that I ha\'e had some difficulty in persuading a
small but important minority of students of the war that
figures officially issued by the German publicity buteaux
are false.
I have had here the same difficulty which one finds
right through this campaign of combating a mood.
Even positive evidence frequently repeated finds this
sort of obstacle refractory.
This mood of patient confidence in the enemy's loyal
accuracy, in spite of his most glaringly obvious motives
for being inaccurate in order to affect domestic and foreign
opinion , is partly composed of a long established faith in
(ierman pedantry and partly due to something which
the enemy has very carefully thought out : the effect ol
apparently minute detail in convincing people of the truth
of something false. The plaj^wright Gilbert noted tliis
piece of psychology long ago and spoke of such details as
" adding \erisimilitude to an otherwise bald and uncon-
vincing narrati\'e."
I have dealt with this mood in the matter of the Gennan
casualty lists over and over again.
I ))ropose this week to bring forward a piece of evidence
which is absolutely conclusive in another field if the rules
of arithmetic have any value.
I refer to the German lists of umcounded French
prisoners taken before Verdun upon certain dates.
A brief note has already appeared upon this in the Press
but a detailed analysis will be of more value.
When a force retires there is, over and above the killed
and wounded who have been noted or brought back with
the retirement, a much larger number of "missing";
because the men who. have fallen, killed or wounded, are
as to a great number of them left where they fall, while
a certain number will have been taken unvvoundcd by
the enemy. The ground being subsequently occupied by
8
LAND & WATER
April 20, 1916
the enemy it is not possible to verify which are dead,
which wounded and which unwoundcd prisoners. All
you can do in establishing your numbers after such a
retirement is to note that such and such a number of your
men are " missing." '
From all this it is clear that the number of unwounded
prisoners must always be much less than the total number
of " missing " in any series of retirements within a
particular period.
Now though it is impossible after a retirement to say
accurately what number of your " missing " are killed and
what number have fallen into the enemy's hands wounded,
and what number are unwounded prisoners, there
is one element in the problem which we can establish
in round numbers, especially after a long experience of
some continued type of fighting ; and that is the pro-
portion of dead out of the total number of missing. You
can tell within a fairly close average what proportion of
the lost are dead, and the remainder will represent within
a comparatively small margin of error your wounded and
unwounded who have fallen into the enemy's hands.
Now the French have a complete record of the " miss-
ing " from their various units during the various retire-
ments upon the sector of Verdun from Fresnes on the
south to Avocourt on the north, between and including
the dates February 21st, when the first retirement began,
and April loth, up to which last date alone the present
note applies. The exact number is not published. The
average proportion of dead upon the analogy of any
number of similar movements and of similar fighting dis-
covered upon the enemy's side and upon our own, makes
one in round figures certain of the residue of wounded
and unwounded. We know below a certain maximum
and within a certain small margin of error the numbers
who, though surviving, were abandoned.
With that point clearly settled in the reader's mind,
I would ask Ifim to turn to the following table of figures.
He will find it interesting.
February 21st. — No German statement issued of
prisoners taken this day.
February 22nd. — German statement " About 3,000 to
this date."
February 24th. — German statement, " About 10,000
to this date."
F'ebruary 25th. — No Statement.
February 26th. — German statement, " About 15,000
unwounded prisoners up to this date.
This was the end of the first big advance and of the
principal French retirement over a belt from four to five
miles wide under the first great enemy blow against the
covering line of the defence.
After a delay of forty-eight hours (during which there
was no French retirement, but in one place a slight French
advance) the enemy issued a grand total of the unwounded
prisoners, which had fallen into his hands. I would beg
the reader to remark its minute detail. It was not given
in round figures ; it was given precisely, and the number
given was 16,903.
That figure is our starting point. With the end of
February, when the first very expensive retirement of the
French was over and certainly before they had been able
to estabhsh complete lists of their own, the enemy told
them that he held i6i903 unwounded men of theirs
precisely, besides, of course, a great number (unmentioned)
of their wounded.
We all know that since that period the German method
of fighting has changed, the progress against the sector
of Verdun has been insignificant and the motive for false
statement greater.
We further know that with each succeeding day of
disappointment, or at any rate at very brief intervals,
it has been necessary to support the German opinion
at home and abroad in favour of Germany.
Now look at the following twenty-three items, which
are the statements as to French prisoners issued by the
German Publicity Bureau under the authority of the
German Government and of the German higher command
during the whole of March and the first ten days of April.
I. March 3. — " Over 1,000." No special mention of
unwounded.
2. „ 4. — Over 1,000. do.
(These two items are quite distinct and
refer to two separate days and two
separate local advances^.
3- ,. 5—938 unwounded.
4- .. 6.— 152
5. Same day, but in another place, " over 300
unwounded."
6. ,, I 6. — 711 unwounded (in one place).
7- .. 1 7- — 3-337 unwounded. (This was the
day of the first big German ad-
vance west of the Meuse.)
8. „ g. — 687 (wounded and unwounded, not
distinguished).
9. ,, 14. — 1,025 unwounded.
10. „ I5-— 152
11. ,, 16. — "A few" (number not specified)
unwounded.
12. ,, 18. — 41 unwounded.
13. „ 19.— 281
14. „ 20.— 2532 (and a few over not specified)
unwounded.
15- I, 22. — 440 unwounded.
16. ,, 23. — 911
17. ,, 28.-498
18. „ 30.— 328
19. „ 31—731
20. April 2. — 765
21. „ 5—542
22. „ 7-— 714
23. „ 10.-1,267 (The big advance in Avocourt
N\"ood).
. — 222 (in another place — unwounded,
not specified).
I would beg the reader to note that this list of 23 items
has all the marks of a perfectly genuine piece of work ;
sometimes the authors of it confess their inability to be
precise and give us only round figures.
At other times they are happy to oblige us with very
exact details, even when they have thousands of items to
count in one day, as for instance, item 7. Usually they
tell us that they are only troubling to give us the un-
wounded prisoners — because these indicate a moral
weakness upon the part of an enemy or bad arrangements
upon his part. But on other occasions they confess them-
selves unable to give us the precise number of unwounded
and therefore do not mention whether the prisoners
they speak of are wholly unwounded or no. The whole
thing is convincing in the highest degree. It has only
one drawback, which is that when you come to add it
up and get the totals, the unwounded alone come to
more than dotihle the total number of all Frenchmen that
can possibly have fallen into German hands, wounded
and unwounded ahke !
In other words, this enemy aocument, or rather series
of documents, is demonstrably marked by the two charac-
ters which some have been so slow to accept in the matter
of the casualty lists, (i) It is very carefully detailed
and candid. (2) It is false.
I trust this piece of proof to be sufficient.
Tiie enemy tells us that he will prove his case by " pul)-
lishing the names." It is no proof. He has done that
before — and included among the prisoners taken at
Verdun names of men missing months and months before
the attack begun.
Note on certain American Figures
Several correspondents have sent me some figures
published in the London Press upon last Monday, April
17th, and cabled over from Washington. These figures
purpose to be the " official estimates of the Ciencral Staff
of the United States," as to the permanent losses of the
various forces in the liuropean War, up to the end of
1915, There is very little to be said about these figures
in so far as they concern France, Austria and Germany,
except that they have no relation to reality whatsoever. It
is not worth while refuting them, because they do not give
their supposed sources of information, and 1 think it
accurate to say that they have no proper sources of in-
formation at ail. They give the German losses in killed
as less than 15 per cent, of men in the field and put the
French at 32 per cent. The rest of the rubbish is on a
par with this. I do not see any reason for wasting time
upon such nonsense.
But its publication is a symptom of what may be a
grave piece of neglect upon our part.
April 20, 1916
LAND & WATER
The Opinion of America
We ought, I think, in this country, to make up our
minds defmitely one way or the other, whether the
presentation of the Alhed cause to the American public
is worth our while or no. If the opinion of neutrals —
which is, after all, only a moral factor— is indifferent to
us because we conceive it to have no real effect upon the
course of the war, then we may neglect that field altogether
and leave it to the enemy's undisturbed possession.
If, upon the contrary, we think that this moral factor
is of weight, then it behoves us to put forward our fullest
strength to influence it. '
Of all the Allies Britain alone is in a position to do this,
through the community of language and the very close
commercial and other bonds between the two countries.
Hitherto, one may say that nothing has been done. That
is a strong phrase, but it is not an exaggerated one. No
one who sees the American Press, as I do, regularly, can
have any remaining doubts upon this matter. Those few
proprietors of newspapers whose private inclination or
commercial advantage is served by supporting the Allied
cause continue to support it. But they do not print
information of the least use to that cause, for it is not
supplied to them.
Even the most obvious military truths about the war
^not a special plea in favour of the Alhes but a mere
statement of facts — is not watched by us in any way,
and even the papers which, on the whole, support us,
leave their public, even when that public is favourable
to the Allied side, quite ignorant of the true situation ;
for they have no one to give it them. I have myself in
the last few weeks written letters to American papers
obviously well disposed towards us to contradict such
monstrous nonsense published by them as the following : —
(i) That Germany alone would put in about next
February one million new effectives.
(2) That no instructed English opinion now denies
the object of Prussia.
(3) That the German permanent losses from wounds
were, in 20 months, less than 79,000 men !
Meanwhile, a press of certainly much larger circulation
and of far more vigour is acting quite openly against us,
and this press is fed with the utmost industry by German
propaganda of every kind. The German Government
really takes trouble here, and it has succeeded in something
over a year in producing with very large bodies of American
opinion the state of mind it desires to produce. It has
not only pleased its own supporters — that was not its
main object.^ It lias not merely strengthened the positions
of those who would in any case have been opposed to the
Allied cause. It has done something much more. It
has created a view of the war now very largely accepted
in the United States and accepted just as much by those
who are in our favour as those who are against us.
The best proof of this is the fact that the Germans can
now circulate in America falsehoods of a crudity and
enormity which they would hardly have attempted some
months ago, and that these falsehoods are solemnly
accepted upon every side.
I will give a particular example which I think very
striking.
The Chicago Daily News published upon March 27th
last a cable from its German correspondent in Berlin.
This cable is marked " Via London." I do not say
that those words represent the truth, but I note them.
The message sent is, of course, a German message
supplied by the German authorities. It is to the effect
that the total German permanent losses up to the ist
March, 1916, were 1,029,620.
Now I would beg my readers to dwell upon this amazing
phenomenon. Here is a falsehood apparently so crude
and stupid that it seems not worth telling. Every
Louise and Barnavaux, by Pierre Mille (John Lane, 3s. 6d.
net), forms a study of the French colonial soldier in China —
and in love. Barnavaux reappears here subjugated at last
by a woman, but he is still the old campaigner with a wealth
of stories — and all the stories are good, though in one or two
oE the earlier ones the susceptibilities of some readers will be
shocked, for east of the Straits the French colonial soldier
is apparently as lacking in morals — as these are understood
in the west — as any Ainu. .'\n echo of Mulvaney, Barnavaux
is ahvavs entertaining, morals notwithstanding.
authority in Europe has debated the losses of the various
belligerents until the subject is threadbare, and though
there have been considerable differences we know that the
truth fluctuates round about four millions for the date
in question. We know that that is only normal to the
rate of losses of all other belligerents in this war, and our
only debates turn upon whether we are to put it at a
quarter of a million less or a quarter of a milUon more.
But the German authorities feel perfectly confident in
their ability to publish and to get accepted in America a
stupefying message cutting down the real figure not by a
third or a half, but to a quarter. In other words, they
believe — and probably they have good grounds for be-
lieving— that the American" public will swallow the state-
ment to the effect that German losses are, in proportion
to the numbers fighting, four times less than any of their
rivals !
We must not, in the comic side of such an incident as
this, forget its very disquieting lesson. This piece of
folly did not appear in some obscure hole and corner, nor
was it put forward in one of those little fanatical sheets
which from hatred of England or love of the enemy lose
all sense of proportion. It appeared with every credential
in one of the very great daily newspapers of America,
something which may be compared to the Manchester
Guardian or to the Scotsman in this country. It was
accepted as an official and true statement by millions,
and it has by this time undoubtedly become a legend with
a whole body of opinion in the middle West.
Is it an exaggeration to say that such a state of affairs
would have been impossible if we had, in this country,
taken any steps to instruct American opinion ?
We have taken none, and I think the reason is a very
simple one. No one has been willing to take the trouble
required.
I do not know whether it is too late. I hope it is not.
But there is a great deal of leeway to be made up, and the
more I see of the American press in these last few weeks
the more I am impressed by the solidly rooted legend of
German greatness which is now there implanted.
We may console ourselves by the knowledge that all
this will count for nothing when the truth appears on the
map, as it has already appeared in the calculations of the
higher command. i
We know that the alliance composed of the German
Empire with its dependent peoples, the Austro-Hungarian
Empire, the Turks and the Bulgarians, is already beaten.
But between the present phase and the last one there
is still a long distance to travel and in that interval it
is possible that American opinion will count. There
may still be time to effect something in that field. So
far nothing serious has been done. H. Belloc.
Sortes Sbakespeavianae
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
The Wittenberg- Infamy :
This is the bloodiest shame,
The ivildest savagery, the vilest stroke
That ever wall-eyed wrath or staring rage
Presented.
%.\al Joba IV., ui., 47-50.
To our Impatient Pessimists:
How poor are they who have not patitiice !
What wound did ever heal but by degrees ?
Thou know st we work by wit and not by
witchcraft,
And wit depends on dilatory time.
Othellq n., iii., 379-82.
The German Dynamitard in America :
And whatsoever cunning fiend it was
That wrought upon thee so preposterously
Hath got the voice tn hell for excellence.
Henry Vn., ii., Ul-3.
10.
LAND & WATER
April 20, 1916
WAR BY SUBMARINES
By Arthur Pollen
LORD MONTAGU has made it quite clear that he is
not askinj,' for an Air Ministry to control the use
of all aircraft in the war, but only to reorganise
and concentrate national effort for producing
I'loro^ and better flying machines of e\ery kind. His
effor;- to straighten this muddled state of things should
have a nuich better chance of success now that its
ultimate object is defined.
But it is evident that he has far higher hopes of the
influence of aircraft on war than more conservative
thmkers are likely to endorse. He tells us, for instance,
that the mark of the present condition of the war is
(ieadlock. It is so. he says, on the Western front, at
Salonika and in the North Sea. It is an inevitable result
of the power of defence being so much greater than the
power of offence. The worst of it seems to be that this
deadlock must continue, until determined by aircraft in
land warfare, and by submarines in sea warfare ! Ob-
itiously, if this theory is right, we cannot begin too
soon or work too hard to bring our aii equipment to
tlie highest possible. But is it right ?
If we test it by sea war, it hardlv seems to coincide
with an impartial view of the facts. There never has
been and there is not now any deadlock in the naval war.
We took the strategic offensive at the outbreak of war, and
from midnight on August 4th, Germany has been im-
of any of our trading ships practically impossible. They
.speak as if what had been done during the last month
might be multiplied by three or four, and kept up for
weeks and months.
We should then have this extraordinary state of affairs.
We should be unable to use the sea because of submarines,
and the Germans, imable to use it because of the British
fleet. The advantage would be, of course, all to the
( iermans— for we are dependent upon the sea absolutely
and entirely, and they are not. Do facts or reason justify
such apprehensions ? For some months before March
20th — when the Tubaniia and Palcmhang were sunk,
and the new submarine compaign may be said to have
begun — the average of merchant steamers, British,
Neutral and Allied attacked and lost in home waters
was appro.ximately one per diem. In the first eight days of
the new campaign, the average rose to 2% ; in the next
week to 2J ; in the third week to 2^ ; and in the past
week it fell again to just over ij. Over the whole period
then, the average is nearly 2h per day. This rate, if it
could be kept tip, would destroy qoo steamers a year.
Were they all British we should lose at this rate between
one-sixth and one-fifth of our steamers engaged in foreign
trade. Were we dependent on British steamers only
and were we unable to replace any of our losses, it would
mean that, in the course of the next year of the war, we
N
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A
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A
—
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1
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1 34 56 T 8 9101111131415-16
April
Submar...
and Apr!
"f iH'.l^ 1 Corrected diagram of British, Neutral and Allied steamers attacked by submarines cr mines between March :flh
)nl 17th; total ,2, .n 29 days, of vvh.ch 42 were British. 27 Neutral snd .^ Allied. In August 191.S, 66 ships ivere attacked in
dl days. I he largest number in any / days, was between August 18-24;h, wh;n 29 victims w.-re recorded
potent on the surface of the sea. Her roving— and
doomed— cruisers did some slight damage to our trade, her
runaway capital ships did some still more trifling damage
to a few coast towns. But no (ierman battleships or battle
cruisers have sought an action with ours. No squadrons
have attempted to dispute the passage of our armies or
our transports; no effort has .been made to convoy
German merchantmen to sea. Germany's confession of
sea impotence has, then, been absolute. It is possible
^he may still dispute our command. But it does not seem
probable that her equipment can so increase relatively to
ours as to give her a better chance in the future than
she has enjoyed in the past. So that the only stagnation
in this field of war — that is. in the command of the
surface of the sea — ^has been a continuous maintenance
of British supremacy, with all that it canies with it.
Possibly Lord Montagu believes that submarines may
turn this supremacy to defeat. Ifhe means this, he can
hardly have intended to imply that defeat will be brought
about by Sir John Jellicoe's ships being destroyed. How-
ever badly equipped we were at the outset to defend the
' ".rand Meet against these craft, the entire lack of casualties
by submarines in twenty months of war seems proof positive
that there is now, at any rate, no danger to our fleet that
need cause us great uneasiness. Lord Montagu must
have quite a different form of submarine success in view.
lo some people it is not inconceivable that Germany
might have so many submarines at work and orgiinise
them so successfully, as to make the continuance at sea
should have to reduce our imports by, say, one-fifth ;
in the following year by one-quarter, aiid so on. In two
years the situation would become very critical.
But this prospect, dismal enough 1 admit, need not
frighten us for various excellent reasons. In the first
place, we are not dependent upon British steamers alone.
Of the 72 steamers attacked between the 20th March and
the 17th April, 27 were neutral. If we assume neutral
shipping engaged in the service of these islands to be a
little under three-quarters of our own, it would make the
total number of steamers upon which we are dependent
8,750 instead of 5,000. So the present rate of destruc-
tion, instead of being two-elevenths, would only be just
under one-tenth ; which, though inconvenient, would
not really be very formidable. And in the second year
of war, on the same scale of destruction, there would
be a reduction of one-ninth, and so on. So that we could
possibly carry on for at least three years without any
renewal of our own or neutral shipping, and without being
brought to a serious jwint of want. Even then, if the
rate of destruction of two and a half a day could be kept
up, we should be a long way from stagnation being
turned into defeat.
But it seems obvious that the rate will not and cannot
be kept up. Note to begin with that it has not been
kept up. It was 2i a day during the second, and
2jin the third week, and it is only just over one and
a half in the past week, and this is not so very far from
normal. We must no* forget that in July, .Aiigust, and
April 20, 1916
LAND & WATER
11
the first week of September, we had precisely the same
conditions. The rate then dropped suddenly from the
highest on record to the lowest. I am far from sa^anf^
that we are to infer that the present drop from the recent
high rate forebodes a continuance of a low rate. But it
was inconceivable that the high rate copld continue ;
equally almost inconceivable that what we have just seen
is not the highest rate possible. The agencies which
reduced the rate last autumn — though probably less
efficient than they were because attacking at sight gives
to the U boats opportunities of sinking ships, and
lessens our opportunities for sinking them — are still
formidable enough, and they have doubtless been in-
creased in numbers and in efficiency. Those engaged in
these operations have a wider experience, and the or-
ganisation for pooling these experiences, and making the
lessons of one field available in another, has been very
greatly improved. The directions which these improve-
ments had to take 1 indicated last week. The process
of decentralising began going into effect about last June.
And in foiu^ months we saw the value of the new principles
cirployed. It may take a month or two to bring Ger-
many's present equipment of submarines once more to
negligible proportions. Meantime, for the moment at
any rate, it looks as if the Admiralty had the thing in
hand.
Force Direct and Indirect
The curve of destruction will inevitably tend to return
to the normal for reasons inherent in the character of
this peculiar kind of war. Where two forms of force
arc engaged in opposition, of which one is incapable of clos-
ing and fighting the other, and relies upon chance strokes
from a distance to effect its end and on evasion for its
safety-, while the other is able and willing to close and
f.ght it out — because in contact its pov.-ers of attack
and resistance are superior, the former evasive force is
^lippift^perda:^ Shippcn^pcrJaif
%-
UWetk, I
imik.
irdlVkk
.--'2k
-. ^ _ ..
z
z
\h.
4thmek
y NbrtzuH
k-- - .
>
0
ITomal Istmek. Znd 3rd. ' 4th.
Daily Average Curve: The above curve shows how the daily'average
rose in the fir3t week of the new Submarine Campaign from slijihilv less
than one per day during February and the first 17 days of March, to
2; in the firs; week; 2: in the second; dropped to 2\ in the third, and
aga-n it l! in the past week.
ultimately doomed to failure. It is a truth illustrated in
many experiences of guerilla war. The South African
campaign and the American wars with the Red Indians
are excellent instances in point. The weakness of the
guerilla is his inability to combine and defeat the main
force against him. The weakness of the organised force
is to counteract the swiftness and secrecy of movement
of the guerilla. In the submarine war the case is com-
plicated by the submarines having objectives that cannot
defend themselves. Success is measured bv the number
of these that they can waylay. The true analogy is
with bandits and highwaymen, who have hills and deserts
to hide in, and from them communications. But
until a submarine is produced that can attack and destroy
its pursuers or is impenetrable to the weapons its pur-
suers bring against it, the ultimate defeat of the submarine
is certain, because while their pursuers can combine
against them, the submarines cannot combine against
their pursuers.
Lord Montagu, I imagine, called in the submarine to
strengthen his argument, which in the main, of course,
vvas that we could only decide the land war in our favour
if we strengthened our attack by aircraft good and numer-
ous enough for the jiurposc. But does not the argument
of the submarine really apply with even greater force
to the aeroplane ? \\'hen used for warlike operations on
their own account, all aircraft arg subject to a similar
disability — They are unable to close and fight the enemy.
They, too, have to ixly on chance blows, and they areata
disadvanta;i;e greater than that of the submarine in that
their objectives are many times more difficult to lind and
fifty times more difficult to destroy. Like the submarine
they have no means of engaging the fi.xcd defences put up to
drive them off, so that they too must rely upon evasion for
safet}'. Aircraft are only unlike submarines in that they
can fight each other, and this is of course a disadvantage.
If the statement is accurate that in a month's
time Germany will have 50 Zeppelins, 20 of which may
be used for bombing the civil population of this country,
it will certainly become highly desirable that we should
have enough suitable aeroplanes — that are not wanted
for the Army or the Navy — to engage these murderers in
their qwn element. But even if we had aeroplanes numerous
and good enough to bring down every Zeppelin that
crossed the North Sea, we should be making the greatest
mistake if v/e siij:)posed that thereby we brought victory
any nearer. It would be a case of the enemy compelling
us, by an unmilitary use of force, to devote part of our
force to the unmTlitary object of thwarting it. And in
calling this object unmilitary, I am far from saying that
it is not a proper object. 1 am merely saying that its
achievement does not carry us on one inch towards ending
the war.
It is no answer to. say that Zeppelins, coming often
enough and in sufficient numbers, must inevitably destroy
factories and arsenals vital to military efficiency. In
the first month of the war France lost j^^ per cent, of her
coal supply and over 80 per cent, of her engineering
resources. Yet it was not a fatal loss. Neither aircraft
nor submarines can conceivably do damage on this scale.
Their share in war is for practical purposes only indirect.
They are dependent upon chance for success, and they
must not be confused with those factors in the war which
are decisive.
Important News
As wc go to Press, two important pieces of news arrive.
Trebizond has fallen to the Russians in what was, quite
evidently, an operation in which land and sea force
were brilliantly combined. Some ten days ago, it may be
remembered, the Breslau made a dash to the Anatolian
coast to assist in resisting the Russian push along the
coast. She was driven off, according to the Turkish
account, by a squadron which included one of the Black
Sea Dreadnoughts. It was the first news we had had
that any of this class were finished. The Breslau's speed
enabled her, naturally enough, to escape. Whether the
Maria Imperatritza's big guns could have been of very
material assistance in the question one cannot tell without
studying the contour map of the field of operations. But
the squadron's intervention in landing artillery to cover
the final advance appears to have been decisive. The
official account does not say whether these were naval
guns or not. They may, of course, have been field artillery
landed from transports under the protection of the battle-
ships. The conquest of Trebizond gives Russia a much-
needed advance base for an Anatolian campaign, and for
the first time, she will begin now to reap the full benefit
of her unquestioned control of the Black Sea. It is an
event of the greatest importance. Note that once more
submarines have failed in preventing a landing.
Artiu'r Pollen.
Mr. Unwin published yesterday The Book of Italy issued
imder the auspices of Queen Elena of Italy in aid of the
Italian Sailors' and Soldiers' Families and the Italian Red
Cross. For several generations there has l)ecn a deep sym-
pathy between the peoples of England and of Italy, a sort of
natural and instinctive understanding of one another. There
are f.w English writers or artists who have not felt the charm
of Italy and her people, while on the other hand the cultivated
Italian is generally attracted towards England and English
life. The Rook of Italy edited by an Italian scholar. Dr.
Rafl'aello Piccoli, I'nivcrsity Teacher at Cambridge, and with
an Introduction by Lord Rryce, contains contributions from
writers and artists of both nations. The net profits from the
sale will be handed over by the publishers to the Pro Italia
Committee in aid of the Italian Sailors' and .Soldiers' Families
in the United Kingdom and of the Italian Red Cross, imder the
patronage of the Italiau .Ambassador, .Marchese Imporiali,
12
LAND & WATER
April 20, 1916
Air Defence Problems and Fallacies
The Failure of the Derby Committee
By F. W. Lanchester
PERHAPS the most important announcement
which has been made in relation to service
aeronautics during the last few weeks — in fact,
since the appointment of the Derby Committee —
is the collapse of that Committee, notified by the resigna-
tions of Lord Pcrby and of Lord Montagu, the latter of
whom only joined the Committee in March. I do not
know whether the terms of reference of this Committee
were ever published, but it is impossible from the
conditions that it could have been a Committee with
executive power. The responsibility for the efficiency
of our Navy and of our Army during the European War
must rest absolutely in the hands of the Admiralty
and War Office respectively. It is immaterial whether
we are dealing with the infantry, with the cavalry, or
with the artillery, or whether we are dealing with the
Flying Corps ; they are to-day the four arms of the
Service (if we exclude the Royal lingineers from Ix-ing
described as an arm), the respensibility cannot be divided.
Likewise in the Navy it is of no consequence whether we
are considering our battle fleets, or bur cruiser squadrons,
or our mosquito flotillas of various denominations, or
whether we are considering the Royal Naval Air Service,
again the responsibility cannot be divided. In every
case the inter-relationship between the different " Arms,"
be it of our Army or of our Fleet, is so close and intricate
and the co-ordination of their movements is so necessary
to the successful performance of their duties that no
division of responsibility is possible. Ultimately as
concerns the conduct of operations in the field the Com-
mander-in-Chief of an Army must be absolute, and the
Admiral in supreme command must have implicit power
over the naval and air forces in his control.
Supply
From these elementary facts, which are not disputed by
any competent mihtary or naval authority, it follows
that such a Committee as that appointed under the pre-
sidency of Lord Derby must be dependent on the agree-
ment between the naval and military representatives
serving thereon. If such a Committee could be dragooned
by a majority in which the Service members were on
opposite sides there would be an end to responsibility.
It may be considered deplorable that when the machinery
of a Committee has been formed with the object of bring-
Mig the responsible parties together to reach an agree-
ment on. vital points as they arise, that failure should
result, but this is not the point at issue ; deplorable or
otherwise, it is perfectly clear and evident that the cure
must not be sought in the direction of destroying that
complete and plenary responsibility which is essential
to the well-being of the Services, and proper conduct
of naval or military operations.
It is said that the actual difficulty or rock on which
the Committee was wrecked related to the supply of
material. If we take this to be the case it is not a trouble
under present conditions which is peculiar to the Air
Service ; it is a trouble which has manifested itself in
other directions and in the supply of material of other
kinds — shells, artillery, machine guns, small arms, etc.,
etc., even within a few weeks of the outbreak of war ;
it has led to the creation of a Ministry of Munitions and
the appointment of a Cabinet Minister to organise and
regulate supplies. It would be indeed strange if the
supply of the special material demanded by the Roj'al
Flying Corps, and the Royal Naval Air Service, were
exempt from difficulty : aeroplanes, aeroplane motors,
counter-aircraft artillery, bombs, Lewis guns and other
items of etiuipmcnt. "in brief, the weakness of the
Committee in the matter of executive power, and the
particular difficulties in relation to the supply of material
were both such as could have been reasonably anticipated
and expected from the outset.
It would have been indeed a happy issue if under these
conditions the Committee had been "able, by the exercise
of argument and persuasive power, to have accomolished
successfully the duties assigned to it, but such is more
than in the conduct of human affairs could have been
hoped or anticipated. The Committee Was an experi-
ment and it has failed. The discussion of the fundamental
difficulty as touching the supply of material will be
res(uned later. The Press and public, of course, jirocecd
to blame the Ciovcrnmcnt for having set up a Committee
which has proved abortive in its results. Perhaps the
(iovernmcnt are to blame for not having foreseen the
difficulties, and for having brought into being a com-
mittee which has after so short a career proved a failure,
but the question of blame or otherwise is not what 1 am
out to discuss. Naturallv on the public admission of the
failure we turn to examine the alternative proposals
which have been made from time to time for the
strengthening of service aeronuatics, and for the more
active persecution of air warfare, we find ourselves faced,
amongst other ]irojects with a proposal for an Air Ministry
with full executive powers.
Responsibility.
This proposal requires to be examined and studied from
the two points of view by which any scheme of military
or naval reform is dominated : the question of responsi-
bility,'and that of the suppl\-. The rjuestion of respon-
sibility is one which is always paramount and which
cannot be " jockeyed with " without disaster. , The
question of supply is one which under normal conditions
is of comparatively easy solution, but which as ex-
perience has shown in the present great war, is one of
grave and fundamental difficulty.
In dealing with the question of responsibility I take
it as an axiom that the responsibility of a Commander-
ir'^-Chief for the employment of the forces allotted to him
for the conduct of military operations must be absolute.
There may be restrictions and he may have to act within
the limits of instructions as to the actual task he is called
upon to perform; these may be dictated by political
circumstances, or by reason of grand strategy ; but once
given his job his authority must be supreme.
I take it as a further axiom that in the supply of material
and personnel full responsibility must rest with tlic
Admiralty and War Office respectively, and the said
responsibility being limited by the resources of the
country either as defined by the" Parliamentary %Mauts on
supply which are made available from war to year, or in
the case of national danger by the "ultimate financial
and material resources of the" country, or as judged
expedient by the Cabinet or by the section of the Ministry
on which plenary powers have been conferred.
When as in the present great war the resources of the
country, both in recruiting for all arms, and for industrial
purposes in the manufacture of munitions, are utilised
or commandeered to the utmost, it becomes one of the
most anxious and diflicult duties of the Ministry properly
to allocate these resources between the authorities
who are responsible ; the conditions are without parallel
in our previous national experience. If the question of
the great war had been studied closely by competent
authorities it is not unreasonable to suppose that to a
very great extent the position could have been forecast,
and on the outbreak of war every man could have had his
duties allotted to him, subject of course to after adjust-
ments based on experience, but nothing of the kind was
done, and it is scarcely probable that our Ministry would
have dreamed of devoting the necessary time or attention
to the consideration of any such hypothetical study.
The fact, however, which is "of importance is that it was
not done. Hence we have had industrial firms and
recruiting officers competing for the same man ; we have
had the Army and the Navy competing for the output of
the .same factory, we have seen firms galore with pressure
applied from two different authorities, in entirely opposite
directions, not knowing, for example, whether to en-
courage their men to attest under the Derbv recruiting
scheme or whether to toll th-m that thev'were doing
April 20, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
better for their country in sticking to their munition
work. We have had at times all the indications of im-
pending chaos and the Government has had to improvise
methods to deal with the situation as it has arisen ; we
ha\'e thus the Ministry of Munitions controlling our
munition factories and iirms engaged on Government
contracts. The difficulty of fixing fair prices for muni-
tions, machines, etc., which had never been made before
was thus solved by the simple method of limiting profits,
so that to-day it is of little national consequence at what
price orders are placed with a firm under the Ministry
of JIunitions, since if the profit is excessive it comes back
to the Exchequer. Though some of the more Urgent
difficulties have been handled by these means, the result
is far from perfect. There are many rocks yet to be
negotiated by further improvised methods and regula-
tions.
" Forward "
All these difficulties have affected and still affect the
supply of aircraft, and more broadl\- the air service
malcricl. It may be that the air service is more affected
than some of the older arms inasmuch as the requirements
are far more difficult to forecast, either as to type or
quantity. In the question of personnel and training also
the provision for the air services is less easy to deal with ;
new conditions have to be met by new methods. Those
responsible for our present position may well be
proud of the results so far achieved ; we have in the
Royal Fl3dng Corps a service which has never failed to
hold its own with that of the enemy, and this under
meteorological disabilities which favour the enemy one
might almost say in the ratio of two to one. Still the
motto must be continually " Forward."
.It is thus clear that under the present conditions our
second axiom, the plenar\- responsibility of the War Office
and Admiralty for their men and material has had " willy
nilly " to be subject to external regulation, the regula-
tion of the Ministry of Munitions ; and, since it is evident
tiiat the Ministry of Munitions is of the nature of a make-
shift, and has not been worked out as an integral part of
our military and .naval system, its powers and scope are
determined as a matter of expediency rather than as a
matter of logic. Hence at present firms which as matter
of past habit and tradition have been working exclusively
or nearly exclusively for the Admiralty continue to
deal with the Naval Contracts Departments and to
supply the Navy direct. The position with regard to
aircraft and much of the aeronautical material is
anomalous in this respect. It is, so far as the needs of
the Army are concerned, dealt with direct by the
Director-General of Military Aeronautics, and has not
been brought into line with army materiel of other
kinds ; it may be remarked, however, that the functions
and scope of the Minister of Munitions are liable to be
extended if circumstances warrant.
I will now in the light of the above pass to examine
the suggestions which have been made on the question of
an independent Air Service, and will firstly deal with the
current or popular cry that the existing air branches of
the Army and Navy respectively —namely, the Royal
Flying Corps and the Royal Naval Air Service involve
" overlapping " and therefore must be amalgamated into
a National Air Service, independently controlled. This
suggestion I propose to show is based on fallacious views.
If carried out in Mo it infringes absolutely the axioms
laid down, and can only result in confusion and the
" evaporation " of responsibilit3^
The Slogan : " One Element One Service "
There is no virtue in mere words, but the general
public have a tendency to accept an idea neatly ex-
pressed in an epigrammatic way, or to accept a slogan
of any kind without enquiring too deeply into its intrinsic
merits. I propose to deal with this cry " One element
one service " at the outset. It sounds so very plausible
and might be easily taken to express some fundamental
and necessary fact. If it means anything, it means
that there is some kind of symmetrical relation-
ship between land, air and water, so far as warfare is
concerned, that entitle the three so-called " elements "
to symmetrical treatment, but will this view stand in-
vestigation ? An army fighting on land is fightinji on
land ; it can only be directly supported from the sea, or
it can only be directly in relation to naval operations
when the zone of hostilities extends to the littoral. A
navy fighting at sea is fighting at sea ; it can only be
directly affected, and the two present Services can only
directly participate in a given operation when that
operation is in a coastal region. Under these conditions
the employment of two independent Services under their
respective Ministerial heads is clearly appropriate.
. The proportion of the total world area in which hos-
tilities common to the two Services can take place is
small compared to the total areas involved. Thus an
exclusively naval action may take place anywhere on
the broad ocean, or in our narrower seas, such as the
North Sea or English Channel. An exclusively military
operation may take place anywhere in the length and
breadth of a continent. In neither case will the one
service be called upon to co-operate directly with the
other. It is only when the naval operations affect a
coast line or the military operations stretch to within
range of naval guns that the two Services are required
to act in conjunction.
Is there any analogy to this in the air ? The answer
is emphatically no. There is no place in the field of
military operations where aircraft cannot co-operate ;
the coast line of the air is the surface of the earth and the
surface of the sea ; there is nowhere on the surface of our
seas or the broad ocean where aircraft cannot co-operiate
with the Navy ; thus the conditions are totally dissimilar.
In the future of military operations the co-operation of
aircraft — aeroplanes — will be continuous, and the aero-
nautical arm will be constantly acting in the closest
possible detailed relationship with the other arms of the
Service ; it is so acting to-day. In the Navy again
aircraft, both large dirigibles and aeroplanes, and so-
called seaplanes, will be acting continuously, undertaking
reconnaissance, bombing, torpedoing, spotting, and per-
haps other duties not yet defined. The employment of
aircraft as an auxiliary to the Navy is relatively back-
ward, but every month has its record of progress and
every year will show its accumulated advance ; it may
be anticipated the relation will ultirnately be as intimate
(or nearly so) as that in the sister Service.
Go-operated Action
The situation is not symmetrical, and the slogan
" One Element one Service " has no rational foundation
in fact
If naval and military operations were interlocked as
closely as aircraft and military operations are, on the one
hand, or as aircraft and naval operations give promise of
becoming on the other, it is more than doubtful whether
our present system of two independent Services would be
found the best solution as it is to-day. When it is
required to conduct joint operations, as in Gallipoli
recently, and as in many of the great beUigeient opera-
rions of history, the forces representing the two Services
are under two separate commands and the success of the
operations in every case largely depends upon the working
together of the responsible Commanders. Many ex-
amples could be quoted from history where a failure of
close co-operation has resulted in a corresponding failure
of the operation as a whole. There is no doubt that
if such operations were the rule rather than the exception
the system of controlling Army and Navy as two inde-
pendent Services would be found to possess glaring
defects.
But the inter-relation of Army and Navy even under
conditions of co-operation is by no means so close as that
which experience has proved necessary and desirable be-
tween the Army and its Air Service, and the divorcing of
the one from the other or the division of responsibility,
however effected between the Flying f orps, by whate\-er
name it may be called, and the other arms of the military
service, must be considered impossible to the extent of
absurdity; hkewise in the R.N.A.S. I am sure that in
saying this my opinion would receive the support of
every military officer of experience and of every strategist
or tactician of repute.
Almost as insidious a suggestion as that involved in
the cry " One element one service," is contained in the
suggestion that the provision of materiel and the training
of personnel should be vested in a central authority.
The idea of those who advocate this scheme appears to
14
LAND & WA T E R
April 20, 1 916
be that tlie training of pilots and obser\-ers and the supply
of aeroplanes, likewise the supply of counter-aircraft,
artillery and the training of gunners, should be carried
out under the authority of an Air Minister who would
decide after discussion with the Services what motors,
machines, guns, etc., should be adopted, what quantities
should be provided, from what sources they should be
obtained, and in addition to this, how the personnel
should be recruited, how and where trained, etc., and the
said Ministry sliould be responsible for supplying to both
Army and Navy its section or share of .the national Air
Service " ready made."
Output and Demands
When considering a suggestion of this kind it is not
possible to condemn the whole scheme out of liand on
any broad or fundamental principle. There have been
and are so many things which are to a certain extent
anomalous both in the recruiting and training of our
Annies and in the control and suj)ply of material, and
such anomalous arrangements have been in the past
successful to a greater or lesser degree. It is thus not
jwssible to condemn a new scheme out of hand however
unlikely or anomalous it may appear at the outset.
It would be useless to discuss any scheme at the present
time on too broad a basis ; the country is at war, and the
war conditions which obtain are admittedly abnormal.
M'lien we talk of the supply of material we ha\e innnedi-
ately to visuahsc the difticulties with which the supplies
of material of all kinds are at present surrounded. The
conditions are detinitely those of a shortage, and when-
ever augmented supplies of one kind are deemed necessary
the question immediately arises as to what other kinds of
supplies or munitions may be curtailed. Thus the supply
of counter-aiicraft guns could be augmented considerably
at very short notice at the expense of artillery of other
kinds, or looking at the matter from another standpoint,
a given increased demand for counter-aircraft artillery
could be mebil the possible increase in the output of other
kinds of artillery is moderated. Under the conditions
of a constantly growing output from our arms and munition
factories it is rather a matter of in which direction must
the growth of output be directed than a definite curtail-
ment of one kind or another. The ultimate limit of the
sum and total will be the number of men or hands and
the output per man .
We have already a Ministry of Munitions controlling a
large proportion of the output of the country', in fact
with a few exceptions the whole of the mihtary require-
ments in the direction of arms and munitions are imder
the control of the said Ministry. We have the Navy
acting independently of the Ministry of Munitions mainly
through firms whose output has been in the past devoted
}nainly to Navy requirements. As already stated the
reason the Naval supplies have not come under the control
of the Ministry of Munitions is rather a matter of ex-
pediency than logic. In brief the division of responsi-
bility is the best practicable solution available at the
moment. When at any point the Admiralty and Muni-
tions requirements clash, as where firms are doing work
for both, or where a given article is required by both,
the matter is one of arrangement, and the most usual
solution is that the output of certain firms is allotted
to meet the naval needs.
We hear the outcry that often the Army pays
one price for an article and the Navy another ; to the
layman, this soimds perhaps absurd and as betokening
gross mismanagement. Sometimes this may be so. To
the man who has any experience of manufacture, however,
it is often (juite clear that so-called scandals of this kind
have no real foundation ; all linns are not equally well laid
out forjthe same job, and what in one factory may cost £100
may cost in another factory half as much again without
any blame attaching to the management of the latter.
Whatever is ! wanted by a country [at war has to
be made with whatever tools are available, whether they
are specially suited to the purpose or not. It is one of
the main ftmctions of the Ministry of Munitions to adjust
and regulate the various demands to suit the admitted
relative importance of the supplies concerned. The
whole " Munitions Machine" is an improvised makeshift ;
it does its best.
The proposition for the amalgamation of the Air
Services, which I am now criticisin.c:. amounts in the
matter of material to the substitution of a fourth party,
a Ministry of the Air who will take the responsibility
of providing for both ArJkiy and Navy so far as aero-
nautics in the Services is concerned, and in tliis respect the
proposed Air Ministry would act as a special Munitions
Ministry as concerning aircraft and material, and would
compete in turn with the three existing competitors, the
Admiralty, the War Office and the Ministry of Munitions
for the nation's output. So far as this aspect of the
question is concerned, 1 think that for the duration of
the war at least it would be preferable to end the
anomalous position of the present supplies of aeronautical
material by placing same under the control of the Ministry
of Munitions as at present instituted, possibly as a sub-
department. This would tend to reduce the present
competition rather than increase it. Further it would
simplify matters, inasmuch as the Ministry of Munitions
has been set up to keep the Army supplied, and the War
Office is the only capable and competent authority to
decide whether it is most in want of high explosive
shells, or field artillery, or howitzer batteries, counter-air-
craft artillery, mechanical transport, aeroplanes, etc.. etc.
In my opinion to create another authority to enter
into cornpetition for the supply of material with those
which exist, to divide the responsibility of the Navy as
to its supplies of aeronautical material, and to single out
and separate a particular class of munition for a kind of
parish-pump treatment has nothing to commend it and
may lead to serious deadlock or at least result in confusion.
Again, are we so sure that the men who to-day specify
their requirements for the Army or for the Navy are so'
obtuse or arc so ignorant as is popularly represented ?
They are doubtless human and therefore liable to err, but
the ' proposed Air Ministry will also be human, and
surely no less likely to make mistakes.
Personnel
There is unquestionably something which might b
done in the direction of unifying dedgn as between the
Services. There is doubtless much which could be done
in the direction of ensuring that the aeronautical branches
of our Services were making full use of each others' ex-
perience ; I said all this myself eighteen months ago when
writing my " Aircraft in Warfare," but it is by no means
evident that an Air Ministry would achieve this end, or
if it were to achieve this end it is by no means certain that
it would not be at the expense of efficiency.
So much from the point of view of materiel. How
now does the air amalgamation scheme show up when we
come to the question of personnel. To my mind here
again difticulties are certain to be riiet with; unfortun-
ately the point is one on which the opinion of a
military man would have infinitely more weight than my
own. I will only say that I am astounded to hear the
glib way in which is suggested the training of military and
naval men and officers by a third party, the Minister of
the Air, who is neither military nor naval, and must in
the first instance borrow his personnel from the Army
on the one hand and the Navy on the other, before he
can begin operations. 1 cannot believe that unless what
I have called the '' greater scheme ' ' be adopted, any good
result could come from taking the training and disciplin-
ing of the personnel of either the Army or the Navy out
of the hands of the proper authorities, nariiely the Army
or Navy , themselves, and I am greatly surprised to see
such views obtaining any kind of currency. It is not
my view that it would be definitely impossible to carry
out such a scheme ; 1 believe that it would be possible,
but I think it is grotesque to imagine that the results
would be more satisfactory, cither from the point
of view of the Army, of the Na\y, or of the nation as a
whole. I will jnit tlie matter in a nutshell by .-aying that
the.\rmy understands the training of a soldier, whether
it be cavalry, infantry or artillery ; the Navy understands
the training of its personnel in all its existing branches ;
there is more in the training for the Army or for the
Navy, qua Army and Navy, than there is for the branch of
the Service for which the training is a preparation.
I have said that this is a point on which there arc others
who could speak with far greater knowledge and authority
than I possess. Doubtless there will be expressions of
opinion on the jjoint from competent Naval or Military
authorities before the question of service aeronautics is
finally settled.
April 20, 1916
L A N i) & W A T E R
15
The New Dominion
"And thou shalt have Dominion."— Genesis, Chap. I
These verses, written by Lord Montagu of Beaulieu in 1910 for the Christmas number of " The Car," show a
remarkable insight into the possibilities of the aeroplane, of which recent events have afforded a striking demonstration.
Mai Qaeitlom thi Atroplam The Wind Answers
BRING you War on your widespread pinions, or the Ask the bird that wheels above yon if I bear nol with
Peace compelled by Fear ? tenderest care,
Will j'ou shatter armies in battle, or travellers Ask the oak I have kissed ten lifetimes, though I stripped
onward bear ? his br.inches bare,
There is fate beyond our foresight in your planes and Ask the sea whom I stir ivith my breathings, how my ordered
your tight-strung wires, cyclones blow, ■,
Will you weld the hearts of nations, or kindle their Ask the seed wafted on to its seedbed to shelter under the
racial fires ? snow.
Rising, soaring, swooping, a speck in the open sky.
Through clouds and windstorms daring the thunder ^^'"' ''^'''" Q-'-'t'o"' "" Aeroplane
itself to defy.
Wonderful, fragile, unstable, that harder might be the
test.
You have killed our sons without pity, taking the lives
of the best.
Ths Aeroplani Answers
I destroy not in sport or error, but I kill inv pilots who
fail
For an instant to gauge my temper, or I leave them maimed
by the gale.
In the element last to b: conquered, shall my heart b2 easy
to gain.
Shall I let fools guess my problems, or make r.iy meaning
plain ''
Min Qaestiont ths Wind
Thou Sphinx of the middle ;cther poised lone 'twixt
the clouds and the sun,
The falcon and swift are conquered by thy magic speed
outdone,
Cans't thou reach the fleecy cirrus where Paradise opens
its gate ?
Thou symbol of man striving upward, seeking ever his
freedntn from Fate.
The Aeroplane Answers
The God that sent you knowledge, and made your iyes to
see.
He ordered the timi of my coming, and Power he gave to
I me ;
Ths youngest child of Motion in ths cave of the winds was
I bjrn.
The Spirit of Speed was my father, my mother the Goddess
of Dawn.
\\md of the land, now tell me, scent laden with clover Thus doth He send ms for Warfare, for Peace, for the
and rose. ultimate good
Wmd of the sea, brine laden, knowest thou how the sea- Of the nations willing to woo me and fathom my every
gull goes ?
mood.
Wmd oi the Day, in thy fullness, declare the charms That the end may bs won by courage, as it was since the
that can save, a,o,^;^ 5_.^^„_
Wmd of the night, in thy softness, thy secret reveal to To give the New Dominion of the wayward air to man.
the brave. Christmas, 1910. Montagu of Beaulieu.
Shakespeare To-day
Si
By Sir Sidney Lee
UNDAY next is
the 300th anni-
versary of Shake-
speare's death.
It is also the day of
the patron saint of
.^ England, St. George.
' '^ The obsession of the
war, and the imperative
need of concentrating
the national energy on
'1 its prosecution to as-
sured victory give no
just ground for denying
to -Shakespeare's name
the commemorative
honours which are due
to him on so auspicious
an occasion as the
tercentenary of his death. Rather, the national crisis
enjoins us to dwell on Shakespeare's heroic achievement,
even more earnestly than in a season of normal calm.
A fit appreciation of a country's past triumphs stimu-
lates confidence in the future. A slight acquaintance
with the recent intellectual history of the world makes
it clear that Shakespeare constitutes the high water
mark of our country's achievement in the sphere of
mind. To focus public attention on the dominion which
he has exercised and is exercising over the intelligence of
his fellow-countrymen and fellow-countrywomen — to re-
mind ourselves at this juncture of the sway which this
Englishman wields over the thought of the civilised
world — can only tend to strengthen our faith in our
country's cause, and to confirm us in our resolve to pre-
serve it from every peril.
II.
There is no touch of insulaj-ity about Shakespeare. He
was accessible to all mannen.- of foreign influences ; he
sought his plots as often as not in foreign fiction, Itahan,
French and Danish. He .gives his leading characters
foreign names — Othello, Prospero, Miranda, Polonius,
Imogen, Hcnuione, lago, Rcmeo, and himdreds of others
Much foreign sent.'xncnt lives in his pages. His aler
l6
LAND & WATER
April 20, 1916
mental receptivity rendered him sensitive to well-nigli
every form of thought and emotion, and he assimilated
foreign forms of thouglit and emotion, with whicii he met
in foreign bool<s, as readily and as completely as the
thought and emotion which he observed in the streets of
London or the Warwickshire lanes. There is no evidence
that he ever went abroad. But while his largeness of
outlook jnohibited any narrow insular prejudices, there
was fused with his tolerant sympathy for all human hope
or suffering, there was welded with his comprehensive
insight into all human aspiration, an intuitive faith in
the destinies of his own country, an affectionate and an
enthusiastic recognition of her virtues, combined with
an alert perception of her failings.
Shake^.jieare has left on ample record proofs of his
interest in his country's history, chiefly in the great
series of history plays. The influence which that part
of his work has exerted on his fellow countrymen in
rpreading historical knowledge of and interest in English
history is almost sufhcicnt in itself to entitle him to
an imperial demonstration of honour at the moment.
Two of the greatest ligu'res in our history — one the greatest
of our past generals, the Duke of Marlborough ; and the
other the greatest of our imperial Statesmen, the Earl of
Chatham — both acknowledged that all that they knew
of Enghsh history they learned from Shakespeare's
jxiges.
No morbid cosmopolitan tendency could live in the
air of these history plays. Yet it may not be the in-
struction they furnish in historic fact that gives them
their main value. Their importance lies to-day at any
rate, in the broad illustration they offer of the virtuous
or beneficent working of the patriotic instinct. That
theme Shakespeare presents in every light ; he does not
neglect the malevolent symptoms incident either to its
exorbitant or its defective growth, nor is he wanting in
suggestions as to how its healthy development may be
. best secured.
Although many other passages call equally well for
citation, Shakespeare's principle of patriotism is summed
up for his fellow-countrymen and fellow-countrywomen,
as clearly and as pointedly as anywhere, in his familiar
warning :
" This England never did, nor ever shall.
Lie at tiie proud foot of a conqueror.
But when it first did help to wound itself.
. . . Nought shall make us rue.
If England to itself do rest but true."
in.
On every phase of our present situation Shakespeare
offers us words of good cheer and good counsel. Here
is one rousing assurance of his which may be offered our
new married levies in his name :
"If you fight against God's enemy,
God will in justice ward you as his soldiers ;
If you do swear to put a tyrant down.
You sleep in peace, the tyrant being slain ;
If you do fight against your country's foes.
Your country's foe shall pay your pains the hire ;
If you do fight in safeguard of your wives.
Your wives shall welcome home the conquerors ;
If you do free your children from the sword.
Your children's children quit it in your age."
» None saw more clearly than Shakespeare England's
destiny to command the seas, " which he hath given
for fence impregnable." In Shakespeare's sight the sea
was lli(! " natural bravery " of this island :
" Which stands
As Neptune's park, ribbed and paled in,
With rocks imscaleable and roaring waters ;
With sands that will not bear your enemies' boats,
But sink them up to the topmast."
Shakespeare has much to say of the horrors of war
and the blessings of peace ; but be insists with all his
angelic strength on the prudent creed that the best
preventive of war (human nature being what it is) is
ureparcdness in time of peace :
" Peace itself should not so dull a kingdom
(Tlio' war nor no known quarrel were in question)
]iut that defences, musters, preparations
Should be maintained, assembled and collected.
As were a war in exoectation."
In the same vein the dramatist [offers^ such sage pieces
of advice as these ;
" Beware
Of entrance to a quarrel, but being in
Bear't that the opposed may beware of thee."
" In peace tiiere's nothing so becomes a man
.■\s modest stillness and humility.
But when the blast of War blows in his ears.
Then imitate the action of the tiger."
Above all is it worthy of remembrance that, highly
as Shakespeare rates courage, he declares repeatedly that
wars are won by " wisdom," seconded by " valour "
and never by " valour " alone.
" The better part of valour is discretion."
" When valour preys on reason
It eats the sword it fights with "
are invaluable coinages from the Shakespearean mint.
Shakespeare illumines with a piercing irony his denuncia-
tion of those who
" Count wisdom as no member of the war
. . . . and esteem no Ect
But that of hand."
With magical insight does the dramatist extol
" The still and mental parts
That do contrive how many hands shall strike
When fitness calls them on, and know by measure
Of their observ'ant toil the enemy's weight."
Military victory, according to the Shakespearean
dispensation, only attends
" Those. that with the fineness of their souls
By reason guide the course of war."
IV.
Shakespeare's words are accessible to all mankind.
Our German foe is making many arrogant and unvcr-
acious claims, among which his boast of identity with
Shakespeare's spirit is the most ludicrous. Shakespeare
is free of the Prussian taint, and no Teutonic quibbling
can rob Britons of their exclusive racial affinity with him.
" Yes, this Shakespeare is ours ; we produced him ; we
speak and think by him ; we are of one blood and kind
with him." In English ears Shakespeare's poetry of war
has, by virtue of its animating vigour and ripe wisdom, no
rival. Englishmen have but to study their Shakespeare
in order to recognise that, if a nation's poetry can now,
as in older times, lead armj^ and navy to victory, this
country stands small risk of faihu-e in to-day's mighty
conflict. It is well for the English-speaking peoples to
recall this week Carlyle's moving words, now seventy-
four years old, and to try to realise their significance.
" This King Shakespeare, does he not shine in crowned
sovereignty, over us all, as the noblest, gentlest, yet
strongest of rallying signs ; indestructible ; really more
valuable in that point of view than any other means or
appliance whatsoever ? "
Active Service Exhibition
When fifty Grenadier Guardsmen, who have been to the
front, are told off to make real trenches for all England to
explore, it seems a pity that such a permanent effort should
last but a month. Therefore one rejoices to know that the
Active Service Ivxhibition, promoted by the Daily Mail
in aid of the Red Cross and St. John Societies, is to be continued
(luring the. summer at the Kniglitsbridge Hall. '
In addition to the trenches, the attractions include a
wonderful collection of war* relics, shells, grenades, trench
mortars, trench catapults, and other weapons loaned by H.M.
Board of Munitions, and a most interesting display of inven-
tions which have been created as a result of the great war.
The complete gallery of signed artists' proofs of Louis
Raemaekers' wonderful war cartoons has been retained and
added to. Then there are the scenes of battlefields viewed
through trench periscopes, and the very realistic sniper's
post with its machine-gun in working-order.
Eacli day all these object-lessons on the war are to be seen
for a shilling from ir a.m. to 5 p.m., and for sixpence from
5 to 8 p.m. The only extra charge is sixpence for viewing Mr.
Arthur CoUins's vivid representation of the Bombardment of
Ypres. The public not only gains full value for money in
\isiting the Active Service Exhibition, but obtains an actual
idea of the conditions under which our soldiers live ind fight.
April 20, 191(5
LAND & WATER
CHAYA
^ ^^mance of the South Seas
"By H. 'DE FERE STAC POOLE
17
Syxopsis : MacquaH, an adventurer who has spent
most of his life at sea, finds himself in Sydney on his beam
ends. He has a wonderful story of gold hidden up a river in
A'ew Guinea, and makes the acquaintance of Tillman, a sporting
man about town, fond of ya.hUng and racing, and of Houghton,
a well-educated Englishman out of a job. Through Tillman's
influence he is introduced to a wealthy woolbroker. Screed, who,
having heard Macquart's story, agrees to finance the enterprise.
Screed purchases a yawl, the " Barracuda. ' Just before ihev
leave Macquart encounters an old shipmate. Captain Hull,
who is fully acquainted with his villainies. Hull gets in touch
with Screed, who engages him and brings him aboard the yacht
just as they are about to sail. They arrive at New Guinea and
anchor in a lagoon. They go by boat up a river where they
make the acquaintance of a drunken Dutchman, Wiart, who
is in charge of a rubber and camphor station. Here they
me:t a beautiful Dyak girl. Chaya. According to Macquart's
story a man named Lant, who had seized this treausure, sunk his
ship and murdered his crew with the exception of one man,
" Smith." Lant then settled here, buried the treasure, and married
a Dvak woman, chief of her tribe. Lant was murdered by
" Smith," whom Captain Hull and the rest make little doubt
was no other than Macquart. Chaya, with whom Houghton
has fallen in love, is Latit's half-caste daughter. Macquart
guides them to a spot on the river-bank where he declares the
cache to be. They dig but find nothing. Then he starts the.
surmise that the Dyaks have moved the treasure to a sacred
grove in the jungle. Wiart is hfs authority. He persuades
his shipmates to go in search of if. The ■journey leads them
through the Great Thorn Hush, which is a vast maze from lehich
escape is impossible without a clue. Macquart and Wiart
desert their companions. As night falls 'a woman's voice is
heard calling, and Chaya, Unsweri'ng their cries, finds them.
CHAPTER XXV
Mitu.
TILLMAN, wlio liad now finished his supper
began to question Chaya. She described lier
wanderings amongst the tliorn. She had never
been here before, always avoiding the mysterious
place, which had the reputation of being haunted.
The reason of this reputation lay in the fact, perhaps,
that some natives who had come in here had never returned.
One of its names in the Papuan was the Place of Confusion.
" A jolly good name, too." said Tillman, " but you say
the Rubber Man has been here several times ; how does he
know the place so well that he leads us here, yet escapes
himself ? "
" He is perhaps known to the evil spirits," said Chaya.
" I shouldn't wonder," said Tillman. " He's well
enough known to Gin anyway. Oh, the skunk ! li I ever get
hold of him !"
" What I want to get hold of," said Hull, who had lit his
pipe, " is them whiskers. I wants to sit comfortable on that
chap's chest and play with them whiskers. I wants a pair of
tweezers and no help from no razor. I wants to talk to him,
same as a barber does, between the pulls. Show him each hair
as I plucks it out ; anyone else may scalp him as wants to,
I only walits his whiskers."
" He won't have much hair left if we ever catch him,"
said Tillman. " The thing that gets me is that they are
most Hkely now at the cache, digging it out like rats. Hull,
I didn't say anything about it to you before, but you remember
that old burnt ship Houghton and I told you we saw in the
lagoon ?
" Ay, ay," rephed Hull, " what about it ? " .
" Well, I believe that was the Terschelling."
" The gold ship ? "
" The same'.'
" But the gold ship weren't burnt," said Hull, " Mac said
she was sunk at her moorings."
" He lied. She was sunk, but she was burnt first, burnt
with all aboard her." 1
Hull pondered on this for a while. Then he burst out :
" But how the mischief was the stuff cached bv the
river "
" It wasn't, it was cached by the lagoon, somewhere on
the bank. Macquart brought us all up the river for the pur-
pose of finding a chance to do us in. He can get the Barra-
cuda out with Jacky."
" Oh, the swab ! " said Hull.
The mildness of his language was indicative of the depth,
below oaths, in him that was stirred.
" There's one comfort," said Houghton, who was still
holding Chaya's hand unobserved by the others, " Wiart is
sure to be done in by Macquart if they manage to get the
Barracuda awa}'. Tlie only live men of those three to be
left will be Macquart and Jacky, and Jacky will get his dose
after he has been paid off at Sydney. I am firmly of opinion
that Macquart is not a devil, he is the Devil. There's just
the chance left us that we may get out of this before Mac
gets off with the yawl."
" Yes," said Tillman, tapping the ashes out of his pipe,
" and we won't be able to da anything unless we're fresh."
He yawned, stretched himself on the ground and in a minute
his deep breathing told that he was asleep.
Hull in a few minutes followed his example, lying face
down and with his head on the crook of his arm.
Houghton turned to Chaya, her face was close to his, and
in the vague light of the moon that came across the thorn
bushes and tree branches her dark eyes gazed at him, thea
their lips met.
They had never spoken a word of love one to the other
yet they had told each other everything.
They awoke at dawn. Chaya had fallen asleep with her
head resting on Houghton's shoulder. She was the first
to awake. Houghton had not slept at all. Holding her
to him with his arm around her waist, feeling the warmth
of her body through the warm girdle of brass beneath her
robe, breathing the perfume of her hair, he did not sleep,
he dreamt the dream of his life.
She awoke suddenly, raised her head, saw Hougliton, and
then raising her hands seized him by the arm, as tliough to
push him away from her — only for a moment. The remnants
of sleep still clinging to her had vanished and her eyes, losing
their wild and bewildered expression, grew soft, human and
filled with love. The Chaya who had laughed at tlie battle
between the scorpion and the centipede, the Chaya wlio had
led him that day into the outskirts of the forest to laugh at
him and elude him, the Chaya who had tracked them yester-
day with Saji not knowing in her own heart the real reason of
her care for Houghton, had vanished. This was a new being,
a rapturous, warm living woman. The savage liad vanished
entirely, the beauty of the savage remained, lending a supreme,
indefinable fascination to the beauty of the woman.
"Chaya," whispered Houghton, holding her to him,
" all my life I have been waiting for you — hsten, before the
others wake up, you are mine and never will I let you go."
Chaya sighed deeply. Then she put her arms round his
neck. She did not speak one word. She raised her perfect
lips to his, and the eyes in whose darkness and depth lay the
mysteries of the forest and the sea.
Hull awaking from sleep saw nothing. Whilst he was
rubbing his eyes tliey had drawn apart ; he touched Tillman
with his foot and the latter, awaking with a start, sat up.
" Good Lord ! " said he, '' I dreamt we were out of this
and back on the Barracuda, what's the time ? "
" There ain't no time here," said Hull. " It's after sun
up and time to be niovin'. Oh, cuss that swab ! "
" Well," said Tillman, " we'd better have breakfast
before we make a move. It's the biggest mistake to set to
work on an empty stomach."
They set to on the provisions, Chaya cut some prickly
pears and picked some small red fruit from a bush that grew
low down among the thorns. She would touch nothing else.
She watched Hull eating. He seemed to fascinate her
and amuse her at the same time. One of her greatest charms
was a childishnjgss and gaiety which even their desperate
position could not destroy.
They were discussing ways and means of escape as futilely
as children discussing the meaning of an algebraical problem,
when Tillman, catching sight of something away down the
path, lew their attention to it.
A small dark figure was disporting itself on the ground.
I8
LAND cS: \V A T E k
April 20, 1916
approaching tlieni yet liiding itself as it came behind the tree
boles.
" It's a monkey! " cried Hull.
Chaya, who had sprung to her feet and who was standing
shading her eyes, laughed.
" It's mine," said she, " it is Mitu." Saji a long time
ago had killed a monkey on one of his hunting expeditions.
Now monkeys are not indigenous to New Guinea, but as
Macquart had told them a race of monkeys introduced by
the early Dutch traders infested the forest on the left bank
and lagoon edge, this tribe had never spread, nowhere else
in New Guinea were they to be found. The monkey killed
by Saji had been carrying a baby in its arms, and Chaya,
who had been with Saji, rescued the baby and brought it
up. It was her pet and it followed her always at a distance,
mostly sj^ringing along the branches of the trees under
which she walked.
On starting with Saji yesterday morning she had tied Mitu up.
It must have escaped, and picking up her traces pursued her.
She told her companions this in a few words and then
went forward to meet her follower. But Mitu was shy. The
sight of the white men evidently did not please him. He
took to a tree, and Chaya standing beneath it began to talk
to him in the native.
" Blest if she ain't talkin' to it same s'if it was a human,"
said Hull.
" Leave her alone," said Tillman. " It may be that the
beast can lead us out. It followed her all the way from the
village and it has found her. If it did that it can find its
way back."
They saw the monkey under the blandishments of Chaya
drop from branch to branch. Then it dropped on her shoulder
and sat with one arm round her head and its melancholy
eyes fixed on Hull and his companions.
Chaya continued talking to it as if explaining things,
slowh' approaching the others as she did so.
" lie may lead us," said she. " I do not know. It may
be. But I have nothing to tie him with."
Mitu had on a grass collar and he had evidently broken or
bitten through the cord that had tethered him. Tillman
understood her meaning at once, and searcliing in his i)ockets
foimd six or seven feet of lanyard.
He produced it and Chaya, sitting down and taking Mitu
in her lap, fastened one end. of the lanyard to his collar.
Then she let him play about for a while to accustom him
^o the constraint of the string, and then, standing up, spoke
to him again.
Mitu, looking preternaturally wise, listened and then
started off, taking the way he had come by. Chaya followed
him, and the others, picking up their bundles, followed Chaya.
" Well," said Hull. " I never did think I'd be condimiied
to foUow a monkey. We only wants a barrel organ to make
the show complete. Look at the brute. It's for all the world
as if it had five legs."
Mitu's legs were not unlike his tail. He w-as going on all
fours and his progress was not rapid. He would stop to sniff
at the leaves and every now and then he would whisk up a
tree bole as far as the lead would permit.
Chaya, recognising that he would lead them more swiftly
if he were released and allowed to take to his own element — •
the air, untied tlie lanyard from his collar and let him loose.
Next moment lie was swaying from branch to branch ;
where the trees were too sparsely set he would take to the
ground, and though the progress was slow it was sure.
On one of the paths along which he led them they came
on a strange thing, the skeleton of a man half overgrown
with ground vines. Some native trapped long ago in this
tangle and dying of starvation or perhaps simply from fright,
had left these bones.
" I don't like mcetin' that skillington," said Hull. " It
ain't lucky."
" Nonsense," said Tillman. " There's no .such tiling as luck."
" Ain't there," replied the Captain. " Well, if there
ain't, there's such a thing as bad luck and it seems to me
we've struck it. No .such thing as Luck ! Why, I've seen it.
You take a ship and alter her name and you'll see it loo if
you go for a cruise in her. Why, there's- notliin' else but luck
in this here world and you'll know it, me son, when you've
seen as much as I have."
An hour later, after Mitu had led them hither and thither
.and seemingly in all directions, they came on the aslics of
the camp fire. The monkey had brought tlieni liack to the
very point they had started from.
Chaya sat down and buried her face .in her hands, the
others stood by speechless, and paralysed for the moment.
It was only now, really, that they began to recognise the
appalUng effect of the maze upon the mind. The feeUng of
being held— by Nothing, baffled — by Nothing.
Here they had air, light, liberty and speech, yet they
were tied and bound by a viewless conjurer as surely as
though he had tied them witli visible ropes and thong.-^.
Hull, the pessimist, was the first to break silence.
" Well, we've got to get out," said he. " I reckon that
skillington has spent itself now we've come back to the
place we started from. There's no use in the gal takin' on,
she did her best, but I'd like to put a bullet into thatdumed
monkey. I didn't put no store by that monkey."
" Yes," said Tillman. " There's no use in complaining.
Let's make a new .start and trust to chance."
Houghton was kneeling by Chaya and talking to her in a
low tone. Then she rose uj). She had been crying, but now
she dried her tears, put her hand in Houghton's and followed
the otliers on the new start off.
They had not been an hour on the new endeavour when
they were startled by a cry from Chaya.
They turned and found her kneeling by a tree. Houghton
was standing beside her and she was pointing to something on
the bark.
On the bark, about four feet up from the roots was the
mark of an axe blow. A j)iece of bark had been cut right
oht. It was an old injury inflicted on the tree possibly months
ago, but it was definite and purposeful and Chaya knew
at once its meaning. She rose up and hurried along to the
next tree ahead. It showed nothing. She examined tree
after tree and then again she cried out.
. When they reached her she was pointing to another
mark similar to the first, only shghtly higher up. Tillman saw
the whole thing at a glance.
" She's struck the blaze," said he. " Can't you see,
Wiart or maj'be some native has made it — she's saved us."
They followed her as she hurried along. Her keen eyes
trained to observation required only one glance at a tree
to tell whether it was blazed or not.
She had no difficulty at all at cross roads, for here every
tree was blazed till the right direction was indicated. On
straight paths the blaze was rare, it was not really required,
yet it was there sometimes as though the man who had made
it was so iini)iessed by the ])ossibilities of this terrible place
that he determined to leave his mark as often as possible.
The depression and anguish of spirit that had ridden
them up to this now completely vanished, and the renewed
leeling of life and elevation of spirit showed itself in each man
according to his temperament.
They had not far to go, less than a mile the blaze led theni
and then vanished where the path of a sudden broke up and
delivered them to the forest.
To find the thorn no longer' on either side of one was to
experience the feehngs of a man who escapes from the clutches
of a male\olent giant. The atmosphere of the forest was quite
different from the atmosphere of the maze, a blind man could
have told the difference. There the air seemed stagnant and
hke a prisoner. The hfe of the forest avoided the place, all
but the insect hfe that buzzed and droned amidst the thorn.
Here the parrots were shrieking and chattering and the
cUmbing kangaroos astir in the branches and the wind
moving the leaves and bringing with it the perfume of the
camphor and cutch trees, and a faint fresh something that was
perhaps the breath of the sea.
" Thank God ! " said Houghton.
Chaya, with the faithful Mitu on her shoulder, looked
around her. She was now in her own home, she could find
her way in the forest by instinct, possessing that unerring
sense' of direction more sure than the pointing of the compass.
She led the way now, Houghton beside her and the
others following. It was half an hour after noon, and they
had still almost a day's journey before them ere they could
reach the river.
It was now a race for the gold ; but just as in the maze
they were the prisoners of Confusion, so here in the forest
they were the prisoners of Distance. They could not run.
n<jr cuuld they advance fast, the journey required that they
should husband all their energies. Barrier lianas sometimes
lay in their ])atli so thickly that they had to be cut through,
aiid it was absolutely necessary for them to halt every now
and then for a short rest.
They flung away their bundles, retaiaiiig only in their
pockets a few morsels of food, and they would have flung
away their guns and ammunition had it been possible.
Sometimes when they rested they talked. Hull grumbled.
"If them two blighters went back to the river," said he,
" they'll have taken the boat sure, to reach the lagoon, and
then wliere'll we be ?
" We'll have to tramp it," said Tillman. " Make down
the river bank as hard as we. can pelt, but the chances arc
they'll have struck for the lagoon through the forest. Wiart
seems to know the forest pretty well."
" How long will it take them to unload the cache, I
wonder?" said Houghton. "God! It makes me boil to
think that we may reach the lagoon only to find the Barracuda
gone, and we stranded here, and those two and that infernal
Jacky making for Sydney."
(To be cotttiitufi)
April 20, 1916
LAND & WATER
19
is labelled " Burberrys.
Greatest Danger
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Every Burberry Garment Service is not the poisOD gaS and
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As assurance against this risk the
TRENCH-WARM
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lljl^ is absolutely essential to
k Officer at home or abroad.
every
The Trench- Warm Burberry combines the
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occasion requires. A
TRENCH-WARM
of stout, densely-woven Gabardine, lined
with thick, yet light. Camel Fleece. A coat
that will take the edge oflF the keenest wind
^^Illustrated and maintain a healthy glow of warmth on
the bleakest day ; a
WEATHERPROOF
that turns the heaviest downpour, yet owing
to its perfect air-freedom, keeps the body dry
and comfortable in the mildest weather. It
is in fact a perfect safeguard without the
insufferable heat and discomfort inseparable
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SHORT-WARM
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W^ The whole coat is scientifically de-
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LAND & WATER
April 20, 1916
<^ Town and Country ^
The King and Queen will attend the memorial service at
Westminster Abbey on Tuesday for the Australian and New
Zealand soldiers who fell at Gallipoli. This is as it should
be. Anzac Day will pass into the greater anniversaries of
the Empire, and its glory will never be blotted out.
By the death of Lord Clanricarde, the House of Lords loses
the last of its eccentrics. Few of them have been of a lovable
nature, and the late Marquis was no e.xception. He was no
doubt more than a little mad. but not sufficiently so to be
kept under that restraint which debars at least two members
of the Upper House from taking their seats.
The honour conferred on the Aga Khan has been well won.
His devotion to the Empire has been sincere and unswerving
from the first, and he has spared himself no labour to uphold
its interests. At times and in places it has demanded moral
courage of a high order. Sir Mahomed Shah, Aga Khan, is
the spiritual head of a large section of Mohammedans scattered
throughout Asia and Africa. Though a wealthy man he owns
no landed estates. The salute of 11 guns now places him on
the level of a ruUng chief, and signifies that the King-Em-
I>eror recognises that other qualities apart from land tenure
may entitle a leader of men to the pecuUar honour of a salute.
Whether it be due to spring weather or to deeper causes
(I believe the latter) never have the restaurants of London
been so crowded as during this April. As an illustration, I
was at Prince's last Friday, which is considered an off day in
the restaurant world, yet parties were waiting in the foyer
for tables until half past two and later. Prince's of course has
always been a favourite reeort, though in the spring-times
of peace the flood tide of its prosperity, so far as luncheon was
concerned, Wcis when the Royal Academy opened. But this
year it has not had to wait for that event.
Before these words are in print, the result of the Wimbledon
Election will be known. Whichever way it goes, Mr. Kennedy
Jones will receive congratulations, for the contest on his part
was thoroughly sporting. But K. J. has always been a
sportsman jind the tougher a fight the more he enjoys it.
He was offered a "safe " seat in the House years ago but he
refused it. Those who know him best would like to see him
there. He is a hard-headed business man with a strong streak
of kindness in his nature, which he does his best to conceal.
His first experience of electioneering was at Portsmouth over
twenty years ago when his then partner, Mr. Alfred Harms-
worth, now Lord Northchffe, unsuccessfully fought an election.
Easter is the natural excuse for a little extra indulgence in
sweets and chocolates ; Rumpelmayer as usual gives every
encouragement. He has the true French touch. The Easter
eggs he despatches, however simple and inexpensive, are
always works of art, and it is a pleasure to give as well as to
receive them. Hospitals are not forgotten and Rumpelmayer
has been very busy in sending them there, by his patrons'
orders. His tea rooms are crowded of an evening.
The Canadian War Contingent Association issued a report
this month of its work since its inception in August, 1914,
until December 31st, 1915. It would be impossible to find
higher efficiency ; it has been thorough in its ways, straight-
forward in its methods, and tlie support it has received over
here more particularly from Canadians has been most generous.
The initial difficulties, especially in connection with its mihtary
hospital which is now at Beachborough Park, Shorncliffe,
kindly lent by Sir Arthur and Lady Markham, would have
disheartened most people, but they were at last overcome,
and this hospital, administered by a committee under the able
chairmanship of Mr. George McLaren Brown, has done and
continues to do very splendid work.
When the Association first began its duties of looking after
Canadian soldiers, there were only about 33,000 on this side
of the Atlantic ; now there are 120,000, but it can proudly
boast it has never failed one of them. It has not only pro-
vided extra comforts but has laid itself out to make the life of
the men both here and at the front healthier and happier.
Its repKDrt is well worth a careful study. The chairman of its
executive committee is Sir Thomas Skinner, and the hon.
secretary, Mr. T. G. Colmer. No man has worked harder or
to better purpose than Mr. Colmer. Hekmes.
AQUASCUTUM
FIELD AND
TRENCH COATS,
PERMANENTLY WATERPROOF YET SELF- VENTILATING
Hare been supplied
to officers of all
ranks asd regi-
ments in the
Britbih Army, and
in tbeir opinion
stand out as the
ONLYOOATSniHlN
WHICH THEY
CA.N PLACE THE
UTMOST EELI-
ANCB.
We owe the unpre-
cedented success
we have experi-
enced with these
coats to the recom
men dations of
thousamla of satis-
fied wearers, also
to our principle of
never supplying a
coat unless we are
confident of iti
giving
Entire
Satisfaction
BELTED INFANTRY COAT. CAVALRY
The Original of ihe above letter may be seen with
where a large stock of Military Waterproofs in all
ANOTHER
LETTER
RECEIVED.
April 6th, 1916.
Colchester.
Sirs, — Kindly
send me illus-
trateil price list
and self - mea-
surement form
for yiiur Cavalry
Trench Coat.
My brother at
t e Front highly
recomrae nds
your Trench
Coat for its
hard wearing
qualities and
also as a
Perfect Water-
proof.
R. S. D.
COVERALL. TBEflCH COAT.
MANY OTHERS at our Regent Street establishment,
sizes are kept READY FOR IMMEDIATE WEAR.
AQUASOUXUM, Ltd.,
100 REGENT STREET. LONDON, W.
By Appointment to Hh vVCajesly the King.
Waterproof Coal Specialists for over 50 years.
f
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2816 [vSi] THURSDAY, APRIL 27, 1916 [rN^nMYp'^I^E'^l] ^Sii^Mi^^^i^
Bij Luuh Iludniu
Drawn exclusivdu hf "Land and Wc .e/V
Remember Wittenberg
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April 27, 1916
LAND & WATER
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, APRIL 27, 1916
CONTENTS
PACE
Remember Wittenberg. By Louis Ra^maekers i
The Alarm : Bevereu. By G. Spencer Pryse 2
Dies Mirabilis. (Leading Article) 3
The Tigris Campaign. By Hilaire Belloc 4
America's Ultimatum. By Arthur Pollen 9
Sortes Shakespearianae. By Sir Sidney Lee 11
An Unhumorous Pliilosopher. By Desmond
MacCarthy n
Air Problems and Fallacies. By F. W. Lanchester 13
War in Fiction and in Fact. By J. D. Symon 15
A Book on ZeppeHns. (A Review) 16
Chaya. By H. de Vera Stacpoole 17
Town and Country 20
The West End 22
Choosing Kit ~5
DIES MIRABILIS
WHEN Britain's part comes to be written in the
History of the Great War, when it is possible
for all things to fall into their right perspective,
Tuesday the twenty-fifth day of April, 1916,
will stand out saliently as an historic date. For the first
time in the annals of Parliament, that institution of
which we Britons are so inordinately and perhaps a little
unduly proud, the defence of the realm demanded
a secret session which is practically without precedent.
Two secret sessions there have been previously, but they
have been secret merely in name and for causes so trivial
that they scarcely count. There seemed a peculiar
fitness that purely by chance this strong action of the
leaders of Parliament with its inevitable encroachment on
the ancient liberties and privileges of members of both
Houses should have occurred on the birthday of Oliver
Cromwell. The Order in Council which governs this
secret sitting of the representatives of the nation is
framed in the spirit of the great Protector, who, where
the defence of the realm was concerned, paid slight heed
to the susceptibilities of members of Parliament. At the
same time we may express doubt whether that section
of this Order in Council which has reference to Cabinet
meetings has not been framed in a too drastic manner,
and whether indeed it will be found possible or even
serviceable in practice.
But Westminster witnessed another sight on this
historic Tuesday. The men of Anzac — Australians and
New ;:ealanders — marched to the Abbey and there
" united in .praise and thanksgiving for those of our
brothers who died at Gallipoli for their King and Empire
in the high cause of freedom and honour." The King
and Queen were of the congregation and their Majesties
must have thought of their own coronation in the old
Abbey, so rich in the memorials of our race, and com-
paring the two occasions have found reason for deep
gratitude that King and Empire should in these hours
of trial stand so closely together and be united by one
common purpose. The Prime Minister of Australia later
defined this date as " the natal day of AustraHa's en-
trance into the world's politics and the world's history."
That in itself constitutes a memorable day ; and the words
which the Dean of Westminster spoke from the chancel
steps of the Abbey : " We are resolved that by God's
gracious favour ovir brothers shall not have laid down
their lives in vain," were echoed by the Australian
Premier a little later in the day : "I feel that the spirit
of those dauntless ones whose bodies now lie on the penin-
sula are near to us on this day of Anzac urging us to
press on and ever on to victory." There is no faltering in
the pronouncement of either Churchman or Statesman.
These straightforward words are the true expression of
the heart and soul of the British Empire.
After a long protracted winter, summer came in at a
single leap on this Tuesday. The sun shone out hotly
from a blue sky, as though to grace the triumph of
the courageous soldiers from southern sunnier lands.
And the people flocked into the streets in their tens
of thousands to give them welcome, cheering, waving
handkerchiefs and flags, strawing the way with flowers
in a manner rarely seen in this Metropolis. The day of
Anzac was a day of high holiday in London, which will
long be held in remembrance. And the morning had not
far advanced before rumour was busy with startling
episodes in the North Sea and across the Irish Channel.
There had been a raid, some said an attempted invasion,
on the East Coast, but a httle after mid-day an ofiicial
statement from the Admiralty made plain just what had
happened at Lowestoft. Before the afternoon had
waned into evening, the news of the " rebeUion " in
Dublin was in all the papers, the Irish Chief Secretary's
statement in the House being fully reported.
I Directly it was hinted abroad there was trouble in Ireland,
all who knew. the country at once attributed it to the
Sinn Feiners. It is a sort of " mad mullah outbreak "
for which rebellion were too big a word. Nor can it
be fairly termed a conspiracy seeing how open has been
its propaganda, and how unconcealed its preparations.
It calls for prompt repression and sharp punishment.
Nowhere will this uprising of a few crack-brained
fanatics, many of them in Government employment, be
more reprobated than in Ireland. It has no backing
and it is typical of that overweening ignorance which is
Germany's 'chief characteristic in all her relations with
other nations either during peace or in war that she
should have taken it seriously. - That there is close
connection between Roger Casement's mad descent on
the Irish coast, the Sinn Fein ebullition, the Lowestoft
scramble and the ZeppeUn raids is undoubted, but we
only wish our enemies could be truthfully informed
through their many secret channels of the actual effect
it has had on the peoples of these islands:
Never have the Easter holidays been celebrated with
greater verve and delight. The slowly improving weather
that blossomed into the summer hours of Tuesday
and Wednesday, contributed to this. But the great
working population is enjoying temporarily unprecedented
prosperity, and in London the shops have been
crowded with busy buyers and the parks thronged with
happy holiday makers, well fed, well dressed and deter-
mined to make the best of their brief rest and the sun-
shine in a manner that impressed even Londoners
themselves. The German cruisers, whose big guns
saluted the dawn of this dies mirabilis so far from frighten-
ing the people only gave new zest to their pleasure and
wearied with one excitement after another, they went
to bed that evening wondering whether the Zeppelins
would round off the great day, but regretting that if they
did, dead-tired they would sleep too soundly to be
awakened unless a bomb fell on roof or doorstep. The Ger-
man bogey will not work ; the scooped out turnip with
its tallow "candle on a winter's night is more terrifying
to the British public than anything the Hun has been
able hitherto to launch against these islands.
4
LAND cV W A T E R
April 27, 1 9 16
THE TIGRIS CAMPAIGN
Stragetic Value of British Operations in Asia Minor
By Hilaire Belloc
EVERYONE in this country is chiefly concerned
at this moment— ^and naturally — with Kut.
The chances of relieving (ieneral Townshend
seem the principal business of the war, and the
army on the Tigris is regarded in the light of that task
alone.
But there is another far more important point to be
considered in connection with any allied arin\' in
Mesopotamia at this moment, and that is the strategic
effect of its presence upon the great war as a whole.)
That effect is considerable and to ignore it in our
anxiety for Kut is to suffer a grave error in judgment.
Whether the small force now contained at Kut el
Amara be compelled to surrender or not, the strategic
value of an advance on Bagdad, which was entrusted to
it, and the consequences that will presumably follow upon
that advance, in any event remain.
In order to judge this we must get rid of the immediate
anxiety for a very small isolated force, we must. refuse
to consider the Mesopotamian campaign as an isolated
adventure, and we must consider the whole field of the
war and its development.
What Led up to the Importance of the Turkish
Empire in the War
Of the Alliance ranged against the British, French and
Russians, and later the Italians, much the largest portion
of the Central Empires (which was also the original portion)
is, in a military sense, nearly homogeneous. The German
word of command is universal from the Danube to the
Bdltic and from the Vosges to the Vistula. What this
central body originally lacked in homogeneity it fully
obtained upon the peril of Austria-Hungary during the
first winter of the war and the consequent submission of all
her organisation to direct control from Berlin.
This formidable power outnumbered for many months
the available forces of the Allies opposed to it, for a still
longer period controlled a much greater industrial output
and, what was perhaps most . important of all, enjoyed
a great disparity of force between its various opponents.
It could be confident that on its eastern front industrial
resources would always be lacking to its enemy. ,
This homogeneous central body was also fully mobilised,
that is, it had an organisation and means for levying men
and material and communicating orders which permitted
it to sustain at the very outset of the campaign a maxi-
mum effort so far as men and their moNcments were con-
cerned.
Of the opponents toyirhis central body France alone was
in a similar position, and France counted in men only
about a third of the central body ; in opportunity for
industrial effort originally —after the occupation of the
northern departments and before the marvellous develop-
ment of production in 1915 —not a tenth.
The Central Powers thus attacking civilisation with
such odds in their favour suffered from two grievous
sources of weakness which, combined, threatened them
with' an eventual loss of the great war. These two
sources of weakness were the inferiority of their land
strategy to the strategy of the French, and the in-
feriority of their naval power to the naval power of the
English. Before the main operations of the war had been
in progress a month, the bad strategy of the Cierman staff
had destroyed all their advantage of initiative and dis-
counted most of their advantage of numbers on the
western front. Before they had been in progress another
two months the enemy, for all his vast superiority in his
munition and manufacture was pinned and caged upon
the Western front. He has not yet been able to break
the bars of that cage.
He was defeated at the Battle of the Marne which,
early as it appeared in the operations, is the turning point
of the whole war. After being defeated in the Battle of
the Marne lie missed his opportunity to restore freedom
of movement b\- his right or northern wing and struck in
vain against the sector of Ypres after the doors of his
prison had been closed upon him. One may say that by
the nth of November, 1914, he was definitely contained
on the west.
The Britisli supremacy by sea, the two factors wherein
arc the excellence of the British Navy and its size,
blocked the enemy's supplies from the outer world to an
extent only limited by the policy of the British Govern-
ment towards neutrals. It thus completed the bars of
the cage which had been forged by a superior military
strategv ujjon the western side of the Continent. Bnt it
did far more than this, for it left the sea open for the Allies
to supply themselves ; and j)articularly for the P'rench,
whose industrial opportunities had been so grievously
curtailed, to obtain munitionment, arms and every
necessity from abroad.
As a counter to this state of affairs the enemy had two
opportunities, (i) He could put Russia out of action
and either obtain a separate peace from that Power or
leave it by the defeat of its armies and their disintegration
■or capture negligible for the rest of the war. (2) He could
further endanger both France and Britain, but Britain
much more than France, in their political position through-
out the Mahommedan ivorld. To do this his instrument
was obviously the men, the religious and political organisa-
tion, and the territory of the Turkish Empire.
Entry of the Turkish Empire into the War
and its Effect
Early in the war he obtained the support of that alh'.
The Near East promised to Germany and Austria-
Hungary not only this power of offence against the British,
but also some ultimate chance of further supply in cotton
and food and the rest in spite of the blockade, should the
blockade become at last really severe. Further, the
Turkish alliance with (Germany and Austria-Hungary
completely shut in Russia so far as her main outlet to the
sea was concerned ; prevented the armament of Rou-
mania as a possibly ally of Russia, and heavily affected
for the worse Russia's financial position as well.
It behoved the French and the British and the Russians,
but particularly the British, to take measures against this
new threat.
Supposing, to take an extreme hypothesis, the British
had done nothing, then the Turkish Empire could easily
have found men sufficient to cross the existing natural
defences of Egypt and to overwhelm the small garrison
of that dependency. Apart from the formidable moral
effect upon the whole British position in the East, the
attack would have cut the main communication between
Britain and India. It would at the least have enor-
mously increased the expense and the time of all com-
rnunication between India and England. At the same
time, there were men to spare in the Turkish Empire
(supposing the Allies had done nothing) to move into
Persia and interrujit any communication of men, news or
policy through that avenue. It was even conceivable
that Turkisli forces moving against the comparatively
small Russian garrison south of the Caucasus miglit
defeat them and lay hands upon the Russian province
which was also the main source of petrol supply for the
Russians. Nor should we forget that an uninterrupted
move against Persia would ultimately have cut off one of
our own main sources of oil supply.
Of course, this hypothesis is purely imaginary. What
really took place was a vigorous initiative of attack by
the British against the new menace. First, there was the
attempt to force the Dardanelles ; next the rapid increase
of the forces in Egypt ; next the observation of essential
April 27, 1916
LAND & WATER
points in southern Persia, and lastly the sending of a small
jorce up the Tigris to threaten Bagdad.
Meanwhile, the Russians in December, 1914, destroyed
all danger of Turkish menace against Caucasia, and
slowly advanced into Turkish Armenia itself. To the
opportunity afforded the enemy by the Turkish Alliance
there was one grave lesion, which lay in the presence of
neutral territory between Austria-Hungary and Turkey.
This weakness was eliminated last autumn [by the
adhesion of Bulgaria to the Central Powers, the over-
running of Serbia and the establishment of through com-
munications with Constantinople.
This moment, about the beginning of November, 1915,
may be regaided as the ma.ximum point in the develop-
ment of the enemy's strategy as a whole so far as that
strategy concerns the Near East. He founded great
hopes upon the through communication with the Bos-
phorus and Asia thus provided. He rapidly munitioned
the Turkish armies and added largely to the instructors
and leaders whom he had already begun to provide. It
seemed possible that in the long run a serious attack upon
Egypt might be made and might be successful. It was
even conceivable, "if there were a total collapse of the
Allied forces other than those in the west, that the
land route to India itself might be menaced within the
space, say, of the ne.xt eighteen months or two years.
It is at this point that the advance on Bagdad, small
as K'rts the force with which it was attempted, b:gins to
take on a strategical meaning in our eyes.
Effect on Turkey of a Hostile Force
the Tigris
on
A study of the map, coupled with an appreciation of
the political importance of Bagdad explains the strategical
situation therefore created by the threat to that city. The
rule of Constantinople over the Turkish Empire depends
mainly upon a complex of military, religious and social
prestige. Bagdad, a distant but important capital upon
its own account, fallen into the hands of an enemy would
have shaken the whole of that organisation. Any threat
to Bagdad must therefore be met by the assembly of a
considerable force to save the city.
But such a force (the sea being closed by the power of
the British ilect) depended upon the line of communication
1,1, I, a hne interrupted by two ranges of mountains at
A A, losing the advantage of the rail at B and dependent
between B and the front at F for communications, upon
a track across Mesopotamia and the waterway of the
Tigris River. The assembly of a considerable force thus
at F interfered with the scheme of attacking Egypt along
the second line of communications branching from the
first, marked 2',2. At this the rail had been carried
as far as D and posts of water and supply established
along nearly the whole of the dotted line beyond.
To undertake both operations at once would have
involved a heavy strain, especially as a very large garrison
had been accumulated in Egypt. This force by the s^ca,
whenever the danger to Egypt should be past, would
form a reservoir for use either in the further East -or
against Syria or for the drafting of reserves to any foFcc
based upon the Balkan port, should such a force be
engaged in active operations. Meanwhile, far off, but
upon the flank of the main line of Turkish communica-
tions, 1,1, 1, was the threat of a considerable Russian army
which had for its objective in the first place Erzerurh at E ;
next the great gate for supply to all this region, the Pprt
of Trebizond at T, and lastly through Bitlis as well as
through Er'zerum, the road to Diar Bekir. This Russian
force was operating in the mountains. The communica-
tions were atrocious. The winter was a most formidable
handicap. But once it was in possession of all Armenia
and once its own bodies should reach Diar Bekir, the
large force which the Turks had concentrated in Meso-
potamia— the province known in the Turkish scheme of
administration as Irak — would be in peril, for Diar Bekir
stands at the edge of the Mesopotamian plain, and any
large body of men there present would, in a few days get
across the only railway supplying the Mesopotamian
front.
Now let us see how all this fits in with the position of
the small British forces at Kut.
Suppose the worst and suppose this small force sur-
rendered. What would be the strategical consequence ?
It has brought down to F and kept there a considerable
Turkish Army. \\'ill that army retire after achieving this
success against General Townshend's small force ?
It calinot do so because it has in front of it the very
large force gathered for the relief of Kut. It must remain
in front of Bagdad so long as this very large force im-
mediatelv facing it stands on the Tigris. Whether
General Townshend's small body is still in existence or no
Allied (groups
TurkLsh Grjup^\
T. A N D i"v- W A T E R
April 27, 1916
ill a military sense, does not affect this truth in the least.
Bnt if the Turkish McsoDOtamian arniv at F remains thus
liooked on to its present position by tlie large British
force opposed to it, then with every week that passes the
danger of its coramunications through the Russian advance
in Armenia gets greater. There is no longer any question
of an ad\-anre through Syria towards Egypt. The whole
que^;tion for the Turkish' liighet cojiiinau'd will be how to
hold Mesopotamia and Bagdad. And it will be a question
that will get more and more diffiiult to answer. There
must come a time so far as this tield alone is concerned,
and eliminating disturbing facto ts elsewhere, when the
Turkish force in front of Bagdad will have only one of
three courses fipiTii to it.
(i) To sumnKWi to itself for the luere work of holding
Irak and especially its capital. Bagdad, all the available
resources the GovcTnment at Constantinople can lend. In
that case the Rut*>ian advance westward through Asia
Minor, alrcadv menacing though slow, would become
rapid and extremel\- formidable, for the only thing check-
ing it so far has been the concentration of very considerable
Turkish forces in front of it.
(2) They can fall back along their line of communica-
tions until they are past the danger point at Aleppo
(the knot or junction which is always in peril of the powers
controlling the sea and which many think should have
been attacked long a,"o.) To do this is to abandon Irak
and to abandon Bag-dad, and for that matter, within a
comparativelv brief Qela\- to abandon Syria too. This
's what in any higluy organised country the inferior
Turkish Forces would do in the presence of the Russian
menace from the north and of the smaller but still com-
paratively large British force in front of them. It would
be elementary strategy to act thus in the face of that
menace and of this op_50sing force, if the Turkish Empire
were one homogeneous and highly organised country, all
the members of whicli were acting in accord.
(3) There remains the third course of keeping a large
Turkish force covering Bagdad, but not reinforcing it
heavily because the Turkish hi^er command thinks it
essential to block the Russian advance through Asia
Minor. In this last and third case the fate of tht Turkish
force in Mesopotamia is only a question of time. They
will have, their communications cut behind them and they
will be dcstroj'ed.
A Choice of Sacrifices
We must not neglect in all this, by the way, the presence
of a small and advancmg Russian force which is moving
down to Bagdad along the Persian road 3^3.
The conclusion of the whole matter would seem then
to be that the threat to Bagdad puts the Turkish higher
command into a situation everywhere menaced. Of
the three policies open to it each leads to some grave loss,
and the only choice they have is to decide which form of
loss is the least ; whether to sacrifice the central plateau
of Asia Minor until the Russians draw near to the heart
of the Turkish power, or to sacrifice Mesopotamia and
Bagdad, or to sacrifice ultimately the army now occu-
pying that province and protecting that provincial
capital.
If we look at the position in Mesopotamia in this light,
that is, as part of a very large general scheme, it will gi\e
to the present peril of the little force at Kut a different
value from that which mere sensationalism, or
worse, will attempt to give it. It is not the re-
maining military value of this small force which chiefly
marks the strategical situation in the East. It is the com-
bined positions of the main force upon the Tigris, of the
advancing Russian forces upon the norlli and the east
and of the Turkish bod\- between them all, and menaced
by iJicm all, upon whicli an impartial observer of the
strategical problem alone will hx hir attention. The
little point of Kut. which produced the present strategical
situation, while it has the importance of a cause to
so much larger an effect, has little other strategical
importance for the future. Discussion as to how or
why that force allowed itself to be surrounded is now
mel-ely academic. It belongs to the past. But discussion
as to "how valuable the presence of a considerable force
upon the Tigris still is, and of what great effects it may
Kad to, is not academic at all, but of high practical
importance. _ , „ .
As to the moral or political effect in the East followmg
upon the loss of one division, that is for others to
determine. It can only be judged by men who have a
personal acquaintance with a matter which is not in its
essence mihtary, but purely political.
SITUATION ON THE VERDUN SECTOR
The present lull in the operations before Verdun has
lasted longer than anj' similar interval since those opera-
tions began.
The last considerable effort of the enemy was made nine
days ago. Before that he had allowed seven full days to
pass between the very extensive assault of Sunday, Ajjril
()th, which was made upon a front of nine miles, and died
out in the following two days. These seven days were
the largest interval of inactivitj' he had yet allowed his
infantry to have.
It has been conjectured from this gradually extending
series of spaces between each of his considerable expendi-
tures of men that the enemy's attack upon this sector which
had already proved so immensely costly and had hitherto
arrived at no military result at all, was being allowed to
die out.
It is impossible to decide upon the only evidence
publicly available in London, whether this is the case or
no.
The decisive evidence in the matter is the present nature
of the bombardment.
If he is no longer delivering shell from the 380's and
420's, then it is reasonable to conjecture that the increasing
intervals of inactivity are accounted for by his moving
of these big pieces, and presumably his moving of them
westward.
It is true that the Woevre is drying up and he can. if
he likes, deliver attacks with comparatively large bodies
u])on the south-eastern end of the salient, between Fresnes
and St. Miliiel. But all that is under observation from
the heights of the Meuse. He would seem to have a better
chance of doing something effective if he pressed the other
end of the salient, the north-western end near the Argonne;
and it has already been pointed out in these columns that
he has there ample cover under which to concentrate, and
on the whole, better results to expect from an advance.
If he is still delivering shell of the two high calibres
mentioned, and from the same emplacements west of Spin-
court, where he tied down his big pieces (which he can
only move by rail) early in January, then the successively
increasing periods of inactivity would point to his gradual
abandonment of an enterprise he has found to be fruitless.
The other pieces — up to the 305's — he can move in some
few days and by road ; but the big pieces abo\'c 305 —
the 380's and 42o's* — are the test. Whether he is wise to
tie himself up thus with such masses of metal and whether
the results, against field works, is worth their immobility,
is another matter. But certainly the evidence of what the
biggest pieces are doing, whether they are still firing, and
if so, from where, would be decisive. Lacking evidence
upon that point, we can not only come to no conclusion,
but we cannot even make any reasonable conjecture upon
his future movements.
Meanwhile, it may be worth while to point out the
errors underlying certain suppositions which have ap-
])eared in the Press, and which I have also found in the
letter of several correspondents addressed to me during
the last few weeks.
The first, and most important error .would seem to be
that connected with the supposed object of the enemy to
exhaust the French by his attacks.
More than one correspondent has suggested to me that
this enormous expenditure of men has been thought
worth while by the enemy because it would gradually
wear down French resistance — would exhaust Frencli
numbers.
As I see the matter this conjecture is based upon a
complete misapprehension of the numerical standing of
the two opponents. It is based upon a vague idea that
the enemy has much larger reserves of men, and can
therefore better afford to waste them, and it is based
upon the conception that such an offensive as the enemy
has maintained for two months is no more expensive
to him than to the French, If we examine the most
*Thcsc calibres are of course in millimetres, to reduce to inches
(roughly) multiply by 4 and shift the decimal, c,g., 305— I2j in..,
42O=l0'S in., etc.
April 27, 1916
LAND & WATER
obvious pieces of evidence upon this matter, we cannot
entertain that conjecture as to his motives.
The German Empire alone is concerned in this war to
hold a total front, eastern and western, of about 900
miles — or rither more.
The eastern section, that is, the Hues north of the
Pinsk marshes and stretching to the Baltic, can, during
the thaw and until the drying up of the soil after the
thaw, be held with a much smaller number of men to the
mile than the western front. But it cannot be held
with less than thirty-five divisions, and probably it is held
with more. Upon the western front the enemy is believed
to have over 115 divisions. He may have more, but
I believe that number has been actually identiiied. He
has put into the attack on Verdun, first and last, over
thirty divisions ; thirty at least have been actually
identified. He has further to keep certain forces— they
are already grievouslv attenuated — as garrisons to watch
his doubtful ally in the Balkans. He has to waste-
very grudgingly — some troops among the Austro-Hun-
garians. He has to hold down Belgium. That last point is
one we should never lose sight of, for though Belgium is
now ruled normally as a piece of occupied territory, the
policing of it is a heavy drain.
The available power of the German Empire in men,
including the youngest classes in training, is to the
available power of the French Republic in men, including
the same classes, roughly as seventeen is to ten. But of the
western front the French troops, thanks to the British
alliance, have only to watch something over 430 miles —
say just under half what the Germans have to watch. The
French are not hampered by having to hold down any
conquered territory at all, or to stiffen any doubtful
Allies. We know the comparative exhaustion of the two
bodies, and we know that it is already slightly more severe
upon the German side than upon the French. The
enemy was already putting his igi6 class into the field in
large numbers about a couple of months before the French
put any of their 1916 class into the field at all. Of the
French 430 miles or so, about 80 is mountainous and
densely forested, and can be held with a less number of
men than the open country north and west of the
Vosges. This, of course, will relieve the enemj^ potentially
as much as it now does the French, when the French pass to
the offensive. But since, by this hypothesis of the
enemy's aiming at exhausting the French, we are only at
the moment considering a French defensive, it is a point
in favour of the French.
Now these things being so — the enemy slightly, but
appreciably, more exhausted proportionately than the
French ; his total man-power (in the German Empire
alone), not double the French, but only 70 per cent,
greater ; the front he has to garnish more than double his
opponents — an attack such as that which has been con-
ducted upon the Verdun sector, has no chance of ex-
hausting his numerically inferior opponent. It has no
chance whatever of making the French army lose a '
larger proportion of its men than the German army
loses in the same operation.
Indeed, it is impossible to see how such an offensive can
be other than immensely more expensive to the attack
than to the defensive opposed to it. As a mere numerical
calculation the thing is meaningless. Individuals who
have seen this or that restricted section of the lines,
especially where there has been a countei -offensive, will
report equal losses on either side. Such tales are balanced
by others which, from the observation of such slaughter
as that in front of Vaux just a month ago, generahse the
German casualties at an impossibly high figure.
I know that the Germans have been lavish with their
munitions, that the shelhng of the French trenches has
been extraordinarily heavy. But I also know that the
defence has never broken and that therefore the slielter
has been good, and I further know that since the first ten
days of March the French reply in shell has been as heavy.
The casualties from artillery fire, other than that of field
guns, on the two sides will not greatly differ, but will be
rather higher on the enemy's side because, as he is attack-
ing, there are frequently recurring moments when his
trenches are packed just before an assault. There is no
superior " convergence of fire " against the French.
The salient is not sharp enough for that. While losses
from rifle, machine gun and field gun fire enormously
greater on the side of a prolonged offensive.
The general principle stands and is in the nature of
things. An offensive so directed, so prolonged and so
restricted to narrow fronts, is enormously more expensive
than the corresponding defensive.
The German higher command may, of course, imagine
that the French are so unstable that heavy losses at this
moment will incline them to peace, although they know
that they are inflicting much heavier losses upon their
enemy. That is a political, not a military calculation ;
and the Germans are quite wrong if they are basing
themselves on that. But whether this be their conception
or no, they cannot conceivably think that a continued
attack in the present state of the Allies with the very large
English body already in France, and the enormous
reserves behind that body, is playing their game in the
matter of attrition. The thing does not hold water.
Further note this : we are in the tenth week of the
affair, the allied forces on the west are at least 50 per
cent, more numerous than the enemy's. And yet he
has not provoked us to the least counter-offensive. Does
not that decide the matter ?
It will be of the highest interest when these things can
be studied in detail, and with the ofiicial evidence before
one, to discover with what minimum of men the French
have worked their astonishing defensive along the sector
of Verdun. I do not mean with what minimum of men
all told ; on the contrary, the French have used (in rota-
tion) very great numbers of men. I mean with what
minimum of men in the front line, at any moment, and
occupied in shooting at the enemy when he attacked,
the French staff has worked upon these thirty miles.
A Unique Example
Upon the proportion of that number to the masses of
the attack will largely turn the future science of modern
defence. For Verdun will, in the future, be the classical
example in the schools. The successful action of the
French on the sector of Verdun is an example of the
modern defensive upon a scale of men, munitionment and
time, which makes it something unique even in the history
of this war, quite unparalleled by any action of the past ;
such lessons as it provides will outweigh all others.
The same tactics have now been pursued by the French
higher command for sixty days ; or, if we count the first
rapid retirement for sixty-five days ; and during the whole
of that time the bombardment has been continuous. The
total number of separate attacks (in so far as they can be
distinguished one from another, which is not always easy)
would seem to be over forty, and of these no less than
twelve have been attacks vipon a front of from two to
nine miles, and with forces from the equivalent of one to
perhaps seven divisions. This last figure, ithe largest
in any attack upon one restricted front, was the French
estimate of the forces engaged on April 9th.
The enemy losses must, of course, be largely a matter of
conjecture, and this is a pity, because the proportion
between the losses of the offensive and the number of the
enemy used at any moment upon the defensive is the
essential point of the whole matter. The curve of losses,
could we strike it, would certainly fall during the last
few weeks because the enemy's attacks have been de-
livered at such much longer intervals, and in the lulls
between there has been hardly any action at all. On the
other hand, the curve would rise rather sharply between
the beginning and the middle of the affair, from the
development of the Fi^ench heavy artillery fire against the
German trenches, which grew very largely in volume
between the end of February and the middle of March,
since which date it has been maintained at about the
same rate.
It is worth noting that the estimates of German losses
in front of Verdun put about through the Press, have
never had ofiicial sanction, b'at there has evidently been, a
very strong effort made to keep the published figures
down below the true figure, to spread what business men
call " a highly conservati\'3e " estimate. The reasons
for such a public policy are obvious enough. Meanwhile,
the best evidence obtainable has come from the great
quantity of private infornaation which has been fairly
widely distributed behind tiie scenes. Take, for instance,
the attack on the Mort d'Komme of ten days ago. Those
who were eye-witness of that affair and who are trained
by months of warfare to the est mate of losses will not
8
LAND & WATER
April 27, 1916
allow less than 8.000 of the enemy hit between Bethin-
court and Cumitr s in that one assault. It is a perfectly
clear open tield and the chance of keeping an accurate
estimate is at its highest. Upon the basis of this sort of
private evidence one can hardly doubt that the total losses
in the si.xtyjodd days are now well past the .]Oo,ooo. They
were reaching that figure before the great attack of April
yth.
The Enemy Civilian Attitude
One great factor in the enemy's military position
which we are inclined to forget in this country is the
attitude of his civihan population ; and not only of his
civilian population, but of great masses of his rank and file
in the army. For it is at once a strength and weakness of
his upon the military side that this opinion is still quite
simply and unalterably convinced, not so much that
German victory is certain (as Hindenberg was clamouring
the other day) as that victory has already been
achieved.
I say that this is at once a strength and a weakness. It
is a strength in two wajs : it permits his liigher command
to work untrammelled by criticism and to command all for
any effort with a certainty of response. It is always an
element of strength, though a dangerous and ephemeral
one, to be governing men who over estimate their
power. But it is a weakness chiefly in this : That, being
a falsehood it has, like all balances on the wrong side,
to be kept up at compound interest.
Napoleon with a real foundation of decisive victories
very different indeed from that enjoyed by the German
higher command, suffered grievously from this weakness
during the later part of the year 18 12 and all the year
1813 and the first months of 1814 up to his abdication.
What people who rely upon the " over capitalisation"
of national confidence chiefly have to dread is exactly
what a debtor has to dread or, for that matter, any one
who shirks reality, and that is, ultimate liquidation. They
even usually exaggerate in imagination the whole effect
which the unpleasant truth will have when it comes, and
they are therefore led into efforts more expensive than
are really needed to stave off that moment.
I am not sure that the continued waste of men upon
the sector of Verdun is not largely concerned with this
point. The German Press and the German orders of the
day confirm one in such a conception. For instance,
Deimling, in command of the 15th Corps (Strasburg)
issued an Order of the Day doubtless similar to orders
issued by many other commanders upon the German side
last February, but peculiar in this, that it has fallen into
our hands. This Order of the Day expressed to his troops
the confidence of the higher command in an immediate
reduction of the French forces west of the Meuse, and
the occupation of the bridges and town of Verdun as part
of the original attack now nine weeks past.
There was no necessity for such bombastic utterances
in the purely miUtary sphere. There is no military
necessity for any part of that stream of prophecy which
pours out over Germany (and America and England) from
the enemy's pr.blicity bureaux. All Deimling had to ask
of his soldiers was a special effort, and the only language
necessary to such a pronouncement was the ordinary
language of glory and duty and the rest. But hf felt it in-
cumbent upon him, or rather he was instructed, to
promise specifically a highly definite result, which in
}K)int of fact was not reached.
You see the same sort of thing in the daily press of the
enemy, which is, of course, written up, so far as these
notices are concerned, directly by agents of the German
VVarOflfice.
First an attack is bcinj.^ made to capture the local
defences of a mighty " for:ress " called Verdun. It'is
bound to succeed. For nearly every reader of the
(ierman daily press has heard of the " fortress of Verdun "
since he was a child. Not one in a thousand studies the
war sufficiently to know that there is no such " fortress "
left under present conditions' ; not one in 500, perhaps,
even reads a map. The Emf 'cror goes to the front of the
Verdun sector and makes every preparation for formal
entry into the town, much as be did before Nancy nineteen
months ago. Meanwhile the papers are instructed to say
that "Verdun opens the ro.id to Paris, " a perfectly
meaningless phrase. Next that Verdun is " the heart of
France," which is not only empty but idiotic. Next,
for some weeks, that progress " though slow, is sure,"
next that " Verdun is invested and besieged " (which
it isn't), and lastly, that entry into Verdun is " certain "
—with no fuller hint at what the vahie of such an entry
might be.
Now there was no necessity for all this save the keep-
ing up of a legend. Save for that legend the Emperor was
perfectly free to go quietly to the sector in which he was
principally interested and to watch events like a soldier
and not like an actor. There was no necessity for saying
that the reaching of the Meuse at Verdun and the accom-
panying capture of great numbers of prisoners and guns
would " open the way to Paris." The German higher
command knew perfectly well it would do nothing of
the sort, and by using that phrase they were simply
piling on more to the debt which would have some day
or other to be liquidated.
German " Victories "
As the affair goes on one notices another development.
The attack is not so often spoken of as the " siege of
Verdun " it becomes " the victory of Avocourt Wood,"
" The victory of Malancourt," " The victory of Hau-
court." The public in Germany is thus nourished with
unfailing successes.
I ha\e already suggested in these columns what I im-
agine will be the last development of all. It is only a
conjecture but it is worth watching. I conceive that the
moment when this offensive is abandoned will be marked
by the sudden publication in the German Press of im-
mense (and false) totals of prisoners and material cap-
tured, and probably some false and heavily cut-down
total of the German losses incurred.
One other point seems likely. It is this. Some con-
tinuation of the attack on the Verdun sector will probably
be maintained until another big offensive has been
undertaken, (iermany is bound to attack. She has no
choice. That is why it was perfectly safe to allovv, as
was done in these columns, for a great enemy offensive
on the Western front before the end of the winter and
the drying up of the Polish front. She must attack again
somewhere soon. And the political side of this over-
lapping of two expensive operations will be inducing
the public to forget the Verdun failure in their excite-
ment over the next effort.
Where that effort may be designed only those can tell
who at Headquarters are noting the signs of concentra-
tion. For all we know here in England there may as yet
be no such signs apparent. One theory, plausible enough,
suggests that the attempt will be made against some
portion of the British front. Another, more likely,
against the point of junction between French and British
upon the Upper Somme, with the advantage if it were
successful over a belt of a few miles of cutting the main
railway communication between Paris and the Straits
of Dover.
Yet another theory is that no further great offensive
upon the west will be attempted by the enemy, but that
the west will be left to the defensive the moment the soil
permits of an attack upon the Russian front. But all
these things are mere guess work except to the men
who are receiving the reports of (German movement, and
it is waste of time to speculate upon them.
A Note
As I conclude the writing of this article, news reaches
London of another carefully thoughtout offensive plan
just launched by the enemy. It looks even more futile
than the earlier ones. The great combination which was to
have been a powerful feint on the British coast coupled with
a sudden drain of troops to Ireland and chaos meanwhile
through an attack by air, has so far resulted in a few
of the Sinn Fein in arms, the sinking of the only munition
ship sent, the capture of one mad man, the hurried
appearance of a few Zeppelins, immediately chased
away, and a few shells on Lowestoft. If it gives the men
who themselves feel panic and also work on the fears of
others, some measure of the enemy's lack of judgment
the silly thing will not have been in vain. H. Bklloc
April 27, 1916
LAND & WATER
THE AMERICAN ULTIMATUM
By Arthur Pollen
THE past week has been marked by mcmmtous
events. The long expected American uld natvim
to Germany has actually been dispatched.
Lowestoft and Zecbrugge have been bombarded.
An attempt has been made to land arms in Ireland.
This invasion was at first treated as a joke — but subse-
quent news shows that it was a carefully considered
effort. It was made by a disguised cruiser, helped by a
submarine. The ship itself was sunk by our forces,
though the curious wording of the Admirahy announce-
ment makes it quite impossible to guess the means.
Amongst the survivors, all of whom it must be supposed
were made prisoners, was the .rebel Casement, and at the
moment of writing h :; is in London awaiting trial by court
martial. On Tuesday at .^(.30 a.m., the German battle
cruisers attempted a second bombardment of Lowestoft,
this making the first effort to cross the North Sea since
December, 1914. The squadron was engaged by all the
naval forces in the locality, but these, one must presume,
were limited to destroyers and light cruisers. The
Germans took to flight incontinently, but not before they
had dropped shell enough in Lowestoft to kill three adults
and a child. The British light craft pursued, and kept
in touch with them, in the hope no doubt, that our own
battle cruisers would cut off the enemy and bring him
to action before he had got within the defences of his
minefields. Some of the pursuing squadron were hit, but
none were sunk. But as no mention is made of these
more powerful squadrons being engaged, it must be
assumed that, as after the 1914 attacks on Yarmouth
and Scarborough, the raiders have managed to get clean
away. Twenty-four hours before this Admiral Bacon's
forces seemed to have got into touch with some German
destroyers off Zeebrugge, to have driven them into that
harbour, and then to have given that place such a bom-
bardment as it has never had before. In this case the
initiative was probably purely British. Two points in
connection with the Lowestoft and Irish raids are note-
worthy. In the first the safety of the ravaging cruisers
was secured by Zeppelin reconnaissance. Would the
possession of similar craft by us have made it too dangerous
a venture ? In the Irish effort a submarine and cruiser
worked in company. This is a combination, the possi-
biUty of which our patrolling squadrons will have to
keep constantly in mind when they search seeming
neutrals.
The Casement attempt to land arms in Ireland and
the raid on Lowestoft must be read together.
The Admiralty announcement taken . by itself, and
read in absolute ignorance of conditions in Ireland,
suggests a touch of light comedy. But probably it is a
mistake to look at it in any such light. Neither Case-
ment nor his German employers would be likely to start
on an enterprise of this kind without hopes that, in the
unlikely event of the arms being got through to the Irish
coast, there would be somebody willing to use them.
If there was any expectation of causing serious trouble
in Ireland, then the raid on Lowestoft may well have been
calculated to make the most of the situation.
The Germans are great architects in moral effects, and
though their assaults on British nerves have so far not
been repaid by any great perturbation of the popular
judgment, there are not wanting signs, at any rate in
London, that persons of reputed light and leading ma\-
yet be susceptible to terrorism. And moral considera-
tions apart, it is always a good card to play on England's
fear of invasion. If it does nothing else it may serve to
keep troops in these islands that would be highly danger-
ous elsewhere.
And beyond both of these objects the German go\ern-
ment is face to face with a difficulty with America now
from which there is no outlet that is not disastrous either
to its home prestige or to its mihtary hopes. It has be-
come, then, an obvious necessity of the situation
to create some kind of diversional attack on Great
Britain, either by bombarding its coast or by pretending
to foster a rebellion in Ireland, for not otherwise could
German civilian attention be turned from the most
important issue of the day.
Mr. Wilson's note to Berlin leaves Germany to choose
between the absolute abandonment of all the methods
that have given success to her submarines, and a final
rupture with the United States of America. In sending
this note Mr. Wilson has done exactly what he was
expected to do. It followed logically on the discussions
which have taken place during the last thirteen months.
His demand that the Senate and the House of Repre-
sentatives should each pass resolutions supporting the
Government's policy clearly indicated that this step was
imminent.
It was inevitable that the United States would take
this line for two reasons. The issue with Germany is on
a plain matter of right and wrong. And it occurs in the
form of war which, for a great many years now, has been
regulated by law in a sense in which land war never has.
No cruiser captain can capture or sink an enemy ship
without his action being liable to review in a court of law.
Note, for instance, the recent case of the Captain of the
Carmania having to tell his story of the sinking of the
Cap Trafalgar in open court. A German General can
capture and plunder a town and abuse the inhabitants
apparently at will, and do what he likes with the loot.
Anyone who is interested in a neutral which is captured
or sunk has his remedy in the Prize Courts, and all naval
action is liable to be reviewed by a court martial. These
are truths that should prove illuminating to those who
talk of " navalism " and " militarism," as names for an
equal tyrannj'.
Effects of Sea Action
It is, historically, strictly true to say that the humanis-
ing of war began with sea war. Sea action is in its essence
always simple and always direct. It lends itself to strict
investigation, to accurate and unmistakable analysis.
The moment, therefore, that Germany carried her con-
tempt of the Christian and civilised code into this field
her crimes were not only open to the detection and con-
demnation of the neutral world, but no excuses or
mendacities could cloud the issue. The clearness of the
facts then, the tradition that sea war was governed by
law, the simplicity with which it was seen that the issue
was one of right and wrong, made the attitude, which the
United States has now assumed, inevitable from the first.
The consequences of this ultimatum will be twofold.
It has already had an overwhelming moral effect. It gives
a final shape to the judgment of the neutral world, and
the allied belligerents would be less than human if they
were not comforted and encouraged. The judgment of
America on European affairs in a way anticipates that of
posterity. When the New World is called into existence
as a critic of the morals of the Old, it redresses the balance
which the war has thrown out of gear. If, like the judg-
ment of posterity, it has taken some time to become
effective, this fact only adds emphasis to the finality of
its character. The event, then, is one that has only to
be defined for its value to be measured. The largest
neutral state, the most democratic community in the
world — in which opinions and judgments are canvassed
and expressed with a freedom unknown elsewhere — has
spoken with due deliberation and in unmistakable
words, and with its protest has put a term to its neutrality.
The thing is a portent, when we remember that no country
is less prepared for or less desirous of war than the
American States. That this reluctance is a measure of
American sincerity will not be lost on the German Govern-
ment ! Nor will it fail to perceive that if the United
States become belligerent, fellow victims among the
neutrals may be encouraged to join as well.
Very few enemy expressions of opinion have reached us
and it is not certain that any of these are of importance.
There has been no general press comment — perhaps
because none lias been permitted. This reticence is an
excellent proof that the Higher Command realises that the
10
I. A N D Cv WA T E R
April 27, 1916
final liioicr must now br made. It is an imInc'n^c result,
(ierniany has to inako its rhuiro knowing that it stands
at the bar of tin- pubUc conscit-ncf convicted of crime.
What will the Highrt" Command's choice be ? I'tiose
who have followed the de\elopments of (jerman policy
in the months of February and March will see without
difficulty the choice it will tctsh to take. For six months
previously von Tirpitz had devoted the whole engineering
resources of (lermany to the preparation of a vast sub-
marine campaign against the shipping that served these
islands. While these jireparations were going on at
home. Count Bcrnstorft was trying to keep American
opinion in check. Six weeks or so before the grand
attack was due he played his master card, and for a time
it looked as if, by our arming of merchant ships in self-
defence, Germany had been supplied with exactly the
argument that would take America out of the contro-
versy. In the first Hush of this seeming victory, March
1st was announced as the date on which the slaughter of
the merchaJitmen would begin. Then suddenly it
became clear that Bernstorft had failed, that the American
(iovernmcnt were too well advised, both of law and
historv, to accept his sophistries. It became obvious
that the Tirpitz campaign, if carried out as Tirpitz meant
it to be, would precipitate the crisis which the German
The Consequences of Defiance
But if the public opinion in Germany compels a deliancc
of America, if the true proportions of the surrender are
appreciated and are seen to be intolerable, something
much more serious than the continuance of the submarine
campaign will follow. For ruthless as it has been during
the past five weeks, it is to be noted that the only liners
and passenger ships attacked, have been the victims of
misunderstood or disobeyed instructions. The cases of
the Palamban^ and the Tubantia I dealt with over a
month ago. It is against reason to suppose that the
German Higher Command could ever have intended these
ships to be sunk. Neither do I beheve that the Sussex
was sunk by order. The official account of this incident
as published by the enemy is a lame enough affair, if it
is interpreted as an effort to prove that the Sussex was
not sunk, but if it is read as an explanation or an excuse for
sinking her, it is a different matter altogether. In no
conceivable form of naval operation can the difficulties
in identifying an opponent be so great as in submarine
operations. If, as one supposes, all the more experienced
U boat commanders have perished, if all the present
commanders are doing their work reluctantly and, re-
membering their predecessors' fate, in a pardonably
Sliipsperdm/
■3.
' — +
ff.
2—1 -r :- L ] - ■ 2
/f
I
'iJbrmal
'2^WeeIi
Shipsperday
kekt-^^3-^Week, ] Jx.Si
4^Week\
-4 -I------ S^mek^-i
i
2
i__
/I
.- ■ . ^ J
-!"=■
r^
2
-2
formal I^Week 2'^hheA Sr^hM. ^Week S^lVeek
Daily average of Ships sunk. Note that in the past week the losses have fallen below normal
CJovernment knew at all costs must be avoided. Von
Tirpitz was thereupon dismissed.
But the Government had reckoned without the effect
of its previous education of German public opinion. The
=reed that the submarine was the only weapon against
England and could be made an effective weapon, had
sunk deeply into the German conscience, and the strange
spectacle was seen of a submissive people forcing the
hands of their autocratic rulers. Three weeks behind
time, then, the campaign began. A month of it has
brought the ultimatum which the clearer heads had, from
the first days of March, fully realised to be inevitable.
The first, and indeed the only instinct of the German
Government in this crisis must be to go back to their
attitude before the agitation forced their hands. The
Kaiser and Bethmann von Hollweg will then do their
best to surrender. The American (government will do
its best to make that surrender easy. So much is clear
from Mr. Willard's exceedingly interesting notes from
Washington in the New York Evening Post. And Mr.
Willard is credited by his countrymen with a close and
singular knowledge of Mr. Wilson's wishes and intentions.
But though everything will be done to make the surrender
ea.sy, the surrender itself will have to be absolute. It
must take the form of a complete suspension of the whole
submarine campaign as we have known it hitherto. Only
time can show whether the German Government that
had to yield after dismissing von Tirpitz is strong enougli
now to face so abject a humiliation. If it is, there
follows from the American note a military result of the
first importance, to wit, a virtually complete security for
the sea service of the allied belligerents.
shaken state of nerves, the wonder is, not that such a
mistake as happened in the case of the Sussex occurred
but that there are not many more such blunders. At any
rate, Tubantia, Palambang and Sussex stand alone, anil
it seems incredible that some eighty ships could have
been sunk during these five weeks, and no other liners
sunk or attacked, except on the supposition that liners
have been deliberately omitted from the proscription.
If Germany refuses to yield to America, the first result
must be that the attack on liners will become as ruthless
as has been the attack on freighters. This is a matter
in which the belligerents' new Ally— if , indeed, she should
decide to become an Ally— will not be able to help us.
The only effective naval defence against submarines arc
fast, well armed light craft, and in this the American
Navy is conspicuously lacking. The immediate result
then of America's intervention may throw a far heavier
strain upon the Admiralty's defensive organisation, by
breeding a new, and in some respects, a more formidable
threat against our shipping. This no doubt is a situation
which the Admiralty has anticipated, and it is difficult
to suppose that there is any form of defensive that is not
being pushed to development at the maximum pressure.
But other Departments of Government must realise
that this new situation, if it should arise, will retpiire
special measures. The building of new merchant shipping
must be made to rank as equal in national importance
with the making of munitions or the supply of the Royal
Navy. So far Admiralty restrictions on merchant
shipping have been largely withdrawn, but this for two
excellent reasons does not sufticc. First, shipwrights,
boilcrmakers, rivetters, etc.. while wiUing enouirh to
April 27, 1916
LAND & WATER
II
tackle naval construction, show no patriotic inclination
to throw the same ardour into mercantile work, for
.the reason that they do not realise its national importance.
Secondly, the lirms that have contracts with shipowners
ior the production of steamers, have no inducement to
raise wages or push on with this work, for the reason that
any ships they build must be delivered under contracts
made when economic conditions were totally different
from those that now prevail. If they complete the ships,
they do so at a loss. And as over half a million tons
have been contracted for, the loss would be formidable.
It is for these two reasons that it is clear that only
Government action can put the renewal of our merchant
shipping on the footing which its importance as. a national
interest now demands.
Next, it follows from the existing shortage and the
threatened, greater shortage, that the restriction of
imports must be made a great deal more rigorous than it
is. The employment of Sir Guy Granct to supervise this
guarantees that the Government's policy, whatever it is,
will be carried out with the greatest possible ability and
firmness. It is more to the purpose that this policy
should be as strict as possible, and that once principles
are laid down, no pressure to allow exceptions should,
even in a single case, be permitted.
The Case of the Underwriters
Finally there is the grave question of insurance, the
importance of which seems in some quarters to be very
little realised. In this field the excess profit tax may
prove to be of questionable wisdom. The business of
underwriting has been held to be a trade and not a
profession, and the individuals and firms engaged in it
have to pay last year's and now the enhanced impost
on all after war profits. Some of the largest operators
have already withdrawn from underwriting altogether
and others threaten to withdraw. ■ To them it simply
seems to be a case of " Heads you win : tails I lose."
The Chancellor has, of course, made certain concessions
to them. The transactions of two years are to be brought
into account, instead of only one, and the excess tax
profits is not to be payable till the end of the present
jinancial year. But is not the application of this tax
mistaken in this particular case ? At most underwriting
is half a business and half a profession. In no commercial
imdertaking does individual experience and judgment so
affect a man's action. But this, after all, is not the point.
The point is that we are in a form of sea war in which the
uncertainties are greater than they have ever been, and
that never was a free underwriting market more needed.
Anything which weakens the market is bad policy.
The underwriters have deserved well of the nation. From
the first their action has been marked by public spirit.
But their position is difficult. It is impossible for the
Admiralty to give them information which will enable
them to judge the probabilities of any one route being
safer than any other. With an enemy with the morals of
the German and armed with a weapon like the submarine,
it is literally true fo say that at any moment anything
may happen. This is surely not a situation in which,
however numerous the thousands that can be drawn
in taxation, the Exchequer's receipts will compensate
for a diminution in the confidence of the underwriters
in their business. For the possession of a great reserve
fund is of the essence of confidence in this affair. I cannot
help thinking that anything the Chancellor might lose
by omitting this tax altogether would be gained fivetimes
over by the community in lower underwriting rates, and
the added buoyancy and courage which the prevalence
of a low underwriting rate gives to the shipping world.
And if the tax cannot be remitted altogether two changes
at least might with advantage be made. Let the excess
profits tax for underwriters be halved on the ground that
their business is at least in part professional, and let no
tax be levied at all until after the war is over, so that this
period of exceptional — and to a great extent incalculable
— risk should be dealt with as a whole.
The Submarine War
I continue this week the daily average curve shewn in
the last number. It will be seen that during the past
seven days the losses have dropped below one a day, that
is below normal. The present fall can hardly be ex-
plained by the American note. It is more probable that
tlip fall is due to the usual causes, namely, the necessity
of all surviving boats to return home for refit, and the
fact that many boats have not survived.
Arthur Pollen.
An Unhumorous Philosopher
By Desmond MacCarthy
NOTICING a look of abstraction on the face of my
companion, I asked him what he was thinking
about. " I am thinking," he replied smiling,
" about Herbert Spencer." I looked at him
in astonishment. But afterwards when we parted my
thoughts, too, strayed off in that direction, and I found
them amusing.
Herbert Spencer's Autobiography is one of the fnost
transparently honest books ever written. Men have
often tried to confess themselves, but vanity or the
desire for sympathy, or the penitent instinct are the
strongest motives which prompt such attempts, and they
are distorting influences of the most insidious nature.
For really truthful self-portraiture some complacency
and much detachment are necessary ; and these are not
qualities which generally urge a man to tell all he knows
about himself. By itself self-complacency may produce
an amazingly fatuous book ; the hfe of Lord Herbert of
Chertbury and Benvenuto CelHni's autobiography are
excellent reading ; but then several pinches of salt must
be taken with every page, for the authors are out to
make definite impression.' Absolute detachment again
prevents a man from writing about himself at all. The
men then who have written about themselves most
truthfully are those who have taken their work so seriously
that it seems natural that the world should want to know
all about them, and who, at the same time, are so
satisfied with what they have done, and so convinced of
its importance, that they do not care a rap what the world
thinks. This was the case with Herbert Spencer.
The perfect blend in him of self-complacency with the
absence of personal vanity has produced a book of unri-
valled honesty and tepidity. It has been said that Gibbon
wrote about himself in exactly the same tone as he wrote
about the Roman Empire ; Herbert Spencer wrote
about himself in exactly the same tone as he wrote about
Sovtes Sbahespeaviana^
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
The Reunited Ministry :
Men shall deal unadvisedly sometimes.
Which after-hours give leisure to repent,
Richard III. '\.. iv., 292-3,
Parliament in Secret Session :
Seal up your lips, and give no words
but mum ;
The business askcth silent secrecy.
2 Henry VI„ I., ii., S9 90.
President Wilson's latest pronouncements:
He is awake.
He tells thee so himself.
Troiliis nnd Crcssida I., iri.. 255-6
12
LAND & WATER
April 27, 1916
the Universe. He was not in the least afraid of making
the Universe dull ; he was as perfectly indifferent about
making himself out uninteresting. His business was in
both cases to generalise and correlate phenomena. Many
men have screwed themselves up to confessing publicly
they were wicked or have done mean things. But
as in the case of Rousseau, pride usually peeps out in the
fact that they are obviously conscious that they are own-
ing up to the things other men conceal. They are proud
when they comi)are themselves with others. Many have
written themselves down as rascals, or as* asses of the
gay and freely kicking kind ; but very few have tried to
depict themselves at full length as essentially dull. Such
an achievement is beyond the reacli of humility, and
can only be accomplished by one free Herbert Spencer
in whom the passion for truth has no other rival passions.
Fascinating Result
The resrdt is fascinating. Perhaps when the Synthetic
Philosophy, that row of stout volumes bound in the
philosopher's favourite colour, " an impure purple," is
forgotten, its author may still be remembered as the most
perfect specimen of a human type. There is no name
for this type, but we have a name for his op])osite ; we
call him a humorist. It was not that Herbert Spencer
was an antigelast : so far indeed from looking forward to
the day of the last joke, he was pathetically api)reciativc
of jokes, seeking them himself with care and hope. But
his mind was exactly the kind of mind in which humour
does not live. The jokes he made himself, or appreciated,
were little tiny jokes ; he never saw a big one in his life.
He tells us in his autobiography that a sudden access of
moderately good health enabled him to make one once
in the Isle of Wight He was on a holiday there with
G. H. Lewes, and at lunch he records that he remarked that
it produced very big chops for so small an island.
Herbert Spencer had a hearty deep laugh ; and
his own chuckles which followed this remark must have
been very funny. One can imagine his companion, after
gazing for a moment in amazement at the delighted
countenance of the philosopher, bursting into laughter
himself, laughter which would be echoed by still deeper
guffaws from the only begetter of the original joke ; in
their turn provoking redoubled peals from the other, and
so on till climax was again reached memorable after forty
years, and the reaction set in, when the philosopher
suddenly recovering his balance and normal frame of
mind, remarked on the causal connection between humour
and health.
Whisky on Top of Wine
Describing a walk on Ben Nevis in another passage, he
says : "I found myself possessed of a quite unusual
amount of agihty ; being able to leap from rock to rock
with rapidity, ease and safety ; so that I quite astonished
myself. There was evidently an exultation of the per-
ceptive and motor powers. . . . Long continued
exertion having caused an unusually great action of the
lungs, the exaltation produced by the stimulation of the
brain was not cancelled by the diminished oxygenation
of the blood. The oxygenation had been so much in
excess, that deduction from it did not appreciably
diminish the vital activities." What is all this about"?
He explains. The fact was the philosopher was coming
down the hill side chariotted by Bacchus and his pards,
having taken whisky on the top'of wine on the summit.
There is another story about him which illustrates this
habitual direction of his attention towards causes
to the exclusion of all other aspects. Numerous
complaints about the toughness of the meat having
occurred at the Atheneum, the matter at last came before
the kitchen committee, of which he was a member. It
was agreed that the butcher should be sent for and inter-
viewed. But Herbert Spencer would not hear of his
being admitted until it had been decided exactly what
was the cause of the complaints : it was unfair to the
man to assert vaguely that the meat was tough. After
a longish session, in which he took the matter in hand,
the butcher was at last admitted and told that his joints
" had too much connective tissue in them."
Now this habit of mind, though it may be sometimes
tlic :;ause of humour in Oihers, is u'lfavourable to the
internal production of it, and in that amusing book Home
Life with Herbert Spencer, by two of the young ladies
who kept house fi^r him for eight years, the specimens of
his own efforts in that direction prove this. For instance,
there arrived one day a new photograph of him. The
ladies began to criticise it, no one of them could find any
points in its favour. " Why it gives neither your serious
nor 30ur frivolous expression ! We don't like it at all."
About ten minutes or a quarter of an hour afterwards we
were astounded to see the philosopher in his sliirt sleeves!
standing at the dining-room door tying his neck-tic.
The intensely amused expression on his face shovve d he
was quite alive to the surprise Yii would occasion.
Without any apology for his deshabille he laughingly
remarked : "I liave come down to fire off a joke before
1 forget it ! Your criticisms of my photograph — which
you expect to be grave and gay at the same time — remind
me of the farmers, who are never contented imless
simultaneously it is raining on the turnips while the sun
shines on the corn." And with an audible chuckle he
hurried back to complete his toilet.
It is a terrible ordeal for any philosopher to be described
in intimacy by two superficially reverential, but un-
consciously frivolous young women. Herbert Spencer
with his foibles, his ear-stoppers, his valetudinism, his
habit of giving to everything — potatoes, religion, salt-
cellars, precisely the same quality of attention, was
peculiarly at the mercy of such observers. (It is a very
funny book). He was absolutely defenceless ; he had no
humour, which is but the defence of the thinker against
those who take things at their face value, and the enor-
mously wide sweep of his intellectual curiosity was only
equalled by the humdrumness of his sympathies.
Study of Trifles
He was a man who could not attend to anything lie did
not think of the utmost importance and was tempera-
mentally driven to attend more than most men to trifles ;
who thought that complete independence of the bias of
tradition was as important in deciding how a bed should
be made, or how thick socks should be (he thought it
illogical to suppose that the foot should be clad less thinly
than the rest of the body) as in scjtting out to investigate
scientific problems ; who made a heroic life-long effort
to cram every branch of experience into a world-formula
(succeeding wonderfully well — with the help of a
big paper basket labelled the Unknowabl-2 for things
which absolutely would not fit), and yet at meals got
excited by a minute smut on a potato. What a
victim for the feminine eye !
The authoresses recount how on finding them ignorant
of some fact, he would exclaim : " Dear me, how innocent
you are ! " But the reader is much more inclined to
apply that adjective to him. Indeed, it is precisely that
quality which after all saves his dignity. When the
kdies suggested that the next time a rather" over-talkative
visitor came, they should all wear ear-stoppers, he
entered into the idea without a notion that it in any
way reflected on his own favourite method of guarding
against too much conversation, and he superintended
enthusiastically the melting off of the rims of old saucepan
lids for their manufacture. (The ear-stopper was a curved
spring which passed over the head and pressed a pad
tightly over each ear.)
He could not really believe that the application of
reason to any matter "^ could ever lead to any ridiculous
result ; that is why he was exactly the opposite tyjic
to the humorist, for the humorist is always conscious of
the double aspects of things. The contradiction felt may
be between feeling and thought or reason and con-
vention, or the contrast may be between the seriousness
with which something is felt and its trifling nature, or
between its importance and the lightness with which
men take it. If the unreasonableness of convention strikes ■
one humorist, another laughs at the absurdity of results
reached by reason from the point of view of common
sense ; if one finds jokes in the lightness with which
tragedies are born, another will find them in the serious-
ness with which trifles are taken. Humorists take sides on
all sorts of questions, but they are essentially men who
feel (whatever they think) that there arc tvvo or more
sides to them. They are philosophers who cannot make
ui> their minds.
April 27, 1 916
LAND & WATER
13
Air Defence Problems and Fallacies
Air Ministry or Board of Aeronautics
By F. W. Lanchester
THERE arc, in addition to the ordinary military
duties, certain operations of indirect military
value V hich experience has shown can be under-
taken by aircraft with advantage. Such may
be exemplified " in the bombardment by aeroplane
squadrons of the enemy's arsenals, shipbuilding yards,
munition and explosive factories, depots, warehouses,
magazines, etc., also for destroying his transports, com-
merce, etc. Such duties may sometimes be said to come
within the definition of ordinary military operations as
has actually occurred in the present War. When this
definition does not apply they may be undertaken by
the Air Forces of either the NaVy or Army, that is to say
in our case by the Royal Naval Air Service or the Royal
Flying Corps, whichever may happen to be the more
suitable. : ._ _
So long as we have to deal with operations of a decisively
military character or a decisively naval character, as
bearing directly and immediately on the conduct of
hostilities, there is no difficulty in settling to whom the
responsibility belongs, or as to which Service shall
undertake the work ; but when we are dealing with
those operations of indirect mihtary value which are under-
taken in the interests of both Army and Navy — more
broadly in the interests of the Nation — there is no natural
line of demarcation, and under existing conditions it is
necessary for an authority higher than War Office or
Admiralty to intervene. "Hie Ministry — the immediate
advisers of the King — must decide. More generally, since
ways and means cannot be improvised, some standing
ruling must be laid down to determine on which Service
the responsibility for any particular class of operation
shall rest. It is probable that the absence of an authorita-
tive and sufficiently early decision on this point is at the
root of some of the difficulties which have been met
with in the administration of our air services ; it is
likely to have been one of the difficulties which has con-
tributed to the failure of the Derby Committee. What-
ever may turn out to be the facts it is quite certain that
neither the Army nor the Navy can be accused of having
neglected their responsibihties with regard to these
indirect aeronautical operations, unless the Ministry
has clearly laid down which of the Services is to be
responsible for the work in question, and defined this
responsibility sufficiently in advance to permit of due
preparation.
Home Defence
In addition to these operations of aggression there are
also the duties connected with Home Defence, mainly
concerned with the exclusion of enemy aircraft from
British territorial air. This includes the provision of
flight grounds, or aerodromes, of the necessary squadrons
of aircraft with sheds, repair depots, and all the attend-
ant paraphernalia. Also of the counter aircraft artillery,
popularly known as " Archies " in the Service, search-
hghts, and the whole of the attendant personnel, pilots,
gunners, etc.
Now an attempt has been made by the Ministry to
define this latter responsibility, namely, that of Home
Defence, audit must be agreed that the lack of decision
exhibited has been lamentable. Thus the responsibility
has been given to the Army, then to the Navy, and now
again to the Army. It cannot be right, and there can be
no adequate reason for the responsibility to rest with the
Army in the spring and summer and the Navy in the
autumn and winter. It must be borne in mind in any
criticism launched against the Government that in the
order of military importance the immediate requirements
of the Army and Navy in the direct conduct of hostilities
takes first place ; home defence and operations of in-
direct military value are rightly subordinated. There is
grave danger, if public clamour is allowed to rule, and
the Government is continually attacked by the Press
and public (and more vitally by the electorate) that home
defence may be given a first place in the aeronautical
programme, and support may be withdrawn or diverted
from our Armies in the field. Already, owing to the
campaign which has been carried on by certain sections
of the Press, and the ill-advised support which has been
lent to certain persons whose credentials are at least
doubtful, it is possible that this question of home defence
may be absorbing the attention and the resources, i.e.,
anti-aircraft guns and searchlights, also personnel, which
should, " by all rules of the game," be devoted to direct
aggression and be at the disposal of our Armies in France or
elsewhere, to be employed in the major military operation
of the smashing of the Huns. If one could have a definite
statement from a responsible Minister that under no
circumstances will the present agitation be allowed to
involve the withdrawal or diversion of one gun or one
aeroplane from the support of our Armies in the field,
against the better judgment of the military authority,
it would go a long way towards easing the minds of those
who have the country's welfare at heart, and who look
upon the present phase of the Air Agitation with grave
misgiving.
Let it be laid down as an axiom that the corabatant
services must be accorded the first claim to consideration
and the first call on our resources. Whatever part
aircraft can play in bringing the present War to a success-
ful issue is primarily by its activity as ancillary to the
existing services. The part played by operations of
indirect military value may be greater or less, but the
independent use of aircraft, whether it be for long distant
raids on the enemy (unconnected with other military
operations) or in the solution of the problems of Home
Defence, do not and cannot command a decisive issue.
Air Ministry or Board of Aeronautics
The very existence of what I have in the preceding
paragraphs referred to as operations of indirect militarv
value is in itself a strong case for some form of control,
such as an Air Ministry or a Board of Aeronautics apart
from the Army and the Navy. Such operations are new
to warfare. We have neither experience nor tradition to
guide us ; they are outside the ordinary defined respon-
sibilities of either Army or Navy. This latter assertion
may be combated by some, especially in view of the fact
that our Naval Air Service has executed raids which can
only be defined as operations of indirect military value,
such as the air raid on Friedrichshaven. However I do
not feel that I shall be seriously challenged when I say
that the said duties and operations are foreign to the
experience of those who hitherto have had to control
the preparation for and conduct of military and tiaval
warfare.
It is not currently as well understood as should be the
case that an Air Ministry as distinct from a Board of
Aeronautics betokens as a corollary an Independent
'Air Service. If, as is probable, the operations of indirect
military value become in course of time of sufficient impor-
tance and assume in fact an importance beyond anything
yet demonstrated, an Air Ministry with an Independent
Air Service may turn out to be a proper and necessary
solution. It is well to keep an open mind. The case for
a full blown Air Ministry has yet to be made good.
The subject bristles with difficulties which will inevit-
ably take time and patient]consideration for their solution.
For example, if we assume that an Independent Air
Service is to be created to take charge of Home Defence
against aircraft, and also to deal with long distance
raiding and generally duties of indirect military value
we immediately strike difficulties of fundamental and
elementary difficulty. Thus under what authority will
our anti-aircraft artillery be required to operate ; and
under whose commands are our searchlights, etc., to be
placed ? Searchlights are essential to the working of
anti-aircraft guns, and are liable to interfere with the
effectiveness of the defensive aeroplanes if not controlled
in close co-operation. If, on the one hand, these combined
14
LAND & WATER
April 27, 1916
bined means of defence are to be put under a command
which is independent of our military Home Defence, we
have the unprecedented state of affairs of two commands
of a miUtary character under two different Cabinet
Ministers operating in the same area. Some who have
no knowledge or experience of the question of respon-
sibility in connection with mihtary operations will
possibly not be aware of the fundamental nature of this
dif'hcult\- and the clash of authority which must inevitably
result. Those who are conversant with the military
aspect of the question will not need to be told.
Dual Responsibility
It is useless of course to suggest the Air Minister and the
Minister of War will act in agreement and conjunction
in all matters relating to Home Defence for the reason,
if for no other, that the respective commands must each
be given to an othcer in the lield whose authority must be
imquestioned. There will be two such officers in any
area, and the combined Home Defence will depend upon
the two in some wav pooling their authority or working
hand and glove together. This, to say the least, would
be a precarious state of affairs. An. alternative would
appear to be that the Minister of the Air and the Minister
of War should decide to put both services in relation to
Home Defence under one command. In case of dis-
agreement as to which sen-ice the senior officer should
belong, it might be laid down that the air command will
be subordinate to the military Commander-in-chief of
Home Defence. Manifestly there is nothing absolutely
unworkable in such a suggestion, but considerable detail
would have to be worked out. One is tempted to ask
what benefit is to be derived or expected from the initial
division. We may presume that if the said state of things
is to obtain in time of war it would also be the most
appropriate disposition in time of peace. It is bad to
change a system in its essential features on or after a
declaration of hostilities.
The alternative possibility, that the counter aircraft
artillery and searchlights should be put under military
control and the flying defensive force be under the control
of an Air Minister, is scarcely worthy of discussion. We
should certainly have our own aeroplanes shot at and hit
more often than those of the enemy, and the enemy
would only need to come plausibly disguised to ensure his
own immunity.
It inevitably occurs to one that if it is a military
necessity that the aeronautical home defence shall be
l)laced under miUtary command, then half the case for
• the Independent Air" Service (that is to say, in relation
to Home Defence) is gone. It is only necessary, in the
first instance, that the King's advisers decide once and
for all that home defence against aircraft, so far as based
on land, shall be definitely under military control and
throw the responsibility oh to the Ministry of War to
provide for the matter being adequately dealt with.
The War Office would then no more neglect the problems
of home aeronautical defence than it would neglect the
other problems of defence which are committed to its
care. If there are critics who would scoff at the War
Office and hold the contrary, the reply is to reform the
War Office and not employ others to do its work.
Our Second Line of Defence
When the above has been said it is to be remarked
that the Home Defence conducted from our shores is, as
in the case of Home Defence conducted on our territory,
essentially our second line of defence. The first line of
defence will consist of aircraft acting in co-operation with
vessels of our Navy, whether cruisers or destroj'ers of
existing type or of special type, is one of the yet unsolved
problems. Again, when we endeavour to visualise the
naval aircraft acting under a separate command from
the Navy proper, we are faced with difficulties analogous
to those" which concern our land defence. Is the Inde-
pendent Air Service and the Minister at its head to control
the section of the fleet with which the air service (naval)
machines will co-operate, or will the Independent Air
Service confine itself to the aircraft alone, and be working
in continual and close co-operation with the Navy ?
Will the Air Minister abrogate his control of the aero-
planes or other aircraft which have been allotted to Home
Defence and place this branch of his air service under
naval command, and if this -is done in time of war, will
it also be done in time of peace ? In brief, how will, the
responsibility be defined and authority be allocated ?
The above may be taken as the bare outlines of the
difficulties which must inevitably arise in relation to
Home Defence. They cannot be slurred over, they cannot
be covered up by eloquence or rodomontade however
i)lausible. They are difficulties which will have to be
faced and dealt' with, not only as to broad principle, but
in every detail before a Ministry of the Air, so far as Home
Defence is concerned, can become a reality. Do not let
us attempt to hustle the Cabinet and the Government into
taking some precipitate action to satisfy popular outcry.
We know that the (lovernment is not a strong (iovern-
ment such as we should like to have seen to conduct the
greatest war in history. I am quile certain in my own
mind that if at the present juncture a Ministry of the Air
were appointed to carry out the multitude of suggestions
which are daily being thrown out by irresponsible Mem-
bers of Parliament and still more irresponsible Press
critics, it would be as great a failure as the late lamented
Derby Committee. We do not want an Air Minister
" in motley." The task of surmounting the many
ditficulties which will have to be surmounted if a real
Ministry of the Air is to be created are such as cannot be
negotiated by mere hustle, whether it be described as
" ginger," or"" push and go," or " bluff and bluster."
In the present article I ha\'e dealt with the (piestion of
an Air Ministry from the point of view of Home Defence.
In the article which follows the question of aggressive
action of indirect military value will be discussed in the
same relation, and some of the more serious proposals
which have been put forward in the direction of air
reform will be reviewed ; as outlined in my own " Aircraft
in Warfare," and as comprised by the scheme which has
been developed and put for%ard more recently by Lord
Montagu of Beaulieu.
The Agony of Serbia
To the Editor of Land & W.\ter.
Sir,— Referring to Mr. Alfred Stead's article in L.\Nn lv
Water of April 6th entitled " The Agony of Serbia," we beg
to inform you that our Swiss Committee for relief in Serbia
has made "arrangements for sending and distributing food
and clothes in Serbia through its Own Commissioners. Any
one wishing to contribute to this work of assistance may send
his donation through the committee.
1 am. Truly yours,
E. A. Naville,
President Comit6 de Secours aus Serbe.s,
Geneva. April 17th, 1916.
The Bristol branch of the British Red Cross Society ought
to benefit largely from the profits accruing from the sales of
Tommy's Red Cross A. B.C., wliich is published by that branch
of the great national undertaking at one shiUing. The rhymes
of " J.R.G.H. " are well illustrated by " CT.," the whole"
forming a humorous recital of the alphabet from the point of
view of the soldier in hospital.
The Daughters of Germany (Holdcn and Hardingham, 5^'
net), is a scathing indictment of German morals, which shov s
clearly that, instead of having borrowed the manners and
customs of the French Monarchy in the eighteenth century,
Germany had nothing to learn in" the way of immorals at any
period of history. The book is an ugly but unimpeachable
record of German grossness, and a refutation to the most
strenuous German claim to racial superiority. It deals with
the subject mainly from an historical standpoint.
Under the ungainly title of Let Priest and People Weep
(Gay and Hancock, 6s.), Mr. Richard Shanahan gives a viyid
and stirring account of German machinations on the Belgian
frontier during the three years preceding the outbreak of the
war. The book begins at about the time of the Agadir incident,
and ends with the first German massacre of civiUans in Bel-
gium—that of Francorchamps, east of Li^ge. An e.Kcellent novel
and an interesting contribution to literature of the war.
Mr. Richard Marsh's last book. The Great Temptation (T
Fisher Unwin, 6s.) opens just as startlingly as The Beetle, and
is in some ways reminiscent of that famous story, although
the mystery concerns " pills " rather than horrors. It forms
one of' the best mystery stories that have appeared for a lon^j
time, the interest being well maintained througliout.
April 27, 1 916
LAND ifc WATER
15
War in Fiction and in Fact
By J. D. Symon
IN the dim prehistoric times that He beyond August,
1914, our notions of war were of two kinds, wars
of the past and wars of the future. Past wars,
if we visuaUsed them at all, seemed in spite of
inevitable horrors, a gay and gallant pageant, wherem
the man in a flashing uniform rose superior to the machine.
Realistic painters and strict historians told us of rags
and tatters, of men going barefoot, of squalor unspeakable,
but that did not greatly alter the popular concept. The
terrible pencil of Verestchagin may have lifted the curtain
a little way for the more reflective ; but the pictures of
iJetaillc and de Neuville, of Vernet, Meissonier andWood-
\ille, the splendid elan and onward sweep of Lady
Butler's " Scotland for Ever ! " gave the key-note to
the home-keeping civilians' idea of the stricken field.
" Le Regiment qui passe," with its rhythm of parade
maintained amid the stress of active service, summed up
the popular ideal. The war of fact seemed a romance,
not a business.
It was otherwise with the war of the future, that
;trange portent in which the late nineteenth or early
twentieth century began to interest itself, lured thereto by
the arts of one ingenious writer. Others had attempted
the same theme, Ijut their imagined wars were all based
upon the old conventions. They were mere Battles of
Dorking, with a faint adumbration of modernised
machinery. The late Captain Clarke's lively novel
of a supposed Franco-British conflict (how absurd that
seems to-day !) was read by the late 'nineties as a very
plausible foreshadowing of .what might be. The Chief
in his motor-car, passing rapidly and easily from point to
point, seemed quite wonderful. That was a touch of real
progress. Wellington on " Copenhagen " had been
superseded by a Prince on Petrol. And magazine-rifle
fire received its due. But the area of operations was quite
small, and high explosives were not. Colossal concen-
trations of Titanic artillery found no place in the story,
and as for air-craft, a sane writer (not, mind you, without
imagination) did not indulge in impossible flights of
fancy. Verisimilitude was carefully observed, the licence
of ajules Verne would have tended towards an uncon-
vincing narrative.
Ruthless Malignity
But the other fiction of future wars struck a bolder note.
The scale was magnified many times and mighty engines
of destruction had full play. Further, the novelist
allowed himself to postulate a frightful and ruthless
malignity. In the old forecasts the game was played upon
the ancient chivalrous rules. In the new war scruples of
humanity found no place. But in order to give that ele-
ment its proper force it was necessary to go outside the
world. I)id we not live under a Hague Convention ?
Tile war of the future on earth was to be as humane as
possible. The monstrous engine, therefore, and the
monstrous malignity must be assigned to a race of super-
intellectuals from another planet. It was these hideous
creatures who, using the secret devices of science, blasted
open towns with a heat-ray and drove before them pitiful
crowds of civiliiins. The ultra-loathsome in war was no
creation of humanity. A novelist who attributed such
methods to humankind would have been voted an
outrageous dreamer.
It is entirely to the author's credit and in accordance
with his fundamental optimism that he should have found
it thus necessary to bring his thorough exponents of
frightfiflness from beyond this present world, to wit, from
the red planet of the War-God. How far that neighbour
orb has been libelled we shall not know until communica-
tion is established. If the first message be a writ served
on the novelist, let us hope it will come when we are once
more at peace to enjoy so piquant a cause celehre. A
people believed to be mighty civil-engineers may have a
real grievance, for civil-engineering, being in itself stupen-
dous beneficence, goes ill with stupendous malignity. And
the novelist, consistently enough, if cruelly, portrayed his
Apostles of Horror as themselves most horrible of aspect.
His whole conception would almost appear to be a subtle
satire on intellect sharpened to superhuamn keenness.
Perhaps he did not quite see how harshly his parable
reflected upon Physical Science exalted to godhead, at
the expense of the' humanities. Or perhaps he meant it.
How-ever that may be, he was careful to remove all human
likeness from these mere brains raised to the nth power.
Aerial Weapons
Another future war of the noveUst's was waged by a
civilised power with aerial weapons, and in a manner
sufficiently terrible, but still, on the face of it, save for the
bombing of open cities, legitimate. We read and were vastly
entertained, but set it aside with a smile at the author's
ingenuity. Such things were not going to happen. The
wars of the future would be astounding, of course, but tiiey
would mean clean fighting, and even if air-navigation
did come into its own, the old rules would hold good.
Air-craft would be used only against military positions.
The imagined unscrupulousness conveyed no warning.
We applauded the teller of tales and asked for more.
No civilised power would ever take a leaf out of his
nightmare goblin books.
But to-day, what of it ? We are living in the midst of
all that, and worse, and have become so numbed by
horror on horror piled, that it is doubtful whether we
can realise this present welter. The detached eye of our
grandson scanning the files of our 1916 newspapers will
appreciate this super-novel we live in as we cannot hope
to do. 'This morning's news sheet, could we but see it
aright, would beggar any imagining of the futurist war
■ novelist of yesterday. He might as well go out of business
at once, for his occupation is plainly gone. He conceived
certainly the malignant power that would seek conquest
by'sheer terror, but it is doubtful whether he ever thought
that his hints would be taken and improved upon in his
own time. A Yellow Power, in some remote epoch,
might thus assault civilisation, but white men, no.
We thought the Germans were whi1,e men. That was our
cardinal blunder. So here we are, bombed o' nights from
the sky, torpedoed at sea as we voyage peacefully on our
lawful occasions, our open cities shattered by a Brobding-
nagian artillery, whole nations driven into exile at one fell
stroke ; pain, misery, famine and sickness stalking at large
throughout Europe, rapine and atrocity rampant, and in
the legitimate field of battle such carnage as the world
has never seen. Every other day brings its Titanic
disaster in a double sense, and we have come to take it
as all in the day's work. The " very newsboys have
ceased to cry " 'orrible disaster." It is no longer a
business asset. Therein lurks a parable for the enemy.
" 'Orrible disaster " has never been a business asset for
him. One day he will find that out, and at last he will
know the stomach of this people. He banked upon plunging
the world into the actualities of a super-war novel. Thus
his sentimentality envisaged " Frightfulness." He knew
how a taste of that medicine would affect himself. But he
knew not the white man.
The Fat Boy's grisly fictions translated into action
do but touch a deeper futility. The super-novel of war
was effective only as fiction. As fact, it becomes a
brutal stupidity which civilisation, standing serene
above panic, has made it her stern business to suppress.
The Bright- Eyes of Danger, by John Foster (W. and R.
Chambers, 6s.) is a tale of the '45, and altliough the subject
of Bonnie Charlie is one that has inspired a vast mass of
reading matter of various sorts and qualities, tlie author of this
book has caught the true spirit of romance and steered well
away from hackneyed tracks and scenes. The fortunes of
Edmund I.ayton, Westmorland gentleman and loyal to King
George, and of Charlotte Macdonnell, Jacobite by race and
instinct, takes us to Edinburgh at the time of the Pretender's
occupation of the city, to Prestonpans, to CuUoden, and to
the long hunt that ended the last attempt to win back the
throne for the Stuarts. Yet it is not with Charlie, but with
the man and woman, Edmund and Cljarlotte, that the interest
lies, and because of their fine qualities and their love— because,
too, all the world loves a good story of stirring incidents and
vivid characterisation - this book should make many friends.
i6
LAND & WATER
April 27, 1916
A Book on Zeppelins
Reviewed by F. W. Lanchester
MK. R. P. Hcarne's Zcppdins and Super -Zeppelins
(John Lane. 2s. bd. net.) may be said to be a book
with a purpose. Its purpose is to advocate
the big airship, to advocate, in fact, that this
countr\- should embark on a programme of the building of
big airships. The book, being of a popular character, the big
airship is termed a super-Zeppelin, which from the context
apj)ears to mean something that for size and power is greater
than the Zeppelin, and presumably, if the Zeppelin gets
bigger, faster, and more powerful, the super-Zeppelin is to get
bigger, faster, and more powerful also.
'liiere is no particular reason given why great Britain
should have a jwtential monopoly in super-Zeppelins, or why
our technical skill should enable us to fulfil Mr. Hearne's
reejuirements. For example, he says " A super-Zeppelin may
be defined as a rigid airship which is better, faster, and more
reliable than the Zeppelin. The vital essential is speed.
Our rujjer-ships must be from ten to thirty miles an hour
faster than the best (icrman ship. At the same time it is
desirable that our ships should be smaller, lighter, and stronger
than the Zeppelins." This all sounds very fine, but it does
not get us any forwarder. The Germans may just as easily
postulate a supcr-sqiiared-ZeppeUn, which is to be from ten
to thirty miles an hour faster than our best super -ship, and
all the rest of the specification. This kind of talk is like unto
slaying the enemy with printers' ink. No one is any the
l>etter or worse ; we slay each other on paper, and, like the
characters is Bombastes Furioso, we are ready to die again to-
morrow.
But I believe in the plea that it is time to initiate a pro-
granune of big airships. There is no doubt the Navy wants
airships, and what the Navy wants it must have. We must
not 'leceivc ourselves however. An airship fleet is required
—not an odd ship or two— the programme is one which will
run into millions sterling. We don't mind spending millions
nowadays on anything" which is necessary from a national
standpoint. Since the War all Parties are agreed, and the
parish-pump Radical, the great majority of the Labour
Party, the Irish Party and the Unionist Party are all in the
same boat pulling more or less in the same direction. We
are going to have big airships, Mr. Hearne advocates a pro-
gramme of big airships. In this respect it may be said that his
book preaches the right doctrine.
Interlarded with Politics
When this has been said it is very difficult to find anything
further to praise in the volume, cither as to views expressed
in the matter or in the arrangement. Thus the whole book,
from introduction to the last chapter is interlarded with the
politics of the subject ; gibes at the want of foresight of the
Government, of the stupidity of experts, and even at the
stupidity of the constructors of German Zeppelins. Moreover
it is full of assumptions which are by no means proven, in-
accuracies in description, and general mis-statements of the
position which cannot be condoned. Mr. Hearne conjures up
people he calls " anti-airship experts," and describes them
in many places as foolish and prejudiced people who would
not listen to common sense. His accusations and statements
are inconsistent amongst themselves, and are not in accord-
ance with facts. Beyond this I think that even the advocates
of the large airship will say, when they read this book — " Save
me from my friend," for again and again we find the matter
being urged as wanted for " future Wars," or to the " next
War. ' It is fervently to be hoped that we are not going to
wait till then.
Also, instead of confining himself to the possibilities which
are well within sight, Mr. Hearne talks glibly of great sea-
going aircraft capable of travelling at 100 miles per hour.
Doubtless this will come in time, but such speeds are not
quite vet within sight.
As illustrating the above criticisms it is clearly stated in
more than one place in the book that an air fleet such as
proposed, would constitute a definite assurance that "never
again will enemy airships bombard London." How the super-
Zeppelin fleet is to effect this guarantee is not made clear.
There is unconscious humour in much of the writing with
which Mr. Hearne presents us. For example, when he paints
the Zeppelin as being of small use, because it is crude and
badly designed, and because it has been stupidly employed,
one cannot suppress a smiie. Or again, referring to Count
Zeppelin, he says : " In strictly adhering to that design in the
Ui;lit of later "knowledge Z''i)pclin has shown stupid con-
servatism," atid there arc many other passages to the same
effect. When we turn the page to see what Mr. Hearne's
ideas on the subject arc, we find (page 44) that he advocates
a central tube along the entire length of the airship. In other
words a stiffening member along the neutral axis (neutral
whether in bending or torsion). This one suggestion is a
quite sufficient commentary on Mr. Hearne's qualifications
to criticise the Zeppelin as it exists. He repeats this sug-
gestion in another form later in the book.
From a literary standpoint this work cannot be con-
sidered altogether an acquisition to one's library. The sloppv
colloquialism of prefacing adjectives without adequate reason
by the word " simple " (simply marvellous " page 54) is always
irritating, but the gem of the collection, if one may so express
it, is to be found in the following passage — " The stock argu-
ment against the Zeppelin is that it is a fair-weather' instru-
ment, and no use in War. But the succession of raids on
England in 1915 prove the Zeppelin to be a most wonderful
vessel." As a piece of inconscquentiality, this reminds one
of the admonition to the prisoner in the dock bv the village
J. P., " You have hard working and industrious parents, you
have been blessed with good health, you have been given a
good education, instead of which you go about stealing ducks."
Some Novels of the Day
Readers of Mr. Phillips Oppenheim's stories— and their
name is legion — will find in The Vanished Messenger (Methuen
and Co., 6s.) a mystery of the international politics order,
with an entirely new kind of villain, an extremely up-to-date
hero, and a very attractive heroine. Mr. John P. Dunstcr.
the messenger, brought over from America disijatches on
which the peace of Europe depended ; the villain. Miles
t'entolin, intercepted the dispatches, and the hero — well,
the whole story is told in Mr. Oppenheim's best manner,
and though it seems rather strange to read of the preserva-
tion of peace now that war has actually come about, the
plot is so well worked out that one is lured to belief in it.
We commend the book to all iii search of thrills and an
adequate seasoning of sentiment and romance.
Josiah Chapel, the hero of Chapel, by Miles Lewis (Heinc-
mann, 6s.) began life as a failure, and stuck to that profession
up to the time of his wife's death, after which he began to take
a grip on things. Mr. Lewis, evidently a Welshman himself,
has worked out his Welsh hero's ultimate success in a series
of strongly drawn sketches ; though the book is one con-
tinuous story, it is made up of detached and separate studies
of Josiah, his son Griff, Bess Hughes — whom Griff married—
and certain other figures in the plot. The method suits the
type of work, forceful stuff, extremely material in outlook,
with a note of reality and very little sentiment about it. In
the best sense of the phrase, this is a very clever book, intro-
ducing an entirely new and attractive type of Welshman.
The Stranger's Wedding by W. L. George (T. Fisher
Unwin, 6s.) concerns a certain Huncote, fresh down from
Oxford, who went in for settlement work in north London,
where he met, fell in love with, and married a washer-
woman's daughter— rather a superior washerwoman's
daughter, possessed of aspirates and beauty, but still of
an entirely different class from Huncote. The story is that
of their meeting, marriage, and attempts to fit in their lives
to each other. Huncote was moderately tactful, and Sue,
his wife, tried her best to live up to her new status.
There, in essence, is the storv, but not the book. l-'or
the author has brought to his work such artistry as Wells,
brings to his studies of the lower middle class, and has brought
too, a species of ei)igrammatic wit. a I.atinity of brilliance,
that one misses in Wells. There is, perhaps, a trace too much
millinery in the book, a shade too much intimacy with things
innately feminine, but both Huncote and Sue are' masterpieces
of creation, characters that will live long in the minds of those
who learn them from these pages.
Mr. George proves himself a master of delicate shades of
emotion, and m this, undoubtcdlv the best work he has done
so far, he gives us a book that should rank very high among
the novels of the year. For the book is not only brilliantly
clever, in the best sense of that plirase, but is also a work of
. unusual depth and power.
April 27, 1916
LAND & WATER
CHAT A
17
^ l^mance of the South Seas
Xy H. T>E FERE STAC POOLE
Synopsis : Macquart, an adventurer who has spent most
of his life at sea, finds him^ielf in Sydney on his beam ends.
He has a wonderful story of gold hidden up a river in New
Cuinea, and makes the acquaintance of Tillman, a sporting
man about town, fond of yachting and racing, and of Houghton,
a well-educated Englishman out of a job. Through Tillman's
influence he is introduced to a wealthy woolbroker , Screed, who,
having heard Macquart's story, agrees to finance the enterprise.
Screed purchases a yawl, the " Barracuda." fust before they
leak'e Macquart encounters an old shipmate, Captain Hull,
-who is fully acquainted with his villainies. Hull gets in touch
'with Screed, who engages him and brings him aboard the yacht
just as they are about to sail. They arrive at New Guinea and
anchor in a lagoon. They go by boat up a river -where they
make {he acquaintance of a drunken Dutchman, Wiart, who
is in charge of a rubber and camphor station. Here they
meet a beautiful Dyak girl, Chaya. According to Macquart's
story a man named Lant, who had seized this treasure, sunk his
ship and murdered his crew with the exception of one man,
" Smith." Lant then settled here, buried the treasure, and married
a Dyak woman, chief of her tribe. Lant was murdered by
" Smith," xehom Captain Hull and, the rest make little doubt
was no other than Macquart. Chaya, with whom Houghton
has fallen in love, is . Lant's half-caste daughter. Macquart
guides them to a spot on the river-bank where he declares the
cache to be. They dig but find nothing. Then he starts the
surmise that the Dyaks have moved the treasure to a sacred
grove in the jungle. Wiart is his authority. He persuades
his shipmates to go in search of it. The journey leads them
through the Great Thorn Bush, which is a vast maze from lohich
escape is impossible without a clue. Macquart and Wiart
desert their companions. As night falJs a woman's voice is
heard calling, and Chaya, ansivering their cries, finds them,
and through her help they at last escape from the maze.
CHAPTER XXVI
The Treasure
THE decision of Macquart to seize the treasure, if
possible, for himself and to destroy his com-
panions, had been taken on board of the Barracuda
long before they reached the river.
]5efore starting from Sydney, he had not conceived the
idea. His mind had been taken up entirely with the
preparations for the expedition, but there had always
been a reservation in his mind due to the terms which Screed
and the others had exacted from Iiim. Privately, he held him-
self open to swindle them if he could, but without the least idea
of how the thing was to be done.
On boad the Barracuda his greed, his hatred of Hull, and
the possibilities that lay in Jacky inspired the first part of
the plot.
His original story, as told to 'Screed 'and the others, made
no mention of the real position of the sunken Terschelling or
the cache. Indeed, he had purposely put them on the wrong
scent by stating that the cache was on the river bank and the
ship sunk in the river. He had determined to keep the real
position a secret till he was on the spot, and so be master of
the situation till the last possible minute.
The wisdom of this plan of action became apparent to
him on board the Barracuda. When Hull insulted him and
made him work, he restrained his anger not only by his
will, but by the thought that having the whip-hand he would
])erhaps be able to make the whip felt.
He determined to divulge nothing, to leave the Barracuda
in the lagoon and to take his companions right up to the Dyak
village. Once there, means might be found to get rid of them,
and then, with Jacky's help, all would be plain saihng. He
had made a study of Jacky and found him to be a black
negation, a mechanism acting to the strongest will brought
to bear on it, and Macquart had no doubt as to the strength
of his own will.
The only point against the plan lay in the question of the
safety of it. Was it safe for him to return to that village from
which he had fled fifteen years ago ?
Now Macquart was a very clever man, 'but even very clever
men are subject to delusions. The fifteen years he had spent
wanderi-.-ir; hither and thither about the world seomcd to bin?-
fifteen ages. He had learned to forget so many things tha
lie fancied himself forgotten, not knowing or remembering that
life in a tiny community is not the same as life in the great
cities, and that the village has a memory far longer and more
retentive than the memory of a town.
Even so, he was not without vague qualms. But the
strong desire to get even .with Hull, the mad greed to possess
everything and an indefinable antagonism that lay between
him and Screed, were factors too powerful to be over-ridden
by vague cjualms as to personal safety.
Then there was another very curious factor ; the desire,
or instinct, to return to the place that was fatal to Lant
and might be fatal to himself
It was the homing instinct that carries the murderer to
the place of his crime, an attraction begotten of repulsion.
Having made his plan, he stuck to it. Leaving the
Barracuda in the lagoon, he brought his companions up the
river, and though the first sight of Wiart upset his ideas and
made him dread the presence of a white witness, he had not
been long in that gentleman's company before he recognised in
him a helper and a tool absolutely as though Satan had placed
Wiart at his disposal.
Then to gain time, he prepared the faked treasure-digging
expedition to the river spit, and then having made sure that
Wiart was fit for the business and ripe for it, all of a sudden,
he disclosed the whole thing to him.
Nothing could have appealed more to Wiart. As over-
seer of the rubber business he received two thousand dollars
a year, and the climate was breaking his health. If the
villainy failed, it would only mesn three dead men in the
jungle and a return to the rubber business. If it succeeded,
it would mean unlimited money, and the delights of civilisa-
tion in the form of women, wine, raiment and ease.
Wiart was an unspeculative individual, else perhaps he
would not have endured his life up to this so well. He never
thought for a moment that this gold for which he was prepared
to do anything might be a thing more dangerous to touch than
a live dynamo — when Macquart was the object through which
he touched it.
Not a bit. With the gleeful acquiescence of a sclioolboy
enticed to rob apples, he helped to shoulder the infei"nal
scheme, and more, he engaged to put it through.
He knew the forest and its possibilities, and it was his
ingenious scheme to m.ake the forest a criminal.
He would not aid in killing. The forest would do all
that, by the hands of its child, the great Thorn Tangle.
Now on its northern side the Thorn had only one broad way
of entrance. Wiart on his first exploration of the place had
blazed his way, and quite confident of returning on his trail
had wandered far, coming out on the western side at last by
the purest accident. He had made another expedition in
search of beetles only a few weeks before the arrival of
Macquart and his companions, and he knew that, whilst for
himself and whoever he might lead, the place was safe, it was
death to any unfortunate led into it without knowledge of
the blaze.
Once he had got far enough, and finding the others some
way behind, he had waited till a bend in the path helped bv
the trees hid his actions. Then he had given the word, " Full
speed." We know the rest, as far as it concerns Hull and
Houghton and Tillman.
As for Macquart and his two companions, they did not speak,
till, led by the rubber man, they were free of the maze.
It had been debated between them as to whether Jacky
was to be taken into their confidence by word of mouth.
Wiart was for telling him the whole thing and making him an
accomplice ; but Macquart refused. " If we can get rid of
them as easy as you say, where's the use of telling the nigger."
said he. " He won't know whether they've stayed b?liind
from choice or got left, and he has no brains to guess with, I
reckon ; if any explaining is to be done, we'd better leave
it till we are at sea."
Wiart had agreed, and now clear o ' the maze with Jacky
following them, they struck west kd by Wiart. Wiart was
very much more than a drunkard, lialf English, half Dutcli,
his father had been a botanist employed by the Dutch govern-
ment in forest work in Romeo. Wiart had been born with the
instinct of the fores'; in his blood. He could not lose himself.
i8
LAND & WATER
April 27, 1916
especially in these forests that he knew so well. He was
following now a line of demarcation between a vast grove of
dammar trees and a mixed wilderness of camphor, cutch and
teak, and now he was skirting a huge boggy patch where
rubber trees and nipah palms grew in profusion.
" You are certain we are going right ? " said Macquart.
" Sure," replied Wiart. " I could tell my way by the
smell, but don't waste time in talking, for I want to reach more
open ground before dark. Where were heading there is a
big tract of very open ground leading within a mile of the
river, where the trees close up again. You remember, we
came through it this morning— but perhaps you did not notice.
Men cl(«rt in forests, but to me a thinning of the trees that
would not be very noticeable to ordinary folk is as sure an
indication as a street would be."
" (io ahead." said Mticquart.
At sunilown, they paused to rest and partake of some food.
■' Well. ' said Macquart, as he ate, " we have got our
arms free at last ; it's all ])lain before us now, unless those
(haps work their way out of that booby-trap ; if they do, and
if they catch up with us, well— they've got the guns."
Wiart said nothing for a moment ; he was busy eating.
Then he said : -
■ \nu needn't worry. Leave that to them. They'll
have enough of it before Ihey are done. I^sides, if they did
manage to get out, what are they to say ? Is it out fault
that they lost themselves ? "
■■ I tell you this," said Macquart. " That chap. Hull,
wouldn't stop to ask whose fault it was. There wouldn't i)e
the least little bit of good in putting up a defence, lied
shoot, and shoot on sight. I know him. There wouldn't hr.
any use saying to him, " It's not our fault," or trying to make
excuses."
"Well," said Wiart, " when he gets out of that place he's
at liberty to do as he chooses, as far as I'm concerned. I'm
not afraid."
They resumed their way, now beneath the starlight and
the glow of the rising moon.
The forest glowed green to the moonlight, the green of
the deep sea cave to which penetrates a few rays of the sun ;
the loops of the liantasse and the lianas sagging from the
trw boles showed like ropes, and the orchids clinging to them
like marine growths. The monkeys, for they, had reached
now the region where the monkeys swarmedil knowing by
some instinct that they were unarmed, pursued them per-
sistently, pelting them with nuts and bits of stick, but they did
not even look up.
A little before [midnight they reached the river, and
skirting the village they came down to the landing stage.
Here -Macquart, having fetched the pick and shovel from the
tent, waited whilst Wiart went to the house to collect what
money he had there and to fetch his rifle.
Hy the stage was moored the boat, and near the boat a
canoe. It was Saji's.
" We're in luck," said Macquart. " I was fearing that
the boat might have been taken off by someone or gone
adrift. It's just the sort of thing that might happen to spoil
ever\'thing— but it hasn't."
" if by any chance they get out of that place," said Wiart,
" they might follow us In that canoe— there's just room for
three in it."
" Leave that to me," said Macquart.
He went to the canoe and untied the grass rope painter
that held it to the stage, then bringing the canoe up, he
followed his companions into the boat and they pushed off.
Canoe and boat floated out into [the current, and Macquart,
who had shipped the stern oar whilst Wiart took the bow, dicl
not perceive a dark form half start from the bushes of the
lanchng-stage and then take cover again.
Macquart, by his seizure of the canoe, had won the second
move in this game he was playing against Fate. But he did
not know it. He was quite unaware of the fact that he had
been recognised by the woman who had been waiting fifteen
years for his return, or that he had been followed by Saji. He
recognised nothing and cared for nothing now, but the fact
that his object was nearly accomplished.
Haifa mile down the river he stopped rowing, and order-
ing Jacky, who was in the stern sheets, to haul the canoe up by
its tow rope, he scuttled it, capsizing it with the help of the
out-rigger.
It sank like a bottle, and the boat resumed its way.
The rivrr, vaguely decked with mist, lay under the moon,
making a fairy-like picture as it flowed by the chanting,
miion-stricken forests, (ireat bats passed them, fouling the air,
and the splash of a jumping fish now and then cast rings
across the water. Now and then a great white feathery
moth circled around them like a fragment of mist, and vanished
as though dissolved.
With the oars and the current, they were making five
knots so that, allowing for rests on the way, they reached tliu
lagoon opening in less than two hours. The Barracuda was
lying just as she had been left, berthed by the trees on the
banks. A horde of little monkeys were camped on board her,
but they had done no harm and at the sight of the approaching
boat they scuttered away, taking to the tree branches from
where they observed the doings of the newcomers.
Macquart brought the boat alongside, and they scram-
bled on board, where on the deck Wiart collapsed, declarinjj
himself fagged out.
" I must turn in and have a bit of sleep," said he. " I've
been at it now since yesterday morning, and I'm not as young
as I used to be. There's no use in spoiling the job by over-
haste. Those chaps are tixed, even if they escape they have
no boat to follow us with, so where's the use in us killing our-
selves."
" All right," said Macquart. " I'll give you four hours.
It'll be near sunrise by tiien. As lor myself, I can't sleep."
They opened the hatch and went below, where Wiart
tumbled into a bunk and was soon snoring.
Macquart had lit the swinging lamp, and he sat now under
it at the cabin table, smoking.
There was food and drink in plenty to his hand, but ho
touched neither. He wanted no support or stimulant. Hf
wanted notliing but just to sit and smoke and dream.
He had succeeded. He possessed the Barracuda and
two hands to hel]) work her. Half a million of money in gold
lay only waiting to be shipped, and he had settled the score
between himself and Hull.
The hatred of .Macquart for Hull was a passion indicati\'e
of the man's nature. Hull had never done half as much
injury to hinv as he had done to Hull. The way Hull had
man handled him on board the Barracuda would, one might
have thought, been sufficient to account for this hatred ; as
a matter of fact, whilst strengthening it, it had no count ction
with its cause.
He hated Hull because the latter had turned up in Sydney
just at the moment when he had triumphed overall obstacles.
It was the intrusion of his Past at the psychological moment
when his new future w;us forming. Hull was the concrete
expression of all Macquart's failures, wretchedness, crirrles
and general disabilities. He was also, of course, a possible
sharer of profits, but the latter fact was less than the former,
and the bad soul of Macquart rose against him from its most
uttermost and powerful depths.
This being so, imagine his feeling when Screed sprang
Hull upon him at the moment of starting. Hull, from whom
he fancied he had escaped !
Well, he had paid Hull out ; he had disposed of Tillman
and Houghton ; there remained only Screed, Screed waiting
quietly at Sydney to gobble half the" profits of the expedition.
He determined in liis own mind that this should not be.
Screed in his cleverness imagined that he had a tight hold on
the expedition for the simple reason that to dispose of the
findings without risk of exciting suspicion and enquiry, a
" fence " was needed— a rich and well-to-do business man
with business connections and a banking account. But Screed
had never dreamed of Wiart. Wiart, despite his drinking
habits and his position as a factor, had large connections in the
Dutch settlements, and a dark scheme was now evolving in
the mind of Ma. quart by which these connections might be
exploited without Wiart having a finger in the pie. .A drunkard
can never be trusted. Wiart would have to go ; but he might
be made very good use of before he was extinguished.
Jacky would have to go at the last when he had done his
work. The gold was imperative in its terrible demands. No
witness must be left ol the whole of this business.
So deep in thought was Macquart that he did not notice
the passing of time. It might be said that he slept a sleep that
was full of dreams.
Rousing from it, he stood up and stretched himself.
Then he turned and looked at Wiart, who was lying in the
bunk breathing heavily, with his mouth half open.
Macquart smiled as he looked at the helpless figure before
him ; then he turned and lit the stove to make some coffee,
and when that was done he set out some biscuits and canned
meat. He let Wiart sleep till the last mon\ent possible.
Then he awakened him.
<7o be conliiiucd)
The second volume of Germany in Dcjeal, by Charles d^
S(mza (Kegan Paul and Co., ()s. net) is just "as brilliantly
written and fascinating as the first, ])resenting the strategic
jiroblems of the war in a style that makes them equal to any
novel. We find it rather diflicult to agree with all the author's
views, but concur most heartily in his presentment of the
problem of Antwerp, and his opinion of the genius that saved
the western campaign, and we lofik forward with interest to
the further volumes of this brilliant study of the strategic
aspect of the war.
April 27, 1916
LAND & WATEk
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LAND & WATER
April 27, 1916
<f« Town and Country ^
The Kinp and Queen of Portugiil like going out and about,
and they are frequently entertained by private friends.
Just before Easter they were twice within three days the
guests of honour at luncheon parties at the Ritz, which still
maintains its reputation as the favourite restaurant of princes.
Lord Erskine, who came of age yesterday, is the elder of
Lord and Lady Mar and Kellie's two children, and will in tlie
natural course of events become one day thirteenth Earl of
Mar and fifteenth Earl of Kellie, also Viscount Eentoun,
which is the Premier Viscounty of Scotland. For those
interested in the ramifications of pedigrees, and not afraid of
headaclies, tht're is no finer puzzle than the explanation of
why there are two Earls of Mar, one the thirty-third, the
other the twelfth, and why it is that the twelfth Plarl of Mar
and not the thirty-third Earl of Jfar owns the family property.
Lady Hopwood has received many condolences on her
unfortunate accident in the Strand. A daughter of tlie late
General Black, who was well-known in the Punjaub, she
married the distinguished civilian four and twenty years ago.
Sir Francis Hopwood must hold a record for varied service.
He has filled important posts in the Board of Trade, the
Colonial Oftice and the Admiraltv. And he began life as a
solicitor, entering the Board of Trade thirty years ago as an
assistant law clerk. The Commissions he has served on
make wonderful reading. In addition to ability and industry,
he has delightful manners, and makes friends everywhere.
This seems to be the year of Hughes — radiant Hughes one
might almost say While we in this island are applauding
Mr, William Hughes, Prime Minister of Austraha, in the
United States they are discussing whether Judge Hughes
shall be their next President, i.e., if a RepubUcan be elected.
That most admirable institution the Metropolitan Public
Gardens Association, of which Lord Meath is chairman and
whose headquarters are at Lord Meath's house, 83, J^ancaster
Gate, has just i.ssued its thirty-third report. It is mainly
due to this association that London is gradually becoming a
garden city ; that its squares and its disused churchyards
have been turned into gardens and its roads planted with
avenues of trees. This report by the way contams useful
hints on the planting and maintenance of trees in our
streets. Since 1884, ri8 open spaces have been laid out in
London by the association at a cost of £46,000.
There was if anything a larger exodus than usual for Easter
this year. Although the festival has fallen late, everything
in the country is extremely backward so that it was difficult
to realise that we were within ten days of May. Shall we
have snow in May tliis year ? Ever since the war began, it
seems as if we have had abnormal weather.
The Easter hoUdays are always a great time for gardens.
The busy person has at last a little leisure to bestow on their
many claims and delights. The Royal Horticultural Society
I hear is arranging a horticultural sale at the end of June on
belialf of the Red Cross. It is to comprise plants, bulbs, fruit,
cut flowers, etc!, as well as books and paintings, which have
gardens for their subject. All oilers of help should reach the
Secretary of the Society on or before May 27th. The sale
will take place in Vincent Square.
.\n unusual memenfto of Verdun is possessed by Jules.
His eldest son, CharUe, who was for many years in the
restaurant, but has latterly owned a hotel at Chateauroux,
has been through the fighting. Jules' birthday was at the
beginning of this month, and from the battlefield there
reached him from his son two lovely birthday cards, worked
in coloured silks, which had been bought in Verdun itself.
He has framed these cards. To pause in the middle of the
greatest battle the world has witnessed to send your father
a birthday card, is a charming little incident which strikes
one as thoroughly typical of the French spirit.
Already have Messrs. Jarrold and Son paid nearly £1,000
to Mr. Arthur Pearson's Fund for Blinded Soldiers and
Sailors at St. Dunstans, this being the first proceeds of " The
Bhnded Soldiers and Sailors Gift Book," which was published
for this cause. They hope to supplement this sum for copies
of this excellent book may still be obtained. Hermes.
GONG SOUPS for the Front.
Jong ,
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Gong Soups form an ideal supple-
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SOUPS
May 4, 191 6
Supplement to LAND & WATER
xiu
''THE ORILUX''
THE ONLY ELECTRIC LAMP WHICH HAS STOOD
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on this side."
"You have made your name famous
amongst oflicers."
THE ORILUX LAMP is fitted with s-witches for intermittent
and for constant light. The light can be turned on without
opening the case, which is fitted with a hood to throw the light
downwards. The case is provided with loops for attaching to the
belt, and provision is made in it fui carrying a spare bulb.
PRICE CI 1 O
/ Postage to the "v
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Extra Battery in sealed tin. 2/. (Postage to the Front, 1/- extra.)
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Mounted or afoot, a " Service "
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nd
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XIV
Supplement to LAND & WATER
May 4th, 1916
ALMOST any odd comer wffl
take one or more units of
Giobe-Wemicko " Ltastk "
Bookcases.
tach unit is thorou^thly well
mode, tach has a sIkJing dust-
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Gk>be- Wernicke " EJastic " Book-
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ie
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*'E1 attic" Bookcases
I Packing Frtt. Orden of £j Carrlaer raid' lo~[
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m
illllli
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The THRESHER Trench Coat
WINDPROOF AND WATERPROOF.
RECOGNI5E.D by the W.O. and officially bought to
the notice of Officers commanding corps in the
B.L.F. early in the winter of 1914, the "Thresher"
has successfully met the severest tests of winter cam-
paigning, and has established itself supreme for comfort,
warmth, and service.
Up to April 15, I9I6, seven tKousaad Britisi\ Military
Officers have purchased genuine "Threiher" Trench Coats.
This fact abne makes it unnecessary to publish even a few of the
many generous and extraordinary testimonials that have been re-
ceived.
SUMMER WEAR.— An outstanding fact is that the orders
from the B.E.F. were received continuously during last
summer, neither is there yet any signs of the demand
slackening, which confirms our .statement that the Thresher
Trench Coat, with detachable lining, is the best garment
for every purpose and every season.
The "Thresher" with detachable KamelcotI Lining JC5 10 0
Do. unlined X.4 14 6
Do. lined detachable Sheep . JC.7 I 0
For Mounted Officers, with Kneeflaps and Saddle Gussets,
15/6 extra.
Send sfcce of chest and ai>proxtinate heiftlit. and to avoid delay
enclose cheque with order.
THRESHER & GLENNY,
Military 'Cailors and Outfillers.
152 & 153 Strand, London, W.C.
n Note that the first coat produced in October. 1914, has been
™ accepted without any modiricalion as the standard i^amient for
mcxiern warfare.
illlllllilllllllllllllll
niiis
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2817 [,^1;,] THURSDAY, MAY 4. 1916 [^N°E'^Yp\^VR'J iSrh^^li^iil^
liy Louis liaofuiekcn
UiuiLii exclusivJii fur "Laud uiiJ Wattr.'
The Last Ride Together
L A N D eS: W A T E R
May 4 ic)i6
The Passing Train — by Vico Vigano
The Last Prop— by Alberto Artioli
The Jew— by Ettore di Giorgio
These photographs are of Ttalinn etchings and engravings which are now on exhibition
at the galleries of the Royal Society of British Artists, Suffolk Street, Pall Mall.
An article dealing with this exhibition by Mr. Marcus B. Huish appears on page 18.
May 4, 1916
LAND & WATER
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, MAY 4. 1916
CONTENTS
The Last Ride Together. By Louis Raemaekers i
ItaHan Etchings., (Photographs.) 2
The PoUtical Situation. (Leading Article.) 3
The Battle of Verdun is Won. By Hilaire Belloc 4
Contrasts in Sea Methods. By Arthur Pollen 8
The City of Fear.— A Poem. By Gilbert Frankau 10
Sortes ShakespearianiE. By Sir Sidney Lee 11
British Kinship with France. By Arthur L. Salmon 12
Air Problems. By F. W. Lanchester 13
Waste. By Charles W. Simpson 15
German Trade Methods. By Arthur Kitson 17
Italian Etchings. By Marcus B. Huish 18
Chaya. By H. dc Vere Stacpoole 19
Town and Country . 24
The West End 26
Choosing Kit
xvn.
THE POLITICAL SITUATION
THE statement made by Mr. Asquith in the House
of Commons on Tuesday has done a great deal
to clear the political situation. For the first
time we have been explicitly and officially told,
what was of course well known to the enemy, that this
country alone is maintaining 71 divisions in the field — ■
apart from 12 divisions contributed by our Dominions,
and that the total military and naval effort of the British
Empire from the beginning of the war exceeds the enor-
mous total of five million men.
It is perhaps a matter for regret that the military
authorities did not feel themselves free to make the figures
public several months ago. Such a course would have
differed from the practice of our French Allies— but then
so does the policy of publishing casuality hsts. It would
have completely disposed of all that calculated campaign
of slander through which certain people have sought to
belittle and discredit the loyalty of their fellow-country-
men. If the Bill, which is now being introduced into
Parliament, v\ith the apparent consent of all Parties,
really achieves the end which is desired by the Prime
Minister ; if it settles once and for all the whole miserable
controversy, it will be a great step in the direction of
national unity. The precise form of the measure is
admittedly a question of political expediency, but neither
this nor any other measure can really secure the result
which is described in that high-sounding phrase " equahty
of sacrifice." Indeed; the very word " sacrifice " reveals
a narrow and selfish spirit. The country calls for service,
not sacrifice, and the Government has the indisputable
right, without recourse to legislation, to demand the
willing service of every man and woman, whether single
or married, whether under forty or over, in any capacity
for which they are fitted: any arbitrary fine of demarca-
tion is bound to give rise to individual grievances and
unnecessary comparisons. From the political point of
view alone, apart from its obvious fairness, we might
have wished that the principle of universal service had
been adopted by the Government early in the war,
when it was urgently advocated by many pubhc men.
It would certainly have received the unqualified support
of tlie nation.
It must not, however, be forgotten that the problem
of recruiting in this country was at once wholly different
from that presented to any of our Allies, and was solved
in an unexpectedly successful, if not complete, manner.
If the violent controversy upon the method of recruiting
had not arisen, the attention of our AUies would certainly
be directed to the astonishing voluntary effort made by
this country. Certainly the attention of history will
chiefly be directed to that effort.
Let us consider what it has meant. A conscript
nation prepares for war, not in a year or two, but over
a generation. All its energies and activities are co-
ordinated to fit in with the conscript system. Every
man taken for service knows himself liable to lose his
existing occupation should war break out, and is at
fixed intervals experienced in the adjustments necessary
to such a system, by his regular and periodical summoning
to the colours for training. There are a thousand details
which the system of conscription secures and establishes
when it is part of a regular law, and these make a con-
script country something different wholly in texture
from nations such as Great Britain and the United States,
to which such a system has never applied.
This country, which depends for its very life upon a
vast overseas trade, as well as upon extensive manufactures
at home, suddenly finds itself involved in a great war.
It is possessed of a small professional army of a few
divisions, mainly established for the purpose of garrisoning
great possessions in the East, and of finding service for
that garrison. It has side by side with this a volunteer
force, also very small in proportion to the population,
and composed of men with comparatively slight military
training only. Within eighteen months, that nation
produces an army comparable in size with the long
trained and conscript armies of its Allies. It feeds,
clothes, and trains this enormous mass of new material
without a hitch, and what is perhaps most remarkable
of all, it provides an adequate supply of officers. Within
the twenty-first month of the war, it can boast of the
mobilization of a force superior to that proportion of
one-tenth, which, before this great war was regarded as
the maximum effort possible in any country.
The truth is that this voluntary effort .has not only
proved triumphantly successful, but successful after a
fashion which no one had dreamed possible and— we may
say it with pride — which our Allies perhaps would have
thought even less possible than we. What is now in
progress is no more than a rounding off and completing
of a task which had left a comparatively small margin
of work undone. When the violence of the present
controversy is forgotten in the great events of the summer
which lies before us, this truth will be fully apparent
to all.
There is one thing more to be said now that the final
settlement of these controversies has been reached. Let
us have no further complication of the issues by sensa-
tional " exposures " of this or that hitch in the extremely
difficult work of apportioning military and civil duties to
the small remaining margin of men who will come under
the new law. It is perfectly easy for the leaders .of an
uncensored press in time of excitement and strain, to throw
out of all proportion any details to which they choose to
turn. If their object be to weaken us at the crucial moments
of this tremendous task, they could not adopt a better
method. Above all it is well to remember that the con-
duct of the campaign is not in the hands of the Press, but
of the General Staff ; and nothing could possibly be more
mischievous than complaints, formulated in the news-
papers, that we are "everywhere on the defensive." The
right moment for the great offensive will be chosen by
those who are competent to decide, and it is on their
decision that we build our hopes of linal and complete
victory.
LAND & ^^' A T E R
May 4, 191C
THE BATTLE OF VERDUN IS WON
By Hilaire Belloc
IT is characteristic of this tremendous war that from
its very scale we miss its pr(3portions. Things near
to lis, either in sentiment or in mere distance,
become grotesquely exaggerated, and what is
equally natural and equally a vice in judgment, things
limited in the scale of time are also distorted. Something
which happens (piirkly and sharply appears far greater
than it is. Something long drawn out grows stale in the
mind and is forgotten.
The local disturbance, which you may call at will a
very serious riot or a small local rebellion, costs in DubHn
casualties that do not reach four figures. A garrison,
the British elements of which were not 3,000 men — not a
mile of the Western front — surrenders. The two events
fill the public mind, and there are even some who, in the
midst of so tremendous a struggle for national existence
find the occasion useful for the working of personal
intrigues and the advance of petty individual ambitions
in professional politics.
Meanwhile the greatest battle ever fought, an action
with consequences that will affect the whole future of man-
kind almost as much as the original victory of the Marne,
has been won by the French upon the sector of Verdun.
Put down the mere figures of this past action^ — by far
the greatest in scale, whether we consider the numbers of
men, or the munitionment, or the time employed that
has ever taken place in the recorded history of the world
— and see what they signify. Verdun means to the
enemy a loss over and above the loss he has inflicted
upon his opponent, certainly of four army corps, pro-
bably of five. It means the sacrifice of those numbers
at the most critical moment of all, when he has already
called upon the whole of one of his last two classes
and is beginning to call upon the last of all. It means
that an effort on which he had concentrated the whole
of his available resources, for which he had spent some
months in preparation, in which he had such confidence
that he risked open declarations of victory and deliberate
and definite prophecies of success, has resulted for him in
a bloody and irreparable defeat.
Moral Effect on Germany
It means upon the moral side that all his millions 'at
home who have read in a thousand daily sheets the official
statements rejjeated day after day in a thousand forms,
have now to know that those statements were false, and
that the confidence based upon them must be abandoned.
No public, however stupid, or however nervously exalted,
can read day after daj* that an obje'tt is in process of attain-
ment and then find it abandoned, without suffering a very
serious moral effect indeed. No one knows this better
than the British public, which has had to suffer such
things in connection with subsidiary expeditions in
this war. What would it be if a disappointment of this
sort had attached, not to a subsidiary expedition but to
what was rightly regarded as the main operation of the
whole campaign ?
There are, of course, other reasons, beside its mere
scale in time and numbers which prevents the profound
significance of Verdun from receiving full recognition in
this countrj'. The authorities here neglect to issue those
regular statements of the general position of which the
I'rench now give such excellent models. The silliest
(ierman lie goes uncorrected and the enemy is naturally
tempted to increase the effect which he rightlj' judges
attaches to falsehoods about the number of prisoners he
takes and grotesquely belittling his own casualties.
Further, you cannot expect lay opinion to be as much
struck by the victory of a successful defensive as it is
by a forward movement upon the map.
If a couple of (ierman corps had got themselves sur-
rounded in the Balkans, let us say, and had had to lay
down their arms after an action costing the Allies an almost
equal number of casualties, we should have had the wildest
excitement in the press and a public impression of victory
such as we have not had since the beginning of the war.
Verdun, wliich is something three times as big as that,
three times as large a success for us, has no such effect
upon the imagination.
Yet one may presume that with the passage of a few
weeks the great news will begin to be digested, and if not
the full meaning of Verdim, yet at least its colossal pro-
portions will begin to receive their due. When the time
comes for the offensive {and when movement appears
upon the map) the very obvious fact that Verdun will
have laid the foundations for all the concluding phases
of the war will not escape the general eye.
One can write thus strongly about this tremendous
and decisi\'e battle, because, although the enemy con-
tinues the same dull business of breaking his own head
and has not yet begun to mask the nature of his failure
by the undertaking of another in adifferent field, military
judgment throughout the world, not only with tlie
French command, which has full intelligence of the
enemy's movements, but in the matter written to order
throughout the German press, confirms one in the con-
viction that the great offensive upon the salient of Verdun
has reached its turn and has ended in disaster for the
enemy.
The Last Great Attack
The mere chain of dates leads one to that conclusion.
These words are written upon the and cf May. It was
upon the 9th of April that the enemy launched his men
upon the last of his general assaults. It was an attack
second only in scale to that of the first four days, now
ten weeks gone, upon which he staked his future. It
was utterly defeated, and on the evening of that Sunday
the General commanding the French troops in the sector
of Verdun issued his Order of the Day, telling them that
they could now be confident that the victory was won.
Already ten days earlier, when the decline in quality
of the German attack had become clear, the critic whoso
judgment carries most weight in Europe, Colonel Feyler,
had risked the words, " the French have won the battle
of Verdun." There has followed since that disaster
of theirs upon the gth of April no enemy effort com-
parable to it. A week later came what was certainh'
a considerable bid for the Mort Homme, defeated again,
of course, in what had become a regular routine ; but since
that date for more than a fortnight, those who (including
the present writer) still expected a further general de-
velopment, have only seen the enemy's effort die down.
We are upon the seventeenth day from that Monday when
he last attacked in any strength and during all that
interval we have had no more than purely local offensives
easily dealt with and delivered with apparently no hope
of success.
Strategic Victory
Even at this date it is not possible to say that the enemy
will not go on again. We must pray that he may — ■
and the longer the better. Prussian stupidity and
Prussian vanity, its colleague, are here our powerful
allies — and they rarely fail us. There may be domestic
reasons too for his continuing to bleed himself to death.
He may yet find himself under some political necessity,
or suffering from the command of some authority,
not wholly military, and thus be condemned to lose
another thirty thousand or so in the continuation of his
blunder. It is unlikely, because the situation has become
quite obvious and glaring, but it is possible. It is also
indifferent to the general result of the campaign. The
battle of Verdun is won. And Verdun can certainly go
down to history as the greatest example of woodenness
in strategical judgment that any command has evei
afforded.
Only the future can show what the fruits will be, but
we know already what they should be. And when the
harvesting of them begins we owe it to those who died
between Vaux and Avocourt to call them more than any
other men the victors of the great war.
May 4, 1916
LAND & WATER
MESOPOTAMIA
The fall of Kut is the, political event of the hour. It
is the loss of nearly 3,000 British troops, say one-tenth
per cent, of the trained forces of Britain alone in the
alliance.
But the military event of that same hour is not the
loss of this heroic little garrison but the situation now
created for the Turks — and through them for the enemy
as a whole — b}' their committal to the Mesopotamian
position.
As a purely militarj' subject of study the enemy's
position in the Near East is one of the clearest and
simplest the" war has afforded, and if it be possible to
examine matters of such vital interest with sufficient
detachment one can almost take, in those enemy positions,
the same interest as in a mathematical proposition.
Certain elements are of course rmknown. We are m
doubt as to the exact strength of the enemy's various
bodies and we have no published account of the strength
available against them in the four fields of Armenia, the
Persian mountains, the Tigris and Egypt, but we know
enough of the enemy's strength and of that of the Allies
to determine the main elements, and those main elements
lead us to fairly definite conclusions.
The key of the whole business is the geographical
exception, made by the Tigris and Euphrates system,
to the rest of the Turkish territory, coupled with the
political importance to the Turkish Empire of that
district.
Supposing the enemy's interests to lie within Asia
Minor and Syria alone, observe what would follow.- The
whole stiTngth of the Turkish Empire now upon the
defensive would be occupied in delaying, possibly in
permanently checking, the Russian advance westward
through Armenia. It would have to watch a compara-
tively narrow front in Syria between the Mediterranean
and the desert. It would be anxious, perhaps, with
regard to its communications with Syria where they pass ■
close to the sea near the Gulf of Alexandretta. But the
position would have for the enemy this great advantage
of simplicity, and a defensive against the Russians still
in the Armenian mountains would be the only great
preoccupation of the Turkish command.
The distant and eccentric Irak, the Mesopotamian
field, essential to the present rulers of Turkey, who fear
that with the loss of it their power of government may
be destroyed, transforms the whole character of the
war.
You have as the essential mane ol the whole situation
a dilemma between the defence of Asia Minor, and the
retention of Irak with forces certainly not sufficient for
the double task. You have not only a war upon two
fronts (or, counting Syria, upon a possible three) but you
have also one of those fronts so far thrust out beyond the
Armenian theatre of operations that its communications
are in ever growing peril.
If the town of Bagdad and the vital interest it has
for the Turkish power had stood further north and
cast this dilemma would not have arisen. Standing
where that town docs it will increase the present anxiety
of the enemy's higher comir/and until he shall be com-
pelled to decide whether he will retain Irak with some-
thing like a certainty of military disaster, or whether he
will abandon it with the political consequences which
would follow such an abandonment.
Consider what opportunities are open to the Turkish
forces in these fields. They have in the first place to
rely entirely upon their own resources. They may
obtain a certain amount of munitionment from the
Austro-Gcrman manufactories. Of men in any ap-
preciable numbers they can get none save through their
own recruitment. With forces now no longer superior
to those converging against them, and about to become
inferior, they have to prevent the cutting of the com-
munications behind their Mesopotamian army or to
withdraw that army. There is no alternative.
It has been suggested that a concentration in strength
in the INIesopotamian field alone, compelling the retire-
ment of the British forces upon the Tigris further south
would be a way out of the present Turkish dilemma.
It would be nothing of the sort. So long as a large
British force necessarily occupying the attention, and
compelling the presence, of a large enemy force facing
it, is present at any point between the Persian Gulf and
the Armenian mountains — whether it is present further
south after a retirement or further north after an advance
— so long the Mesopotamian front with all its increasing
dangers is the chief anxiety of the Turks.
A concentration in such numbers that the British
forces on the Tigris should be overwhelmed and should
cease to exist would of course give immediate relief, but
a concentration in such strength and with very imperfect
communications alone available is impossible.
The whole thing, therefore, resolves itself into this
question. Can the enemy ward off the threat to his
communications ? Supposing him strong enough, as he
certainly still is and will probably long remain, to hold
^*The (Jiaunumca&nsoffAs'MesDpofamian Tbras
«^!»**1*MllWP*«
1 A N D & \\^\ T E R
May 4, 1916
the Mcsopotaiiiian field and to cover. Bagdad from the
Hritisli on the south and the comparativily small
Russian forces advancing on the ca.>i. from the boundary
ranges of Persia, ran he at the sitme time defend the
lines whereby recruitment in men and necessary inunition-
mcnt reach him ?
In order to answer that fundpjiiental question those
who, like the present writer, have no local knowledge
and depend upon the evidence of others or upon the map,
work at a disadvantage, but it would seem the opinion
of those -iclto have local kotowlcdge, and it is certainly
the conclusion to be drawn from the map, that the Turks
cannot efficiently ward olif that threat to their com-
munications of which I have spoken. If they cannot do
so then we shall witness >vithin a comparatively short
limit of time a complete change in the military situation
of the Near East, and follo\ifing upon it a whole chain of
political lonscquences ultimately affecting the war in
every part of its 3,000 miles of front.
There are two avenues of approach from Europe, the
Bosphorus. and Asia Minor, to any force keeping the
field near Bagdad. The first is the road, now supple-
mented by a railway across the northern part of the
>Iesopotamian plain to Mosul., upon the Tigris, and thence
down the Tigris itself. The other that same road as far
as the Euphrates only and thence down the Euphrates.
Let us see how the matter stands in the case of each
of these communications severally.
What may be called the " Tigris communications "
arc those which ha\e so often appeared in these columns
viien the Mesopotamian position was discussed. They
are the railway from the Bosphorus which, after the
junction of Muslimje (12 iiilcs north of Aleppo) is con-
tinued along the edge of tire Mesopotamian plain where
this meets the foothills of the mountains, and is generally
known as the " Bagdad raihvay." When I last wrote of
this line it had certainly reached the wells and springs of
RaselAin. It had certainly not then reached and lias
probably not yet reached the point of Nisii>in to which it
is prolonged upon certain (ierman maps. But it would
be a fair guess to say that it has at the present moment
reached the point of Amude, where the road or track down
from Dairbekr strikes iL Thence a track now certainly orga-
nised for petrol traffic leads to the Tigris at Mosul, and
thence both along the side of the river and down the
stream itself the communications proceed to the rail-
head of the sector being built up north from Bagdad.
This railhead was some little time ago, if I am not mis-
taken, at Tekerit. It may have been pushed further,
though hardly beyond the point where the Tigris cuts
through a peculiarly sharp and narrow range of hills half
way between Mosul and Bagdad. For it would be bad
policy to waste lalxjur upon that part of the communica-
tions which are already fairly well ser\'ed by water.
These communications, from the vital " knot " near the
(iulf of Alexandretta, which will be discussed in a moment,
are in all their sinuosities over 700 miles in length. The
mere distance, therefore, constitutes a formidable element
of difficulty, for when your communications are very long,
even if they are passing through friendly country, all the
delays due to counter orders, local checks, etc., get multi-
plied at a rate which increases far more rapidly than the
mere mileage, and this is particularly the case in un-
developed country.
The second line of comnumications, which wc will call
the Euphrates line, is of about the same total length in
mileage, but is very much less convenient, for serving
Bagdad as a base for a Mesopotamian force. On the
other hand, it provides better directions and oppor-
tunities for a retirement.
The Euphrates comtxiunication is not a single line, but
a complex. Its main portion is the river Euphrates
between the bridge by which the Bagdad railway crosses
that river at Jerablus, and the point of Musseyib which,
though not the nearest upon the Euphrates to Bagdad!
is yet that upon which the only good road runs from the
river to the town. It will be clear from the map that this
use of the Euphrates as a line of communication lea\es the
troops of the Turkish Empire on the Mesopotamian front
far more dependent upon primitive methods than that
by the Tigris. After Jerablus there is no further rail
even for a section of the wav.
On the other hand, the Euphrates route is supplemented
by a possibility of petrol traction along the two historic
ways that lead from Syria to the Euphrates itself. I
owe to the cf)urtesy »)f a correspondent who has given mc
most valuable ix-rsonal evidence of the journey made in
a petrol-drixen motor from Syria to Bagdad, details of
this opportunity open to the enemy. It seems that the
going is good and that the total consumption of time,
excluding the time taken in the crossing of the river, is
not more than two days and a half. Of these ways the
best is that which leaves the Syrian railway at Homs,
passes TadnuH- and the ruins of Palmyra near Erck,
strikes the Euphrates at .\bukeinal and makes for Ana,
at which point there are ferry boats for the conveyance
of heavy vehicles.
The alternative route, further south and nearly parallel,
starts from Damascus and strikes and crosses the
Euphrates at Hit. It seems that the open country of
The Jezinc beyond affords perfectly good going without
obstacles to Bagdad itself.
The continued provisionment of a large force — say,
four divisions— by motor lorries alone, however, over a
space of nearly 500 miles, is a formidable task, and, as
wc shall see in a moment, the crossing of such a stream as
the Euphrates upon the way, adds another very serious
obstacle. Eurther, there is a change of gauge between
the main railway and the Syrian railway at Aleppo. It is
probable, therefore, that if the enemy can be compelled
to rely upon the Euphrates line he will use the river
mainly for the conveyance of munitions, recruitment,
and all the necessities of his army.
Now what are the ad\antages and drawbacks of this
line ?
At the present moment the Euphrates would be
navigable for very considerable cargoes even from a
point as high up on its course as Jerablus. The same
cause which has led to the floods on the Tigris below Kut,
which played so great a part in the checking of the force
attempting to relieve (ieneral Townshend, swells the
w'aters of the sister riv'er. It is the melting of the snows
in the Armenian mountains which raises the flood level
at this season of the year. I understand that these
conditions of navigability on the I'ppcr Euphrates continue
in normal seasons to a date about two months hence or
a little less : at any rate, well over the time within
which the power of the Turks to maintain themselves on
the Mesopotamian front and on to Bagdad will be decided
one way or the other. Because the progress of the Russians
from the north will either be successful or will fail well
within that limit of time.
But though this rise of the water at the present season
presents such an advantage, the task of bringing munitions,
let alone further heavy pieces and their shell, down some
700 miles of winding water (the mere line as the crow-
flies is 450 and the river is extraordinarily full of loops and
bends) is hardly less serious than the task of attempting
that munitionment by petrol traffic from Syria. The
current is exceedingly rapid, so much so that a ferry at
this season allows in rowing across the half mile of the
stream something like a mile drop between the point of
departure and the point of arrival. All the first part of
the journey, and especially the higher reaches are a
tangle of islands and there are throughout the whole
journey, I belie\e, certainly throughout the greater part
of it, a mass of perpetually' shifting banks of sand in the
bed of the stream. This same factor of the rapidity of
the current militates gravely against the use of this
avenue of communication in its reverse function, that is
for all traflic back from Bagdad towards the north-west.
Slow and difficult towing is the only means available,
and this for a large force is out of the question. Should
a retirement be determined on the only form it could '
possibly take would be a retirement directly westward
across the desert and half desert lands between the
Euphrates and Syria, and beyond Abu Venial (or Hit if
the two tracks were used) theEuphrates would no longer
be of scr\-ice.
From all this consideration of both the Tigris and the
Euphrates system of communication with Bagdad, it is
clear that the nodal point upon which the security of the
enemy army in Mesopotamia turns is the junction of
Muslimje just north of Aleppo ; that is, in practice, the
Aleppo town itself and its neighbourhood. The
Tigris road would be thrown out of action the moment
a Russian force got astraddle of the railway, say, at
Ras el Ain, the Euphrates route the moment an opponent,
May 4, 1916
L A N I) Sc W A T E R
Russian or other, appeared at Jerablus ; but the whole
theatre of the enemy's efforts in Mesopotamia and
in Syria, his mihtary existence, as it were, beyond Asia
Jlinor, is dependent upon his continued possession of
Aleppo and its neighbouring junction. If he loses that
region before retiring his armies in Syria and Mesopotamia
are lost at the same time. If he retires before it be
seized, he abandons Bagdad of course and Syria as well
to the power of the Allies, and with such an abandonment
the political position of the present government at Con-
stantinoole could hardly be maintained.
Now now near are we to the imperiUing in this fashion
of the enemy's hold south and east of Asia Minor ?
In order to answer that question we must set down
the elements as here in Sketch II.
His forces before Bagdad and within that base are held
in place by the large British army on the Tigris, and a
smaller Russian force coming down from the Persian
mountains. His ability either to retire or munition
himself while he remains thus held in the region of
Bagdad is threatened in three ways. One of these
threats is 'already in being, the other two are potential
only and open to discussion.
We can see on this little sketch map, Map II, the
situation and proportion of the Allied force surrounding
the theatre of operations of the Turks in Mesopotamia.
The main Turkish army being in the region A, with its
local base at Bagdad B, and its two main communications
together with its communications down the Syrian coast
converging at the nodal point X near Aleppo, pressure
can be brought against him either (i) by the Russian
force coming down from Bitlis marked (i) upon the
Sketch, or (2) by a successful stroke against X from the
sea at (2), or (3) by an army marching as Napoleon
marched along the coast of the sea from Egypt at (3)
supported by the naval power at our command and strik-
ing at Syria. Of these three methods of imperiUing the
enemy one is actually in being ; a Russian force is present
between Bitlis and the Bagdad railway and is advancing
south. The other two are merely potential. No stroke
against the Aleppo region from the sea has been attempted
as yet, nor any force gathered for delivering it, while the
very large army in Egypt at. (3) has hitherto lain almost
wholly on the defensive, partly because the threat of an
invasion to Egypt was at one moment serious, involving
the danger of losing the canal, partly because the forces
at a point so central could be regarded as a great reserve
which could be thrown towards any point north, east
or south, including India, should such a necessity have
arrived .
Because 2 and 3 are potential only, and because the
reasons for delay in both cases are necessarily known to
the authorities and the higher command alone it is neither
profitable nor perhaps wise to discuss them in any detail.
It is enough to show the more obvious of the characters
they present. But the threat of the Russians from
the north is not only very much more real and imme-
diate, but susceptible of more detailed discussion.
A blow delivered from the sea against Aleppo would
obviously settle the business at once. To deliver it upon
the Gulf of Alexan.dretta has been suggested twenty times
from as many quarters since Turkey entered the war. To
deliver it south of the range of mountains covering
Aleppo and a march upon that district from Latakia to
Antioch would be equally decisive. The reasons against
such an undertaking are, I repeat, not open to debate at
this moment. But they are not conclusive.
An advance into Syria from Egypt has the advantage
that it involves none of the great losses and risks of a
landing, no new base of supply, no new transport of
troops, while the only strain it would put upon the
already heavily burdened shipping of the Allies would be
for the partial provision of the force from the side of the
sea. To prevent its advance the enemy would be com-
pelled to cover a belt across Southern Palestine of at
least 60 miles and he would not thus cover Syria with less
than 200,000 men. Were he to attempt to hold an
entrenched line from the sea to the desert with a smaller
number he would be broken. Were he to attempt to hold
a shorter line he would be turned.
The last opportunity, however, and the only one which
is of immediate importance, because it is the only one in
being, is the advance of the Russian force from the district
of Lake Van on Bitlis southward against the com-
munications of the Turkish army. \Ve do not know
exactly where the heads of the Russian columns are, but
we may conjecture that they are not yet arrived at the
edge of the mountain land, or the point of Mejafarkyn, the
ancient Martyropolis, which marks the beginning of the
open country. When they have reached this point they
will find a fairly good road, I beheve, for the remaining
fifty miles to Diarbekr.
Now the news that the Russians are at Diarbekr
would be more important perhaps to the great war as a
whole even than the preliminary news that they had taken
Erzerum and Trebizond. It would mean that they were
within striking distance— within a week's march— of the
Bagdad railway, and of the main line of communications
for the Mesopotamian army. It is possible that the
alternative Euphrates route has already been partly
organised, but we know with absolute certainty that not
more than two months ago all the work connecting the
Turkish Mesopotamian force with Asia Minor, Constanti-
nople and Europe was passing through Ras el Ain,
Nisibin and Mosul. There has hardly been time to
establish an efficiently working alternative line of com-
munications further west.
This does not mean that the Russians at Diarbekr
are equivalent to the doom of the Turks near Bagdad.
The Turkish army in that region has certainly ample
provision for a retirement, it could and would retire by
the west to the Euphrates certainly, and probably beyonS,
the Euphrates by the tracks across the desert to Syria.
Though the Russians at Diarbekr might be on the
Bagdad railway in a week they would not be within the
region of Aleppo, even by an uninterrupted march, for
a month (for the railway obviously would be destroyed
as the Turkish communications guards on it fell back).
In point of fact a month would be a ridiculously small
interval to allow, for the Russian advance would be con-
tested 'and would meet, before it could threaten the
Syrian line of communication, the serious obstacle of the
Euphrates. But the Russians at Diarbekr would be
equivalent to a Turkish retirement from Mesopotamia,
with all the political consequences following upon such a
retirement.
There is one more element in the problem, which has
nothing to do with its topographical side, and is very
serious. And that is the element of climate. The
summer, which will render easy operations in Armenia
and the Anatolian plateau to the west, and the advance
down the slopes of the mountains towards the Meso-
potamian plain, at the same time renders military action
by northern races such as the Russians and the' Britisl:
in southern Syria and upon the Tigris and Euphrates
abnormally diflicult. The exact value of that facto:
will only be estimated in practice, but it must not b*
forgotten. H. Beli.oc,
The quaintly precise English of A Hermit Tiirnei Loose,
by A. Kawabata (East and West, Ltd., 2s. 6d. net) is reminis-
cent of Yoshio Markino's studies of ^\e5tern life. The author
of this book set out to enlarge his mental outlook by travel,
and his diary of experience in Egypt, Greece, Italy, and Eng-
land is at once interesting and amusiiig, both by reason of the
subject matter and the method of e>.pre.ssion. ' It is a capti-
vating little book, and decidedly one to read, if only fur tlie
novel view-points (to Western minds) that it discloses.
LAND & WATER
May 4, 1916
CONTRASTS IN SEA METHODS
By Arthur Pollen
THE naval developments of the last fortnight
demonstrate the shifts and expedients a power
inferior at sea is seeminfjy tom;jelled to adopt
when it has neither the imagination nor .the
resolution re<|uired for a direct effort to dispute an
adverse command of the sea. They also illustrate how
futile, in every essential of military result, these shifts
and expedients must be. And in this respect they only
repeat to us to-day lessons of which history gives us many
examples. But in one respect they have produced what
is almost a new phenomenon. 1 mean the open revolt of
the neutral world against the methods by which a bellig-
erent has aspired to the exercise of a real sea power
without possessing the means of doing so in a manner
consonant with the dictates of justice and humanity.
The I'nited States has, perhaps wisely, limited its
protest to forbidding further offences by torpedoing or
shelling trading ships. ' The ground of the quarrel is
precisely that in so doing Germany has been, and must
continue to be, guilty of murder. But we should not
lose sight of the fact that practically all her actions at
sea are but variants of the same crime. Take, for
instance, the fostering of revolt in Ireland. It is possible
of course, that those responsible for sending the traitor
Casement to the West Coast, and arming the handful of
desperadoes who have been turning a few streets of Dublin
into a hell, may have been foolish enough to have ex-
pected their efforts to result in an effective rebellion
against the British Crown. An effective rebellion would
undoubtedly have introduced a change in the military
situation of real value to the enemy. But it is almost
inconceivable that so fatuous a hope could genuinely
have been held. It seems more probable that the Sinn
Feiners were backed simply to demonstrate the power of
Germany to introduce fright fulness upon a scene hitherto
, immune from her murderous intervention.
Take again the raid on Lowestoft and the unhappy
accidents by which " Russell " and two armed yachts
have run upon mines in the Mediterranean. The bom-
bardment of Lowestoft and Yarmouth had no other
purpose than casual murder ; and the extension of the
. practice of sowing mines — so assiduously cultivated in
the North Sea — to the Mediterranean, is indistinguishable
from a deliberate, though indiscriminate, effort at murder,
because to one ship of war that runs the risk of fouling
them, a dozen non-combatant ships must face this bar-
barous and inhuman peril day after day. In the North
. Sea, as we know, the ratio of merchant ships to war
ships that have been blown up by mines, is something
like twenty to one. And it is the merchant ship that is least
well equipped for protecting its personnel when such
disasters occur. Thus, all Germany's naval action — -
whether by her most powerful warships, or by the craft
or devices devoted particularly to the destniction of
commerce — is marked by murder being its only object
and its only method.
The American Crisis
Incalculably the most momentous question of the day
is how Germany >:^ill act in face of the American protest
against the continued indulgence of this homicidal mania.
For a fortnight we have been entirely without news. Presi-
dent Wilson asked for an immediate reply, and it would
seem as if some sort of reply could not be much longer
delayed. The enemy's difficulty in sending one does not,
as we all know, lie in formulating the policy that is wisest
for himself, but in presenting that policy in a manner that
will not be destructi\e of national discipline. Were there
no difficulty on this latter point, Berlin would surrender
to Washington without hesitation or delay. The policy
of so doing is obvious, because the \ery remote mihtary
advantages lost by renouncing the attack on commerce
are outweighed many times over by the dangers that
must follow if America is driven into belligerency. It
is surely no over statement to speak of the military effect
of commerce destruction being both indirect and unim-
portant. As a sole method of making naval war, cam-
paign after campaign has shown its futility. In none of
our wars — neither tho.se with France in the seventeenth
or eighteenth centuries, nor in that with America in
1812 — have the depredations on our commerce proved
at all serious, though in many of these wars they were
carried out on a colossal scale. The German submarine
campaign has so far not approached the effectiveness
either of the French or of the American privateers.
Nor would it be more than a passing embarrassment,
if it were not for a change in naval conditioiis, that few
if any realised before the war broke out. In previous
wars the protection of commerce imposed extraordinary
burdens upon the fighting navy. To-day it is the fight-
ing navy that has imposed extraordinary burdens upon
commerce. It is the British merchant fleet that has been
comjielled to find transports for our armies, and an almost
endless tale of supply ships, both for the navy itself
and for the maintenance of the forces employed in so
many places overseas. Compared with the tonnage that
naval and military requirements have withdrawn from
civil uses, the tonnage lost by enemy action is almost
trivial, and it is this fact that lends point to what I
urged last week, viz., that the building of merchant
ships must be put on the same basis as naval ship-build-
ing or the making of munitions. It is a simple fact that,
in the general devotion of ail private property to public
war purposes, the distinction between naval and merchant
shipping has vanished. Apart from building new ships,
much more can be done to lessen the demand on shipping,
and to expedite the clearing of the ships in use.
It is idle to suppose that we have arrived anywhere near
the useful limits to which imports can be restricted, and
voluntary effort can supplement State action in this
respect to a very notable degree. Nor can it be doubted
that in a great many ports — if not in all— a vigorous
reform in the employment of labour, and the wise intro-
duction of fresh labour, would result in ships being
cleared and reloaded with far greater expedition than is
now the rule. There are indeed many authorities who
go so far as to say that if the labour devoted to building
new ships could be turned to making existing ships more
useful by shortening their periods of idleness in harbour, a
tonnage, now useless, would be made available far exceed-
ing that which any building effort could supply. Which-
ever way then that the problem is looked at, it is cleariy
obvious that no commerce destruction on any scale
hitherto experienced, is likely to bring Germany that
weakening of British military power which is its pro-
fessed object.
MultipHcation of Submarines"
•If then Germany hesitates as a mere matter of policv,
and apart from internal questions, whether to yield
to America or not, it must be because she has hopes of
very greatly increasing the efficiency of her attack.
It ^\as repeated from some German source last week that
the enemy had built and equipped over 200 submarines.
I am not concerned at this moment to dispute the
credibility of this statement. It is more to the point
that even if 200 submarines were ready for the campaign,
It would not at all follow that the campaign's efficiency
would gain either proportionately or at all, A.nd the
reason is not really very recondite. It is to be found in
the fact that a submarine cannot work with other ?ub-
marincs in the sense in which surface ships can work
together.
If you add a squadron of six battleships to a fleet of
twelve, you have manifestly increased the power of that
squadron by 50 per cent. You have increased it because
battle squadrons are an organised force, and all additions
to that force, from the nature of things, contribute to a
cumulative result. But the submarine is never part of
an organised force. It is at most a mobile danger point.
By multiplying submarines, you multiply danger points.
But If the ships that have "to oass the danger points
May 4, igi6
LAND & WATER
have any internal or external protection, the risks they
run are not proportionate to the number of points of
danger that they encounter. A man' who is efficiently
protected against wayside assassination by a body guard,
can pass a hidden threat of this sort with impunity, and
he can pass it ten times a day or a hundred times a day
in exactly the same safety as once. If thr, assassins
could all combine and overpower the bodyguard, it would
be a different matter. A ship is no doubt in a slightly
different case from a man so guarded. But where ships
arc armed, a submarine cannot come to the surface to
pursue and bring it within range without serious risk,
and where a ship is in patrolled waters, the submarine
cannot come to the surface without risking instantaneous
annihilation. There are, moreover, traps and dangers that
beset its path in waters where the intended victims are
numerous, and of these traps and dangers the submarine
commander can have practicall}^ no knowledge whatever.
No doubt the multiplication of submarines, by multiply-
ing the points of danger, would add something to the risk
of ships. The addition, however is not serious. But the
risk to the submarines of multiplying their numbers
in patrolled waters would be strictly in proportion to
their increase in numbers. And all this the Germans
must know as well as we do.
The German Dilemma
There seems, then, no ground for doubting that the
noisy professions of confidence in the submarine cam-
paign as the means by which Great Britain was to be
brought to her knees, were put out in Germany, not as a
sober profeision of military expectations, but solely to
hearten a people stupefied by the spectacle of a country
apparently" universally victorious on land, and possessing
the second most powerful fleet in the world reduced to
a condition of pitiful sea impotence. For never in history
has an impotence more complete been seen. When
historians discuss the value of the destruction of com-
merce in war, they tell us how, for example, in the
Revolutionary War, the French took so many British
ships, and how we took so many French. The matter is
always discussed in the terms of relative loss. But in this
war the loss of the (icrman marine has been complete.
Those that love statistics may argue as to the exact
percentage losses by enemy action bear to our total
shipping. But there is no dispute that the loss of German
shipping is exactly lOO per cent. For such supplies as
reach Germany from overseas she is dependent entirely
upon neutrals, and after many months of irresolute
vacillation, we have evolved a form of virtual blockade
that reduces these supplies to a minimum, Opinions may
differ and do, as to military hopes that can be expected
from blockade — just as they differ as to the military effect
to be got by commerce destruction — but it appears to
be beyond dispute that all (iermany is on the shortest
of short rations, and the only thing which has reconciled
the people to its privations has been the government's
promise that their submarines would bring Great Britain
to the same pass. How in circumstances such as these can
the German Government unsay what it has said and yield
to the American protest ? It is perhaps the most acute
and difficult problem that the much harassed Bethmann
Holwegg has yet had to face.
The True Use of Sea Force
If the events of the last fortnight have shown the
futility of the German sea action, they have included at
least one example of British sea action of which there is a
pardonable curiosity to know more. I allude, of course,
to the engagement of the German raiding ships by our
light cruisers and destroyers. We know no more of
what, in fact, happened than that two of our ships were
hit without being sunk. It is not profitable to make
guesses as to the character of the engagement. I con-
fine myself to the point that there was an engagement.
The portentous thing is that there was an engagement
between some of the most powerful battle cruisers afloat,
armed certainly with 12 and 11 inch guns — with, possibly,
one unit carrying still heavier ordnance — and light
fragile craft carrying nothing heavier than the latest
type of 6 inch. It is significant as showing the different
<>iat actuates t4ie two navies. One makes sure by
the employment of his Zeppelins that the coast is clear,
and sends its strongest ships on a mission of fugitive
murder. The otheT, without a moment's hesitation,
tackles these guilty monsters, though defenceless against
their weapons and powerless to hurt them. What a
humiliation that such noble vesssls, such noble guns,
built one cannot help hoping in the expectation of being
put to a noble and chivalrous use, should be degraded to
the purpose of mere ravaging and slaughter. Was it
shame that compelled them to run from the scene of their
crimes, pursued by craft of relatively contemptible power ?
Never surely did material force stand out in such cruel
contrast with moral greatness. Who can help asking the
question, since a handful of mosquito craft can attack
and pursue a battle cruiser squadron, why cannot the
whole German navy, using all its resources, attack
and bring to action the British navy ? What lies
behind the splendid courage of the one force, the
strange supineness and irresolution of the other ? We
shall not be far wrong, I think, if we see in this, first and
foremost, some signs of demoralisation must follow when
a great navy is never throughout a great war employed
on anything more glorious than the slaughter of those
who are powerless to resist. The bloodguiltiness that
stains the German naval flag must make it a hideous
emblem to those that serve under it. But there is a
something else behind Germany's sea impotence. Get-
may has no naval traditions and is not the heir to any
doctrines of sea fighting. Her ship building policy, such
of her naval literature as I have read, the writings of her
general strategists like Bernhardi and the like, indicate
that the German navy has always been regarded as a part
of the German army, and it is inspired by similar doctrines
as to the employment of force.
It seems broadly to be ti"ue that all German military
policy is governed by one fundamental doctrine. This
may be called the doctrine of the mass attack. It relies
upon artillery of overwhelming size, and in overwhelming
numbers : on machine guns in vast quantities, on the
employment of men at the critical point in solid forma-
tions and in overpowering numbers. The thing was
seen to perfection in the famous phalanx that forced
the Russians back from Galicia. But, if it is not rash 'for
one who is no military student to hazard a judgment in a
purely military affair, it would seem as if all the German
campaigns, from the advance on Paris to the attack on
Verdun, simply exhibit variations of the same method.
Germany's naval position gives her no opportunity fbr
acting on this doctrine at sea. In the numbers of her
ships, in the numbers and calibres of her guns, she is
inferior to the force opposed to her. The essentials then
of the employment of mass are lacking.
What is interesting is, that she seems entirely without
capacity to use those elements in which she is superior
to redress the balance. She has a monopoly of the means
of aerial scouting, she has pushed the use of mines to a
point undreamed of by any other navy, she must have
incredible resources in submarines. Surely, if her
sailors were resourceful, resolute, inspired by any
genius for naval war, some combination of all these
elements of scouting, attack and defence could be
worked out that would give the German fleet some
more noble aim than the crimes which have brought the
condemnation of the neutral world upon her. But
then it is perhaps the nemesis of these crimes that makes
the German navy so sterile of war thought. For sea war
demands something more than brute courage if it is to
become an irt. It needs chivalry, and clean thought,
and a fine insight into the higher spiritual side in man.
And for such qualities of the mind and heart piracy is
a poor school. Arthur Pollen.
The concert in aid of St. Dunstan's Hostel for Blinded
Soldiers and Sailors last Saturday, at the Queen's HaU, proved
a great success. The Executive Committee was almost
entirely composed of members of the printing profession :
well-known artists, whose names alone guaranteed a success,
offered their services : the Lord Mayor gave permission for
the Band of the City of London National Guard to play
selections ; the paper for, and the printing of the programmes :
the clever sketch on the cover : the posters : the chocolates
sold in the hall : all, from first to last, were provided free by
generous and kind sympathisers in the splend'd work which is
being carried on by Mr. Arthur Pearson.
10
LAND cS: WATER
The City of Fear
Bv Gilbert Frankau
May 4, i(ji6
THIS was a city once : women lived here ; ,
Their voices were low to their lovers, o'nights by
the muanuring waters ;
Their hands were busied with home — mothers
and daughters, ._.--
Sisters and wives :
Now the shell dives
To scatter anew the shattered remains of the homes
that their hands made dear.
Fear
Walks naked at noonday's clear
Where the shopman proffcared his wares to the loitering
street,
\\'here the Mass was read.
Above.
The war-blades beat
And wliistle : and love
And laughter and work and the hum ul the city arc
utterly dead.
Never a barge
Ruffles the long canals : the lock-gates rot,
Letting thin runnels spout :
Never the plash of a rope in the reeds nor the pash of a
hoof on the marge,
Crack of whip, nor the shout
Of driver gladdens the quiet : the foul weeds knot
And strangle the sluggish flow of the waterway ;
Slime of decay
Clots on the banks where the shell-holes cut deep and
the shored edges crumble,
Clots on the piers of the bridges that echo to transport
wheels' rumble
At fall of the night
When no Ught
Is a-gleara —
Till the sudden flame from a gun-mu^zlc crimsons the
ebon glass of the stream.
Here, where the rails
Ran straight and gUttcring, linking city to teeming
prosperous plain.
Mist and the rain
And long disuse have rusted the glint of the steel that
the wheels made shining ;
Flame and steel have twisted the steel from the lines of
its fair designing ;
Gold with grain.
Shone the fields once, when the harvest of peacetime
was ripe to the sun for the flails ;
Green and red
Gleamed the hghts once when the track was a-quiver, a-roar
with the freight and the mail~--
But the life of tlic farm and the life of the field and llie
traflic of peacetime arc utterly dead.
The grey roads run
Bare to the sun ;
Not a cart
Jingles in through the gates that our torn graves guard
To the mart ;
Never a peasant girl passes and smiles with raised eyes
for a greeting.
Never men clink at the cottage the cup of the wayfarers'
meeting ;
(Strown
Into heaps by the roadside the cottages, blown
And driven by shcll-firc, and scarred !)
Only at night when the dank mists arise and the gaze of
our watchers is hidden.
Comes tramp and muttered cursing of infantry, rush of
horse ridden
In fear of the dark —
For wlio knows how the far shell shall swerve or the blind
bullet hiss to its mark I
Roadway, water or rail, the hfe has died in the veins,
As life is dead at the breast ;
Only remains
The hollow corpse of a city, slashed and gutted of war,
A grinning skeleton-city, mocking the eye from afar
With a hangman's jest —
With tower and chimney and gable \shero scarcely
swallows might rest.
Look well,
Ye that shall die as we died !
Is there roof of these roofs to guard your heads from the
wind or the rain or the sun ?
Is there wall unholed of the gun,
Or street unpitted of shell ?
Is there place where Man might abide ....
Has the house he built for his scornful gods been proof
'gainst the shafts of Hell ?
Ruin is over it all, hideous, complete :
Street upon street ;
House upon house that was gay with tlic patter of lest
children's feet.
Whose windows were mirrors of lamp light to beckon its
worker returning
To welcome of arms and of eyes, to the warmth of the
home-fire's bright burning ;
Palace and cot —
Their charred beams rot
And their rent walls gape as they totter, betraying the
havoc within —
Iron and tin,
Brickwork and stone,
Glasswork and tilework and woodwork to refuse-heaps
battered and spilt and o'erthrown.
Through the storied square —
Where aforetime the belfry spired
In a moonbeam- fretted splendour of stone that was pride
of a guild long dead.
Where the glory of glass
Was fired
By the orange flames of a thousand candles .ablaze on
altar and shrine,
Till the quiet beauty of perfect things was warm to the
soul as wine —
Men pass
Hurriedly, fearfully, quickening the footstep, barely
averting the head
To vision in dread
A gleaming, terrible desert, pitfallcd with shadow- wells
Blasted and bored by the shells,
Jagged with rocks : —
For the steel has stripped
And ravished the splendours of graven stone, the ruby
glory of glass.
Till apse and gargoyle, buttress and nave,
Rcredos, pillar, and crypt,
Lie tumbled and crumbled to monstrous ruins of splinter-
ing granite-blocks ....
May 4, 1916
LAND & W A T E K
11
Over the grave
Of the work that was spared fur the sake of the work
by the Vandals of elder wars,
Only one tattered pinnacle leers to the calm of the out-
raged stars.
This is the City of Fear !
Death
Has ringed her walls with his sickle, has choked her
streets with his breath ;
In her cellars the rat feeds red
On the bodies of those whom their own roofbeams be-
trayed to him as they fled — ■
For none live here
Save you that shall die, as we died, for the city, and we,
your dead
Whom God for the sake of our one brave dream has
garnered into His hand ....
Will He give them to understand,
Tlie proud and the thankless cities we left in a sheltered
land ?
Our spirits fret
Through the troubled night,
To each sputter of rifle fire.
To each chnk of your transport w heels ;
Fret
To the roar and flash of your sleepless guns, to the tread
of your feet in the mire.
To each soaring light
That reveals,
In a silver silhouette,
House and tree and the hump of a crest and the broken
tooth of a spire ;
Fret,
By day when the liigh planes drone
And the great shells throb through the void
And the trench blur in the gray ;
Fret, and pray
That the hour be near
When the bonds of the foeman that hold us be utterly
broke and destroyed,
And ours alone,'
The City of Fear.
Should we care at all ?
Sliould we not turn and take rest from our labours ?
Here, wliere you buried us, sleep ?
Forget the dream that was cheap at Ufe, forget the
wounds and the pain ?
Never again
Remember the call
That came to our souls in the sheltered cities, drawing us
over the deep ? •
kemember in XAin !
Gladly we came —
From peaceful homeland village ; from the raw dun
dusty town,
\Vhere sun of the North drops down
In purple behind the prairie ; from the pulsing plate-
glass streets.
That are bright with the girls of our younger nations at
southern rim of the sea ;
From lazy tropic townships, where hght of day is a flame,
And the night wave beats
In fire on the scented foreshores, and the cicad rings in
the tree ;
From the gay gray mother of all jjur cities, at ease on
her banks ofiThames —
Came and died,
Here
In the City of Fear.
Gladly we died.
But in death is no peace for us,
Rest nor release for us.
Had you buried ns deep—
You whom we left to fulfill us the task that was stricken
out of our power —
Had you rolled the battle-tide back from our city, till
only the growl of your guns
Fell faint on our ears as the baying of hounds that were
hunting over the hill,
Perchance we might sleep :
But day upon day that grows weary, and hour upon slow
footed hour,
The long year runs,
And ever the foeman beats at the gates and batters at
rampart and tower
:\.nd our souls are untpiiet, for the voice of our dreaming
will neither rest nor be still.
How can we rest,
Knowing it all unaccomplished, the vow that was dear
to us dying ;
How can we sleep or be still
In our tombs that are spattered and ploughed by the
shell-bursts and shaken by salvoes replying,
Till dead bones thrill ;
Till our souls break forth from the grave —
Unshriven, unblest—
To flutter and shrill
Down the winds that murmur and moan in the ruins
our bodies were tortured to save.
Ye that remain.
Have ye no pity
For'us that are sped ? •
Was it then vain.
Vain that we bartered our youth for the walls of the
desolate city.
Bartered the red
Life's blood, and the hopes that were dearer than blood
and the uttermost faith that was given us
Death hath not shriven us ... .
Shrive ye your dead !
YPRES, 1916.
Sortcs Sbakespeariana^
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
The; Kaiser's Empty Brag — Dublin and
Lowestoft at Easter :
Whiles I in Ireland riowis/i a mighty band,
1 will stir up in England some black storm
Shall bloTO ten thousand souls to heaven or
hell.
2 Hcnr/ VI„ UI., i.. 348-50.
The Weakness of Mr. Birrell:
Fools do those villains pity who are punish' d
Ere they have done their mischief.
King Lear IV., ii., 54-5.
The Sinn Feiners:
But for you, rebels, look to taste the due
Meet for rebellion and such acts as yours.
Most shallow ly did you these arms commence.
2 Henry IV., IV., ii.. 1I6R
13
LAND 5: W A T E R
May 4, 1916
Britain's Kinship with France
By Arthur L. Salmon
IN tlic first great historic invasion of Britain, the
Ivcriiians and Celts were defeated by the tinest
civilisation that the Western world had then to
ofier, that (jf the Latins. But when the Teutonic
hordes came battering at our gates, it was the lower
civilisation that triumphed, at least for a time. Not only
had the Celts their own spiritual culture and something
more than a veneer of Christianity ; but it had not been
for nothing that the Roman occupation had endured
for four centuries. But Celticism was hopelessly dis-
united, and it never presented a single front to the
enemy ; its resistance was always tribal, never national.
Even so, it was only conquered piecemeal, and not that
entirely ; Wales, West \\'alcs. and the North almost
wholly escaped. France, at tliis moment our dear friend
and ally, had also suffered from barbaric invasion, but
had taken a hrmer hold of Latin civilisation, so that her
influence was able to convert herce Norsemen into the
comparatively refined and art-loving Normans who
were later to convey their culture to England.
A False Idea
It is especially interesting at this time to draw atten-
tion to Britain's links with France, and to undo in part the
mischief wrought by the Teutonising historians of a past
generation, who tried to represent modern England as
little more than a German colony. That idea is false
both in spirit and in detail. We need not under-estimate
the robust force of the Teutonic elements, or their part
in fonning the typical British character ; but the fact
remains that our racial achievement is a blend of at
least three main constituents, that of the Celt, the Latin,
and the Teuton. Where England's gift to the world is
probably greatest, in literature, the prevailing elements
are without doubt the Celtic and the Latin ; in successful
colonising we derive from Rome, in commerce from
Germany.
When it comes to actual race, it is probable that our
connection with France is at least as close as with
Teutonism ; at the present moment it would seem that
our nearest European affinities are to be found with
France and with Scandinavian Teutonism rather than
that now controlled by the pernicious hegemony of
Prussia. To cross from Cornwall to Brittany, even now
is scarcely like a change of country ; a few centuries
since it would not have meant a change of language.
Breton speech is the sole living analogue of old Cornish,
a Cymric tongue akin to Welsh, differing from the
Gaelic of Ireland and North Britain.
In romance we are linked to the Continent by the
Arthurian cycle, purely British in its inception if not in
its development, and to this day a far more potent force
in our literature than the Teutonic Beowulf or Lay of
the Nibelungs. When Geoffrey of Monmouth wrote his
history of the Britons he went to Brittany for his details,
fabulous as these generally were ; they were a common
heritage, but, less disturbed by constant strife, the
Bretons had best preserved them. Crossing to Brittany,
we find the familiar names of Domiwnia, our Devon,
Cnnwuaillcs, our Cornwall, and Leon, obviously connected
with the lost, perhaps not wholly mythic, land of Lyonesse.
From very early times there had been a close inter-
colonising between south Britain and Armorica ; not
only so, but we know that tiie British founded a colony
around the mouths of the Rhine, while the tribes of
Belga; in Britain obviously connect us with the Belgium
that has won our admiring sympathies. As early as
the year 316 there seems to have been a colony of Welsh-
men in Brittany ; but the exodus from British shores of
which we know most was that which followed the Saxon
encroaclunents, when the British were being j)ushcd
further and further westward by ruthless Teutons.
The coast-region of northern France afterwards known
as Brittany or Little Britain had been almost depopu-
lated bv furious incursions of Frisian and kindred tribes,
and being an isolated deserted region, it offered naturally
a tempting haven for the distracted Cymry who migrated
in large numbers during the fifth and sixth centuries.
In a life of S. Winwaloe, whose name we find not only in
the Cornish Landewednac and Gunwalloe, but in the
Breton Landevenec, that " the sons of the Britons
crossing the sea landed on these shores at the period when
the barbarian Saxons conquered the isle. These children
of a loved race established themselves in this country
happy to find repose after so many griefs."
Strong traces of the community of the races occupying
these opposite coasts of the Channel survive not only
in speech and place-name, in legend, superstition, and
folk-drama, but in saint-lore ; the saints of Wales,
Cornwall, Brittany, are very largely a common familw
The librarian of the Louvre once drew attention to tlie
fact that all the saints of ancinf Breton parishes were,
with a single exception, British ; which of course docs
not mean that they were all born within the British isles.
Only a few names need be mentioned. S. Budoc. an
abbot in the isle of Lauret, left his name to the mother-
parish of Falmouth ; S. Non, mother of the famous
Welsh S. David, founded churches both in Cornwall
and Devon, but retreated to Brittany before her death. S.
Ronan. who did great things in Brittany, is identified
with the Ruan or Rumon of Cornwall and Devon ; visitors
to F'owey will find his name at Polruan. There was also
S. Samson, a most energetic and militant saint, whose
traces are very definite in Wales, Cornwall, Scilly and
the Channel Islands ; he landed at Dol and became a
notable man not only throughout Armorica but even at
Paris. S. Mawes or Modez appears to have been an
Irishman who first settled in Cornwall and then crossed
the Channel, leaving his name to one of the Brehat islands ;
S. Malo was apparently \\'elsh by birth.
Cymric and Gaelic Saints
While paying all due respect to the especially Cymri^
saints who came from South Britain, we have to remember
that the Gaelic saints of Ireland and North Britain did
their full share in bringing Christianity to northern F'rance,
and did even more in taking it farther still across the
('ontinent. Lovers of literature as well as of arclueology
know how close is the connection between Brittany and
all the Cymric parts of Britain ; while the kinship with
Ireland is not quite so close, because the Irish belonged to
a different branch of the Celtic family. Renan, himself a
Breton, paid special attention to this kinship — a kinship
so near that it has been asserted that Breton onion-
sellers can make themselves understood by the Welsh, as
they certainly could in Cornwall while Cornish remained a
living language.
It has been so dinned into us that we are a Teutonic
people, that something of the reverse side is a welcome
relief. It is certain that our spiritual relationships have
been rather with the Celts and the Latin peoples. Ob-
viously none of our great writers reveal this Teutonic
ascendancy, with the doubtful exception of Carlyle, who
tortured a spirit very largely Celtic into Teuton "violence
of expression, to his own loss.
It is impossible to unravel differing threads of race in
the woof of national character and national utterance ;
we must be willing to give Teutonism its fair place, but
an unfair supremacy has been claimed for it, and against
this we are brought to rebel, none too soon. Neither
intellectually nor ph\sically are the British people, even
those most narrowly styled English, an insular colony of
Germans. This may be said with all true recognition of
whatever has been good in Germanism, which it would
be mere pettiness to disavow.
Felicity, having no home ties, went out to South .\frica
and adopted journHJisni as a profession, hence The Phases
of J-clkilv, by Olga Kacster and Jessica Grove ((icorgc
.Mien aud Unwin, Os.), a certain man, Hromley to wit,
supplies the element of romance for a rather diluted l<ive
story, aud misunderstandings spin out the romance to the last
chapter. The authors .know their Cape Town and have also
definite acquaintance with the veldt ; hence a readable and
by no means uniittractive little storv, rather more concerned
with Africa than with Felicity.
May 4, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
Air Problems and Fallacies
Air Ministry or Board of Aeronautics
By F. W. Lanchester
IN the preceding article it has been pointed out that
the case for an Air Minister or Air Ministry, such
as it is, depends mainly upon considerations relating
to operations of indirect military value, these opera-
tions being broadly divided into home defence and attacks
and raids on tlie enemy. The difficulties surrounding
the former of these so far have bsen dealt with, and it has
been shown to be nearly impossible to dissociate air
(home) defence either as to organisation or command
from the existing services.
Passing now to the question of attack. Up to the
present very few raids have been made by our own air-
craft or that of the Allies which can be considered as
lying outside the range of legitimate military or naval
operations. The distinction between a raid or attack
from the air of direct and of indirect military value is not
a matter of place or distance, but rather of purpose.
Certain writers and speakers have failed to recognise
the vital distinction which exists between raids having
an immediate military object and forming part of a pre-
concerted scheme, and those of an independent character,
and of indirect value only.
Considered broadly it is comparatively rare that an
operation of indirect mihtary value is able to serve a useful
purpose ; every such operation in warfare requires to be
considered on its individual merits. Any act which would
not in the ordinary way be undertaken by the Admiral
or Commander-in-Chief as part of his strategic scheme
is suspect at the outset, it is prima facie, contrary to an
admitted principle of strategy — the concentration of the
whole available resources on a single object or purpose,
i.e., that object by which the war is to be brought most
rapidly to a successful conclusion. As in all human
affairs there are exceptions, and the most common
operation constituting an exception known to warfare,
is blockade.
The Case of Blockade
Excepting where a blockade forms a definite siege
operation,* it is essentially of indirect military value ;
the present blockade of Germany, for example, has
for its object by the general weakening of the Central
Powers to render their offensive less dangerous and their
power of resistance less formidable. But even when
there is so clear a case for action, and so well established
and time-honoured a method of exercising general pressure
on an enemy, the conduct of the operation reveals the
fact that the method itself has inherent weakness.
Thus is it not a fact that every loaf of bread or pound
of meat consumed which is unnecessary for the welfare
of our population is just that much loss to the country, as
assuredly as if it had been destroyed by the enemy ?
Are not our statesmen continually preaching economy',
and the avoidance of luxury. Our Government cries
out for economy, begs for economy ; what is the re-
sponse ?
Reports show an increase of consumption of bread and
an increase of consumption of meat per head of population.
Our cheap jewellery trade is experiencing a boom, our
pianoforte trade cannot procure supplies fast enough,
picture palaces arc reaping a golden harvest !
The German Government also know well the import-
ance of economy. The German Government ask their
people to economise. The British blockade enforces
the order !
When we pass from a particular case to consider
indirect operations broadly, we bump at once into the
real fundamental weakness of such operations. I do not
go so far as to suggest that there are no circumstances
under which air operatiqns of indirect value may not be
• In a siege in which the high command has decided to reduce a
fortress or position by hunger tlie e.xclusion of supplies becomes the
operation of direct value. This is reflected in the fact that the killing
off of part of the Garrison by Artillery fire or other means(which now
befwmes an operation of indirect value) might actuiUy enable the
defending force to prolong its hold.
justified, I merely point out that in the present state^of
aircraft development opportunities must be rare and' of
unusual occurrence. What conceivable value is it to an
enemy that he bombs a few of our farm-yards and Tishing
villages, if we ihially defeat him in the main lield of
battle ? And if we fail to defeat him in the major
operations, what gain is it to us if we have driven off or
destroyed a few airships or squadrons of his aeroplanes,
or if we in turn have bombed a few of his cities or
factories ?.
Air Supremacy
I am not writing against the ultimate necessity for
Britain being supreme in the air in every field of operation,
I fully uphold it ; if after this war we neglect to place
ourselves (and to maintain ourselves) in an unassailable
position we shall deserve, man and woman, the downfall
which will inevitably be ours in time to come. But the
country is now at war with the greatest military power
that history has known, and the present problem is to
smash the enemy, and e\&vy operation of indirect military
value must be weighed on its merits in view of the fact
that the sum and total of our resources are limited and
our Navy on the high seas and our Army in the field
must take precedence of everj'thing. Thus during the
present war, the prospect of widespread air attack on
the enemy's country must be regarded as remote. It
will take all we can do to produce the air auxiliaries
necessary for our existing services. If there should be
enough independent air aggression during the present
war to give us the measure of its future utility it is as
much as we can expect.
But going beyond the present war, a considerable
period must elapse before it will be possible to build up an
independent air service, and when this is done it will need
to be done stone by stone, brick by brick, if the structure
is to stand. One has only to reflect on the enormous
accumulation of experience and data which has been
necessary to render possible the organisation of a modern
European army or fleet, lo realise that 'the task of forming
an independent air service, if eventually it should come to
achievement, will be an affair of decades rather than
years, and can only be considered as proven when it has
emerged successfully from a first class European war.
' It is clear from the "foregoing that if an Air Ministry
were to be founded to-day to operate with due regard to
existing needs and obligations it would have to " mark
time " so far as its main purpose is concerned for a long
while to come, and indeed might eventually prove little
more than a monument to shattered expectations. Such
a Ministry could only begin its real work when the war •
is over. Its main duties during the continuance of
hostilities could be carried out by a Board having com-
paratively limited executive power. That is there
room for such a Board few to-day question ; the con-
troversial side hinges mainly on such points as to what
extent executive powers can be assigned to' it, and in
what directions it can best prosecute its activities to be
of real assistance to the air branches of both the Army
and the Navj' as at present constituted. A Board
of Aeronautics would incidentally serve as a medium for
the collection and co-ordination of experience — the
natural prelude to the creation of a full blown Air
Ministry if at some later date this should be found
necessary or desirable.
Two objections have been raised to a Board as against a
Ministry. The first of these is that we don't want
any more Boards and Committees, we want a man.
This expresses an excellent sentiment, but unfortunately,
that which in this sense is known as a man is a com-»
bination of exceptional ability and " grit " with experience,
and our whole system of Government of late has not lent
itself to the training of the man so much as the team.
In a sense we have already the man or men — in the
Services — in my opinion, exceptionally able oflicers who
14
LAND ec WW T E R
May 4, T016
could scarcely have been Ijetter chosen ; all that is needed
is the support and help of equal ability in those directions
in which admitted weakness lies. The second objection is
that withoiit an Air Minister there would be nojannual " air
vote," and unless there is a Cabinet Minister directly
responsible for screwing the necessary funds out of the
Treasury, the job will be scamped, There are two
answers to this, firstly the Army and the Navy might
draw their air department requirements on a separate
vote so that the public may see what the expenditure
is, for what that check may be worth ! Secondly, as
suRpestcd in my " Aircraft in \\arfare," if the require-
ments of the Ser\ices were supported by the Boird, vvhose
civilian members were pledged to resign if what the Board
considered an adequate pro\ision were denied, wc should
probably have a far more powerful check on the adequacy
of our Air Service than could be secured either by the
jnere publication of ligures or by the complacence of a
specially appointed Minister.
I-et it not be understood that I am individually hostile
to an Air Ministry or to an independent Air Service ; I
realise fully that a time may come when the solution of
the problem of the adequate control of our air forces may
involve some such step. I have myself drafted in great
detail a Echeme of control based on an independent
Air Service and an Air Ministry with full provisions for
the complete independence of the air departments of the
existing Services.* I^roadly stated, I believe this scheme
to be feasible and workable ; 1 have, however, failed to
satisfy myself that there is an immediate call for anything
so comprehensive, or that it is possible to inaugurate any
such scheme successfully during the progress of hos-
tilities ; or at least under existing conditions.
Eyes on the Boat
When the nation is occupied in the conduct of a great
war the coxswain's old adage " Eyes on the Boat " is
singularly to the point. All the talk we hear of destroying
Germany by bombing expeditions, by a widespread
attack from the air, etc. ; all the plausible rubbish
which is spoken — to the effect that owing to the deadlock
on land and the deadlock of another kind at sea, the war
will fave to be settled from the air ; that the day of
the infantry on land and the surface vessel at sea is over,
and that the future lies \vith the aeroplane and the sub-
marine ; all this may be counted picturesque, but as
doctrine it is certainly not as picturesque as it is dangerous.
Perhaps I shall be counted wanting in imagination for
ridiculing such talk ; to me one must veritably lack
imagination to be blind to its fallacy. We have heard the
same kind of stories before ; we have been told that the
bayonet cannot be of any possible value in the face of
the improvement in small arms. Nevertheless, the
bayonet is the arbiter of battles to-daj'. We have been
told before that the submarine has rendered all other
vessels obsolete, but submarine cannot hunt submarine,
and the position of the submarine is that of a perpetual
fugitive from the high-speed surface craft of an enemy,
also the first preparatory step to countering the
enemy submarine is the withdrawal of one's own from
the field of operations. When everything is taken into
account these new innovations, whether they be torpedoes,
submarines, aeroplanes or air !5hips, or small arms or
artillery of greater range or speed of fire, result in modifica-
tions only of what has gone before, a change perhaps in
relative values, corresponding modifications in design,
the substitution of one type of surface \essel for another,
the supplementing of ordinary field artillery with guns
which command a range of fire from the zenith to the
horizon, the supplementing of the bayonet with the hand
grenade, the substitution for the steel armour of the
middle ages, and for the earth works of yesterdav, of
the deep trenches and protection of mother earth to-day :
in brief an enrichment of means and a wider range of
technique, but man remains an earth dweller, his home
and possessions are on and in the soil, and the underlying
principles of strategy and tactical method are eternal.
• This exaggeration or exaltation of the importance of
operations of indirect military value to the extent of
suggesting that such will eventually replace ordinary
military operations in the conduct of a war can only be
described as chimerical. Such ideas are fit only for
• Submitted loriUiscussion to the Committee of the Navy Leaeiie
discussion by writers of fiction of the Jules Verne type,
let us say for the destruction of " castles in the air."
The real fact is that the moment the operation of aircraft
is taken as something apart from, and unconnected with,
a scheme of naval or militar}' aggression, it is shorn of
more than half its potential value. Even though our air
forces were immeasurably more numerous and jjowerful
than to-day, and if under the agis of an Air Minister we
were to institute a wholesale campaign of bombing on
enemy centres of (io\ernment and production without
any immediate relation to the operations of our Army or
Navy, the result would be incomparably less than were
similar forces to be used in concerted oix-rations, acting in
conjunction with the other arms of the Services.
Indirect Operations
The value of indirect operations will largely depend
upon whether an enemy can by such means be reduced
to impotence apart from and independently of the ordinary
naval and military pressure which is being applied.
Clearly the effectiveness of such operations is a relati\'e
question, one of degree; also, a very important point,
it is dependent upon the future relative power or balance
as between air attack and air defence. It may be recalled
that up to the present the air defences of this coimtry
ha\e been as successful as our naval defences, since, as
demonstrated in a previous article (March 30th), the
German airship raids have only been successful in so far
that they have outraged international convention. The
fact that no German airship has violated British territory
during daylight or during the period of full moon is an
absolute reply to those \yho talk glibly of our air muddle
and lack of preparation. I have before stated that the
responsibility for our deficiencies in this respect must
rest with the humanitarian as typified in the frock-coated
" Peace Confercncer," and with the World Illusion of the
last fifty years. In the future it may be laid down that
defensive organisation must meet hostile airship or aero-
plane by night as by day, and up to a certain point this
can undoubtedly be done. The reason for raising this
matter again here is to point out that in assuming the
case for an Independent Air Service as based on wide-
spread operations of aggression, we are assuming that
effective air defence against such aggression is predestined
to failure.
My opinion to-day is strongly that attack from the air
is too volatile — if it may be so expressed— to be of effect
without the immediate support of other military and
naval measures of aggression, and that with a ivell organised
defence and appropriate precautions such independent
action is destined to play a comparatively modest role in
the warfare of the future.
A Summary
In concluding the present article I will therefore
summarise the position that the " greater scheme " in
which is contemplated an Air. Minister and an Air Ministry
forms a better subject for academic discussion (a di.s-
cussion which might at any time become of real jiractical
interest) than of immediate pohtics. From the lattci
point of view it fails on several different counts : —
(a) As an organisation for defence it is doubtfully work-
able in conjunction with the existing Services, and appears
to involve a serious division of authority with attendant
" evaporation " of responsibility.
(b) As an organisation for offence an Air Ministry is
open to criticism on the ground that operations of indirect
military value violate broadly the principle of strategy
of concentration 0/ purpose ; it is based on an assumed
future for independent and direct air attack which has
not been proved, and of which we have no clear assurance
or expectation.
(c) Its powers cannot be extended to include operations
of direct military value without clashing with the plenary
responsibility of our naval and military commands.
(d) To whatever extent a case may be otherwise sus-
tained for an Independent Air Service, there remains the
condition that naval and miHtary demands, either for
material or personnel have first claim, and thus, if the
case for an Air Service be made good on other counts,
no scheme can be carried into execution during a con-
tinuance of the present condition of shortage.
May ^, 1916
LAND & WATER
Waste
By Charles W. Simpson
15
A GLOOMY, unwashed man in a dirty uniform
sat on a luggage trolley, notebook in hand. He
looked up as the engine whistled and the long,
heavily-freighted train, with its load of
ammunition, began to move out of the station. The
trucks and wagons jerked noisily as the couplings
tightened ; a roaring cloud of steam shot forth in front
of the engine and spread, slowly fading, across the rails.
The gloomy man scribbled something in his note-
book and got up uneasily ; he was the officer in command
of the supply depot. When he raised his hand there
was another whistle ; a fresh engine left the sidings and
was coupled to another row of trucks on the main line.
As each train left, the officer stared after it for a few
moments, until it had partly disappeared in the dariip,
heavy fog that lay thickly across the line and necessitated
the use of the great arc-lights in the goods-yard ; then
he turned and looked towards the crowded sidings.
Tedious work, this slow procession of trains — each
one seeming to diminish by so little the mass of wagons
awaiting their departure ; but, if it was slow, there was
method in the slowness, and gradually the sidings became
less congested.
Drivers and firemen w"cnt about their work apathe-
tically, in no way disturbed by the confusion that un-
avoidably ensued in handling this huge mass of rolling
stock. Mostly civilians, they were merely carrying out
their habitual duties, and were insusceptible to the
strain and stress of war.
There was little rest for anyone at the supply depot,
from the officer in command to the platelayers and fatigue
gangs. All the stores of food, forage, and ammunition
were to be rushed out of the junction, and conveyed
to a point — not expressly mentioned — somewhere up the
main line. Besides the rows of already laden trucks,
huge piles of flour sacks were stored imder shelters roofed
with iron sheeting in the goods-yard ; stacks of hay and
straw, covered with tarpauling, bulked up in the mist ;
and beyond them were ramparts of crates and cases of
every description — tons of frozen meat and tinned
stuffs ; rations enough to keep an army in the field for
weeks. It was a giant's task to move this mountain
of supplies, and the energy with which it was being
attempted indicated a crisis calling for supreme effort.
The O.C. left his seat on the trolley for the fiftieth
time, walked down the platform and stopped at the door
of the station master's office. In response to his call a
slim youth with a small black moustache that grew very
close under his nose and avoided his upper lip altogether,
came briskly to the doorway — it was clear that he was
not a railway official. In shirt sleeves, a pencil stuck
behind one ear and papers bulging from his pockets, he
was still an unmistakable jimior sub., of callously cheerful
demeanour in spite of the dark rings under his eyes.
" Tick off the ammunition as done with," said the
senior officer ; " and now," he added sa^•agely, " we've
got to clear out the grub."
"Right, sir!" answered the sub. brightly. "The
swine won't find much left here if we go on at this rate,
will they ? " he chuckled with glee. " Poor hungry devils
swotting their hides off to get here in time, and then —
er " casting about for some felicitous phrase — " an empty
cage — bird flown." He chuckled again.
" Let me sec the lists," said the other, immo\ed bv
the spirit of pleasantry : " we must look sharp. What
comes next ? Ah, yes ; thirty truck-loads of barley,
and forty of wheat, besides the stock in the yard "
As the two men stood in the doorway of the office,
a third, who v.as pacing rapidly up the platform, ap-
proached them. He pulled up sharply, and taking a
quick glance round the station shrugged his shoulders
with an air, half of indecision and half of impatience.
He turned to the O.C.
" Look here, old chap ; can you finish the job in
eight hours ? My men want to get to work on the line."
The newcomer was very hot and very dusty ; his
tunic and shirt were open, showing his chest glistening
wi^h sweat-drops. In one hand he carried a larce ad-
justable spanner ; his face and arms were smeared with
black train-oil.
" y/dl — j'ou can see what progress we've made,"
replied the officer : " those sidings were crowded this
morning — and look at 'em now. " He waved his hand
towards the goods-yard. 1
" H'm yes ; but it's time we ripped up those rails,"
said the other, eyeing a maze of shining metals, cleared of
trucks and wagons. " My gangs have been at work
fourteen hours ; we've burnt thousands of sleepers, with
rails stacked on top — Gad ! how they blazed, and thej''re
still red-hot."
" The rearguard struck camp this morning, and are
now on the march in the wake of the army. I was given
until midnight to clear all the supplies ; you can smash
and burn the whole place then, you devil of destruction
— make a bonfire as hot as hell, and then save your
hides." The destroyer smiled, rubbing his chin thought-
fully.
"Ah, it'll be a fine sight," said he; "a deuce of a
fine sight."
" Fine sight ! " retorted the O.C.—" You've got no
sentiment man. Blasted wrecker ! — Now then " he
shouted to a driver as the next train began to roll out
of the junction ; " full speed ahead— give her as much
steam as she'll take."
Then he left the office in company with the engineer,
and the two men watched the scene from just outside the
station.
A dreary scene — one of those sights which, though
not actually concerned with human misery, give an acute
impression of the horror and desolation of war, and of
that ghastly element in war — waste.
Looking down the fine, the country was half oblitera-
ted by the grey fog. Groups of men were moving among
what at first sight appeared to be great piles of rubbish —
a closer inspection showing that they were composed of
rails and sleepers stacked together. Blots of dull red
here and there showed that the piles were still smoulder-
ing, and at times the charred wood broke away with a
faint, muffled sound, or the hot metals cracked. A
scarcely heard rumbling indicated that fires were yet
burning in the centre of the piles. Further awav, colunms
of smoke, flecked by shooting flames, rose from other
bonfires.
Picks rang on the broken railroad, where lines of men
were working with rhythmic strokes. For miles round
the earth was trodden by the hooves of horses and the
feet of marching men, crimped by the wheels of guns and
wagons — hedges and gateways demohshed, and grass
borders stamped into mud.
On the far ridges, the clearing mist mixed with the
smoke of camp fires left by the retiring rearguard.
"We've done pretty well, don't you think? Not
the j oiliest sort of place to lead a starving army over is
it? "
The speaker buttoned his tunic and put the spanner
in his pocket.
" The dreariest spot I ever wish to sec " replied the
other. " Come ; I must get back to my job — it's more
irksome than yours. I wish I could set a match to my
show and burn it up " he went on, in a mood of partlv
assumed exasperation. " Better fun than sending off all
these damned trains."
" Ho, ho ! " said the engineer, " how about sentiment
now ? Well ; I'd burn it if I had my way — but yours is
no doubt the better method — only slow,' devilish slow.
And I must say I want to light those straw stacks. Some
reward for my labour then ; and oh lord ! — won't they
half blaze ! "
He laughed and cleared his throat.
" I'll let you and your gang of incendiaries in by
midnight — not any sooner, mind. Till then, so long."
The O.C. walked back to his trolley on the platform.
The Northern Army was changing its base. After
three days' severe fighting, productive of no definite result,
it had retired on the junction during the night, and its
leader had resolved on a desperate course, Se\cn miles
10
LAND
&
WATER
May 4, 1916
lip the line was a broacl n\cr in fiood ; across it tlic re-
mains of an iron girder bridge stood out of the water,
twisted and bent by the force of a great explosion. This
bridge had been destroyed early in the war, and the junc-
tion with its supply depot captured by the very army
whose safety was now threatened. To move the supplies
lip line by rail was now impossible, and should the enemy
win back what he had lost, his starving army would gain
a new lease of life, and would be able to very seriously
harass the rearguard of the Northern Army, and possibly
to inflict severe losses, or even defeat. At all costs the
supplies had to be removed or destroyed, and the enemy
starved out.
The position of the Northern Array was critical,
because it had only succeeded in holding its opponents
in check and lighting a drawn battle ; another desperate
onslaught from the enemy, and the junction might oc
lost. So the leader decided on the destruction of the
su])plies, and a retirement across the river.
All through the lirst night, troops had marched past
the depot on their way to the river, where the pontonniers
were laying bridges for their crossing.
It was now evening; no troops remained on the
junction side of the river, except the ca\alry, screening the
army's movements. The second night of the retreat
was drawing on, and the work of destruction at the
jimction was nearly complete.
Just an hour before midinght, the last train steamed
out of the station, loaded to its utmost capacity with
provisions and stores. The man with the spanner was
given the order to let loose his hordes of wreckers ; already
clouds of smoke rolled up thickly into the night from the
lired buildings ; straw stacks burst into sudden flame,
casting showers of sparks over the surrounding piles —
sacks of flour that had been abandoned and masses of
frozen meat. Everything conbustible was soon in a
blaze ; crash followed crash as the buildings collapsed,
sending forth immense bursts of fire and smoke ; a strong
wind fanned the conflagration to fury, and blew wisps
of burning straw through the darkness. There was a
loud crackling now, a sound of hissing and tearing, as
the destroyer worked apace.
The men who had accomplished their task now
made all haste to follow their friends to safety. A light
engine followed by trucks moved up the hue ; on the
trucks were swarms of grimy figures huddled, together
some with their legs dangling over the edge of the trolleys,
others lying asleep on the floor-boards. Their hands were
sore and blistered ; .ill were parched with thirst and weak
from exertion.
As they glanced back they saw a red, wavering glow
m the southern skyline. Few among them thought of the
thousands of exhausted and hungry men out in the night—
they too might have seen the glow in the sky and have
guessed what it meant : the death of their hopes, the
loss of that for which they had fought so desperately and
suffered so much. Tnie ; the enemy was miles away,
busy with his dead and wounded after the three days
battle ; but hunger would not let him wait long, and
even then he might have been advancing to wrest, if
possible, some remnant of his prize from the burning.
» * * * * *
Through the small hours of the morning, while the
work of destruction was proceeding at the junction, a
steady stream of soldiers, guns and wagons filed across the
river. A mile below the WTecked girder bridge two others
had been constructed on pontoons ; they were placed
close together — one on canvas boats for the infantry ;
the other, a more solid affair on wooden pontoons for the
artillery and transport.
In the pale dawn-light, seen through the belts of
mist that rose from the water and from either bank, the
troops had an almost spectral appearance as they marched
over the bridges, with no sound but their steady tread and
the resonant rumbling of wheels as the guns and trans-
])ort crossed on the pontoons. Regiments of infantry
filed in seemingly endless procession from bank to bank ;
many of the men slightly wounded, with head or limbs in
bandages. Some of the gun shields were dinted —
wounded men sat clinging together on the limbers. The
batteries were followed by convoys of grey wagons, motor
transport, and ambulance cars.
The army had marched from the scene of the three
day's conflict lest an undecided battle should be turned
into defeat and disaster ; it had laid waste its paths and
co\-ered its tracks^ and all that could not be taken away
was' destroyed.
By midday half the army was across the river.
And all the while, behind them, train after train had
rolled up from the southward, until on both lines some-
thing like two miles of engines, trucks, and wagons ex-
tended along some hundreds of yards from the ri\-er
bank.
Then, towards evening, after the last of the troops,
save a few squadrons of cavalry had crossed over the
river, began an amazing work of destruction.
The girder bridge had spanned the ri\cr at a point,
some little distance below the pontoons, where the banks
were high and steep and where the drop into the river
below was precipitous. Towards the wrecked bridge
two trains began to move on the two parallel lines of
rail ; at first slowly, then faster, imtil they leaped the
bridge-head and crashed down through the shattered
ironwork into the swirling water below. There was a
roaring detonation as some of the ammunition exploded,
throwing up a bursting cloud of mud, water and splinters.
Two more trains were already coming on — this time
from a rather greater distance — and they too plunged
down thunderously into the flood — now thick with
debris. Then two more — faster ; and so on, two by two,
until the river was choked and glutted with wreckage.
The drivers stuck to their engines until the\' had got the
trains moving steadily, and then, jerking the throttle-
levers down, they sprang from the foot-plates and left
the trains to clatter forward to destruction.
Gradually the piled wreckage began to show above
the water ; grim ; distorted shapes of bent iron that
seemed to gesticulate forlornly. Crates and boxes came
loose, and spun down on the flood ; and the wreck and
waste continued until every train had disappeared over
the brink.
At dusk the drivers and stragglers crossed the light
bridge, while the pontonniers hurriedly dismantled the
larger pontoon after a few squadrons of cavalry had
crossed. A small charge demolished the lighter structure
and the work was complete.
The retiring army had covered its tracks by ruthless
waste^but waste that meant salvation.
There is much in Sussex Gorse, by Sheila Kayc-Sinith
(Xisbet and Co., 6s.) to render the book comparable with
Jitde the Obscure, although Jude was a failure, while Reuben
Backfield was a success — and this work lacks the tremendous
poignancy of the former novel, while Reuben's relations witl
the opposite sex were not lacking in conventional morality.
Reuben desired Boarzeli Moor, and, a small farmer at the
time of his father's death, he bought his desire piece by piece
It cost him his brother, his mother, his two wives, and al!
his children ; it cost him, too, over seventy years of strenuous
work together with the respect of his neighbours and all the
friends he might have made. And yet the man was not S(j in-
human that the reader cannot admire much of his character.
He loved a place, a thing, as others may love sentient beings,
and he sacrificed himself and all that he had to his one love—
Boarzeli Moor.
The book is well above the average length, yet not a page
too long. It is made up of some of the strongest, most vivid
writing of the last decade in spite of its author's detached
manner of telling Reuben's story, and not only must it be
ranked as a really outstanding novel, but also as a sincere and
notable addition to that small part of the output of fiction
which is also — in the best sense of the word — literature.
Paris Reborn, by Herbert A. Gibbons (The Century Co., New
York), is a diary of life in Paris during tlie first five months of
the war, dealing with incidents of tin- mobilisation, the aero-
plane attacks, the censorship, and all that made Paris memor-
able during those months of threat and danger. The author
shows, by means of these sketches, how the spirit of Paris
rose to the level of the days, and how Paris — which is France,
was reborn from the negation of all things to new beliefs and
greater national aspirations — shows, too, how prayer came
back into French lives, and the belief in things eternal and
intangible was born out of the wreck of things tangible and
material. One may gather, by reading such a book— whicli
is evidence from a neutral writer, by the way— how it is that
1' ranee is destined for victory in this war — how such a nation
C )uld not be other than victorious. It is an inspiring work,
well worthy of careful perusal.
May 4, 1916
LAND & WATER
^7
German Trade Methods
By Arthur Kitson
THE question has often been asked, " By what
means has Germany been able to secure in so
short a space of time so large a proportion of the
world's trade ? " Most writers who have dealt
with this subject attribute her success to one or more
of the following factors : First, to the intelligence and
industry of the (icrman people themselves, secondly, to
Iheir superior system of education, and particularly to
their technical methods of training, thirdly, to their
system of trade protection, and fourthly, to the encourage-
ment and assistance that they have always had from
their rulers.
The Germans themselves have often explained their
tolerance of so autocratic a Government as theirs by
claiming that the Kaiser is the best trade organiser and
sales-agent in the whole German Empire.
There is a fifth reason which is often alleged, namely
tlieir financial system, under which their bankers have
always been ready to associate themselves with (German
industries, and to furnish capital to any extent for the
development of such enterprises as promised success.
No doubt, all these reasons are valid, and German trade
is an example of what a nation can accomplish when it
is thoroughly united and organised for industrial purposes.
There are, however, other factors of quite a different
character. The Germans have been taught from infancy
up, that the principal aim in hfe is to achieve success
in whatever occupation they may be employed. They
have also been taught that " the end justifies the means."
No Jesuit ever believed more strongly in this doctrine than
the present inhabitants of Germany. Every conceivable
method of obtaining and developing trade, whether
moral or immoral — whether praiseworthy or contemptible
^is considered legitimate. Methods which other na-
tions would regard as treacherous and infamous are per-
•missible among the modern Huns. Many of these
methods have already been brought to light since the
war started. Many others are known only to those who
have had extensive dealings with German houses and
have not hitherto been published.
Trade Spies
We now know that the shoals of young Germans who
prior to the war came to this country, to our Colonies, to
France, to Italy, to Russia and other countries were trade
spies employed under the direction of the German Govern-
ment to secure all the information they could regarding
foreign trade, which information they placed from time to
time at the disposal of the German authorities
Every town was encouraged to send so many of its-
most intelligent youths to foreign countries to seek em-
ployment in any and every kind of industry and business
which they desired to follow. Being supported by their
townspeople, they were in a position to offer their services
free, their professed motives being merely to learn the
language of the country. They were instructed to send
weekly reports to the German authorities, giving a full
description and information of the kind of business in
which they were employed, with every detail as to output,
methods and costs of manufacture, inethods of payment,
prices, discounts, with the names of the customers of each
firm with whom they were employed. Any private
business letters that they could secure they were expec-
ted to copy, particularly letters from foreign cHents,
with the nature of the enquiries, special terms asked or .
offered, and amount of orders, etc. In some cases, these
youths were instructed to secure samples of the goods
made by their employers and to send them to Germany.
In this way, the whole business arrangements and methods
of foreign firms became known to the German manu-
facturers, with the result that they merely had to pro-
duce articles of a similar nature, or if possible with some
improvement, and offer them at better terms to the clients
of these foreign firms in order to secure such foreign
trade. Gernvan firms were given to understand by their
Government that any financial assistance they might
require for the purpose of ousting their foreign com-
petitors in the markets of the world would be granted
them. They were instructed to undersell foreigners
whei-ever it was necessary. They were told to give
longer credit and to do everything in their power to
convince the foreign purchasers and consumers that
German methods and German goods were superior in
every way to those of all other nations.
Secret Subsidies
It has been stated that at least one school of languages
was subsidised by the German Government in order
that its employees should send to Germany copies
of correspondence given them by foreign firms for
translation. It has been a custom with many British
and foreign houses to send their foreign letters to
such schools for the purpose of translation. Con-
sequently, it was a very simple matter for the trans-
lators— if they were unscrupulous enough — to make and
send copies to Germany. Such correspondence, naturally,
was often of a very private character, containing details of
the foreign markets and of the needs of various foreign
purchasers, all of which would be of enormous value to
the Germans.
Another method that the Germans have practised,
was to send their representatives abroad to secure agencies
for British, French, Austrian, Italian, American and other
goods. These representatives would, for example, locate
themselves in London or Manchester, and having secured
the agencies for various British manufacturers for British
speciahties, they would endeavour to work up a trade in
these articles within Great Britain itself. Having estab-
lished themselves and become known to the particular
.trade in which they were engaged, having opened up a
business with the British public, they would send the
samples of these British-made goods to Germany and
have them manufactured there, import them, and con-
tinue to supply their British customers with these imita-
tions of British goods, until finally the British manu-
facturers would find their trade practically destroyed in
their own country by their own agents. That these
methods not only received the sanction of the German
Government, and the so-called " higher classes " in
Germany, is quite credible to those familiar with justice,
as understood and administered in the Fatherland.
Some years ago, I was represented in South Germany
by an agent who had been introduced to me as an ex-
tremely able and rehable man. After some months
experience with him, I discovered he had been obtaining
money under false pretences and had apparently forged
my signature to documents which he had drawn up,
giving himself the right to negotiate certain patents
which I owned. On the strength of these documents,
he had secured the payment of a large sum of money.
The matter was brought to the attention of the Public
Prosecutor of the city in which this man resided, and my
solicitor petitioned for the man's arrest. The Public
Prosecutor enquired the name of the prosecutor, and when
he discovered that I was an Englishman, he refused to
issue the warrant. When my solicitor expressed surprise,
the prosecutor suggested that I should assign my claim to
a German subject.
" I am not going to arrest a German at the instigation
of a foreigner," said he.
German Justice
I had an acquaintance residing in that city — a German
Baron — a very well-known public man, and I informed
him of the decision of the Public Posecutor, whereupon
he offered to take the claim. He informed me that he also
had been victimised by this same agent, and that he had
hesitated to prosecute him as he had known his father.
However, he forwarded my claim, together with his own,
and on his complaint the agent was arrested and kept iii
prison without trial for a week. At the end of the week,
the Baron was summoned by telephone to appear at the
i8
LAN i) cS: WATER
May 4, 191 6
Public Proseuctor's Office, where he was brought face to
face with the prisoner. This conversation ensued : —
Public Prosecutor : " I liave asked you to come here.
Baron, in order to get the case against tliis unfortunate
man settled. I understand that your complaint is thit
you gave him money at his request for the purchase of
certain shares in a Company, and he has failed to either
return you the money or hand you the shares. If he
gives you the shares you are content ?
The Baron : " Yes, I have no wish to puni h the man,
and if he returns me the shares, 1 shall be satisfied."
Public Prosecutor to the Prisoner: " If I let you go, are
yoti willing to give the Baron the shares you owe him ? "
Prisoner : " Yes."
Public Prosecutor: "If you do not return the shares
within ;i week. I shall have you re-arrested, and then you
will be punished. You can go."
The Baron to I'iMic i'rosecutnr : " But this case is only
one (if two. What about the forgery case ? "
Public Prosecutor : " That case has nothing to do with
you. Baron. I understand that you have merely taken it
out of friendship for a foreigner, an Englishman, and I
am not going to punish a tierman citizen on the complaint
of a foreigner. My advice to you is to drop the whole
thing and have nothing to do with it."
',!*his apparently ended the case so far as the Baron was
concerned, but my turn was yet to come. Some three
weeks later, 1 was <in my way to Vienna, and I tele-
{^raphecl my solicitor to meet me en route. I had come
direct from TMushing on one of the througli trains that
ran from l-lushing to Vienna. On my arrival in (iermany
my solicitor boarded the train, and advised me not to
leave the train before crossing the Austrian frontier, as a
warrant liad been issued for my arrest. I enquired what
crime I had committed. His answer was : " You liave
committed one of the most serious crimes of which a
foreigner can possibly be guilty in Germany. Y'ou are
accused of having conspired with another person to cause
the arrest and imprisonment of a German citizen, and this is
punishable with a long term of imprisonment." I asked him
for the details, and he informed me that the agent who
had forged my signature, after he had made his peace
with the Baron by returning liim liis shares and had
secured his freedom, applied to the Public Prosecutor for
my arrest on the ground that I had conspired with the
Baron to deprive him of his liberty !
I stated to my solicitor that of course this was non-
sense, and that I had merely acted on what he himself
informed me was the advice of the Public Prosecutor.
He answered ; " This is true, but it does not lessen the
crime in the eyes of German laws. The man who advised
your assigning your claim to a German citizen is the same
who has issued the warrant for your arrest for having
taken his advice." He added : " Now you are beginning
to get some idea of ' German Justice.' " He said " I could
furnisli you with dozens of illustrations of a similar
character, of how foreigners have innocently fallen into
traps of this sort and have had to suffer the conse-
quences." For some three or four years afterwards I had
to exercise extreme caution in travelling in Central
Europe in order to escape the warrant that had been
issued against me.
On another occasion when I attempted to bring suit
against certain (ierman firms for infringing my patents,
I was advised by the very highest Patent Coimsel in
Berlin not to attempt to bring the suit in my own name.
Tins eminent counsellor said ; " I am sorry to have to
confess it, but we have no laws in this ccnmtry for the
protection of foreigners. Our laws are made for tlio
benefit of (iermans and Germans only." He added :
" I do not think any of our patent Judges would issue.
an injunction to stop Germans from manufacturing
goods in this countrj', even though they infringed your
patents, considering that you are a foreigner. Your
only chance of success would be by assigning 3'our patents
to a German or a German firm, and getting them to bring
a suit in their own name."
When the war broke out, there were no less than thirty
German Companies manufacturing goods which infringed
the German patents which I held.
Italian Etchings and Engravings
By Marcus 6. Huish
MODERN Italy has done much for British art.
At Koine, Venice, Florence, Turin, and other
cities a most hearty welcome has always been
accorded to it and this recognition has extended
to purchases by the Royal Family, by National and
Municipal (ialleries, and to decorations bestowed upon
many of our artists at the hands of the Crown.
Our return for all this has indeed been a sorry one.
Notable Italians who have laboured hard to bring about
these very material benefits to English artists and whose
names have been brought to the notice of the British
Government again and again have not even received a
word of thanks, much less any special recognition.
An opporttmity within the last few weeks has pre-
sented itself of reciprcMrating to some extent the hospitahty
accorded by Italy to our artists, but unfortunately it
wotild seen as if it would not be availed of even to a
limited extent. The Association of Italian Etchers and
Engravers (Associazione Italiana Acquafortiste Incisori)
wishing to hold in J-ondon an exhibition of the art,
were invited by Mr. Brangwyn, whose art lias been ap-
preciated in Italy even more than in his own country,
to partake of the hospitality of the Society of British
Artists, an invitation which was cordially accepted. In
consequence, at their Galleries in Suffolk Street, under
the patronage of the King, a considerable display of
etdiings, lithograj)hs. and kindred matters now cover
the walls of the principal Gallery. But this is practically
all the return we are giving, for although a substantial
portion of the proceeds from the sale of the works will go
to the Red Cross Societies of the two countries, the public
response can hardly be called a cordial one, nor do we
hear of anv National funds being spent, or any public
spirited i)erson presenting, as he well might, with fx-nefit
to his country, a selection of the etchings to the Print
room of the British Museum.
The critical in such matters will naturally compare
this work of the Italians with that of his own countrymen.
exhibited only a month ago under the regis of the Painter
Etchers Society, within a stone's throw of Suffolk Street,
and which is supposed to convey a fair representation
of the art as practised in this country. Any such com-
parison must show that in more than one respect Italy
can teach us something. For instance her etchers,
having an ample fund of fine and picturesque material
to draw upon, people the foregrounds of their cathedral
scenes with animated processions, as in Chiapelli's
" Baro(*co "; or Pasqiii's "Bannered Crowd," entering
the Cathedral of Siena.
Again there is less slavish copying of nature and we
see such audacities as " iron and stone " where Cesaro
Fratino does not hesitate to introduce into the foreground
of San Giorgio at Venice a huge timbered erection over
which pass lumbering engines, a combination of singular
power carried out on a large plate etched with fitting
determination. Yet again an experimental spirit is
evidently abroad attempting new methods of improving
on the old ; this is seen in a plate from the hand of
Magavacca. On the other hand in a direction where
experiments in colour might have been looked for, i.e.,
in colour etching, there is a singular paucity, one of the
few examples being Motta's " Rheims Cathedral," where
roseate angels weep over the burning pile ; this is one of a
singularly small number of war subjects, one of the few
being Artioli's "Last Prop," which is reproduced on page 2
of this issue ; here the Austrian Emperor is cleverly
transposed into a figure of death propped up by gallows.
Amongst work to be noted is that of the President of
the Society, Vico Vigano, one of several of his exhibits
being " The Passing Train," a photograph of which
also appears in this issue ; Luigi Conconi's "The Third
Rome," with Victor Emanuel passing beneath the Arch
of Trojan ; Adolfo de Karoli's coloured wood engraving,
giving an architecturally planned view of the Roman
Campagna ; and " The Bell Tower," by Spadolini, a work
remarkable for its clever draughtsmanshii).
May 4, 1916
LAND- & WATER
CHJ TA
e// "T^mance of the South Seas
"By H. T>E FERE STAC POOLE
19
Synopsis : Macquart, an adventurer who has spent most
of his life at sea, finds hiniself in Sydney on his beam ends.
He has a wonderjid story of gold hidden up a river in New
Guinea, and makes the acquaintance of Tillman, a sporting
man about town, fond of yachting and racing, and of Houghton,
a ivell-educated Englishman out of a job. Through Tillman's
influence he is introduced to a wealthy woolbroker, Screed, who,
having heard Macquart' s story, agrees to finance the enterprise.
Screed purchases a yawl, the " Barracuda." Just before they
leave Macquart encounters an old shipmate, Captain Hull,
ivho is fully acquainted with his villainies. Hull gets in touch
with Screed, who engages him and brings him aboard the yacht
just as they are about to sail. They arrive at New Guinea and
anchor in a lagoon. They go by boat up a river where they
make the acquaintance of a drunken Dutchman, Wiart, who
is in charge of a rubber and camphor station. Here they
meet a beautiful Dyak girl, Chaya. According to Macquart's
story a man named Lant, who had seized this treasure, sunk his
ship and murdered his crew with the exception of one man,
" Smith." Lant then settled here, buried the treasure, and married
a Dyak woman, chief of her tribe. Lant was murdered by
" Smith," whom Captain Hull and the rest make little doubt
was no other than Macquart. Chaya, with whom Houghton
has fallen in love, is Lant's half-caste daughter. Macquart
guides them to a spot on the river-bank where he declares the
cache to be. They dig but find nothing. Then he starts the
surmise that the Dyaks have moved the treasure to a sacred
grove in the jungle. Wiart is his authority. He persuades
his shipmates to go in search of it. The journey leads them
through the Great Thorn Bush, which is a vast maze from which
escape is impossible without a clue. Macquart and Wiart
desert their companions. As night falls a woman's voice is
heard calling, and Chaya, answering their cries, discovers
them ; through her help they at last escape from the maze, to find
Ihat Macquart and Wiart have returned to the Barracuda
CHAPTER XXVI [continued)
The Treasure
WHEN Macquart awakened Wiart, he roused
himself up, yawned and looked about him. He
did not recognise he was in the Bairacuda for a
moment. Then when he came fully to his
senses, he put his leg over the bunk edge.
" I was dreaming that I was tangled up in that thorn
scrub," said he ; " couldn't get my bearings no ways." He
rubbed his eyes, got on to the floor and came to the table.
" Where's the black fellow ? " he asked.
" Jacky ? Up on deck. He'll be cooking himself some
breakfast in the galley. I made this coffee over the methy-
lated stove so as not to be bothered with him."
Wiart drank his coffee.
" And now," said he, "I suppose there's nothing to do but
go for that location of yours and get the stuff on board."
" Nothing. But we must take the yawl across the lagoon
first."
" How's that ? "
" Because the stuff is buried on the other side."
" Oh, Lord ! " said Wiart. " We'll have to tow her."
" That's about it."
" And why in the nation didn't you anchor on the other
side to begin with ? "
" For the very good reason that the ship was sunk on
the other side and I didn't want those chaps to see her bones.
But they did, all the same. Two of them went cruising about
the lagoon in the boat and spotted the burnt timbers sunk by
the bank over there. I thought for a moment it was all up,
but the fools never suspected. They came back with the yarn
that they had found a wreck under the water, and they never
suspected."
'■ D asses," said Wiart. " She was burnt, you
said ? "
" ^^^■"
" That chap Lant must have been a peach."
" He was."
" And to think that girl Chaya was his daughter — well,
she's a chip of the old block, and I reckon if she had any
idea this stuff we're after belonged to the father, and if she
knew we were on to it, she'd be after us."
Macquart moved uneasily.
Chaya was the only hint of that Past which he still
vaguely dreaded. He had seen nothing of her mother, scarcely
anything of tha Dyaks. Brave enough to go back to the
scene of John Lant's undoing, he had not been brave enough
to make enquiries or go near the Dyak village.
" Anyhow," said he. " She doesn't know. No one has
any idea of the whereabouts of that stuff but myself. Well,
if you have finished, let's set to work."
They came on deck, where they found Jacky, v^ho, as
Macquart had surmised, was engaged on some food he had
cooked for himself in the galley. They waited until he had
finished, and then they landed and cast off the hawsers.
Then they fixed the warp for towing. This done, they rowed
across the lagoon to the opposite bank to find a suitable berth.
The day was strong now in the sky, and when they
reached the opposite bank, they could see vaguely outlined
in the water beneath the boat, the bones of the Terschelling
like the ghost of a black skeleton.
" She was a big ship," said Wiart, who seemed fascinated
by the sight below.
" Fairly big," said Macquart. " There's her stem. Well,
we'll bring the yawl over and moor her abaft the stern ; that
camphor tree marks the position."
They rowed back, took up the warp and began towing.
The Barracuda came along easily enough. The difficulty
was to bring her to her ight position beside the bank. In
doing this, they nearly got the boat stranded on the stern
part of the wreck of the Terschelling, but they managed the
job at last, and as the rays of the sun began to strike strongly
through the upper branches of the trees, they had her in
position, moored stem and stern.
" Now," said Macquart, " for the digging."
His cheeks showed a flush above the beard, and his eyes
were brilliant with excitement. There was a spare mattock
on board and this was brought on shore, also a compass and
three mat baskets.
Jacky and Wiart shouldered the pick and the two mat-
tocks, Macquart carried the compass. He took a line leading
due south from the stern of the wreck and led the way straight
into the forest. He led them for a hundred yards or so, and
then stopped for a moment, glancing about him and seeming
to listen. It was as though he were fearful of their being
foUowed or surprised. But there was no sound other than the
crying of the parrots, the wind in the trees, and now and then
cutting through the air the rasping call of a cockatoo.
Macquart led on.
And now the trees begun to thin out and then, suddenly,
the ground rose before them, forming a httle hill on which
nothing grew except a few trees like the pandanus, but bearing
no fruit.
The hill was evidently formed by an uprising of the same
strata to which the Pulpit Rock at the entrance of the river,
in some mysterious way, belonged ; for, from the hilltop broke
two rocks, in structure exactly like the Pulpit, though each
of them was not more than six or seven feet in height.
They were situated thirty feet, or more, apart. When
Macquart reached the space between these rocks, he sat doWn
on the ground as if exhausted. Wiart, standing beside him
and glancing round, noticed that the elevation of the hill gave
him a view far over the trees to southward, whilst the trees to
northward barred all view of the river.
The ground to the south was, in fact, covered mostly
by low-growing mangroves feeding their roots in marshy land
and reaching to the coast ridge where the foliage of other trees
barred the view to the sea.
" Well," said Wiart, " how much further have we to go ? "
" We are on tlie spot," said Macquart. He struck his
hand palm downward on the ground as he spoke.
" Good," said Wiart.
He put his mattock down and took his seat beside Mac-
qu'rt, whilst Jacky stood by holding the spare mattock and
pick and gazing round him, with eyes wrinkled against the sun-
shine, at the far stretches of mangrove forest over which was
hanging a vague blue haze.
Jacky belonged to the primitive order of things. Amongst
20
LAND & WATER
May 4, 1916
all native races you will find specimens of manhood that seem
itiU Clung about by the atmosphere of the Stone Age. I am
not so sure that you will not find these specimens of humanity
also in the Higlily Civilised world, but in the native peoples
the fact is more striking because the specimens are more
ingenuous and unvarnished.
Jacky, I have left his full description till now, was a man
standing six feet in height and exceedingly powerful in make
and build. Tillman said that he had the strength of three
men. and Tillman scarcely exaggerated his facts when he made
this statement. Yet, despite his strength and his height, one
did not think of this individual as a man, one thought of him
more as a child. For one thing, his mind was primitive almost
to childishness, for another his movements were lithe and
supple and rapid as the movements of a boy.
In this superb animal dwelt a mind that seemed light and
shallow and restless as the mind of a bird. A mind engaged
always with little immediate things. Not an evil mind, but
a mind so un.speculative and mobile that it could be moved
towards evil or good by any determined intelligence that
chose to grapple with it. ■ , j
Jacky had shouted at a Salvation Army meetmg, had
been exhibited, like a vegetable, as a fine specimen of what
earnest Christian endeavour could do working in primitive
soil, had broken a mans head in during a row in Tallis Street,
had saved a boys life from a shark in Lane Cove, helped in a
burglary— anything that came along was good enough for
Jacky, and it all depended on circumstance and external
pressure as to the manner in which he would act.
Tillman had engaged him for the expedition and was his
real master, but he had never paused to ask himself questions
as to what had become of Tillman and the others, or whether
they had been betrayed. He took Macquarfs lead just as
the Barracuda took the lead of the tow rope, and he stood now
gazing about him with no thought of anything except what-
ever vague thoughts the scene around him inspired.
Macquart, after a moment's rest, rose to his feet and seized
the pick.
There was about the whole of this business some touch
of the enchantment which hangs around the story of Aladdin
alone wi h the Eastern magician on that desolate plain above
the treasure cave.
Wiart felt it as he stood watching Macquirt who, now
pale and perspiring, stripped of his coat and handling the pick,
seemed fo' a moment paralysed, vacillating, filled witli inde-
cision and, one might almost have fancied, fear.
It seemed impossible now,' at the supreme moment, to
believe that the treasure was really here. This thing that
had haunted him for fifteen years, pursued him about the
world, held him away from it by fear and drawn him towards
it by desire, had become for him an obsession, almost a
religion. It was the embodiment of all his desires, the reverse
of the medal struck by a Deity that had condemned him to a
life of failure and crime. Here at last was to be glimpsed all
that he had missed, all that he had failed to reach, all that
he had seen from a distance, all that he had envied.
Macquart was no little man. He might have been a great
man, but for the fatal flaws in his character. He was funda-
mentally defective. Drunkenness, vice, laziness— all these
may be outgrown, lived down, lived over, all these may be
simply functioned diseases of the soul to be cast aside as the
soul expands and comes to its own. But the disease of Mac-
quart was a crookedness in the grain and texture of his mind,
a want, a blindness to the right and wrong of things, a negative
ferocity that became positive when his desires were checked
or excited. His fit of indecision and hesitation did not last
many moments before, raising the pick, he set to work.
The ground was hard on the surface, but a few inches
below it was soft sandy soil that promised easy work for the
mattocks.
Working methodically, he broke the ground over an area
of some ten or fifteen square feet. Then dropping the pick,
he called to Wiart to help, and they' set to work at the digging.
The point he had chosen was almost exactly midway between
the two rocks, and they dug without a word, silently, furiously,
making the soil fly to right and left, whilst Jacky now and then
lent a hand, relieving the exhausted Wiart.
After twenty minutes' toil, they paused from pure ex-
haustion. Then they resumed work again, work the most
terrific ever undertaken by man. When the shovel begins to
bring up despair, the treasure digger knows exactly the measure
of his task, and not before. Macquart labouring, pale as a
corpse, hollow-eyed and with his mouth gaping, had paused foi
a moment when Wiart, who had retaken tiie mattock from
Jacky, struck something, lifted his shoved, and then, with a
cry as though he had unearthed some terrible object, cast the
contents of the shovel on the ground. He had brought up a
spadeful of coins, broken wood, like the wood from which
cigar-boxes are made, and earth. The golden coins were
scarcely tarnished.
Macquart spoke not a word. He was standing with his
mattock in his hand, his eyes fixed alternately on the find and
on Wiart, who was now kneeling pointing to the gold and
looking up at him.
He did not seem for a moment to comprehend what had
happened and then, all of a sudden, he was on his knees,
laughing like a lunatic and delving his hands in the place
where the mattock had struck. Fistfuls and fistfuls of gold
coins he brought up, holding them out in his wide open palm
for Wiart to look at, whilst Wiart, with his arm round Mac-
quart's neck, half-demented, inarticulate, and crowing like a
child, picked up coins and threw them down.
It was a terrible picture of momentary mental over-
throw.
A huge bird passing overhead trailed its shadow across
them, and Mact[uart with a cry, cast his arm over the stuff he
had been delving with his naked hand, and glanced up. He
saw the bird, and as if this incident had brought hiin back to
reason, he sat up, brushed the soil from his hand and pushed
his hair back from his forehead.
" It's half in English coin and nearly half in French,"
he said. " God ! to think it's here. There's some Dutch
coin. It's all packed in boxes — so big." He held his hands
a foot and a half apart. " You have broken one of the boxes ;
look, here's the wood. Pretty rotten it is. We must be care-
ful how we go. Why, d n it, we've already lost hundreds
of dollars by your carelessness ; look at the way you've flung
those sovereigns about ! " He picked up an Australian
sovereign, light yellow like brass ; he held it between his
finger and thumb whilst he spoke. He seemed not to be able
to let it go. He could not escape from the fascination of the
thing or from the idea that he was in possession of a bank where
these things lay in thousands, thousands, thousands. As he
talked, he rubbed it on his left hand as if wishing to feel
its existence with a new set of nerves. Wiart, with swollen
face and the dazed look of a man who has been drinking,
listened in a careless way and laughed at the other's re-
proaches.
" We'll pick 'em up, " said he. ' Where's the use of
bothering. Suppose we lose one or two, will that make us any
the poorer ? 'What we've got to do now is to cart the stuff
down to the boat. Lucky we brought those baskets."
He rose and taking one of the mat baskets, began to
collect the coins, sifting them from the earth in which they
lay. Macquart helped, whilst Jacky, squatting on his hams,
held the basket wide open.
It took a long time to collect all the loose coins in view,
and then Macquart, with his sleeves rolled up and just as a
person breaks up honeycomb, delved with his hand in the
remains of the box they had broken open, and extracted by
handfuls the last of its contents.
" There are hundreds more boxes, ' said Macquart, sitting
back and wiping his brow, " hundreds and hundreds. We
brought them up in sacks, the whole crew working double
shifts. Tons and tons of gold. The English stuf? is atop,
the French and Dutch below."
" Let's go steady now," said Wiart. " No more spade
work, we'll dig 'em up with our hands and so avoid breaking
them. They're all packed close together, I suppose ? "
" Side by side, " replied Macquart.
Kneeling opposite to one another, the two men began
carefully to remove the earth, till the whole top of the second
gold box was uncovered. It seemed solid, though the metal
bindings at the corners were black with rust. Working it
loose very gently, Macquart got one hand under it for the
purpose of lifting it, when the whole thing burst to pieces and
the coins came tumbling out in a jingling cataract.
" Curse it," said Wiart ; " this is going to give us trouble.'
It was. Had the boxes not been rotten with age, the
transportation of the gold to the lagoon oank would have been
a difficult business, but feasible. As it was, the handling and
collecting of all this loose stuff was an appalling task, the
significance of which was just beginning to loom before the'm.
But it did not daunt them. They set to work, and in less
than half-an-hour they had collected every loose coin, and
the two baskets containing the first of the treasure were
ready for transportation. "Then they found that one basket
was more tiian one man could carry if it were to be brought any
distance — that is to say, for a white man. Jacky made no
difficulty at all about carrying one, yet even for him it was a
maximum load. They settled the difficulty by carrying a
basket between them with the help of the pick shaft tlirough
the handles, Jacky following with the other. They loft \\ iart s
rifle and ammunition, which they had brought with them,
by the cache, and started.
There was no difficulty in finding the way ; before they
had covered half the distance, the shimmer of the; lagoon led
them through the trees, but when they readied the Barracuda
they were so exhausted by all they had gone through and by
May 4, 1916
LAND & WATER
21
Chayti a Romance of the South Seas \
[Ifiustrated bit Joseph Simpson, 11. H A
He stood facing the Horror
the weitrht of their load, that they sat down for a moment to
rest tiefore completing the business.
This stuff will finish us before we've done with it," said
VViart. " Good Lord ! I never did work like this before.
Look at me ! I'm wringing wet."
" Jack\-," said Macquart, " hop on board and fetch us a
jug of water ; bring a bottle of gin and a glass with you — we've
earned a drink."
Jacky, leaving his basket on the bank, climbed over the
rail of the Barracuda, went lo the saloon-hatch, paused for
a moment to sniff, as if he smelt something for which he could
not account. Then he began to go down the companion way.
He had not taken four steps down the ladder, when he suddenly
vanished as thouijh snatclied below, ana a scream heart-
rending and appalling pierced the air. Then came a mufUcd
cry, the sound of a struggle and silence. The two men on
the bank sprang to their feet and stared at one another in
terror.
CHAPTER XXVII
The Gold Fiend
With the sound of the struggle the Barracuda had rocked
slightly, sending a ripple out over the smooth surface of the
lagoon. She now lay perfectly still.
" It's those chaps that have escaped and got on bo.ird
her," said Wiart. " They're hiding there and waiting for us."
" Not they," said Macquart. " It's something else.
It's maybe na'ives." He was white to the lips and small
wonder, for nothing could be more smister m- devilisli than
the way m which Jacky had vanished, as though the Barracuda
2Z
LAND & WATER
May 4, 1916
had snatched him into her maw. Then, suddenly, Macquart
turned to the other.
" t)R with you back and fetch the rifle," said he. " I'll
stay here and w.itcli. Quick, there's no time to be lost."
Wiart turned and started off amidst the trees and
Macquart, withdrawing a bit, stood leaning against a tree
bole with his eyes fi.xed on the Barracuda. As he stood like
this, waiting and listening, a crash came from the cabin of
the yawl. It was the crash of crockeryware upset and broken,
and it only wanted that and the dead silence that followed
to put a cap on the horror.
Natives would not carry on in this way. If they had
seized Jacky and killed him they would not remain in dead
silence.
Minute after minute pa.ssed and then a soft sound from
behind him made Macquart turn. It was Wiart with the rifle.
" There's someone on board," said Macquart in a low
voice. " There's just been a big upset in the cabin. One of
us has got to board her and have a k)ok down the hatch whilst
the other stands by ready to shoot if anyone comes up. We've
got to see this thing through, and quick."
" Well, I'd rather you went on board than me," said
Wiart. " I'm no coward, but this thing gets me. It's not
na ural."
'■ Natural or ui\natural, we've got to finish with it,"
replied the other. " We have no time to waste. There's the
gold lying waiting to be taken aboard, and here are we waiting
like fools. It s not a pleasant job, but we'll draw lots. "
Ho plucked two blades of grass of unequal length, held
them in his closed hand and held his hand to Wiart.
Whoever draws the longest goes," said he.
Wiart drew a blade, then they compared the blades.
Wiarts was the longest.
He was no coward, yet he held back just for a moment.
Then picking up his courage and handing the rifle to his com-
panion, he walked straight to the yawl, boarded her, and
without a moment's hesitation, came to the open saloon hatch.
He peejied cautiously down, then turned towards Mac-
quart and shook his head to indicate that he saw nothing.
Tl'.en, shading his eyes with his hand he looked down
again.
He left the saloon hatchway and came to the skylight ;
this was closed, however, and could only be opened from
below, \vhilst the thick glass prevented any view being ob-
tained of the interior.
He was fiddling with the skylight in a stupid sort of
atle iipt to open it, when, suddenly, from the saloon hatch
appeared a \-ast hand that seemed covered by a black woollen
glove. It grasped the combing and almost immediately
squeezing up through the hatch opening came the head,
shoulders and chest of an enormous ape. '
It seemed at first sight an ape but Macquart knew that
apart from the little monkeys on the river bank there are no
apes in New Guinea. He recognized this as a creature
spoken o' by the native hunters. A creature larger than the
ape yet far more terrible.
He was hke a great ruffian man gone to neglect in the
primeval woods, his humanity clinging to him like a shame.
Miicquart was so astonished by this apparition that he
did not even call out to Wiart, and Wiart who was still en-
gaged in wrestling with the skylight did not see the object
that had appeared on deck till a faint sound made him turn.
' He had picked up a belaying pin to help him in his work,
and now as he stood facing the Horror that had materialised
itself at such a short distance from him, his hand, unfor-
tunately for himself, instead of releasing the iron pin, clutched
it spasmodically. It is quite possible that the brute might
not have touched him.. Creeping along by the bank and
finding the Barracuda, it had boarded the yawl for the purpose
of exploring it. Down below, it had been on the point of
coming up when Jacky made his appearance on the saloon
ladder. Then sure that all this was a trap and Jacky the
setter of it the beast had seized the intruder by the leg,
hauled fiim down, and finished him. Again it had been
on the point of making its escape when the sound of Wiart
coming on board had made it pause. Then, hearing the
fumbling at the skylight and seeing a fair way up the com-
panion ladder, up it came and another moment might have
taken it off over the side had not Wiart, in a paroxysm of
terror, Imrled the belaying pin.
It struck the brute full in the mouth. Then Macquart,
who had raised his rifle to his shoulder, but who dared not
fire, so tremulous was his hand and so close together the
antagonists, saw the creature seize the man and hold him out
with both hands as a furious mother might >eize a naughty
child. It shook him.
It did not seem to do anything more than that, and then
it was Rone, and Wiart was lying on the deck hiccoughing.
He h'ccoughed several times and' put his hand to his side
as if it pained him He did not spak or take any notice of
Macquart. His mind seemed dulled or far away. Then, all
of a sudden, as Macquart boarded the yawl Wiart turned on
his back.
He was dead.
Macquart stood looking from the corpse at his feet to the
spot where the murderer had disappeared into the trees.
He did not seem to understand fully for a moment what
had happened. In fact, he did not realise fully that Wiart
was dead till, kneeling down beside him he raised his arm
and dropped it. Then all at once the truth broke on him.
The terrible truth.
He did not care a button for the life of Wiart The life
of Wiart was of no more concern than the buttons on Wiart's
coat. What concerned him greatly was the fact that if
Jacky was dead below or seriously injured he- Macquart —
would be helpless. Even if he could get the Barracuda out
single-handed, how could he tackle single-handed the transport
of the gold ? This thought occurred to him, but he did not
appreciate the true significance of it yet.
He released Wiarts arm, rose up and approached the
saloon hatchway.
For a moment he stood listening, then he called down the
hatch to Jacky, but received no answer. Down below there
was absolute stillness, a sUence accentuated by the faint
buzzing of flies.
Then Macquart came down. The body of' Jacky was
lying right across the table with its head overhanging the t nd
opposite to the door. The swing ng lamp had be n swept
away and a tray of glasses and crockery-ware lay smashed on
the floor. Otherwise there was little sign of confusion or
struggle, but there was in the air a faint, vague odour of wild
beast that caught Macquart by the throat and made the soul
in him revolt.
Jacky was quite dead.
Macquart opened the skylight by means of the lever and
the fresh air of day came down so that one could breathe.
The immediate problem now before Macquart was the
disposal of Jacky's body. It could not be left here. It must
be got overboard. He proceeded to the task and found after
ten minutes labour that it was utterly beyond him. With the
greatest difficulty he managed to pull and drag the body to
the foot of the companion way, but he could not get it up.
After all sorts of fruitless endeavours he paused to think.
He could think of nothing. The only way to bring it up was
with a tackle, but that would require not only a man to haul
on the purchase, but a man to guide the body. Besides, he
had not the means nor the skill. He sat down for a moment
on the edge of a bunk. He was thinking, not of the body
lying at his feet, but of the gold.
This was the beginning of a nightmare business. Gold !
Gold ! Gold ! Tons of it waiting to be lifted and deported, a
dead man lying on the cabin floor of the yawl, another on the
deck, and one man with only one pair of hands left to face
the task.
Even were he to get the gold aboard, how could he pu; t(»
sea with that corpse in the cabin ? It was very problemalic.il
if he could get the Barracuda out at all, single-handed as he was,
but even if it were possible how about this dreadful supercargo 'f
Even if he were to store the gold in the fo'c'sle and tiny
hold and close up the cabin hermetically, sealing hatch and
skylight, how could he steer for any port .' There would at
once be an enquiry, and an examination of the boat ; even if
he were to return to Sydney, the port officer who boarded him
and who was refused entry to the cabin would very soon have
the rights of the matter.
The corpse of Jacky acted on him much as the whale-
man's drogue acts upon the harpooned whale. He could not
escape from it, and it was bound to ruin hina in the end — even
if he managed to get the gold on board.
But Macquart's brain just now was not in a condition to
recognise clearly or weigh exactly. Having sat for a minute
or so on the edge of the bunk he rose up and came on deck.
Here the first thing he saw was the body of Wiart lying
just as he had left it — but — there was a bird circHng in the air
above it and already one of the eyes was gone I
In this terrible climate to be dead and be devoured are
synonymous terms.
(To be continued)
Some of the prettiest slioe buckles are being made of quilted
ribbon. Black brocade shoes look very well finished with
magpie buckles of this kind. The white ribbon is inside,
an outer quilting of the black frames it, and moire is the
best medium to employ.
Paste shoe buckles are giving ground in favour of those
set with coloured stones. Dark blue, green, yellow and
brown stones are all pressed into the service, and though they
are of glass are so well cut and set that nobody would suspect
it. Huge enamel buckles are another idea, and oxidised silver
is being much exploited by well-known shoemakers.
May II, 1916
Supplement to LAND & WATER
Xlll
l-\.
Gentlemen's Outfitting
A Few Notable Examples of Value.
I officers' khaki shirts
= Made from materials specially
= selected for their toughness
^ and non - shrinking qualities.
= Medium Weight Flannel .... 9/6
= Hest Quality Oxford or Zephyr . . 7/6
= Fine Quality and Light Weight
= Khaki Taffeta 12/6
= Khalii Viyella 9/-, 9/6, 10/6
= Best Quality Khaki Oxford Cotton . 7/6
I PYJAMAS
~ Special Value for the Present Season
^ " The Kingston" PyjamaSuit (as sketch),
= made of Fine Twill Cotton, with unui^ually
S smart mercerised stripe. The designs are
= particularly attractive and pleasing — in
= fact, they are just what a man apireciates.
= Special Value, ti/ll per suit. 3 Suits for 20/-
W NOTE.—Harrods stock Pyjamas in six sizes^ thus ensuring
M ready-made Pyjamas in any length of sleeve and leg required.
Richard Burbidge,
Managing Director,
LONDON
S.W
The Original Cordials
Established in 1839, 77 years ago
High-Grade Waterproofs.
The TRENCH Coat.
This good-looking waterproof coat, al-
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The wide lap-over front excludes both
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turned up closes comfortably round the
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Officers who supplement this Trench
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When ordering a Trench Coat, or if to be
sent on approval, height and chest measure,
and reference, should be given.
New Illustrated Litt of waterproof coata, capes, boots, trench waders, &c at request
J. C. CORDING & Ca
Waterproofers to H.M. the King
Only Addresses:
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has maintained for over a
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3^ Miches ^IJ;!l
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Size tlj y 7Ji>:d«». S3 IS O
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2. QUEEN VICTORIA STREET, EC.
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Manufactory and Showrooms -ROYAL WORKS. SHEFFIELD.
:j.^i
XIV
Supplement to LAND & WATER
May II, igi6
S-f ©reams Came XLvne,
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2818 [v^I^]
TMTTT?Qr>AV MAV tt rmfi tregistered AST pr ic e sixpence
ln>J-l\-oi>'A I , ivi/vi i-x, lyiu La newspaperJ published weekly
By Louis Uatmatken.
Drutcn exclusively lor "Land and Water."
The Sinn Fein Snake
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May II, 191(3
LAND cV WATER
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSVVAY, LONDON, VV.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, MAY 11. 1916
CONTENTS
PAGE
The Sinn Fein Snake. By Louis Raemaekers i
British Troops in Reserve. By G. Spencer Prysc 2
Meaning of the German Note. (Leading Article) 5
The Last Attack at Verdun. By Hilairc Belloc 4
Sortes Shakespearian;e. By Sir Sidney Lee 7
The German Surrender. Bv Arthur Pollen 8
Rise and Fall of the French Air Ministry. By F. W.
LtinclicstGr
Before the Charge. By Patrick MacGill 13
World's Trade after the War. By Lewis R. Freeman 15
Some Mountain Passes. By William T. Palmer 17
Reviews of Books ^"
Chaya. By H. de Verc Stacpoole 19
Town and "Country 24
The West End 2O
Choosing Kit ^
MEANING OF THE GERMAN NOTE
THE German reply to President Wilson's com-
plaints^in regard to the enemy's methods of
submarine warfare will for several reasons,
be of special interest to readers of this
l)aper. For one thing, it will be found on careful
examination to fullil exactly the prognostications of
our naval critic. Essentially it is a surrender ; and
the American rejoinder makes the character of this
surrender clear by refusing to take notice of the
bravado, the raising of irrelevant issues, the falsifica-
tion of notorious facts and the clumsy and, under
the circumstances, exquisitely ludicrous appeals to
humanitarian sentiment, and directing attention to the
single point really at issue. On that point the victory
of the United States is for the moment complete. The
German Government announces that it has given orders
to its submarine commanders not to sink either passenger
or cargo ships without warning, whether within or with-
out the so-called "war-zone."
Whether the terms now conceded by the German
(iovernment will be duly observed in the future is neces-
sarily a matter of speculation. It may well be, as Mr.
Pollen suggests in another column, that the hands of the
Kaiser and his Ministers will again be forced by the
clamour of those dupes whom they have themselves
persuaded to the belief that Great Britain can be brought
to her knees and her sea power destroyed by the inter-
mittent murder of non-combatants on the high seas.
It may be that the last paragraph reserving " complete
liberty of decision " in the event of the United States
not obtaining respect for " the laws of humanitv "
from Germany's enemies, though its main purpose was
undoubtedly to make the original concession look less like
a surrender and more like a bargain to German eyes,
may also have been penned with a side glance at this
possible eventuality. If that be so, the American
reply closes that loop hole entirely. President Wilson
answers, as everyone must surely have known that he
would, by insisting that the (ierman surrender must be
regarded as unconditional, and that he cannot make
any negotiations that may take place between the United
States and another power a subject of discussion with
Germany. If Germany accepts his reply as final she must
needs accept it on those terms.
We knou', however, that the action of the German
Government will be controlled much less by any promises
it may have given than by the situation in which it
linds itself ; and it is in the light thrown on that s^ituation
and on the view taken of it by the rulers of Germany
that the major interest of the German Note consists.
One may dismiss the fustian of which at least two
thirds of that Note is made up, Its interest is mainly
psychological. To those who still accept the legend of the
amazing craft and stupendous knowledge possessed b'y
tlK! " efficient " Teu,ton there should be something en-
liglitening about the crass stupidity which could think
to make an emotional appeal to the Americans — of all
people in the world — by pointing to the unprecedented
inhumanity of " starving " an enemy into submission.
As if the Americans, even if they could be supposed to
have forgotten by what means the Prussians themselves
reduced Paris, could possibly be imagined to have for-
gotten by what means Lincoln reduced the South !
There are a dozen such touches of clumsy hypocrisy
and transparent absurdity in the document ; but they
are not the main thing worth noting.
The main point to note is the confirmation afforded
of the truth we have continually maintained ; that the
(iermanic powers are already in process of defeat, that
their rulers know it, and that their present hopes are set
mainly upon an escape from that defeat, not by way of
victory, but by way of a truce. These truths are the
key to all or almost tdl that (jermany says and does in
these latter days, to the language of her rulers, whether
addressed to her own people or to neutral nations, not
less than to most of the more recent developments of her
policy and strategy by land and sea.
They are evident enough to a discerning eye in the
document under consideration. In the affecting passage
to which reference has already been made we are told of
" the many millions of women and children, who, accord-
ing to the avowed intention of the British Government,
are to be starved, and who, by sufferings are to force the
victorious armies of the Central Powers into an ignominious
. capitulation." When before has the German Government
gone so near to admitting the possibility of such a
capitulation ? When before has she exhibited an appear-
ance of anticipating it and of being prepared in advance
to explain it away. Yet some of the various and con-
flicting daily " explanations " offered to the German
people in the matter of Verdun had already given indica'
tions of such a mood.
It is not in this paragraph, however, that we shall find
the kernel of the document. The key passage, slipped in
as though by accident, runs as follows : —
The German Government is conscious of Germany's
strengtli. Twice within the past few months she has
announced before the world her readiness to make peace
on a basis safeguarding Germany's vital interests, thus
indicating that it is not Germany's fault if peace is still
withheld from the nations of Europe. The German
Government feels all the more justified in declaring that
tlie responsibility could not be borne before the forum
of mankind and history if after twenty-one months'
duration of war the submarine question under discussion
between 'the German Government and the Government
of the United States were to take a turn seriously
threatening the maintenance of peace between these two
nations.
This, be it obseiA'cd, is offered as a reason for proceeding
to the utmost limits of concession. The hint is broad
enough. It is to the effect that there will be no more
difficulty about submarine warfare if President Wilson
will only offer his mediation and induce the Allies to make
peace before defeat overtakes the Germanic Powers. It is
unlikely that President Wilson will do anything so foolish ;
and it is certain that, if he did, the Allied Governments,
confident that the enemy is weakening every day would
listen to no such proposition. But it is equally certain
the proposition would never have been made if the Ger-
man (}o\ ernraent were "confident of Germanv's strength.",
LAND & WATER
May II, 1916
IHE LAST ATTACK AT VERDUN
By Hilaire Belloc
AT the end of last week and during the week-end,
the Germans acted upon the ^'erdun sector in a
fashion which is puzzUng to anyone who studies
the war on its purely military' side, which can be
explained, perhaps, partly by those who are followini,'
the political side of the war, and which in any case leaves
a problem nut yet solved.
Everyone is aware that the critical point of \'crdnn is
the Mort Homme. My readers are all familiar with the
fact that if the enemy fails to take the Mort Homme he
may render it untenable by taking Hill 304, a Hat-
topped eminence, very steep upon the south and the east,
steepish upon the north, and gradually approached from
the west"; it is slightly higher than the Mort Homme
(50 ft. higher) and is at a range of a little over 2,000 yards.
This sector, then, which may roughly be called the
sector of the Mort Homme and of Hill 304, has been an
open objective upon the west of the Meusc ever since
the middle of March.
Upon the east of the Meuse, where the first mam
attack of the enemy was delivered, that attack broke
down upon the chain of chief defensive positions, which
runs from the village of Bras upon the Meuse round the
Louyemont ridge to the ruins of the village of Douau-
mont, and so to the ravine of Vaux, beyond which it is
continued along the crest of the high steep hills crowned
by the old fort of Vaux and so down to the plain of the
\\oevre near Fresnes.
These positions east of the Meuse are the main positions
of the defence. The defence is not concerned with pre-
venting the Germans from entering the town or ruins of
Verdun. It is concerned with making the (iermans lose
as many men as possible in a prolongation of their attempt ,
and it is concerned with letting French troops which
have been thus maintained almost entirely upon the
defensive, lose as few men as possible in this task. The
French are not defending Verdun even if (unreasonable as
the phrase sounds) the Germans are merely trying to
enter that small town. The French are using the Ger-
mans' desire to enter it as a means of weakening the
Germans.
Now for a statement of the events as they have de-
veloped in the last week.
The chief effort of the enemy has been against the Mort
Homme — Hill 304 — sector.
On \\ednesday, May 3rd, the enemy began a new
intensive bombardment of this particular narrow sector
\ipon the \'erdun front.
He carried on this bombardment two days and appears
nowhere to have exceeded something between 5,000 and
6,000 yards in the scope of this artillery preparation from
its extreme eastern to its extreme western point. All this
work was directed against the north-western slopes which
fall gradually upon (i) Avocourt Wood, (2) the northern
slopes of Hill 304, and (3) the valley between the Mort
Homme and Hill 304. Upon Friday, after this heavy
artillery preparation, he launched about one division along
the valley Ijetwecn the two hills and made repeated
efforts to pierce between them and to carry Hill 304.
Up to that evening — the evening of Friday the 5th — •
he had completely failed, and that at the expense of very
heavy losses.
Upon the Friday night and the Saturday the bombard-
ment was resumed. Upon the Sunday, May 7th, with
troops estimated at the equivalent of about two divisions,
he attacked the whole front. The bombardment had
reduced all the trenches on the north slope of Hill 304 to
chaos. ■ Before nightfall the French had evacuated these
battered trenches on the northern slope of Hill 304.
They had, with the bayonet, repulsed all the German
efforts to get out of the wood on the north-west.
Renewed action on Monday (the 8th) led to no further
result here. The French held and still hold (at the
moment of writing), the summit of the hill.
The total result, therefore, in the small central portion
of about four days' action on the north and north-westerly
slopes of the flat-topped height is that the French line
2000
280
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tostanam on 'Monday.
May II 1916
LAND & WATER
which ran originally about half way down along the
northern slopes now runs along the crest.
The curious result following upon this partial gain upon
the part of the enemy has been that the belt between the
original French line of advanced trenches and the present
line upon a crest is a No Man's Land. If the enemy had
been able to occupy it and organise it after compelling
the French to retire, or if he succeeds in doing this in the
immediate future, he can claim a considerable advantage.
He will then lie to Hill 304 as he has long lain towards
the Mort Homme ; that is, in the immediate neigh-
bourhood of its summit.
Such a situation compels the defenders either to
evacuate the height or to reinforce.
To evacuate the height means probably a retirement
uDon the second line towards the Charny Ridge, for the
Mort Homme and Hill 304 are the two capital points
of the first line ; while to reinforce and to take back the
lost ground, though a mere matter of concentration in
munitions and men, is expensive in both.
We know what happened previously in the case of the
Mort Homme. The French command decided to
render it secure lea days ago ; they delivered a bombard-
ment against the German trenches immediately below its
summit ; reinforced the covering troops there, pushed
the Germans down the slope again, and got elbow room.
The last enemy assault upon Hill 304 — far more
expensive in men — was a reply to that French effort on
the Mort Homme ; and we have yet to see whether the
French will send forward reinforcements to recover the
now abandoned slopes of Hill 304, or whether they will
decide that the enemy's losses make it worth while to
leave things as they are.
Judging by the French policy in the parallel case of the
Pepper Hill, on the other side of the Meuse, and its oppos-
ing hill (called the Hill of Talou) they will not specially
reinforce this sector, but will be content to leave it a
No Man's Land. It is swept and observed from every
side, but only the immediate future can tell us which of
the two policies will be pursued.
So far as the northern slopes of Hill 304 are concerned,
therefore, we have this balance sheet for the week-end.
The enemy has thrown away a far greater number of
men than it has :ost the French. He has expended the very
maximum amount of munitions which he can expend
upon so small a sector. He has rendered untenable the
northern slopes of Hill 304, which the French have
evacuated. He has compelled the French to establish a
new defensive line upon the northern crest of the hill.
He has been unable himself to occupy the belt thus
evacuated because it is swept by fire from the Mort Homme
in flank as well as from the crest of Hill 304 in front.
But there are two other points in this very small field
which must be carefully watched.
The first is the easy approach up to Hill 304 from the
woods that climb this easy side, the horn called the
" Wood of Avocourt." This was the approach by which
the enemy attempted, with at least two divisions, a
month ago, to get to the top of the hill. It will be
remembered that he was broken in that attempt, that his
occupation of the extremity of the wood was easily thrown
back and that this gate, as it were, of Hill 304 has been
closed to him ever since. During the recent main attack
upon Hill 304 of last week-end a portion of his troops
tried again to force this gate and were, as we have seen,
defeated. They could not even get' out of the woods
towards the north-west of the hill.
The second point in the field to be carefully noted is
the ravine which lies between Mort Homme and Hill 304.
Here the enemy had a very distinct success, the fruits
of which he was able to gather for something like 24 hours.
His troops upon this left wing of his assault carried the
French front trenches and penetrated into the com-
munication trench beyond, and there was a moment at
some time on Sunday afternoon or evening when his
most advanced men must have been placed somewhere
between the two hills.
It was of no use occupying this ravine even if he had
had time to consolidate it unless he had proceeded to
attack either the one hill or the other immediately from
its depths. For it is overlooked thoroughly from both
sides, and it is at the mercy of observation from both.
But he was not given the time to consolidate himself in
this ravine. Apparently about dusk upon the Sunday
evening, at any rate during the succeeding night, a
counter-attack drove him out of these communication
trenches and he was thrown back upon his original
position at the mouth of the gully.
In the course of these attacks upon Hill 304 three
divisions, or the main part of three divisions, were used.
One has been identified as a new division brought from
the north of the line. It was a Pomeranian division.
The other two would seem to be as yet not identified,
but the enemy in his communique speaks of "Pome-
ranian troops" for the whole.
With the German account of these actions and with
their significance I will deal later. Upon Monday evening,
th.e last date with regard to which news has reached
London, the whole thing may be summed up thus : .
The Germans had brought into play, first and last,
the best part of three divisions against Hill 304 in the
space of five days.
Their attack concerned three points (i) The old bit of
Avocourt Wood to the north-west ; (2) The centre or
northern slopes of Hill 304 ; (3) The ravine between Hill
304 and the Mort Homme.
(i) They had (against what French covering line we
know not) failed altogether at the easiest point of ap-
proach, the Avocourt Wood. (2) They had rendered
untenable the northern slopes of Hill 304 by artillery
work, but had not. been able to consolidate the evacuated
belt nor to put infantry into it, though they had com-
pelled the French to establish a new line upon the crest.
(3) In the ravine between Hill 304 and the Mort Homme
they had pushed forward successfully at a very heavy
expense of men in the course of the Sunday, but on the
Monday lost all that they had gained. This last point,
hovyever, was scored by the French, a counter-offensive
which must have cost a certain price in men.
Attacks East of the Meuse
Now let us turn to their efforts east of the Meuse,
which were less important than the efforts west of the
Meuse upon the Mort Homme.
They there launched an attack with something between
12,000 and 15,000 men on the sector just west of the
ruins of Douaumont village. They occupied at an
expense in losses of perhaps 3 or 4 thousand men, about
a third of a mile of first line trenches in the course of the
same Sunday. It was thought worth while by the
defence to send reinforcements and to drive the assailants
out of the greater part of this small gain in the
course of the Monday. This being done matters came
to a standstill for the moment and the lines no longer
moved.
What enemy regiments were used upon this sector we
have not been told, but the F>ench have described them
in general terms as " Prussian " : the point is of some
significance, as we shall see in a moment.
Now let us analyse these very general and imperfect
statements with which we have been furnished and see
what we can make of the enemy's intentions.
We note the following points : —
(r) An attack in considerable strength has been de-
livered after a -lull of a whole fortnight, during which
there has been no serious effort upon the part of the
enemy in this sector.
(2), It has been delivered a full month after the last
great effort, for there has been no general offensive
upon his part since April the gth.
(3) It has been delivered with those. troops which he
coiints the best, his Pomeranian regiments and other
Prussian units not particularly specified. , , .
(4) It has achieved exactly what has been achieved -in
the past at almost exactly the same ratio of very heavy
expense to very slight and tactically insignificant ad-
vances.
(5) The one point which seems tactically significant
to the defence, the ravine between the two hills, was
recovered by the defence at the expense of a-successful,
though no doubt locally expensive counter-offensive.
(6) (And most important of all) there is no evidence
of his having moved his heavy artillery ; for the attack
has been delivered upon a piece of ground, the prepara-
tion of which by bombardment has already been familiar
to the defence for more than six weeks. There has been
L A X D cS: W A T E R
AFav IT, lorr)
no development of heavj' artillery action against any
new part of the front.
It is perfectly clear from these six points that the
enemy was doinp no more than continuing an attack
which he knew to be, in a military sense, already a failure.
It is comparable to his last efforts against Ypres in the
second week of November, 1914. If he hoped at all for
a miracle at the end of his effort he would at least have
concentrated the largest possible body and made his last
blow as strong as it could be. Just as in front of Ypres,
at the end of that tremf-ndous effort he put forward for
the close what he believed to be his best troops, on that
occasion the tiuards, on this occasi(m jjicked regiments.
Just as in front of Ypres, he admitted failure at the end of
such a sacrirtce. Again, just as at Ypres. he attempted
nothing novel towards the end of his last action. I'ov
that matter you have another still more striking parallel
in the case of the Grand Couronne, at the beginning of the
war, where, having laid his plan for an attack in force
upon a defensive position, and having tried, now here, now
there, along its length to obtain a decision, 1»' struck during
the last days exactly where he had been striking beforr,
without any attempt at surprise or at maU'euvrc.
Apparently his calculations luul been too minute or his
confidence in subordinate command ton doubtful to j^ht-
mit of change. Hut there is this great difference between
Ypres and (irand Couronne on the one hand and Verdmi
upon the other, that the (irand Couronne lasted a week,
Ypres three weeks. Verdun has lasted eleven.
There were lulls before the last Hicker of the failure at
Ypres. There were lulls of a day or a day and a half or
two days. Earlier, at the Grand Couronne, there had
been lulls of half a day, or a few hours. Here at Verdun
there has been a lull of something like a month in major
operations and of a fortnight even in minor operations.
What does all that mean ?
It means in the first place, that Verdun has been upon
such a scale as would seem to prove the enemy's deter-
mination to stake all upon it.
Opinion is divided as to whether he can find the re-
sources for one more great offensi\-e before he reluctantly
determines upon a concentration of strength and the
admitted entry into the last phase of the war. Class
1917 has not yet been used on a large scale by him, so
far as (iermany is concerned (it has all been called up in
Austria). Class 1016 alone has been absorbed. He yet
has to call upon class icjiS, which has been warned in
Austria, but which has not, I believe, yet been warned in
North (iermany. There has been a rumour of its being
warned, but no more. He may have the material left
in his own judgment for one more throw. At any rate,
this continued return to the Verdun sector without any
rearrangement of heavy guns, and at increasingly long
inten'als for recuperation, shows upon what a scale he
had planned his attempted success — and gives us a
measure of his corresponding failure.
The next point the affair suggests, is this :
Was not an effort, so futile in the military sense (it
has been futile for weeks), connected with the enemy's
present political demand for peace }
The Enemy Demand for Peace
That the enemy does now desire some spectacular
fffect in connection with his demand for peace cannot be
doubted by any careful observer of the war. I do not
mean his general demand — that has been in progress
ever since last October, when hej knew that he was at
the maximum of his territorial expansion in the East,
when he had just failed to obtain his decision against
the Russians at \'ilna. and when he threatened if the
advances he had made were not favonrably received to
raise the East against lis ; when, I may add, he very
thoroughly frightened a certain section of our own press,
which, upon his futile advance in the Bcdkans, published
maps showing the imminence of a triinnphant (German
march upon India and Egypt. That he has thought an
inconclusive peace necessary to him has been clear from
at least that date, even in his open manoeuvres; his
private advances when the history of the thing is written
will be conclusive evidence.
But, 1 now refer to the particular demand which he is
certainly making at this moment.
We liave evidence of that uarticnlar demand in several
places. It is set down in black and white in the Note to
America. It appears in the rumours set afloat with
regard to the intervention of the Vatican ; but m uch
more clearly docs it appear in the German press which
is controlled and in part written by the political authori-
ties of the country. The whole tone of that press may
be summed up in the words which one of the so-called
" Socialist deputies " (called by their comrades " the
tame men," who act as go-betweens for the Government),
used probably upon Government order " neither-side can
now win this war."
Exactly the same note has been struck by a man
who is upon the whole the ablest of the paid agents in
the service of Prussia, the Poli.sh Jew Witowski, better
known to the public of this country under the convenient
alias of " Maximihen Harden."
This man is invaluable to the German authorities in
the r6le of the " candid friend." He has been theatrically
" exiled," so that men may say, " he at least is indepen-
dent." He has returned, and the German censorship
prints his repeated declarations that the war is really
getting very horrible, and that the time has come for it to
stop. Nothing of that sort passed the censor at Spandau. or
to be more accurate, nothing of that sort proceeded from
his office, when the .Allies were still in doubt of victory !
The German communiques themselves are illuminating
in this connection, especially those which concern the
last o{)erations in front of Verdun. They are directly
calculated to affect neutral and domestic civilian opinion
even at the expense of hurting their own side in the eyes
of the soldiers opposed to them. What other possible
meaning can there be in the use of calculatedly false
jihrases like " we hold the height." when they do not
happen to hold the summit? What is the "sense of
saying that their troops are in a particular position when
no one knows better than the Command opposed to them
that they are not in that position.
Or take again the remarks upon the French rotation of
troops in front of Verdun. If there is one thing of which
an offensive should be proud and upon which in a military
sense it should insist if it wants to show that it is winning,
it is surely the exhaustion of the defence.
In such a defence as that of Verdun, where there is no
investment and where the defending troops are known
to be superior in number to the attack, the power to
refresh those troops by continual rotation is an essential
test of the strength the defensive has at its dipsosal.
Where on earth is the point of noting the case with which
the French can thus use fresh troops in rotation if it is
not to impress uninistructed opinion with the idea that
the lo.sses of such a defensive are actually higher than
the losses of the corresponding offensive ? There may
be opinion so uninstructed that it is capable of
entertaining that idea. Probably the German Intelli-
gence Department, or at any rate the German Publicity
Bureaux is acquainted with such sections of opinion,
or it would not waste energy in playing upon them.
But what a confession ! To be reduced to impressing
the kind of people who think that a defensive easily
drawing upon 50 divisions for short periods of strain is
weaker than an offensive using j2 divisions subjected to
impossible strains on the offence, broken, recruited, sent
forward again, broken again in nearly three months of a
hopeless effort !
It is conceivable that the enemy in his present effort
for peace is not uninfluenced by noting that sort of false
news, or false emphasis upon true news, in the AUied press
which arises out of domestic intrigue or political am-
bition.
A curious example of the way in which opinion can
thus be misled, was afforded .some" Httle time ago by the
publication in the Times of the General Staff Map estab-
lishing the German units in front of the British line in
France.
The map was accurate, and people concluded from it as
they vyere meant to conclude— that in spite of all the
enemy's efforts upon the Verdun sector he had been under
no necessity to draw men from parts of his line to the
north of that sector. On the other hand, the French
command in front of the Verdun sector had identified
the presence of divisions undoubtedly drawn from
northern portions of the line and even from in front of
the British.
How is this discrepancy accounted for >
May II, 191G
LAND & W A r E R
In the simplest of all possible fashions. The niai)
published in the Times was accurate for the moment at
which it was drawn up, but not for the moment at which
it was published. It referred to a state of affairs already
a month old when the portentous revelation was made.
• Sometimes news of this sort is simply untrue — as, for
instance, the silly falsehood that the ample munitionment
in the f;reat offensive of last September was due to the
establishment of the Ministry of Munitions. Not a shell
tired in that great offensive was produced by the special
activity of any politician. Every one had been pro-
duced by the organisation of the soldiers before any
pohtical and personal question had been made of the
matter. Similarly the two startling announcements on
which I commented some months ago, one of which cut
down the German losses by a million, the other of which
brought several thousand Germans to life, each in the
course of seven or eight days.
But it really does not matter whether the information
thus permitted to appear is misleading in one fashion or
another. The only thing that matters is motive. So
long as it is not the simple motive of recording the
truth and thus enabling public judgment to be sound-
it is a bad motive and adversely affects the moral power
of a nation at war.
A Corroboration of the Enemy's Falsification
of His Casualty Lists
I have received from a correspondent whose prolession
and whose opportunities and reputation give him unique
authority, remarkable confirmation of the chscrepancy
between the official German lists of losses and the truth.
This confirmation attaches to only one small portion of
the field, but it is characteristic and fits in most accurately
with the larger calculations,
It applies to the losses in the Medical Profession of the
German Empire alone.
The official casualty lists give of fuUy'qualified military
doctors killed or died during the course of the war up to
the end of 1915 466 names. This is, of course, allowing
for the delay in the publication of names, and this number
466 represents (allowing for such delay) the total ad-
mitted number in the officially publishecl lists.
Now the checking of this by private lists yields almost
exactly the same result as was yielded in the case of
immensely more numerous names of the larger categories
dealt with in an article published three months ago in
these columns, to wit, a discrepancy of rather less than
20 per cent.
Private lists were estabHshed by carefully going over
the names given in three leading German Medical papers,
the Deutsche Mcdizinischc weekly ; the Bediner Klinische
and the Miinchencr Mcdizinische. A great number of
these names, of coiu'se, overlapped, and were found in
all three papers. Many were found in two ; a few
occurred in one only. Their total gives 565 !
The value of these private lists lay, exactly as in the
larger examples given last February, in the fact that
they were more detailed and presumably more exhaustive.
In each case the full name, address and status of the
individual concerned was printed. Only the names of
those who had been killed or died on active service were
considered, and only the doctors of full status. Medical
students or candidates (that is, those who had passed their
first examination) were not included.
That the number 565 is at once accurate and a mini-
mum, there can, seeing the detailed information gi\'en,
be no doubt whatsoever, and the discrepancy between
it and the number drawn from the officieil lists is 17' 5 J
per cent. In other words, the official lists represent only
82-47 t*^ the truth.
It will be remembered that the discrepancy between
the larger numbers of the Trades Unions, the Athletic
Societies, etc., gave a discrepancy of close on 19 per cent.
The official lists in these larger cases were a little over
81 per cent, of this number. The coincidence is remark-
able and instructive. One would imagine that the names
omitted in the case of a distinguished profession would be
somewhat less than the average of omissions for the mass
of the army, and that is precisely what we get from this
calculation. The discrepancy in the case of the doctors
is not the full 19 per cent., but somewhat less. It is not
so greatly less, however, as to disturb our general con-
clusion. A little less than K) per cent, for the mas3
and somewhat over 17 per cent, for a specially distin-
guished jjrofession is a, divergence natural enough, and
the one figure confirms the other.
The imjjortance of the evidence lies in the fact that we
can in the case of tliese small numbers and of a limited
iield in which every man is known, establish the truth
without contention and beyond all possibility of doubt.
If there is a discrepancy of over 17 per cent, between the
official and the private lists in the deaths of doctors, we
can be absolutely certain that at any rate a larger dis-
crepancy in the case of the mass of the army is to be
presumed ; and the arguments of those critics, who wiU
have it that the German Empire is too efficient and too
organised and the rest of it, to mishandle its pfficial
statistics, falls to the ground. It is the case of a par-
ticular and indisputable piece of proof against a general
vague mood.
I must rejjcat what has so often been said when this
question has been raised, that the chscrepancy between
the official lists of German casualties and the truth does
not imply any elaborate system of false book-keeping,
nor even in the greater number of cases, perhaps in all
cases, any deliberate individual mis-statement. All it
means is that the (Jovcrnment which wants to keep down
returns sees that its records are kept on "the right side."
When there is any row or any confusion, any loss of
documents or any prolonged delay in furnishing them,
those who draw up the official lists presumably give them-
selves the benefit of all such circumstances, and the general
result is a minimising of the true losses. I have already
suggested in former calculations the special ways in which
this phenomenon would appear. Men who die at home
after being discharged from hospital can be omitted from
the official lists. Men whose death is long uncertain can
be kept off the official lists, and may then in the long
run never appear there. There will also, it must be
ac*".iitted, be a certain overlapping between those marked
as missing and those who turn out ultimately to be
dead. In certain cases all the documents of a unit will
be lost. We know that this has happened with several
units during the retreat from the Marne and upon the
Kussian front. To give but one example : The case of a
whole battalion of the loth reserve Corps in the third
day of the Battle of the Marne near Esternay, and that
is only one instance out of many which occurs to me.
We are under no necessity to imagine peculiar cunning
or villainy on the part of the enemy. Things left to
themselves would produce the result I have shown,
and any government desiring to keep the figures as low
as possible would arrive at results below the true total.
At any rate, whatever the cost may be, we have in this
particularly small but important example an exact corro-
boration of the conclusions arrived at bv all the best
observers in this matter. H. Belloc
Sovtes Sbakeepeatiana^
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
The German Note to America :
These sentences, to sugar or to gait.
Being sii'ong on both sides, are equivocal.
Othello I., iii, 216-7.
The Daylight Saving Bill :
There is^ome soul of goodness in things evil.
Would men observingly distil it out ;
For our bad neighbour makes us early
stirrers.
Which is both healthful, and good husbandry.
Henry V., IV.. i.. 4-7.
To Rtxruiting Sergeants under the New
Bill:
This is your charge : you shall com-
prehend all vagrom jnen ; you are to bid
any man stand, in the Prince s name.
Much Ada About Nothing III., iii., 26-8.
LAND & WATER
May II, 1916
THE GERMAN SURRENDER
By Arthur Pollen
THE German reply to President Wilson, with its
characteristic jumble of rodomontade, prevarica-
tion and idle repetitions of things all the world
knows to be untrue, will hardly have surprised
those who have followed the discussion of the Washington-
Berlin controversy in these columns. The dismissal of
von Tirpitz in the early weeks of March made it clear
what it was that the German higher conmiand uishcd
to do. It defined the attitude that had ultimately to
be taken towards America. It was the agitation of
the jingoes that deflected the Government from
its purpose. The reply published on the eve of the
Lusilania anniversary is the Emperor's effort to regain
control of the situation. He had to deal with a tangled
and difficult situation. He had to address the neutrals
of America, he had to cow and bring into line those of
his subjects who had taken his previous boastings as
literally true, he had to do this without unsaying too
much of what he had already said, and he had to remember
that every word that was written would be read by his
enemies as well as by his friends. It is no wonder that
there was considerable doubt as to what it all meant.
The London press, disclaiming dictation to America,
was almost unanimous in insisting that the reply did not
meet the American demands. The American press was
more divided. Some writers looked upon the note as a
mere effort to gain time, an obviously dishonest con-
tinuation of that inconclusive word splitting of which
the American public is after twelve months excusably
weary. Others took it to be a sufficient concession to
America, though by no means all that was asked for.
Others again saw in it as definite a German surrender
as could possibly be expected. There is certainly much
in the note that stands in sharp conflict with this last
being even a tenable view, but for all that I cannot help
thinking it was the right one. I read it to say that
Germany had given definite orders that submarines are
no longer to sink any ships at sight, nor at all, without
ensuring the safety' of those on board. These orders
of course may be rescinded. With superfluous frankness
Germany has gone so far as to say that she reserves
her freedom of action. And those that have followed the
story hitherto will have no difficulty in seeing that this
resers-ation is necessary, not because America is expected
to press for a modification of the British blockade, but
beicause what has happened in Germany before may happen
again. The dynasty having nourished its dupes in the
absurd belief that the Central Powers are already vic-
torious on land and can be made victorious on sea by
the submarine blockade of Britain, may, in spite of every-
thing, still have to choose between a final conviction at
the bar of German public opinion and a final effort to
make good its promise. But for the present it can
hardly be disputed that the note complies in all essentials
with the American demand, and that for the moment
the trading ships of the world are safe from unseen and
sudden attack and that the crisis with America is post-
poned.
The American Terms
The indications at the moment of writing, that is on
Tuesday morning, are, that President Wilson will act
upon this view. In doing so he will not be deluded by
the idea that it is safe to accept German statements
at their face value. I'ltimately the relations between
the two countries will be decided not by words but by
actions. And the question of the moment is, not what
(ierniany will do but what she has done. Is the reply
one that would seem to justify the President in accepting
it as satisfactory ?
To answer this we must see exactly what it was that
America asked, and so far as it can be disentangled from
the note, exactly what it is that Germany yields.
As to the American demand, n9 doubt can possibly
exist.
The note of April 20th put the issue into the plainest
English- conceivable. Before the submarine campaign
began, it said, America had protested that the thrca
was incompatible both with law and with the highe''
justice upon which law is based : the past twelve months
had shown the reality to be worse than the threat. The
hopes raised by German promises to amend had been
blasted. The case of the Sussex had completed the
lessons of the Lusitania and Arabic, and now no possible
doubt was left that the employment of the submarine
for the destruction of enemy trade was "completely irrecon-
cilable with the principles of humanity, the undisputed
rights of neutrals, and the sacred privileges of non-com-
batants." " So that if the Imperial Government should
not now, without delay, proclaim and make cffcctivo
renunciation of 77s present methods of submarine warfare
against passenger and cargo ships, the United States can
have no choice than to break off completely diplomatic
relations with the German Government." Gennany had
to choose between submission and defiance. She has
made a defiant submission.
The German Dilemma
The tone of the reply is explained by the circumstances
in which it was written. They are familiar to the
reader. When the outbreak of popular frenzy forced
the Government's hand, after von Tirpitz's dismissal, the
sink-at-sight campaign was begun, though its author was
no longer behind it. It began disastrously, if it was
meant to be consistent with remaining friendly with
America. First, two Dutch passenger ships were sunk.
Finally, the Sussex was torpedoed with nearly 100
Americans on board. That all these cases were outside
of the commander's instructions did not alter Germany's
actual guilt. The dangerous folly of the thing had
become manifest, and, as we have often seeo, the
problem that the Kaiser and his Chancellor had to settle
was not what to do, but how to do it.
If the reader will put himself into the position of
these two harassed men. he will realise without difficulty
that the' Note had to achieve three separate, and
inconsistent purposes. First, it must save the face
of the German higher command. For this purpose, it
must repeat the stale and foolish lies that had done
duty so often before. It must repeat them because
the German jingoes believe them to be true. Incredible
as it may appear to us, the German docs believe
that the British blockade, which was proclaimed in the
middle of March of last year, actually preceded the pro-
clamation of the German war zone, which was published
more than a month before. He accepts without question
the statement that the campaign was directed against
British cargo ships only — although in the fifteen months
of the campaign half as many neutrals as British ships
have been attacked, while, two neutral and near a dozen
belligerent liners have been sent to the bottom unwarned.
Although, after more than a year of this onslaught on
our trade, British imports and exports show an increase,
and not a decrease, though there is not a single necessity,
and lamentably few luxuries that the British people
m'ust deny themselves, he still implicitly believes that
the campaign has only to be continued for famine to
bring us to our knees. In spite of hunger he does not
yet 'realise the fatal handicap of sea impotence. He
thinks Germany can win despite British sea supremacy.
He believes these things because the Government has
told him so and the Government cannot unsay what it
has said, and so it must repeat them now.
Having thus saved its face, the higher command must
next make a seeming virtue of necessity by making it
appear an alternative — and perhaps a swifter — means
of gaining the very end the submarine campaign itself
was to achieve. The Note accordingly states that Ger-
many confidently expects America to force Great Britain
to abandon her illegalities and follow the laws of humanity.
Should America not succeed, Germany, says the Note,
will reserve her freedom of action. All this will sound
very fine to the German reader. It makes the surrender
look Uke a bargain. But the German Government knows
May II, 1916
L A N D
&
that America has never questioned our blockade pro-
ceedings on the ground of humanity'. It knows that
there never was and never will be any American effort to
stop our exercise of sea rights, or to check the legal sale
of American munitions. Nor will the pathos of the
starving German arouse the sympathy of those who,
in their civil war, compelled the rebels to surrender by
cutting off their sea supplies. No one knows better that
America perfectly understands the difference between the
legitimate and illegitimate use of sea force. But so long
as the German reader does not see that this request for
American help in breaking the blockade is not a condition
of Germany's surrender, but a sort of bullying appendage
to it, then'it does duty as the only kind of gilding that
would make a pill go down. 1
Finally, the higher command must silence the jingoes
by pointing out to them that a quarrel with America
would be disastrous. The Note, accordingly, after recit-
ing that the Central Powers have been offering peace
right and left just because they are so powerful, says : —
'■With all the stronger justification can the German
Government declare that it would be an act which
could never be vindicated in the eyes of humanity or
of history to allow, after twenty-one months of war,
a controversy which has arisen out of the submarine
warfare to assume a development which \\ould
seriously menace peace between the German and
American peoples."
The Surrender
So far the reply is purely for home consumption. What
is its substance in face of the American demand ? The
demand, as we have seen, was for an immediate renuncia-
tion of inhuman practices. ^ The reply is in these words : — •
" The German naval forces have received the following
order : In accordance with the general principles of
visit and search and the destruction of merchantmen
recognised by international law, such vessels, both
wtihin and without the area declared a naval war
zone, shall not be sunk without warning and without
the saving of human lives, rmless the ships attempt
to escape or to offer resistance."
There are several things to be noticed about this. It
is not a renunciation in words but in act, and of course
remains a renunciation only so long as those orders remain
in force, and are obeyed. But is not the specific order of
more worth than any explicit promise ? Note next, that
there is here no discrimination that excludes either armed
ships or cargo vessels from the observance of civilised
procedure. Nor is any distinction made between the
war zone and the unproclaimed sections of the sea. It
is then an executive act that abandons all the subterfuges
that have done previous duty in the controversy. I
cannot see how any form of words can be more explicit
or more complete.
Its Effect
Its effect upon the war must naturally be of con-
siderable importance. If submarines can only sink where
they visit, search and save, their activities must be very
much restricted. And w:hile I am not one of those who
have ever believed that, however ruthless their attacks
might be, any serious national danger could result from
them, it has long been obvious that if the rate of destruc-
tion was higher than our rate of new construction, a great
deal of very serious inconvenience must result, both to us
and to our Allies. We should be foolish if we relied on
the reprieve which Mr. Wilson's diplomacy has secured,
and excused ourselves from further effort either to
destroy German submarines or replace the ships they
have sunk. The campaign of March and April un-
doubtedly exhibited the high water mark of what sub-
marine attack could do. It is by no means obvious
that we have reached the high water mark of what our
shipbuilders can do. We know, of course, from Lord
Curzon's recent reply in the House of Lords, that ship-
building has been made war work, and that the Admiralty
has removed all difficulties from the way of building
merchant tonnage. But it would seem more logical ^or
the Government to undertake the construction of this
tonnage itself. It is, after all, our own Government, and
not the Germans, who have brought our available mer-
W A T E R 9
chant tonnage low. And of all forms of naval short-
sightedness, the strangest surely was the abstraction of
half our merchant ships for naval and military purposes
without the immediate taking in hand of building an
equal tonnage to replace what had been abstracted.
Nor is it too late for this salutary change to be made now.
For the present there will be a relief on the heavier toll
of cargo ships, but a certain toll will still be taken, and as
we have seen, the internal condition of Germany may, at
any moment, make the position of the Emperor desperate.
And when this happens, no fear of America will stand
in the way of more furious assaults than ever.
Ships versus Zeppelins
During the last few months we have had repeated
evidence that light cruiser squadrons , are extremely
active in the North Sea. My readers will remember
how first we heard that Commodore Tyrwhitt had his
flagship mined, then how when he had transferred his
flag, he fought two separate actions off Sylt, how recently
when the German battle cruisers visited Lowestoft some
light cruisers unnamed had engaged them. But the latest
news of the light cruisers is the most astonishing of
all. They seem to have constituted themselves Great
Britain's main defence against Zeppelins ! For much
more than 18 months some of us have been urging on
various government departments the necessity of pro-
viding not only an adequate defence of guns for the
main centres of British population, but what has alw'ays
seemed to me vastly more important, adequate methods
for ensuring that those guns are effective when the raiding
aircraft appear. Since September last the artillerists
and the aeronauts have been screaming themselves hoarse,
one party advocating the multiplication of gun stations,
the other for 1,000 aeroplanes of a new and deadly type,
to tear the Zeppelins down out of the sky and destroy
them incontinently. With all our efforts only, one
Zeppelin has been brought down, though some scores of
them have from time to time been brought over our
fire, or been pursued by bomb-carrying airmen. But all
this time it would seem as if the navy, personified by
the light cruisers, had been preparing to take over these
onerous duties from the not too successful folk on shore.
And it was all of a piece with the navy's methods that
while Phaeton and Galatea winged their bird, it was a
submarine of all things that finished it off and with
characteristic chivalry rescued the survivors.
If ever a list is made of the imexpected things that
happened in this war, chief amongst them certainly must
be the discovery that our light cruisers are our best
defences against the air raids of the enemy. Many ex-
traordinary things were prophecied about the submarine,
but that one of these mysterious craft should finish off
and sm\. a Zeppelin and rescue its crew is not to be
found in the most flamboyant vaticinations.
The Blue Water Theory
It must have been a revelation to most people that
guns mounted aboard ship for this kind of almost vertica
firing can be used with such deadly effect. Why, it may
be asked, have not the shore guns which have had ten
times as many opportunities, been more successful ?
I do not think the explanation is very far to seek. The
anti-aircraft batteries that protect our towns are im-
mobile. They can only fire when the airship comes
within range, so that in any event the time available for
finding and correcting the range is exceedingly short —
a grave disadvantage. Next the airships only come over
the land in darkness. However good the searchlights,
a Zeppelin artificially illumined at a great height is a
far more difficult mark than one seen in the broad light
of day. And then the naval guns had the great advan-
tage that they are carried in ships that can go 30 knots.
Supposing a Zeppelin comes straight over a shore gun
and passes over it at a height of q.ooo feet, and assume
the gun to have an effective range of 4,000 yards, the
Zeppelin could be kept under fire while approaching and
departing for about three minutes if its speed was
60 miles an hour. But if the gun had a speed of 30 miles an
hour the period during which the Zeppelin would be under
fire would be increased from three minutes to over five.
But if a Zeppelin instead of coming straight over a fi^ed
10
LAS I) .\ WATER
May II, 1916
gun, went 3,000 yards to ri^ht or left, tlie gun would not
be able to reach it at all. whereas in a similar case a 30
knot ship could bring it under tire. If there is any sort
of a breeze the Zeppelin would have very limited power of
manoeuvring to avoid the lire of the ship. In other
words, if the fire control arrangements and the gunnery
skill are equal, a ship's gun in broad daylight would have
many more opportunities and far better opportunities
of engaging a Zeppelin than any immobile gun could
have.
We must next remember that, as the nights get shorter
and the days longer so must the period >)f the daylight flight
of the Zeppelin over the North Sea increase, if we asMiiue
that they only desire to operate over England during
darkness. In mid-winter there are about 14 hours of
darkness, in midsummer less than 5!. l-'rom Heligoland
to Edinburgh is about .150 miles. If a 60 mile-an-hour
Zeppelin left Heligoland on the 21st December half an
hour before darkness, it would go straight to Edinburgh,
spend half an hour dropping bombs, and make its way
back to Heligoland, arriving half an hour after dawn.
But in midsummer it would ha\e to leave Heligoland
3} hours before darkness, and would have to make a
journey of 270 miles over the North Sea in broad daylight
both in coming and in rettirning. Every British criiiser
and destroyer cairying a gun for vertical lire and cruising
in the North Sea, is a highly mobile, and as the (lermans
now know, a highly dangerous obstacle. The excite-
ments of a Zeppelin raid during the summer months will
then be impleasantly magnified.
Though no one foresaw this very interesting develop-
ment, I think the naval pundits as a bodv should be
heartily ashamed of themselves that they did not. For
Commodore Alexander Sinclair's, Captain Cameron's and
Lieutenant-Commander I'eilman's success is after all only
a fresh illustration of the eternal truth, that mobile force
is of incalculably greater value than fixed force. Those
who have studied the controversies that raged in the
last century between those who pinned their faith on
fortifications and coast defence ships on the one hand
and the fiery spirits of the blue water school on the other,
ought I think to have foreseen that as the days got longer
the chances of the fleets engaging the Zeppelins must
grow greater, and that as the chances increased so the
probabilities of success would grow.
The worst of it is that the fast ship with well-served
anti-aircraft guns is only a summer time protection.
We obviously can no more dispense with the fixed de-
fences of searchlights and guns, nor with the other kind
of mobile defence, the counter-fleet of airships, than we
can allow our naval ports and depots and coaling stations
to remain incapable of protecting themselves against
raiders by forts, destroyers and submarines. In other
words, the blue water theory of anti-Zeppelin defence is
subject to the same limitations as the blue water theorj'
of national defence. And it is subject to a great many
more as well. Tiic fleet has to deal with a force twice as
swift as itself, which jiossesscs to boot the enormous
advantage of a \astly superior range of \ision. In the
most favourable oi seasons, then, it can never be a coiii-
plefe defence, though it may be singularly effective when
it gets its opportunity, and in the unfavourable seasons
it nuist of course be no defence at all. Still it is pleasant
to know that the number of our counter strokes has grown,
and that at any rate during the next four months, while
no doubt preparations for a better defence for next winter
will be made, the navy has added a new terror to the
seas over which the raiders must pass.
AKTIU'R ir POLI.KN.
Postscript
Since writing the above, President Wilson's rejoinder
has been published. It accepts the German surrender,
but only on condition that it is a surrender and not a
bargain. Cicrmany must have expected the President
to act on this understanding, though there may be an
element of unpleasant surprise in his making it so
brutally clear. This will not, in all probability imperil the
settlement, which, at this moment, Germany must, at
all costs, secure. It has for some time been evident
that the failure at Verdun had made peace overtures
inevitable before the year is out. So long as anything
is expected from these, Germany cannot afford to
estrange America. But if they are to be based on
the theory of a German land victory, they will fail,
and then — to quote the Kaiser's note— " a new situation "
will have arisen.
Rise and Fall of the French Air Ministry
By F. W. Lanchester
IN the present article I propose to make a digression
and to leave the dispassionate and academic
consideration of the subject, in order to speak
of the position as it actually exists, both in this
country and in I'rance.
For several months past there has been widespread
talk in the Press of an Air Minister and of an Air Ministry.
Coupled to this there has been an agitation centring on
the question of the efficiency, and in some cases — in
most cases — on the alleged deficiencies of our aero-
nautical forces. There have been grave allegations made
against the naval authorities, against the (iovemment
itself, even against the poor unoffending experts, if there
^rc such people as " experts."
Various parties have come forward both inside Parlia-
ment and out of Parliament with alleged nostrums and
c\ires for \-ariousIy alleged evils. I'nfortunately the
diagnosis of these self-appointed physicians is not always
the same, the latter in fact do not agiec even as to the
symptoms of the supposed disease. Rarely is evidence
offered of the statements or allegations made, still more
rarely does the self-appointed do<tor jiresent his own
credentials as evidence of his capacity to effect a cure.
The medicine prescribed varies in its character from a
veterinary dose of " ginger " to a liberal employment
both internally and externally of industrial alcohol, and
rims through the whole gannit of tonics and stimulants.
Thus the suggestions offered varj' widely both in kind
and degree ; sonu' have been discussed in the preceding
articles, others remain for discussion, others again do not
pos.sess sufficient merit to justify even a passing reference.
Our Government has made one i-ttempt at reform—
the Derby Committee — and failed. The French Govern-
ment also has made one attempt — an Air Ministry— and
has also failed. In both cases the present position is
" as you were," and in this country the press and ptiblic
agitation, backed by a certain measure of political support,
continues as before.
Now the whole of this agitation and debate has already
had its counterpart on the other side of the Channel, in
France. There a real Air Minister was actually appointed,
and five months later the Air Ministry was disolved and
control restored to an Army Officer, and thus in the course
of the past twelve months the control of Service Aero-
nautics in France has twice been put into the melting pot.
We have in these experiments of administration of our
neighbouring Ally a fund of experience on which to draw,
which cannot be other than of great value to those
on whom responsibility rests to shape our own air policy,
and to those who are prepared to make a serious study
of the subject. Although these experiments of the French
Ciovernment in the administration and management
of service aeronautics have not been productive of good
from the standpoint of the French Nation, they cast a
flood of light on the difficulties which must be encountered
by anyone approaching the subject de novo.
There is a very close parallel between this French
history and our own, we have had the same press and
jniblic agitation, the same accusations of Service ineffi-
ciency. In F'rance the outcry was summarised in the
words " La crisc dc I'avialion." Here the analogous
term coined by the Press and the Parliamentary mal-
contents has been "the air muddle." But in l-'rance
the whole history developed earlier than it did in this
country' ; the following is an abstract of the bare events
as they have taken place.
May II, 1016
LAND & WATER
It
Prior to the War, from April ist, 1912, to October ist,
1913, Colonel Hirschauer (now General Hirschauer) was
Permanent Inspector of Aeronautics and is looked upon
to-day as a most capable organiser and the man who made
Service aeronautics in France. At the time of the
outbreak of war General Bernard was in command of
the French Flying Corps, but he resigned on October
loth, 1914, and was replaced by General Hirschauer
who, under the title of Directeur de l' Aeronautique was at
tiie head of the l-Vench Flying Corps until September
loth, 1915. On this latter date the French Government
created an Air Ministry, at the head of which was placed
a civilian, M. Kene Besnard, whose official title was Sous
Secretaire dc' I'Etat Mililairc ; the actual date of this
appointment was September 12th. On February loth
of the present year, M. Rene Besnard resigned, and the
newly created Air Ministry was dissolved after a brief
existence of but live calendar months' duration.
Parenthetically it may be stated as a curious com-
mentary and as a reflection on the bona fides of those who
have talked loudest in this country, that scarcely a word
has been said as to the history and achievements of the
ill-fated Air Ministry of the French Government. The
creation of the Air Ministry and the appointment of
M. Besnard on September I2tli, 1915, was duly announced
and trumpeted in certain sections of the English Press,
but the failure and dissolution of the Air Ministry fi\e
months later was received in silence. It is difficult to
say ]>ositively that the matter passed without mention,
but I have searched in vain in the papers which affect
to inform the public on matters aeronautical, and have
failed to find even a reference to so important a fact,
or a word of discussion as to the circumstances which
led to the final downfall of the Air Ministry and the
restoration of the previous method of administration.
The present Director of Military Aeronautics in F"rance
is a soldier, Colonel Regnier, and his position is the same
as that formerly held by General Hirschauer, hijj official
WiXeheing Directeur dcl'Aeronauti'quc Militairc Frattfaise.
A Lesson of History
Now whatever individual views a man may hold as to
the defects of our existing aeronautical organisation, be it
in the Army or in the Navy, and whatever views he may
have expressed prior to February of this year as to the
advantages of direct ministerial control, that is to say,
the advantages of the management of Service Aeronautics
by a civilian Air Minister, he cannot (if acting in good
faith) ignore the teaching of history in the French tenta-
tive or experimental Air Ministry. He may be able to
show reasons why an Air Ministry in I'rancc proved itself
a failure, he may bi' able to point to defects in its organisa-
tion or in its personnel which would account for its failure.
He may be able to show that the conditions in Great
Britain, with our naval first line of defence, differ so
radically from those which obtain in France, as toucliing
the Air Service, that what may be wrong in France, what
may fail in France, may yet be right in Britain. He
thus may be able to establish some plausible case for
an Air Ministry in England in spite of its failure
in France, but he cannot with honesty ignore the history
of the French Air Ministry without rendering himself
open to the accusation of ignorance or of deliberate
suppressio veri. When we find that one of our leading
journals has taken up a line of policy and will stick at
nothing — even suppresrsion of the truth — to support its
own doctrines, we are inevitably led to the conclusion
that its aims and actions are not wholly dictated by
patriotic motives.
We will go into this history of the French Air Ministry
in greater detail ; there is not a point or tmn in the"
experience, and I will say, the ordeal through which
the French Air Service has passed which has not its
intimate bearing on the present agitation in this country.
The downfall of General Hirschauer, who as I have said
is rightly to be regai-ded as the creator, or at least the
organiser of the I'Vench Air Service, as it existed prior to
the outbreak of hostilities, was due to a systematic
campaign of intrigue. It is to be recalled that the first
term of office of General Hirschauer (then Colonel
Hirschauer) terminated prior to the War on October 1st,
iqi.;, from which date the connnand was in the hands
of (ieneral Bernard, and from a. \'arietv of causes during
the period which intervened after Colonel Hirschauer's
resignation, the organisation had so seriously deteriorated,
that the outbreak of hostilities was very speedily followed
by the resignation of General Bernard and the recall of
(ieneral Hirschauer to office. It is not possible to discuss
in full detail the history of the opposition and intrigue
by which (jeneral Hirschauer's authority was under-
mined. His thoroughgoing methods of re-organisation
resulted in his incurring the enmity of many of the French
firms engaged in aircraft contracts, and raised a corres-
ponding opposition amongst a certain clique of politicians.
In other respects the kind of agitation by which General
Hirschauer found himself opposed was very similar to
that which has during the last few months been agitating
l)olitical circles in this country.
General Hirschauer
Now General Hirschauer's strength lay in the fact that
he had both the theoretical knowledge and the i)ractical
experience. His weakness lay in the fact that he was a
soldier and not a diplomat.- Owing to the fact that he
was a soldier he had no means of replying to the attacks
which were made upon him, and these as we know can
take various forms, and are difficult enough to answer
and refute when directed against a civilian who is free
to use his pen and speech in his own defence : defence
is incomparably more difficult when a soldier is the
\-ictim of attack. Eventually the inevitable happened,
j)olitical intrigue succeeded. General Hirschauer resigned,
and an Air Ministry was created with the portfolio in the
hands of the civilian, M. Rene Besnard,
Now M. Rene Besnard was no clap-trap orator, as with
certain agitators of whom we have painful experience
in this country ; in this respect France was fortunate.
M. Besnard made no pretensions to being a superman
with a mission to put everybody else right. He was
and is a capable and thoroughly honourable man, and
one who was frank to state at the outset that he had
neither the knowledge of the subject nor the experience
of (ieneral Hirschauer, whom in a sense he succeeded.
A consulting or advisory Committee was appointed
shortly after the inauguration of the new Ministry to
co-operate with M. Besnard ; the personnel of " this
Committee was largely recruited from amongst prominent
members of the .aeronautical industry; it included'
amongst others, M. M. Esnault, Pelterie, Clement Bayard,
and M. Renault, also M. Eiffel, the well known French
engineer. The inclusion of so large a representation of
manufacturers and aeronautical constructors may un-
doubtedly be regarded as an attempt to silence criticism,
or as a salve to opposition from the powerful trade in-
terests to which General Hirschauer's downfall had been
so largely due.
As Air Minister he undoubtedly had given him
greater power, and was less vulnerable to attack from
the political side ; in spite of these advantages, however,
his term of office may be summed up in the one word
" failure," and as the failure of the regime which lie
inaugurated became more and more apparent a new and
powerful press outcry arose until ultimately his resigna-
tion became inevitable ; it was accepted on February joti:
last. Beyond this the five months' experience of ar'
Air Ministry had convinced the French Government
that the control was more appropriately to be delegated
to an Army officer ; in other words the work was a soldier's
work, and not that of a civilian ; Colonel Regnier was
appointed and remains in power to-day.
The failure of the French Air Ministry cannot be whoUv
attributed to any one cause. The probability is that
many of the difficulties set forth in the preceding articles
became manifest at an early period ; but beyond this
it is known that the work done under tlie Besnard regime
was from a technical standpoint unsound. The trade
representation was not found to be as beneficial as its
advocates had hoped, and the new types of aeroplane
adopted by the Air Ministry during "its brief existence
(in many instances machines of large size) proved un-
satisfactory : these machines are to-day recognised as
having failed to establish themselves as serviceable types.
It is a point of considerable interest, and it is in "itself
eloquent of the character of the agitation which resulted
in the futile upheaval in the Inench Air Service administra-
tion (and of the agitation which is to-dav in iiropress in
12
LA.Nl) .S: WATER
May II, 1916
this country), that although the complaint of the chief
would-bf refornuTS is expressed as a general plea that
the Air Service is thoroughly mismanaged, and that the
men in charge do not know their business, the attack has
been almost invariably based on the success of the Zeppelin
raid. In other words, although the very exponents of
reform liave been and arc loud in their protestations
that they are not endeavouring to take advantage of the
fear and the shattered ner\es of sections of the populace,
and repudiate any suggestion that their agitation is
based on the success of the (ierman airship as a means of
intimidation, this is definitely the point or pivot on
which the press arguments are found time after time to
liinge, and it is tlie Zeppelin raid which has been ex-
ploited more than any other one fact as an alleged proof
of the so-called " air muddle " in this country and of the
" crise de I'aviation " as it has been described in the
French press and Chamber of Deputies.
I give the following examples both from the press and
from political speeches in I'rance in illustration of the
above statement.
Effect of the Zeppelins
The outcry against the I'ronch .\ir Ministry, more
particularly as touching the Zeppelin raids, is wonder-
ful in its singleness of purpose. When reading the dis-
cussion, either as it took place in the I'"rench Chamber or
in the Press, one cannot escape from the continual talk
of the Zeppelin.
The following horn L' Homme Enchainc is an intcr-
pellation of (ieneral (iallieni :
(i) What are the mea'-ures taken by M. Le Ministre
de la Guerre against the raids of Zeppelins on Paris ?
{z) How have these instructions been followed on
the nights of the aqth and joth Januarv.
.\nd on the day following in the same paper : " The same
day that we had the visit of the Zeppelins on Paris we
announced that M. R. Besnard had organised a tour of
the bonne presse amongst our aeroplane factories and
amongst our works for the construction of dirigibles."
J.ater in the same article they refer to M. I^. Besnard a?
" the disorganiser [dcsorgauisatcur] of our aeronautics."
One day later, February 5th, a letter is published over
the name of I-. Bleriot, which begins. " I hav^e felt in a
manner particularly acute the affront of which Paris
has been the victim. It is the main motive of this letter."
Later in the letter M. Bleriot complains that everything
would be right if a certain list or panel of pioneer con-
structors were embodied in a " comite superieur de la
dcjcnse aerienne de la France." The names he suggests
are Voisin, Caudron, Breguet. Saulnier, Bechereau,
Delage (Nieuport), Farman, which .vith the names already
cited would practically mean the control of French
military aeronautics by a trade committee !
On h'ebruary 9th the same paper announces the resigna-
tion of M. Besnard and its acceptance by the French
Minister of War, General Gallieni. M. Besnard's com-
plaint in his letter of resignation is in brief that the
French Chamber wished to saddle him with responsibility
which was quite bej'ond the powers conferred upon his
ofike.
Wc have in the above a most clearly and intimately
related history of cause and effect. But in the same
paper of February ist we lind the disclaimer with which
our press also has made us familiar — " If the German
' psychologues ' have believed with their Zeppelins and
their bombs to terrorise the Parisian population they
ought to be undccei\cd. Never has Paris shown less
fear, one may say more indifference, to danger."
My comment on the above is that either the boasted
indifference of the Parisian to the German bomb is a
farce, or else the wa\e of displeasure previously expressed
on account of the Zeppelin visit was a pose assumed by
an industrial or political clique to remove a Minister
who was distasteful. What greater triumph could the
authors of the Zeppelin raids on Paris boast than of
■having been the means through popular clamour of the
overthrow of the French Air Ministry ! The alleged
ineffectiveness of the Zeppelin bomb is curiously enough
reflected in article after article in the same journal,
and yet, on the strength of the failuie of the defence,
mud is continually thrown at the ill-fated M. Besnard.
The same history will be found in other French journals
of the same period. From the ist February to the time
of the Minister's resignation we have the same story,
indignant complaints on the subject of the Zeppelin
raids and scornful attacks on the Air Minister up to
the date of his demission.
In examining this history of the French Air Ministry
I ha\'e come across a paragraph in La Liberie over
the pen of (ieorges Berthoulat which is worth quoting.
The following is a rough translation. Referring to JI.
Besnard :
" He will not be replaced by a Sous Secretaire d'Etat
(Minister). Aviation is in fact a department which
must depend directly upon the Ministry of War which
this multiplication of under secretaryships has threatened
with dismemberment. General (iallieni has strong arms.
He may be trusted to use them with energy to reorganise
the Service as he reorganised the entrenched camp of
Paris. At the outset let it be settlc'd that the technical
section of aeronautics must cease to be a watertight com-
partment of the Direction. Banished to the Invalides
the technical section is ignored by the office of !\I. Besnard
in the Boulevard Saint-Germain. Its remarks, its con-
clusions, even the most interesting against the Zeppelins,
have been condemned to eternal sleep. Another similar
vicious system ; no connection between the direction
of the artillery and that of aeronautics. But, firing from
below against aeroplanes or Zeppelins depends upon the
artillerj', whilst fire from abo\-e against the same objec-
tives belongs to aeronautics. Inconceivable but true !
As for horizontal fire the. two departments dispute,
amongst themselves without doubt." ^.■. , ,. , .. •,.,,'," '.
But as to the main point— every French journal tells the
same tale — the sequence is :— ' , ,
(i) Zeppelin raids. ' , ■ • , ■
(2) A furious agitation against the Air Ministry hiftcf-:
ing on the Zeppelin raid. ,
(3) Air Minister resigns.
in the article which follows I shall show how closely,
a parallel history has been tlireatened by the present air
agitation (the so-called " air-mud^le " ) in this country,
a history which has kept French aeronautics in a state
of unsettlement and ferment for a period of more tTi.rn
six months.
The dangers of an inconclqsive. peace, and; the. possibilities
of submarine merchant ships,- form the main thesis. -of ; Mr..
Ridgwell CuUum's latest book. The Men Who Wrought.
(Chapman and Hall, fas. net.) There is enougli of love story
in the book to give a personal interest, and there are German
spies, German secret dockyards, a genius of a Polish inventor,
and a Cabinet Minister. Mr. CuUunj has adapted, to a certain
extent, the methods of \\illiam le Oueux to his own particular
style of writing, arid the result is rather heavy, Still, it is
a good story, with enough of thrills to satisfy the most exact-
ing reader, thougli few will agree with the writer's conclusion
—the transport of the centre of the British Empire from these
islands to some point of greater possible security. The
author has evidently overlooked what happens in the case
of countries possessing land frontiers, such as Canada must
always possess. Power and the 'possession of power must al-
waj's bring responsibilities and dangers, and the shifting of the
centre would not make it less a storm centre.
The study of Dostoievsky's life and career embodied in
Dostoievsky, by Evgenii Soloviev (George Allen and Unwin,
5s. net, is an appreciation rather than a criticism of the
man. " .•\ return to the people — service of the masses in
a spirit of Christian love and truth "--such was Dostoievsky's
message— that is the keynote of the book. At the same time,
much of the matter that the book contains will prove new,
even to the majority of those who are familiar with the great
Kussian through the translations of his work into English.
His sufferings, 'imprisonment, and ceaseless struggle with
life are outlined, and the persistent melancholy of his work
is more than accounted for by the man himself. His appre-
ciation of the better qualities of the people of Russia — the
inarticulate peasantry— is clearly shown. " Under the dingy
smock of the Russian peasant, under his inveterate barbarity
and uncouthnessand 'be;ist-like ignorance,' Dostoievsky ever
sought and ever found ' great depths of human sentiment'
in the shape of the peasant's fine, almost maternal tenderness
for whatever is weak or unhappy or in pain."
The book is a stimulating inquiry into causes, and perusal
of its pages will help readers of Dostoievsky's own work to
understand not only the work, but the man behind it
May II, 1916
LAND & WA T E R
Before the Charge
By Patrick MacGill
13
Patrick MacGill, whose first book. " CJiildrcn of tlie Dead
End," caused him to leap into fame as a writer of the realist
school, is in his twenty-sixth year. Born in Donegal of
Irish peasants, hs started life at nine years of age as a
potato digger in the North of Scotland. He then became a
farm hand, labourer, tramp, drainer, and navvy in turn,
and all these phases of his life are described with great
power in his autobiography .
In his spare time Patrick MacGill wrote poems and
studied to such effect that he was able to translate from the
French and Ge/man. A little paper-covered book (a collector
offered a guinea for a copy a short time ago) entitled " Songs
of a Navvy," and published by himself, luas his first
venture : an article, scribbled in pencil on a piece of dirty
paper in the navvy shack, found its way to tlie editor of the
London "Daily Kx press," who immediately sent for the young
writer and gave him a post on the editorial staff. At the
beginning of September, 1914, /;:; enlisted as a private in
the London Irish Ki/'Ies, and has been at Givenchy, Guinchy,
Festubert, Grenay, and many other places, but was finally
wounded at Loos in September last. His latest book, " The
Red Horizon," was -written entirely in the trenches.
I
PATKICK MACGILL
POKED my head
through the upper
window of our billet
. and looked down
the street. An ominous
calm brooded over the
village, the trees which
lined the streets seemed
immovable in the dark-
ness, with lone shadows
clinging to their trunks.
On my right, across a
little rise, was the firing
line. In the near distance
was the village of Bully-
Grenay, roofless and
tenantless, and further
off was the Philosophe
hamlet with its dark blue
slag-head bulking large
.against the horizon.
Souchez in the hills was
as usual active ; a heavy artillery engagement was in
progress. White and lurid splashes of flame dabbed
the sky, the smoke rising from the ground paled
in the higher air ; but the breeze blowing away from me
carried the tumult and thunder far from my ears. I
looked on a conflict without a sound ; a furious fight seen
but unheard.
A coal-heap near the village stood colos'sal and threaten-
ing ; an engine shunted a long row of waggons along the
railway line which fringed Les Brcbis. In a pit by the
mine a big gun began to speak loudly and the echo of its
voice palpitated through the room and dislodged a tile
from the roof. . . . My mind was suddenly per-
meated by a feeling of proximity to the enemy.
He whom we were to attack at dawn seem.ed to be very
close to me. I could almost feel his presence in the room.
At dawn I might deprive him of life and he might de-
prive me of mine.
Two beings give life to a man, but one can deprive
him of it. Which is the greater mystery ? Birth or
death ? They who are responsible for the first may take
pleasure, but who can glory in the second ? To kill a
man . . . to feel for ever after the deed that you have
deprived a fellow being of life ! . . .
" We're beginning to strafe again," said Dudley Pryor,
coming to my side as a second reverberation shook the
house. " It doesn't matter. I've got a bottle of
champagne and a box of cigars."
" I've got a bottle as well," I said.
" There'll be a hell of a do to-morrow," said Pryor.
" I suppose there will," I replied. " The officer said
that our job will be ciuite an easy one."
" H'm," said Pryor.
I looked' down ;it tlic street ;ind T snw Hill Te;ike.
" There's Bill down there," I remarked.' I! He's
smging a song. Listen."
I like your smile,
I like your style,
I like your soft blue dreamy eyes.
" There's passion in that voice," I said. " Has he
fallen in love again ?
A cork went plunk ! from a bottle behind me, and
Pryor, from the shadows of the room behind me, answered :
" Oh, yes ! he's in love again ; the girl next door is his
fancy now."
" Oh, so it seems," I said. " She's out at the pump
now, and Bill is edging up to her as quietly as if he was
going to loot a chicTcen off its perch."
Bill is a boy for the girls ; he finds a fresh love at every
billet. His new flame was a squat stump of a Millet
girl in short petticoats and stout sabots. Her eyes were
a deep black, her teeth very white. She was a com-
fortable, good-natured girl, " a big 'andful of love,"
as he says to himself, but she was not very good looking.
Bill sidled up to her side and fixed an earnest gaze on
the water falling from the pump ; then he nudged the
girl in the hip with a playful hand and ran his fingers over
the back of her neck.
" AUez vous en ! " she cried, but otherwise made no
attempt to resist Bill's advances.
" Allez voos ong yerself ! " said Bill, and burst into
song again.
She's the pretty little girl from Nowhere,
Nowhere at all.
She's the:
He was unable to resist the temptation any longer and
he clasped the girl round the waist and planted a kiss on
her cheek. The maiden did not relish this familiarity.
Stooping down, she placed her hand in the pail, raised a
handful of water, and flung it in Bill's face. The Cockney
retired crestfallen, spluttering, and a few minutes after-
w-ards he entered the room.
" Yes, I think that there are no women on earth to
equal them," said Pryor to me, deep in a prearranged
conversation. " They have a grace of their own and a
coyness which I admire. I don't think that any womefi
are like the women of France."
" 'Oo ? " asked Bill Teake, sitting down on the floor.
" Pat and I are talking about the Frtn"h girls," said
Pryor.
" They're spleiidid."
" H'm ! " grunted Bill, in a colourless voice.
" Not much humbug about them." I remarked.
" I prefer English girls," said Bill. " They can make
a joke and take one. As for the French girls, ugh ! "
" But they're not all ahkc," I said. " Some may
resent advances in the street and show temper when they're
kissed over a pimip — "
" The water from the Les Brebis pumps is very cold,"
said Pryor. We could not see Bill's face in the darkness,
but we could almost feel our companion squirm.
" 'Ave yer got some champagne, Pryor ? " he asked,
with studied indifference. " My froat's like sand-paper."
" Plenty of champagne, matey," said Pryor in a re-
pentant voice. " We're all going to get drunk to-night.
Are you ? "
'• 'Course I am !" said Bill. " It's very comfy to 'ave
a drop of champagne."
" More comfy than a kiss even," said Pryor.
As he spoke the door was shoved inwards and our
Corporal entered. For a moment he stood there without
speaking, his long, lank form darkly outlined against the
half-light.
" Well, Corporal ? " said Pryor interrogatively.
" Why don't you light a candle ? " asked the Corporal,
" I thought that we were going to get one another's
addresses."
" So we were," I said, as if just remembering a decision
arrived at a few hours previously. But I had it in my
mind all the time.
14
LAND c^' \y A T E R
May II. 1916
Bill lit a candle and placed it on the floor while I co\'crcd
up the window with a gnjund sheet.
The window looked out on the iirinf;; line, three kilo-
metres away, and the li^ht, if uncovered, might Ix.- seen
by the enemy. I j^lanced down the street and saw boys
in khaki strolling aimlessly about, their cigarettes glow-
ing. . . , The starshells rose in the sky out behind
Bully-Grenay, and again I had that feeling of the enemy's
presence wjilch was mine a few moments before.
Kore returned from a neighbouring cafe, a thoughtful
look in his dark eyes and a certain irresolution in his
movements. His delicate nostrils and pale lips quivered
nervou^l}', betraying doubt and a little fear of the work
ahead at dawn. Under his arm he carried a bottle of
champagne which he placed on the floor beside the
candle. Sighing a little, he lay down at full length on
the floor, not before he brushed the dust aside with a
newspaper. Kore was very neat and took a great pride
in his uniform, which fltted him like an eyelid.
Felan and M'Crone came in together, arm in arm.
The latter was in a great state of subdued excitement ;
hi^ whole body shook as if he was in fever ; when he
spoke his voice was highly pitched and unnatural, a sign
that he was under the strain of great nervous tension.
Felan looked very nnicli at ease, though now and again
lie fumbli'd with the pockets of his tunic, buttoning and
imbuttoning the flaps and digging his hands into his
jxxkets as if feeling for something which was not there.
He had no cause for alarm ; he was the comjjany cook
and, according to regulations, would not cross in the
charge.
'■ Blimey ! you're not 'arf a lucky dawg ! " said Bill,
glancing at Felan. " 1 wish I was the cook to-morrow."
" I almost wish I was myself.'"
" Wot d'yer mean ? "
" Do you expect an Irishman is going to cook bully-
oeef when his regiment goes over the top ? " asked
Felan. " For shame ! "
We rose, all of us, shook him solemnly by the hand,
and wished him luck.
" Now, what about the addresses ? " asked Kore.
" It's time we wrote them down."
" It's as well to get it over," I said, but no one stirred.
\\'e viewed the job with distrust. By doing it we
reconciled ourselves to a dread inevitable ; the writing
of these addresses seemed to be the only thing that stood
between us and death. If we could only put it off for
another little while. . . .
" We'll 'ave a drink to 'clp us," said Bill, and a cork
went plonk ! The bottle was handed round and each
of us, except the Corporal, drank in turn until the bottle
was emptied. The Corporal was a teetotaler.
" Now, we'll begin," I said. The wine had given me
strength. " If I am) killed write to — and — . Tell them
that my death was sudden, easy."
" That's the thing to tell them," said the Corporal.
" It's always best to tell those at home that death was
sudden and painless. It's not much of a consolation,
but "
He paused.
" It's the only thing one can do," said Felan.
" I've nobody to write to," said Pryor, when his turn
came.
" There's a Miss . But what the devil docs it
matter. I've nobody to write to, rtobody that cares a
damn what becomes of me," he concluded. " At least,
I'm not like Bill. "
" And who will I write to for you. Bill ? " 1 asked.
Bill scratched his little white potato of a nose, puckered
his lips and became thoughtful. I suddenly realised
that Bill was very dear to me.
" Not afraid, matey ? " I asked.
" Naw," he answered, in a thoughtful voice. " A
Bian has only to die once, anyhow," said Felan.
" Greedy ! 'Ow many times tl'yer want to die ? " asked
Bill. " But I s'pose if a man 'ad nine lives like a rat. he
wouldn't mind dyin' once."
" But suppose," said Pryor.
" S'pose," muttered Bill. " Well, if it 'as to be it
can't be 'elped. . . . I'm not goin' to give any
address to nobody," he said. " I'm goin' to 'ave a
drink."
We were all seated on the floor round the candle which
was stuck in the neck of an empty champagne bottle.
-The candle flickered faintly, and the light made feeble
light with the shadows in the corners. The room was
full of the anmatic flavour of Turkish cigarettes and
choice cigars, for money was spent that evening with the
recklessness of men going out to die.
I began to feel drowsy, but another mouthful of cham-
pagne renewed vitality in my body. With tliis feeling
came a certain indifference towards the morrow. I must
confess that up to now I had a vague distrust of my
actions in tlie work ahead. My normal self revolted at
the thought of the coming dawn ; the experiences of my
life had not prepared me for one day of savage and ruthless
butchery. To- morrow I had to go forth prepared to do
much that I disliked. ... I had another sip of wine ;
we were at the last bottle now.
Pryor k>oked out of the window, raising the blind so
that httle light shone out into the darkness. '
" A Scottish division are passing through the street
now, in silence, their kilts swinging," he said. " My
God ! it docs look fine."
He arranged the blind again and sat down. Bill was
cutting a sultana cake in neat portions and handing them
round.
" Come Felan, and sing a song," said M'Crone.
" My voice is no good now," said Felan. but by his
way of speaking we knew that he would oblige.
" Now, F'elan, come along ! " wc chorused.
Felan wiped his lips with the back of his hand, took
his cigar between finger and thumb and put it out by
rubbing the lighted end against his trousers. Then he
placed the cigar behind hi;; ear.
" Well, what will I sing ? " he asked.
" Any damned thing," said Bifl.
" The ' Trumpeter,' and we'll all help," said Kore.
Felan leant against the wall, thrust his head back,
closed his eyes, stuck the thumb of his right hand into a
buttonhole of his timic and began his song.
His voice, rather hoarse but very pleasant, faltered a
little at first, but was gradually permeated by a note of
deepest feeling, and a strange passion surged through
the mclodj'. Felan was pouring his soul into the song.
• Trunipi'tcr, what are you sounding now ?
Is it the call I'm seeking ?
Lucky for you if you hear it at all.
For my trumpet's but faintly speaknig -
1 in calling 'cm home. Come home ! Come home I
Tread light o'er the dead in the valley,
Who are l^'ing around
Face down to the ground.
And they can't hear — ■
F'elan broke down suddenly, and, conring across the
floor, he entered the circle and sat down.
" 'Twas too high for me," he muttered huskily. " My
voice has gone to the dogs. .... One time "
Then he relapsed into silence. None of us spoke, but
we were aware that Felan knew how much his song had
moved us.
" Ye're not having a drop at all, Corporal," said
M'Crone. " Have a sup ; it's grand stuff."
The Corporal shook his head. He sat on the (loot
with his back against the wall, his hand imder his thighs.
" I don't drink," he said. " If I can't do without it
now after keeping off it so long, I'm not nnich good."
" Yer don't know wot's good for yer," said Bill, gazing
regretfully at the last half-bottle. " There's nuflink
Hke fizz. My ole man's a devil fer 'is suds ; so'm I."
Our platoon Sergeant appeared at the top of the stairs,
his red head lurid in the candle light.
" luijoying yourselves, boj's ? " he asked, with paternal
solicitude.
The Sergeant's heart was with his platoon.
" 'Avin' a bit of a frisky," said Bill. " Will yer 'ave a
drop ? "
" I don't mind," said the Sergeant. He spoke almost
in a whisper, and something seemed to be gripping at his
throat.
He put the bottle to his lips and paused for a moment.
" Good luck to us all ! " he said, and drank. " We're
due to leave here in lifteen minutes," he told us. " Don't
forget your rer^pirators, boys, and be' ready when you
hear the whistle blown out in the street. Have a smoke
now, for no pipes or cigarettes are to be lit on the march."
He paused for a moment, then, wiping his moustache
with the back of his hand, he clattered down the stair*
May ir, iqiG
L A N I) cS: W A T K R
15
The World's Trade after the War
By Lewis R. Freeman
[This remarkable forecast of the World's trade after
the war and the consequent competition is by Mr Lewis
R. Freeman, an American journalist of high reputation,
who for years has given close study to commercial
affairs both here and abroad, and has travelled widely.]
IN America there lias been a persistent tendency —
not only among professional pacifists and politicians,
but also among those bankers, manufacturers and
economists who have not been in personal touch
with the situation across the Atlantic — to picture the
belligerent countries after the war as depopulated, dis-
organised, crushed with debt and generally crippled in
their power to carry on business at home and abroad.
The present struggle does not promise to develop into
another " Thirty Years' War," and the drawing in of the
United States on the side of the Allies would tend to
shorten rather than to lengthen it. It is not difficult to
conceive of contingencies under which hostilities would be
brought to an end by next autumn, and peace by the middle
of i()iy is more than probable. The point for American
bankers, manufacturers and exporters to get well in mind
is that their two greatest commercial rivals, Great
Britain and Germany, far from being depopulated, dis-
organised cr industrially crippled by the middle, or even
the end of iqij, will, in spite of their huge war debts
and the killing of many thousands of their be'-.t men,
be in a stronger position to wage aggressive and successful
war for the world's trade than ever before.
Organised Industry
This is especially true of England, which as a direct
consequence of the war, from being one of the least
effectively organised and most wasteful of manual effort
among all industrial nations, has developed an efficiency
comparable to if not yet equal to, that of the United
States and Germany, There is no doubt whatever that
to-day anywhere from seventy to eighty British factory
workers are doing as much labour as were, one hundreci
in pre-war times, and this at the expenditure of very
little more physical effort. There is still much room
for improvement along the same lines, but the fact that
so much has been accomplished in so short a time shows
the potency of war-time conditions in breaking down
what had comc^ to be regarded as the fixed-for-all-timc
barriers of British industrial conservatism, and furnishes
an illuminative object-lesson with which to encourage
fiu'ther reforms after the war.
Besides a greatly improved industrial organisation as
a direct result of the war, an enormous material increase
of British manufacturing facilities will have to be reckoned
with. There is scarcely an important manufacturing
plant in the coimtry which has not been greatly increased
in capacity to accommodate the rush of war orders, while
the jumrher of new factories built for munition work of
one kind or another is also very large. Whenever an
addition to a factory has been built, the fact has always
been borne in mind so far as possible that it would
ultimately be utilised for peace-time work. In many
instances, such as those of shoe, automobile and motor
truck factories, and ship-building plants of all descrip-
tions, the war-time extensions will be ready to turn to on
regular peace-time work without any change x^hatever.
and at a moment's notice. In other cases, certain
changes of machinery will have to be made to effect the
transition.
Even the huge new plants which have been erected by
the British Government for the sole purpose of augment-
hig its munition supply will ultimately figure as an
industrial asset rather than as an economic loss to be
written off as " war cost." These are invariably located
at the most convenient points as regards raw material
of all kinds, and also as regards rail and water transport.
The plan now is to utihsc as many of these new plants as
the (lovernment ultimately decides it can dispense with
for the manufacture of products hitherto imported almost
exclusively from Germanv. l^ritish chemists and en-
gineers will have to bestir themselves to turn out aniline
dyes, gas engines and electrical machinery as cheaply as
the Germans did, but with the raw material supply
rather in their favour there is no reason they should not
prove equal to the task. At any rate, whatever is done
with the new war plants, England will resume her light
for the retention of her premier place in the world's
trade with greatly augmented factory facilities as well
as an improved organisation.
Increase of Manufactures
In spite of the five million men in her army and
navy, and the huge numbers employed in such non-
productive war effort as the censorship and the clerical
work of the , various Government departments, the
increase of England's manufactures— ^if munitions are
included — in the last twenty months is enormous. What
this increase amounts to, it is impossible — in the absence
of any figures covering the output of mimitions, ships,
etc. — to make even an approximate estimate. Judging
however, from the fact that the country's exports have
been fairly well maintained — as compared with i(»i3
as a normal year — and have even been increased from
month to month since the first sharp drop following the
outbreak of the war, it must be very great, possibly
so much as 50 or 75 per cent.
Part of this increase, it is true, is due to causes which
will cease to operate after the war — volunteer workers,
suspension of trade union rules for the restriction of out-
put, and sheer increase of nervous effort — but the much
greater part is due to improved organisation and heightened
efficiency. It seems reasonable to believe, therefore,
that any losses of men which England is likely to suffer
will be more than offset by the better application of
national effort ; through not only making four men
do the work five did before, but also through increasing
the quality as well as the quantity of their work — raising
the average of skill.
That England's loss of merchant ships from submarines
and other war causes will greatly handicap her commercial
efforts after peace is restored is not probable, The
seriousness of the ship shortage to-day is largely due to
the fact that something like forty per cent, of the total
merchant tonnage is in transport or other war service,
so that the sinking of one of the remaining carriers has
a significance considerably greater than the fractional
percentage it represents in the total tonnage would
indicate. But although it may well transpire that Eng-
land will suffer even more severely before the war is
over from shortage of ships than she is suffering to-day,
this would not mean that she would necessarily be greatly
embarrassed after the war. The release of the ships now
under charter to the Government will give her more
than enough bottoms to carry her goods in any likely
event, so that, until the lost ships are replaced, she will
merely have less tonnage than formerly with which to
go after the carrying trade of other countries. The loss
will, therefore, have a financial rather than a commercial
bearing. The burden of the high freights which will rule
for an indefinite period following the war will be, directlj
and indii-ectly, distributed pretty well over all the
industrial nations ; in the last analysis, indeed, ovet
all the world.
Germany, like England, will be stronger industrially
after the war than she was before, though her gain, both
relative and actual, will be far less pronounced. Eng-
land's increased industrial effectiveness will be principally
due, as has been stated, to improved organisation, and
in this particular it happens that Germany had gone just
about as far before the war as it was possible to go.
There will, however, as in England, doubtless be a con-
siderable increase in the average " quality " of the work
performed, due to the training of women and hitherto
unskilled men. There can be little doubt, also, thai
Germany's increase of manufacturing plants has not been
nearly so great as that of England. To begin with, the
former's munition supply facilities were undoubtedly
i6
LAND & WATER
May IT, 191 6
far more neaily adequate than the latter* j;, and when the
experience of the war proved the imperative necessity of
speedily increasing these, the f^reat number uf German
factories which had been closed down when that country's
export trade was cut off stood ready for conversion. It
was this circumstance, indeed, that made it possible for
(iermany to react to the unexpectedly gr^^t demand
for shells more quickly than did France and England,
both of which countries, far from having any idle factories,
were confronted with a greater export demand than ever,
(iermany, has, it is true — especially in turning out the
endless list of " substitutes " which have been required to
replace products cut off by the blockade of the Allies —
built many new factories, but there is no reason to believe
that the increase has been on an\' where near so consider-
able a scale as in England.
Germany's Losses
Germany's losses in man-power have been, and will
continue to the end to be, much heavier than those of
]i!ngland, since the former has been putting forth her
extreme efforts and lighting on over a thousand miles
of front from the outset. Yet it is still probable that
the war may end without Germany's total losses being
great enough to offset the better training of the it en and
vomen who have continued in, or been pressed into,
industrial work.
All in all, therefore, there seems every reason to believe
that both England and Germany will have gained rather
than lost industrial strength as a consequence of the war,
and that of the two England's position will have improved
considerably more than that of Germany. Both will be
better able to manufacture for export than ever before,
and both, as a consequence of their great need of money,
will be forced to go after overseas trade even more
aggressively than in the past. Just how much their huge
war debts are going to handicap them in their renew'ed
commercial activities it is difficult to forecast just yet.
Germany's carefully prepared financial scheme was
fcased on the expectation that her enemies would be
forced to pay her war bill through indemnities. This
hope appeared to persist in Government circles during
most of the first year of the war, and even down to the
time of the latest loan efforts were made to keep it alive
in the hearts of the German people. As a matter of fact
the sum total of the indemnities Germany is likely to
receive is represented by the " fines " that were levied
upon occupied French and Belgian cities in the first
months of the war. As long ago as the beginning of the
present year — three months before the great drive at
Verdun had been definitely halted — it was an open
secret in Washington that Germany would be quick to
welcome a peace that would involve not only her with-
drawal from Belgium and France without the receipt of
indemnities, but even the payment of an indemnity to
the former under the euphemistic title of a " reconstruc-
tion fund."
Since it is absolutely certain, then, that Germany will
not be able to pay her war debt with indemnities levied
upon Russia and France, and since it is likely that
this debt will be increased by a payment to Belgium,
and also to Serbia and France, it is hard to see how
she can escape paying the penalty of a huge financial
crash for erecting those precarious " houses of cards,"
her unbacked war loans. The dead weight of her idle
ships and stagnant export trade must also be felt in
(iermany long after both have begun to move once more
as the British Navy lowers its bars.
With anything less than the clean-cut victory that
would enable her to shift her debts upon her enemies'
slioulders — an almost negligible contingency — Germany's
after-the-war financial problem will be a staggering one,
and not the least difficult part of it will be to per-
suade her people to take back in paper what they gave
in gold. Indeed, there is much to support the view of
those who hold that the Kaiser's greatest trouble is
coming, not in the settlement with his enemies at the
peace conference, but in the settlement with his own
deluded people after the peace conference. The (icrman
people they say have, under the stimulus of war enthusi-
asm, freely dribbled out their gold for iron rings and
iron nails, but when they learn that their life savings
have gone in a lump to pay for a war which has most
signally, failed to accomplish what they had been assured
it .would, they are likely, to develop, to say the least, an
unsuspected intractability.
If we knew what course the German Government
would pursue in the way of paying off its war debt, we
should be in a better position to forecast what effect
the existence of this debt will have upon Germany as a
competitor for the world's trade. In the case of England,
which has financed the war by perfectly legitirnate
methods of remarkable astuteness, the influence of her
new debt would seem to be perfectly clear. A con-
tinuation for an indefinite length of time of some such
rate of taxation as the country has shown itself so well
able to bear during the war, combined with continued
and perhaps increased national and ])crsonal economy,
should ultimately see England through with a clean
slate and a clean conscience. The high taxes will, of
course, mean that the cost of living will remain high, and
this, in turn, will keep wages up, thereby increasing the
cost of production. Should ocean freights remain any-
where near their present level for a number of years, it
is possible that the cost of living in England might become
as high as in the United States, though that is an unUkely
contingency. Wages, however, are hardly likely to
increase quite proportionately to food, and it is probable
that the higher standard of living of the American work-
man will always keep his pay higher than on the other
side of the .Xtlantic.
Still paying lower wages than the United States,
England has but to bring her industrial organisation up
to that of the former to be able to turn out goods more
cheaply, and it will be found that a long step has been
taken in this direction during the war. The advantage
that England will still enjoy as the world's principal
carrier will rather more than offset the considerably in-
creased expense she will be under for raw materials
from abroad.
International Trade Alliances
While it would be idle to speculate before the peace
settlement concerning international trade alliances to be
entered into after the war, it is quite possible to observe
already the set of certain significant currents in some
of the individual nations. The British . Empire, for
instance, appears to be inclining strongly toward the
throwing up of a tariff wall, not only with the object of
protecting new industries which may have sprung up for
supplying goods hitherto bought from Germany, but
also— and principally — w'ith the object of curbing the
increase of German wealth and power. The decision
on thii score, it is urged, is one which cannot wait for
peace-time deliberation, for some kind of protection must
be devised against the seven thousand million marks
worth of German goods which have been accumulated
during the war for the purpose of " dumping " upon
foreign markets as soon as the seas are open for Get m in
ships. The figure may be an exaggeration, but there is no
doubt that Germany's imperative need of money, as well
as her desire to regain lost markets, will induce her to
endeavour to kill two birds with one stone by offering an
unprecedented quantity of her goods at very low prices.
Not only in F^ngland, but even more insistently from
Canada, Australia, South Africa and India, there is a
cry for adequate protective measures against German
" dumping " immediately after the war, as well as for
the initiation of some scheme calculated to restrict to
the minimum for an indefinite period German trading with
all parts- of the British Empire. There is no mistaking
the strength of this feeling. It is evident not only in
the growth of very powerful anti-German societies in
England and the Dominions and Dependencies, but also
in the utterances of some of the most conservative mem-
bers of their Governments.
It is just conceivable that Germany may be in strong
enough position at the Peace Conference to insert pro-
visions insuring her against the formation of a customs
union among the Allies, but nothing less than sending the
British Fleet to the bottom of the sea could prevent
England, once she so desired, from throwing up such
tariff walls as she pleased about her own Empire. That
such a wall against German goods — and it would operate
to restrict German influence generally as well — is not
only desirable but imrerafivc, I am thoroughly convinced.
May II, igiG
LAND & WATER
17
Some Mountain Passes
By William T. Palmer
OMEHOW our British mountain passes have
only an " off-day " attraction for the cHmber
kand mountaineer. Certainly, in his route from
Keswick, such a one is compelled to tramp
over Sty Head, or approaching from Langdale has to en-
dure the torments of steep and stony Rosset Ghyll as a
prelude to his pleasure. But in this motoring generation
one may easily find habituees of Wasdale who know
nothing of either the \\'rynose or the Stake passes, though
neither is far away. And the same circumstance may be
found both in Wales and in Scotland.
There seems to be a strong prejudice that mountain
passes must be all alike. For my own part I am just in
from two days in the Central Grampians where the
famous Glen Tilt and Larig Ghru passes were taken on
successive days, and certainly cannot agree there is any
common ground in the scenery there. A few months ago
I renevvecl acquaintance with the passes about Glencoe,
including the Devil's Staircase (a soldier's nickname
this for a very moderate ascent ! ) from Rannoch Moor
to Kinlochleven, and some time earlier was in the dark
depths of Glen Nevis. The Cumbrian passes are of course
old familiar places, both as regards the motor roads, the
bridge paths (which serve as modern tourist routes),
and the nearly invisible " dalesman's ways."
A. slight consideration shows that mountain passes
may be divided, for accessibility, into the classes already
mentioned. The motor roads represent the great trunk
lines (though they are exceptions). The drove road and
the many " passes of the calves " of the Highlands
indicate the routes by which drovers assembled their
live wares for the fairs which in the long ago were often
held at points not even represented on modern maps by
a place-name. Such roads, being disused, are in some
danger of being forgotten, and the casual tourist who
follows their green lines knows nothing of either the
history or associations around his feet.
Robber Routes
Then there are the robber routes so-called — selected
not always as secret places, but maybe because the way of
pursuit, by breaking some bridge or damaging a ford
could be hindered until the twenty-four hours allowed
by the law of " hot-trod " had expired, and the robbers
had the right of defending with violence their misgotten
property.
In choosing both drove and robber routes a due regard
had to be taken for forage for the beasts : even the wildest
Highlander who ever lifted a Lowland cow had no desire
to present at home a bag of skin and bones, a fine animal
emaciated by bad pasture and hard driving. How
often, in follow ing such routes, does one find an alp of
.sweet gra;>s starred in the weary miles of heath and bog.
Nor did the ancient cattle-drovers particularly favour an
ultra-narrow passage between cliff and burn. If, and
because, the Pass of Killiecrankie could not be avoided
then that route was taken, but the narrow path made
driving tedious and mishaps almost certain. The thief
with his tiny knot of ill-gotten cattle might lurk in crannies
of the rocks, drive his beasts up burns when other progress
was impossible, and cross the highest and narro\\est ridges,
but not so the honest man whose planning of mountain
roads was for the public good, and has mostly continued.
One finds it utterly impossible tO' assemble mountain
passes under specific banners. They are too individual.
There is nothing in Britain like the Larig Ghru which has
just given me a lively scrimmage against wet, snow and
fluffy drifts, and almost caused a night's bivouac on th(;
lower boundary of the forest of Rothiemurchus. Rising
nearly to 2,800 feet, it is for the most part of its height
rough and stony, but still it occupies a most emphatic
trough through the Central Grampians, no lesr than four
distinct peaks of over four thousand feet peeping down
into its recesses.
Compared with the passes of Cumbria, the Larig is
like an uncouth, loose-limbed hobbledehoy. Its great
length is cast over miles of moor, ;;tones and bog, with a
glorious unconcern a': to appearances. Sty Head, on the
other hand, is a jewel among mountain passes (it is not,
and should not be, perfectly symmetrical). It ladders
up the screes from Wasdale Head, twists neatly round
the corner of Great Gable, and skis down the cliff into
fertile Borrowdale. In half a dozen miles it has passed
through the whole scenic gamut, has attained its little
sensations, its wonderful quick changes, and is a thing
for the memory to cherish. But the long struggle of the.
Larig gives one hours of comparative tedium, inevitable
no doubt where Nature is shaped on the doubly-large
scale of the Grampians.
Motor Roads
One can scarcely accept a motor-road over the ridges
as a mountain pass without protest, though such as Kirk-
stone and Glencoe, Llanberis and Drumochter have fine
claims. Nor does the road winding into the Trossachs
or that between Ben Cruachan above and Loch Awe
beside really deserve the name of mountain pass unless we
also include the way through the gorge of Cheddar in
Somerset or some of the Derbyshire main roads. Some
of General Wade's roads achieve the height of respectable
passes, but that was unavoidable, and the beauties of the
Devil's Staircase or of Corriyarick (between Dalhinnie
and Fort Augustus) are of a poor order.
But after all there is no comparison between the
natural and the artificial in mountain passes. In the
former the approach is usually by some ridge or inclined
strata which favours an easy if lengthy ascent. General
Wade followed the example of all mihtary engineers by
marking the point at which it was necessary to cross the
ridge, and came up to it by ar.eries of mere or less steep
zig-zags — a horrible mutilation of the face of the moun-
tain. Even in the old Roman routes the same dis-
crepancy was visible, though in less degree, probably
owing to the fact that two-wheeled chariots and light
baggage carts were the only conveyances to be provided
for. The Maiden Way which passes the Pennine near the
top of Cross Fell on its way to Alston is a fair example
of the Roman mountain road. The approach from
Ambleside to High Street would, of course, have been
steeper, but unfortunately the line of this road, pre-
sumably near Blue Ghyll, cannot be definitely traced ia
these days.
Concerning the mountain passes which were never
intended for ordinary cattle traffic there is little to say.
Dalesmen, smugglers, sportsmen, climbers have been
concerned in making these short cuts from point to point.
The Larig Eilde from Glen Ittive to Glen Coe, Moses's
Gate between the two Gables in Cumberland, the various
miner's paths in Snowdonia are all examples of this type.
These passes often touch scenes of great beauty, but for
the most part their object remains strictly utilitarian.
There is a girdle round Snowdon from Llanberis over the
neck between Crib Goch, down into Cwm Dyli and over
to the pass between Lliwedd and the main mountain which
certainly introduces one to some glorious rock scenery.
Other routes are mere grinds up scree and boulder "and
slippery grass without the slightest offset in the way of
interest. No one, for instance, gets much pleasure out
of Sticks Pass (to the north of Helvellyn) or from the
miner's track which crosses the marshy moor from
Pcnygwryd past the Glyders for Ogwen and Bethesda.
The cove between the Glyders and Tryfaen absolutely
hides the beauty of those mountains, and another de-
pression on the Ogwen side prevents anything good beiu"
visible there. But the track saves the quarryman at"
least an hour compared with the circuit by main road to
Capel Curig and up the disappointing Nant Ffrancon.
There are mountain routes and paths among the
Pennines, but few that arc interesting as passes. The walk
from the Tees to the Eden by way of High Cup Nick, is
about the best that comes to mind, for the lonely valley
of Birkdale lies deep in the moor and the descent beyond
the pass, through the great whinstone outcrop, is .steep
and interesting. The other routes are mere lines rising
to and over great moorish hummock, and certainly wit-
ness little of Nature's grandeur.
i8
L A .N JJ t\: W A T K R
May II, 1916
Vivid Scenes and Striking Thoughts
THE war is chanf,'ing tlu' values of all tilings ^Toat
and small ; among the lesser ones is the significance
attaching in the public mind to certain professions
and vocations of life. Take for instance the title,
Professor. A Professor has been always popularly
supposed to have an air of antiqueness, to use a polite
word, clinging to him ; he has been regarded as a being
(some would even say a thing) entirely detached and remote
from the daily occurrences and ideas of life. Now we
fmd we owe to a Professor one of the most \'ivid repre-
sentations of the facts of war in Belgium and in France
and to another Professor what is certainly the most
acute description of the state of feeling which this war
has created at home. Thus once again does war destroy
the artificialities of peace, and serve to re-establish reality
in our minds.
It is now some little time since Messrs. Macmillan
published Leaves from a Field Xotc Book, by Professor
Morgan (5s. net). It still shares with Hoyd Cable's
Between the Lines the distinction of being the most %ivid
description of this war as it actually is across the
Channel. Professor Morgan has the power of making a
scene live with a very few words ; sometimes he is in-
clined to strain this power, which is the only ad\"erse
criticism one can make, the result being a certain loss of
spontaneity, .\part from that each picture stands out
tlirobbing with life, and alas, at times, with agony.
But there is ever a fine reticence in the more terrible
jmssages, which is as effective and as awe-inspiring as the
murders off the stage in a C^reek tragedy. " Bobs
Bahadur," the opening story, is a little bit of history that
will li\e ; it tells of the visit of Lord Roberts to a hospital
for Indian troops on board a ship in a French harbour
on his last visit to France. " Stokes's Act " is a fragment
of military history ; indeed it may be said that all these
stories deserve to endure because of the underlying
fact, as well for their high literary achievement. They
will doubtless in years to come form the basis of many
tales, and the story-writer will turn to them for local
colour when he writes about the Great ^Var. Professor
Morgan's book has the quality of a classic.
My Brother's Keeper.
■ The other Professor to whom we have referred, is
Professor Jacks. Messrs. \\'illiam3 and Norgate have
just published a collection of two and twenty essays
from his pen, entitled From the Human End, 2s. 6d. net.
These essays reflect in. a wonderful way the perple.vities,
worries and disturbances which have been caused in the
minds of so many of as by the war and by those changes
in our attitude towards life which unprecedented circum-
stances have compelled. Singularly exquisite is the
chapter on " the p^acefulness of being at war. " " I
believe," he writes, " that the war has brought to Eng-
land a peace of mind such as she has not possessed for
generations." Is not this a true belief, and realising it
is it not as it were balm for one's own sore heart or
wounded spirit ?
A finer study in irony has surely never been pennel
than the essay "Organisation in Tartarus," but there is
one pa.ssagc in the previous essay, " Am I my brother's
keeper," for which Professor Jacks will win the gratitude
of every thoughtful person in the country. As we all
know there is a considerable school of sentimentalists
who have constituted themselves into the keepers of their
brothers ; their ad\'ice has filled columns upon columns
in the newspapers, ever since August, 1914 ; it has
latterly slopped over on to the hoardings. We ask these
good people to inscribe on the tablets of the memory
this passage ; for it is an honest and true report of the
evil which is so often wrought in other men s lives by
well intentioned but impertinent interference :
Is there anything in this world wliich so rouses the indigna-
tion of a self-respecting man as the discovery that another
man is presuming " to do him good," not from love, not
from personal affection, but from a cold-blooded sense
of duty ? Put yourself in the position, not of the keeper,
but of the brother who is being kept on these terms.
Would you like it ? Would you accept it ? Would
vou not say. " The position is 'luitc intolerable — humihut-
ing disgusting ! Tiiis fellow dislikes inc, hates mc would
l)e glad if 1 were mit of existence, and yet forces himself
in the name of iiis iluty to look after my interests — to do
me good ! What does he know of my interests ? What
can he know, hating me as he does ? The prig ! The
monster ! Let him go to the devil ! " This is wiiat you
would answer. .\nd, looking at the matter from the
human end, I cannot see that you would be wrong. A
syco])hant, a toady, a sj^nge, knowing on wliich side his
bread was buttered, would answer dillerently.
Some Novels of the Day
Dolores Fane, the last descendant of a race of dissolute
gentlemen, forms tlie central figure in Oranges and Lemons,
by D. C. F. Harding (Cassell and Co., 6s.) The book is, in
fact, her life history, and it is also a very clever study in
feminine psychftlogy, though the reader will find it a little
difficult to understand Doroles' uncanny devotion to Amadis,
the .Argentine scoundrel who fouled all that he touched.
We begin by disliking Dolores, but gradually the fineness of
her wayward character is made manifest, and long before the
end of the book is reached we are in full sympathy with her.
The novel is one of unusual merit, and, if a first book, is of
the highest promise and no small measure of achievement.
Xo Craven Image, by Hilda P. Cuiniiigs (John Murray, 5s.
net) is a study in renunciation. Dick Evcrard, whu is intro-
duced to the reader at the close of his Cambridge career, is
made by liis convictions to renounce first his aspirations as a
writer, and then the woman he loves, and all the time he is so
self-analytic and introspective that we are not quite sure
whether the writer is consciously or unconsciously endea-
vouring to show what a small soul he jjosseiscs. He lives by
the beatitude, " Blessed are the meek," and turns the other
cheek with the greatest pleasure. To a large extent the man
is sacrificed to the plot — but it makes a very readable story.
It is always refreshing in a novel to meet with a character
who can command the reader's whole-hearted admiration, and
such a one is Felicity in Felicity Crofton, by Marguerite Bryant.
(Hcinemann Os. net.) Fehcity is no young girl, but a matron
with a gnjwn-up daughter, and her charm lies in her perpetual
youth and a quaUty that forms an ennobling influence on
those with whom she comes in contact. She understood
and carried into daily life the true spirit of self-sacrifice under
circumstances that tried her to the utmost. An excellent
foil to Felicity's strength is her friend .Stella Preston, through
whose weakness the greater part of Felicity's troubles arise.
Brownie, by Agnes Gordon Lennox. (John I,ane, 6s.), is
the story of a capricious httle woman of .\ngIo-Italian parent-
age, who married with no more than niere affection for her
husband, and came to regret it when the one man for her came
into her life. The story would have been mucii more effective
without the addition of a most impossible villain, Kudolf de
Moro to wit, who says " Ha, ha ! " in the approved style
of melodrama and utterly fails to convince. He is necessary,
however, for the working out of the rather machine-madj
plot, in which the really live figure is Brownie herself, a clever
study of an unusual and attractive type of woman.
Mr. Eric Leadbitter has a way of taking small lives ami
small happenings and miking them extremely interesting, a
talent he evinces to the full in The Road to Nowhere (George
.\llen and Unwin, 6s.) Joe Pcaping. the greengrocer's son,
determined to rise in life, and the fortunate accidents and
little meannesses by which he achieved his aim debase rather
than refine the man himself, in spite of his surface jwlish.
(3ne cannot ([uiti^ avoid the impression that the author has,
to a certain extent, sacrificed an excellent psychological stuily
— to wit, Joe— to the making of his story, for Joe's failure in
learning the deeper lessons of life is carried almost too far for
credence. In spite of this, the story never fails in " grip,"
but carries the reader along to the " Nowhere " of its end,
minus the proverbial dull page.
There is a good deal in The, Winds oj the World, by Talbot
Mundy (Cassell and Co., 6s.) to remind the reader of Kipling's
Kim. His fascinating, exasperating Jasmini, in spite of the
])ower with which he endows her, will appeal to those
who know the East, and the German intrigue, on which
the whole story is based, is real enough to interest even a
captious critic of the work. The story is a good ono
May II, 1916
LAND & WATER
CHAYA
19
^ l^mance of the South Seas
'By H. T>E VERB STAC POOLE
Synopsis : Macquart, an adventurer who has spent most
of his life at sea. finds himself in Sydney on his beam ends.
He has a ivonderfut story of gold hidden up a river in New
Guinea, and makes the acquaintance of Tillman, a sporting
man about toien, fond of yachting and racing, and of Houghton,
a well-educated Englishman out of a job. Through Tillman's
influence he is introduced to a wealthy woolbroker , Screed, who,
having heard Macquart's story, agrees to finance the enterprise.
Screed purchases a yawl, the " Barracuda." Just before they
leave Macquart encounters an old shipmate. Captain Hull,
who is fully acquainted with his villainies. Hull gets in touch
with Screed, who engages him and brings him aboard the yacht
fust as they are about to sail. They arrive at New Guinea and
anchor in a lagoon. They go by boat up a river where they
make the acquaintance of a drunken Dutchman, Wiart, ihho
is in charge of a rubber and camphor station. Here they
meet a beautiful Dyak girl, Chaya. According to Macquart's
story a man named Lant. xtiho had seized this treasure, sunk his
ship and murdered his crew with the exception of one man,
" Smith." Lant then settled here, buried the treasure, and married
a Dyak woman, chief of her tribe. Lant was murdered by
■' Smith," whom Captain Hull and the rest' make little doubt
was no other than Macquart. Chaya, with whom Houghton
has fallen in love, is Lant's half-caste daughter. Macquart
guides them to a spot on the river-bank where he declares the
cache to be. They dig but find nothing. Then he starts the
surmise that the Dyaks have moved the treasure to a sacred
grove in the jungle. Wiart is his authority He persuades
his shipmates to go in search of it. The journey leads them
through the Great Thorn Bush, which is a vast maze from which
escape is impossible without a clue. Macquart and Wiart
desert their companions. As night falls a woman's voice is
heard calling, and Chaya, ansitering their cries, discovers
them : through her help they at last escape from the maze, to find
that Macquart and Wiart hare returned to the Barracuda.
These two find the cache and unearth the gold. A huge kind of
man-ape enters the yawl at this junctnre, and kills both Jacky,
the native, and Wiart, leaving Macquart alone with the dead
bodies and the gold.
CHAPTER XXVII {continued)
The Gold Fiend
MACQUART stared at the sight before him. Then
he tfied to get the corpse of Wiart overboard.
It was a most terribly difficult business. Wiart
did not seem to want to go in the least, once
or twice when he slipped back on to the deck, just as Macquart
had almost got him over the rail, his face in the full glare of
the sun showed a grin as if he were deriding the efforts of
the other. The injury to the eye gave him the appearance of
having just fought with someone, his clothes were in disorder,
his collar half off, and his necktie all askew. From a distance
as Macquart recommenced the business of trying to get him
over, it looked as though a drunken man were being ejected
from the Barracuda. This time Macquart was successful,
and the body went over and floated off on the current that
flowed riverwards past the yawl.
It was an hour after noon now and Macquart, who had
not eaten since dawn, felt faint from his exertions and from
want of food. Leaving aside this feeling, he was afflicted
with a shght confusion of thought, or rather want of power in
co-ordinating his thoughts.
He went into the galley and found the remains of the
food left by Jacky that morning. In the locker on the right
hand side there was plenty more food. Biscuit tins and
cans of preserved meat and vegetables, condensed milk and
so forth.
Macquart ate, and as he ate his eyes roamed about
hither and thither. He read the Libby and Armour labels on
the meat cans, and the measure of his extraordinary position
might ha\e been taken from the feeling of incongruity and
strangeness with which these commonplace labels filled his
mind.
The place where he was seemed remote from the ordinary
world as Sirius.
He could hear a faint chuckle now and then as the lagoon
water lapped the planks, and occasionally a faint groan from
the rudder. There were all sorts of little facts about the
lagoon that spoke in all sorts of little ways only to be dis-
tinguished and interpreted by a person who had nothing to do
but listen.
Thus the drift of the current was unequal in rapidity,
sometimes a fairly strong swirl would lip the bow and swing
the ruddi r to starboard a few inches, or a log would come
along half-submerged and rub itself against the planking, or a
faint bubbling sound would tell of a spring blowing off its
superfluous water in the lagoon floor.
The Lagoon, seemingly so dead and inert, was, in reality,
always at work, fetching in driftwood from the river, expelling
it again, raising or lowering its level in some mysterious way
independent of the sea tide or river flow, stopping up old well
heads on its floor, opening new ones, getting rid of all the
detritus that a tropical forest hands to the water.
Macquart sat for a while after he had finished eating,
hstening to these vague and indeterminate voices, then though
the gold was always in his mind, the recollection of the two
baskets of treasure left on the bank came to him for the first
time.
He left the galley, landed, and seized the basket that
Jacky had laid down before going to his death. Then
struggling on board with it he stood undecided as to what
he should do.
It was impossible to store an3rthing in the cabin. He
could not go down to that place again. There remained the
hold and the fo'c'sle. He had never explor«d the httle hold,
but he knew the fo'c'sle ; he came to the fo'c'sle hatch, paused
a moment, and then, just as a person shoots coal into a cellar,
he emptied the contents of the bag down it. He had no time
to waste stowing this cargo whose horrible proportions in
relation to his puny efforts were ever looming before him. It
was like being in front of a great golden mountain that had
to be removed piece by piece and in pocketfuls. Added
to this fantastic labour would come — on its completion — the
problem of escape from the lagoon in the Barracuda single-
handed ; added to this the terrible problem of the disposal of
Jacky's remains.
No man outside of Nightmare-land was ever confronted
with such a position as that which faced Macquart urged on by
gold lust.
In the grasp and under the whip of the gold demon all
the powers of his mind were subservient to the main desire.
He turned now with the empty basket in his hand, re-
gained the shore and came back with the other full basket,
shot the contents down the fo'c'sle hatch, listened till the
jingle of the last rolling coin ceased, and then flushed,
breathing hard and full of new life and energy,
started off, with both baskets rolled up under his arm, for
the cache.
Here, with one of the mattocks, he cleared the earth
carefully away from the next treasure box, and then working
with his hands, began to extract it. Work as carefully as he
might, the rotten wood of the box sides broke to pieces and
the coins fell about loose ; he had no one to hold the basket
open and he spent ten minutes in fruitless attempts to devise
some method to keep the thing erect and yawning.
Failing in this he was condemned to hold it open with
his left hand and fill it as best he could with his right.
He succeeded finely in this way as long as the coins were
in mass, but when it came to the last few hundred scattered
loose, ah ! then the real trouble began. Every coin had to be
picked up. His task-master saw to that. To leave one single
golden coin ungathered was a physical impossibility, and it
was during the picking up of these that Haste kept crying to
^■— " speed," and imagination kept painting the awful
him
labours still before him. Every last coin of all that cache
had to be removed, for each of these terrible things had a
power as great as the mass. Each was a sovereign or a
Louis.
Each represented four dollars or five dollars, and five
dollars to Macquart, who had always known poverty, five
dollars dressed in gold in the form of a sovereign, constituted
a power against which there was no appeal.
He whimpered as he picked amongst the soil, whimpered
like a woman in distress.
The heat of -the day was great and the sun struck heavy
20
LAND & WATER
May II, igi6
on him, all the time the sweat was pouring from him, and a
thirst, tremendous as the thirst of fever, withered his soul.
Then, when the last coin was salved, he took the basket
carefully oy both handles, rose to his feet and lifted it.
He had intended to fill both baskets, but he had com-
pletely forgotten this intention, and indeed the present load
was as much as he could carry — almost more than he could
carry.
He had got halfway between the cache and the lagoon
bank when one of the handles of the basket broke, the basket
swung over and a torrent of coin fell with a noise like the rush
of rain amidst the leaves and grass.
A faint jingle told of coin striking coin, then nothing
could be heard but the crying of the parrots in the trees and
the wind stirring the branches.
Macquart carefully seized the basket by the edge on the
bide of the broken handle so that no more of the contents could
escape, then he placed the basket by a tree trunk, then he
proceeded to hunt for the lost treasure. He seemed quite
unmoved by this disaster, but in reahty he was stunned. It
is not the weight that makes the last straw figure as the last
straw, it is the psychological moment. This accident that
would have made Macquart swear earlier in the day now
made him dumb.
Then, with what seemed a terrible patience, he went
down on his knees and began to collect the coins. He stripped
away the long leaves as well as he could and the ground vines.
Here and there he could see the faint ghnt of a metal disc and
whenever he saw one he pounced. The light was not very
strong, on account of the foliage above, yet it was sufficient
for his purpose.
And now as he laboured on hands and knees, rooting
about like an animal, movements in the branches above
became apparent, and twenty little faces, some upside down,
could be seen watching the worker with an earnestness
ludicrous, yet somehow horrible.
A monkey is a grin when it is not a grimace, and nothing
can be imagined further removed from honest mirth than these
incarnations of laughter — nothing certainly than these little
faces amidst the leaves looking down at Macquart.
Then one of them plucked a big, squashy-looking fruit
from one of the branches and flung it.
It hit Macquart in the small of the back and he sprang
to his feet with a yell. The blow had been a sharp one, and
coming unexpectedly there, where he fancied himself alone,
the shock had badly upset his nerves.
He glanced wildly about him. Then he saw his tor-
mentors and shook his fist at them.
His outcry had startled them, but they recognised at
once that he was unarmed ; they knew that he was ^ngry
and that they were the cause of this anger, and they knevv
that he was impotent and the knowledge of all this filled them
with joy.
They pehed him now with Uttk nuts whilst, pretending
to ignore them, he went on his hands and knees again. As he
worked he placed the recovered coins in the side pocket of his
coat. TheH as he worked, something that was not a nut hit
liim on the brim of the hat which he had pushed back to save
liis neck — bounced over his- shoulder and struck a broad leaf
in front of him. It was a gold coin.
He had made a great mistake in placing the basket by
the tree trunk, for there was an air shoot hanging by the tree,
and sliding down the air shoot one of the monkey folk had
captured the basket and its contents, spilling most of them
on the way up.
But there was enough left for ammunition, and Macquart,
looking up, got a fistful of sovereigns in his face. He turned,
saw that the basket was gone and then, forgetting that he was a
man, with the howl of a wolf he began to climb the tree that was
nearest to him. As he climbed, he shouted and swore at the
creatures skipping above him, and the higher he climbed the
liigher they went.
Then suddenly the branch he was climbing by broke and
he fell, the next branch caught him, but only for a moment,
before it snapped under his weight, dehvering him to the branch
immediatdy below.
He clung to it swinging by his hands twenty feet above
the ground.
The monkeys above, enraptured at this fine game that
had been suddenly provided for them, pelted him, but he did
not heed.
He did not know how far the ground was beneath him ;
he felt that he was at an enormous height in the air and that
to fall would be sure death. He clung. He tried to work his
way along the branch towards the bole, it was impossible ;
to do so he would have been forced to hang by one hand at
a time and that was beyond his strength ; besides, the branch
had bowed beneath his weight. He knew that he could not
go on clinging for ever, that the fall must come certain and
soon, yet his mind found room for fantastic thoughts. It
seemed to him the forest was in a conspiracy with John
Lant against him. Trees, monkeys, leaves,' vines, hanas and
birds, all were " setting on " him to rob him of his Hfe ; he
saw himself swinging there, pelted bv monkeys, the picture
came to him as though it were the picture of another man.
Then cramp seized him and he fell.
The fall, so far from killing him. did not even break a
bone, but he was half stunned, and he sat for a while with
his hands to his head, whilst the world rocked and reeled
beneath him, and the monkeys, who had descended hmb by
limb, pelted him and jibed at him as if to show the boundless
and tireless malignity that life can tap through its creatures.
Then, after a while, Macquart rose up. He stood up a
moment as if undecided and then made off back towards the
cache. He went half running, half stumbHng, talking and
muttering to himself in a crazy sort of way, defeated, beaten,
yet still led by the gold that was destroying him. At the edge
of the cache he sat down and began digging with his hands.
He had brought the other basket up close beside fiim and
as he burst another gold box open he began tHling the basket,
but his half crazy mind was now so obsessed by the idea of
the basket breaking that he did not load it with more than
five handfuls of coin and earth, for there was no thought now
of sifting the coin from earth or earth from coin, only the
overwhelming and overmastering thought of speed.
Then, with a load that a child could have carried, he
started off at a trot for the lagoon edge, discharged his burden
into the fo'c'sle of the yawl and returned.
So it went on. and when the sun sank and the stars broke
out above he was still running, whimpering hke a child who is
late on an errand and fears a beating, heedless of the rushing
monkeys that flitted above him like a breeze in the fohage,
heedless of everytliing except the vast labour on wliich he was
engaged— for he was not carrying gold now in his basket,
but earth, under the belief that he had to empty the whole
world into the fo'c'sle of the Barracuda.
CHAPTER XXVIII
The Pursuer
SAJI, when he parted from Chaya after having seen
Macquart and his party vanish in the thorn maze, made
.back for the river at a trot.
It was a nine or ten hours' journey from the river to
the thorn for Europeans cumbered with luggage. The
return journey took Saji slightly over four hours. The
runner who brought the news from Marathon to Athens would
have had Httle chance in a long distance race against Saji.
Like a centipede, this man seemed to have a hundred pair
of legs at his service to be used a pair at a time, so that he
might run forever, or at least till all were worn out ; his lungs
were practically inexhaustible.
It was towards ten o'clock when he reached tlie Dyak
village, and there under the stars he met the old woman who
was waiting for news.
He told her everything.
" So." said she, " he has led them into the thora city;
that means he will come back, he and the other one. he will
lead him to the hiding-place or he will destroy him before they
get there. Now is your time to strike, but not till yoH have
marked down the hiding-place."
Saji nodded.
" Where is Chaya ? " asked the woman.
" She is following after," said Saji. " I came swiftly."
The old woman went to the hut where she Hved and re-
turned with something in her hand. It was a parang, a
Dyak knife in a leather sheath. She held it out to Saji, but
he showed her that he was already possessed of one, taking
it from his girdle and holding it beifore her in the starKght.
" Give it to me and take this," said she. " It belonged to
Lant, it will know what is to be done and lead you."
Saji took the parang and placed it in his girdle. Then with
another word or two to the old woman he started off through
the trees. By the river bank he took up his position amongst
the bushes at a point that gave him a good view of Wiart's
house and the landing stage, then he squatted down to wait
and watch.
He was watching chiefly by means of his ears, his eyes told
him little of what was going on around him beyond the span
of river bank where the house stood. His ears told him much.
He could hear the river, a sound made up of a thousand httle
sounds, from the weak voice of the water washing bank and
tree roots and landing stage, to the splash of fish jumping in
the distance. The smell of the river came with its voice, a
smell of damp and decay, mixed with the musky perfume of
river mud.
Then on the other hand he could hear the voices of the
forest, swept by the night wind. Hour after hour passed
without lessening in the slightest the deadly vigilance of the
watcher. He was thinking of Chaya. The success of this
May II, igi6
LAND & WATER
21
Chaya, a R»tMnct ol the South Seas]
ItHuttrated bv Joiepk Simpion, fi.B .1.
" In the grasp
of the gold demon all the powers of his mind were subservient
to the main desire."
hunt would bring him Chaya. When nc presented her with
the gift of gifts she would be his. The old woman had said
so. Chaya despised him as a monkey-slayer, she looked on
him as a boy. When he proved himself a man in her eyes all
would be different.
Then of a sudden thought fled from him and feeling for the
Punan stabbing spear at his side he bent forward and remained
rigid as a drawn bow. They were coming. He watched
them as they parted, Wiart going to the house for his gun
and Macquart going to the tent. Then they appeared again,
coming along down to the landing-stage, Macquart leading
the way, Jacky and Wiart following.
They were going to take to the boat and once they were
off it would be a simple business to follow them in the canoe.
Ho watched them arranging the boat, then he saw Macauart
going towards the canoe. The boat pushed off and the canoe
followed it.
Then Saji, with a wildly bounding heart, saw that he had
been tricked. These men whom he despised in his soul had
been cleverer than he. Never for a moment had he dreamed
that the canoe was in danger, never for a moment had he
fancied that their suspicions would have been raised against
him. And now he found himself checkmated, rendered im-
potent, tricked, and put out of the game.
He sprang up amongst the bushes, then he sank back again.
To follow was impossible, to show himself or call out misht
only lead to a shot from that rifle Wiart could use so well.
He watched the boat vanish round the river bend, then he
fell to thinking.
There was not another canoe on the river, all the fi^hin™
LAND & WATER
May II 1916
Dyaks were at sea. The river was no use, so he dismissed
it from liis mind ; the only road he could take was the river
bank and he did not know the road in the least.
He knew the forest, but he had never hunted along the river
bank, though his hunts had sometimes brought him out on
the river-side. However, want of knowledge of this strip of
the forest did not stay him in tlie least. The river would be
his guide, and picking up his spear he started.
He did not know in the least where the boat was making
for, he only knew that it had gone down stream and down
-.tream he made his way.
The road was easy at first, but presently it became bad.
■-quashy and overgrown with mangroves. The mangrove
root seems made by Nature as a trap for the foot, but Saji
seemed to have eyes in his feet and he did not trip. He
passed over this difficult ground as swiftly as though the easy
parts of the forest, passed the belt of nipah palms that
bordered it and struck in to the region of cutch and camphor
trees that lay beyond, always keeping in view the river on
his right.
Beyond the camphor trees came very easy ground. In the
old days when certain animals were more frequently met
with in this part of the forest, they would come down to drink
at the river just here, and this fact was to weave itself into the
te.xture of the story of Macquart in a most unexpected manner.
Saji had not made twenty yards across this easy ground
when the earth gave under his feet. He made a wild effort to
save himself, failed, fell into the darkness and lay half stunned
for a moment and half smothered by the rush of earth and
rubble that had followed him.
He had fallen into a pit trap dug in the old days. A bottle-
shaped cellar in the earth covered over with laths and clay
and growing plants. The laths made of split bamboo had
decayed long ago, but the fine roots of the plants held the
clay together ; it had consolidated and hardened, making a
cellar top capable of sustaining the weight of a small animal,
but not the weight of a man.
In the old days the bottom of the pit had been dressed
with sharp bamboo stakes, point upwards. Fortunately
for Saji time had rotted these to dust.
He lay for a moment, then he sat up. He knew at once
what had happened to him, and the knowledge restored his
faculties hke a stimulant. Looking up he could see above
the faint hght that indicated the ragged opening through
which he had fallen. Then he rose to his feet and began
exploring his prison with his hands held flat, palms against
the walls.
He was not long in discovering the exact shape of the trap
which was that of an inverted funnel. Having obtained
this fact, he explored the texture of the walls.
Rain had never come in here, the earth covering and more
especially the leaf covering of the roof, coupled with the fac t
that the roof formed part of the gentle shelve of the bank to
the river, had kept the place dry, and the walls were of hard
earth, but not so hard as to be proof against the point of his
spear.
He had been carrying it aslant over his shoulder when he
fell, and he had not released his hold on it. It was the first
filing he-touched when recovering his full consciousness.
Having explored the texture of the walls, he turned to the
question of the depth of the trap. By standing on tiptoe he
could just touch the foliage on the borders of the hole in the
roof with the spear-point.
Having obtained all these facts, he crouched down on the
floor of his prison to grapple with them.
It was a terrible problem. No less than the problem of
escape from the interior of an inverted funnel whose walls were
of hard earth.
For a long time he crouched wresthng with it. Whoever
nad devised this trap must, in carrying out his plan, have
expended no little time and energy. The earth must have
been drawn up in basket fuls, the del vers carefully broadening
the base at the risk of an infalling of the walls. But the
labours of the making of it were nothing to the labours of Saji
wrestling with the result.
Unable to hit upon any means in the least feasible, he
suddenly rose to his feet ; as he did so, something touched him
on his shoulder. It was the end of a ground liana that had
been brought down by the spear head when he had explored
the opening with it. The liana hung down hke a rope ; it was
half an inch thick. It was salvation.
Inverting the spear and pushing the point into the further
recess of the pit, lie managed to seize the butt with his teeth,
so as to bring it up with him. Even in the overwhelming
joy of finding an easy and rapid means of escape, he did not
forget for a moment the necessity of taking the weapon with
him.
It was impossible to cUmb with it in his hands, and even now,
holding the extreme end of the butt in his teeth, he had to
keep his head bent with his chin on his chest as he chmbed.
This made the process more laborious and more lengthy ; it
produced all sorts of extra vibrations in the rope of liana ; it
was his undoing. His uppermost hand had reached within
a foot of tlie opening, when the hana broke.
Instantaneousiy. he must have —so to speak — spat out
the spear butt, else it would have been driven through the
roof of his mouth. As it was, he found himself lying on the
floor of his prison with the spear across him.
He was shaken, but quite unhurt, and the fall, instead of
demoralising him, set him to wrestling again with the problem
he had so nearly solved. Saji had fine qualities amongst his
many defects, and the finest of them was patience under
defeat, and steadfastness. The sea and the forest had edu-
cated these natural qualities inherited from those ancestors
of his, who had tracked and trapped and fished since the
beginning of time, ambushed their enemies after weeks of
patient watching, and secured their heads just as Saji hoped
to secure the head of Macquart.
That was the gift which would bring him Chaya, and, much
as he valued life, that was the object for which he was striving
now.
Though he had no erinfity against Macquart, the head of
Macquart held him to its capture with a grasp stronger than
the kwe of life.
Saji had no enmity towards the animals he followed in the
forest or the fish he followed in the sea, yet in the pursuit
of fish or beast hfe was nothing compared to he object of
the chase. His busy mind, working now with the activity of
a squirrel in a cage, suddenly struck upon a new idea.
He began to attack the walls of his prison. Going down
on his knees and with his spear point, he began digging away
at the clay as though endeavouring to make the beginnings of
a tunnel. Nothing was further from his thoughts than a
tunnel. He was digging to bring down earth.
If he could bring down sufficient to make a pile high enough
to allow him to stand on it and grasp the vegetation at the
opening, he fancied that he could save himself. Had the
pit been flooded with the cold, practical light of day, I doubt
if he would have attempted the business.
He worked with the spear point, and then, like a digging
animal, with his hands. He worked constantly and methodi-
cally ; he worked through the remainder of the night, through
the dawn, and on into the day. Then he rested for some
hours, and recommenced working through the evening.
Before nightfall, he had brought enough clay out of the pit
side to make a mound three feet high in the centre. A tremen-
dous amount, considering the stiffness of the earth, and the
fact that the higher the mound was built the broader spread
its base. For every inch of altitude he had to broaden and
thicken the base of this infernal mound. As a matter of fact,
to escape by this way it would be necessary to fill the whole
pit with clay. To come up on a rising tide of clay. The thing
was impossible. His labour had given him employment which,
after hberty, is the best gift a prisoner can receive, but that
was all.
Now, with the darkness, he knew that he was lost, that
all the digging he could do would not save him, and knowing
that he sat down to die. Saji had a terrible philosophy of his
own. Whilst capable of endless elfort, he was a fatalist
pure and simple, when faced with the impossible or the in-
evitable.
He did not moan to himself or curse his lot. He had to die
— well, then, he had to die, and there was no more to be said
on the matter. He did not think, as he sat there, of all
the pleasant days and good times he would never see again,
simply because such things were not for him. Blue skies to
Saji were no more than blue skies to an indiarubber figure ;
sunshine was good because it warmed him, and for no other
reason. When it warmed him too much, it was bad. Free-
dom was good because it allowed him to move about and kill
things. Food was good because it filled his stomach and
satisfied his desire for food. He had neither sunshine, free-
dom, nor food here, but presently he would not need them.
His mind retired in to itself, folded up, almost ceased to
exercise its functions.
Long after dark, how long he could not possibly tell, Saji,
seated in the darkness of his terrible prison, suddenly came
to Hfe and sprang erect with a shout.
The sound of voices had come to him. Voices of human
beings passing close to the pit mouth.
(To be concluded.)
With each day that passes the coat — frock comes more
surely into its own. At present most of them to be seen about
are in serge or gaberdine, but it is likely that these will be
replaced by linen, tussore, or shantung, once summer is here.
There is a thick weave of Hnen that lends itself uncommonly
well to this tailored influence, and nothing could be cooler or
more comfortable during the dog days.
May 1 8, 191 6
Supplement to LAND & WATER
XI
The Supreme
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Xll
Supplement to LAND & WATER
May 1 8, 1916
The Call
to Arms!
He is leaving the coin
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Don't forget that there
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LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2819 [v^r^]
TTTTTT?9DAV MAY t8 Tnjfi tregistered ast pr ic e sixpence
1 xa u xs-OJ-^/^ 1 , iviAi xo, xyxu LanewspaperJ published weekly
By Louis UakiuaiiUnr*.
brawn exclusively/ jor "Land and Watei.'
The Wolf: "Is it not time to stop all further bloodshed?"
LAN D \ WATER
May 18, igi6
The King of the Belgians
Reproduced from the picture which is being exhibited by Mr. Harold Speed in the Royal Academy
May 18, 1916.
LAND & WATER
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, MAY 18, 1916
CONTENTS
PAGE
Germany's Cry for Peace. By Louis Raemaekers i
The King of the Belgians 2
Are We Winning the War ? (Leading Article) 3
Alternatives Before the Enemy. By Hilaire Belloc . 4
Reality of Sea Power. By Arthur Pollen 9
Sortes Shakespearian^. By Sir Sidney Lee 9
The Charge. By Patrick MacGill 12
How German Public Opinion is Formed. By Colonel
Feyler 13
Renascence or Decay. By Joseph Thorp 14
Where America Stands. By Lewis R. Freeman 15
The So-Called " Air Muddle." By F. W. Lanchester 17
Chaya. By H. do Verc Stacpoole 19
The West End 24
Choosing Kit xiii.
ARE WE WINNING THE WAR?
THESE words form the te.\t of a jeremiad contri-
buted by Dr. Dillon to the current number of
the Fortnightly Review ; and since this article
has attained a wider publicity through the
columns of the Daily Mail, his arguments deserve careful
examination.
In the first place he deprecates any attempt to belittle
the German achievements in front of Verdun on the
curious ground that the enemy's losses " cannot have
exceeded 100,000, as there were hardly more than 300,000
German troops in action." Can Dr. Dillon really be
ignorant of the standing fact that the number of divisions
actually idcntitied up to May ist was 31 and in addition is
it not obvious that an enemy does not launch an attack on
this scale without taking care to provide adequate
reserves ? Has the author of this remarkable military
estimate not heard that the enemy was compelled over
and over again to reconstruct these divisions. His losses
during the first month of the Verdun fighting were, on
the most conservative estimates, at least 100,000, and at
the end of April certainly exceeded a quarter of a million.
Even the ofiicial German lists, though a ludicrous under-
estimate of the truth, admit a monthly loss of over
150,000 in the first eighteen months of war, and are we
to believe that in the three months of the most sanguinary
fighting of all, their losses have miraculously reached
a minimum ? As for the success or failure of this costly
effort, the best way is to compare the flamboyant state-
ments of the German press in the early days of the attack
with the insignificant results achieved.
It is clear that we must look elsewhere for evidence
that we are not winning the war, and it is scarcely to be
found in the following statement that " the enemy is
attacking us and attacking violently. The Allies arc,
as usual, on the defensive, amply supplied, one piously
hopes; with men and munitions." It is difficult, we may
say in parenthesis, to forgive the scorn which is barely
concealed by the piety of D:. Dillon's hopes, but the
real answer to this contention is that attacks, even violent
attacks, are only justified by success, and proceed quite as
often from necessity as from strength.
Dr. Dillon apparently finds some consolation, though
very httle, when his eyes are turned towards the sea :
but here again he is full of gloomy foreboding : " We
must sing Britannia rules the waves in a lower key :
for a time has come, when every nation, however in-
significant in its navy, may, if it possess a sufficient
number of submarines, cripple or ruin the sea-borne
commerce of its enemy. And that is the task which the
Germans have set themselves to-day. . . . How
thoroughly and scientifically they have worked out the
problem we know." Unfortunately the above was
written before the German Chancellor's speech to the
Reichstag, reported in the Morning Post of May 12th,
which contains the significant admission, " A great
mistake has been committed in overstating the value of
the submarine campaign against England. Our naval
experts no longer believe in the probability of reducing
England to starvation and ruin by submarines, even if
the war lasts for another two years."
Perhaps the most extraordinary argument of all those
used by Dr. Dillon, is his estimate or rather obsession
concerning the number of German reserves. He ridicules
as a puerile fabrication the story that they have melted
down to 700,000, and in a bewildering sentence commits
himself to the following opinion : "I venture to affirm
that the Germans still have between 7 and 8 million men
to draw from. ... I go still further and assert that
they dispose of nearly two million of their best troops
whom they have kept back for the coup de grace." If
the words " dispose of " are meant to indicate that the
flower of the German army is kept in reserve, the con-
ception is so childish and so opposed to the very elements
of probability, not to say strategy, that we cannot impose
it on the German General Staff. Is it conceivable that
they would have called up. their 1916 and 1917 classes
while they had still a large reserve of trained and seasoned
troops to draw upon ? They have indeed " disposed of
two million of their finest troops," and twice that number,
but in a sense that is irrevocable. Our readers are
familiar with the detailed evidence of German losses
which has been presented in these columns ; we know
that their total mobilisable strength did not exceed nine
million, that the irreducible minimum of their permanent
losses was 3J million at the end of 1915 ; that the fighting
during the last three months has been of the most bloodv
and desperate character ; and consequently the suggestion
that their available forces still number from seven to eight
million is a patent absurdity.
What is the panacea for all our troubles ? What ig
the sure road to victory ? According to Dr. Dillon, all
that is needed is a change of Government. Of our
statesmen he says, " If we may judge by public acts, their
conception of the problem is how to worst the Teuton
abroad without deranging our present political and social
ordering at home, without running counter to party
traditions, without hurting the susceptibilities of neutrals,
without compelling universal national service, and without
securing the co-operation of labour."
We regard this indictment as false in every particular.
Within two years the military and naval forces of the
British Empire have reached the stupendous total of five
million men, which indicates that the Government has
not only faced but carried out the obligations imposed
upon it : the derangement of the political and social order
is witnessed by the willing sacrifice of every class in the
community : party distinctions, so far as the Press will
allow, have been swept aside: the blockade has been enforced
to a degree which has sometimes moved the resentment of
neutrals, to say nothing of the expostulation of the enemy ;
compulsory service has been adopted, and the Prime
Minister' through the exercise of his unique talents, has
avoided that discord between labour and capital which
would have proved disastrous to the country. The true
answer to the question, " Are we winning the War? "
is to be found in the sudden anxiety for peace which has
smitten the German conscience : that is not the herald of
victory. It is the dawning recognition that, in the
inevitable sequel, the might of Germany must be broken
LAND & WATER
May 1 8, 1916
ALTERNATIVES BEFORE THE ENEMY
By Hilaire Belloc
THE enemy has lost the battle of Verdun ; he
has — it should be presumed— the men left for
one more great offensive, if not upon the same
scale, at least in force. He must make such an
offensive because his rapidly approaching limit in resources
of men, his more distant limit of resources in supply,
condemn him to it.
Let us see what alternatives he has in the matter.
\\e begin with the present — and very advanced — stage
of his bloody defeat upon the Meuse.
It is a phenomenon which you will find in any other
form of conflict when the beaten party tries to go on
showing fight too long. One might generalise further
and say that it is a phenomenon you may see in any form
of energy expended beyond the moment of its highest
efficiency. You will see it in the wobbling of a top and
you will see it in the successively declining " spurts "
of the runner who has misjudged a long course and is
pumped out before the end of it.
Phases of the Verdum Action
In the particular case of this Verdun sector we have
now enough e.xperience to establish something like a
regular rhythm governing the business. When the
original " head " of shell which permitted a more or less
continuous bombardment was all shot away, the first
phase of the action — prepared for nearly two months —
ended : and there came a period which could be prolonged
for as many weeks, or months, as the enemy's supply of
men would last — or at least as long as the French chose
to stand on the defensive. During this second phase
each effort of the Germans had to be prepared by a pre-
ceding period of accumulation in material and of re-
organisation and recruitment in men. Very roughly
speaking the time that could be devoted to intensive
effort was to the time required to prepare that effort as
about 5 to I. An interval of ten days prepared and per-
mitted an intensive effort of 48 hours ; an interval of a
fortnight was followed by something like three days of
effort. Such a rough rule is, of course, modified in a
thousand ways, and by nothing more than the difference
in the numbers of effectives with which each effort was
made. But that seems to have been about the pro-
portion. The enemy's command had to build up men
and munitions during five days for each day of expense
in the same. He may, if he will, launch any number of
new attacks against the critical points of the present
deferisive line — Hills 295 and 304, Avocourt Wood,
Vau.x ravine and hill, Poivre hill, Haudromont farm.
He can at an absurd expense in men make slight advances
anywhere. But in proportion to the strength of each
such effort he is thus condemned to a ruinously high
price in time.
The date on which the battle of Verdun can be regarded
as definitely won was, my readers will probably remember,
April 9th; or, to be accurate, the close of the great attack
on that day.
It was then that General Petain issued his Order of the
Day congratulating the soldiers upon their efforts and
marking the close of the decisive period. That the battle
would be won and that everything was tending that way,
had been apparent very long before, but that is the day
on which one can fix as the terminal point.
Since then we have seen these successive lulls and intense
efforts beating a pulse. The last intensive bombardment
began upon May :5rd, followed by the futile infantry action
of May 5th. These lines are written upon fucsdnv,
^lay i6th. There has been nothing of any consequence
in the interval. Tiic enemy may be accumulating
further shell and bringing up fresh divisions, or recon-
stituting divisions already used and broken, but if he docs
so I think it will be found that the effort he makes will
pretty well correspond to the rhythmical proportion just
arrived at. He will use up in time about five days of
preparation to one of action and the price so paid in
time is now disastrous.
We may take advantage of such a lull in the operations
to consider the war as a whole and to estimate the enemy's
position for the near future. Very many of my corre-
spondents have asked me to make such an estimate
when an opportunity should be afforded by some pause
in the main operations, and they have lately added to this
request frequent suggestions that I should reply in detail
to the more ridiculous statements put about by those who
work in this country for the exaggeration of the enemy's
power.
The two foundations of any estimate are, of course,
an estimate of men and an estimate of the power of
munitionment and supply, including in the latter
material for industry and maintenance of population as
well as material directly used in war.
The general situation of both those elements at the
present moment is well known and need only be stated.
There are in this war, from the point of view of man-
power, two distinct groups. There is the group of what
may be called the " fully mobilised coOntries," and there
is the group, the members of which have, for various
reasons, not yet put forth a maximum effort in man-
power.
In the first group we put the French Republic, the
German Empire, the Austro- Hungarian Empire, the
Bulgarians and the Serbians. Every one of these nations,
irom the first day it entered the war, had the whole of its
available man-power organised, could calculate with
precision how long " normal methods of recruitment" would
last it at a given rate of wastage, and what "abnormal
methods of recruitment " would yield — particularly
the numbers of the " immature classes " (1916 and ic)i7)
which would ultimately be drawn upon should the war
be prolonged beyond the close of the year 1915.
Eliminating for the moment Bulgaria and Serbia, and
considering only the three major members of this group,
we know what the condition of exhaustion is, and we
know it by the very simple test of remarking the neces-
sities under which each fully mobilised power finds itself
of calling upon the last drafts of recruitment.
Approaching End of Reserves
The position is briefly this.
All three powers are approachinj? the end of their
reserves in men — that is. of the numbers over and above
those necessa!ry to keeping of their armies in the field.
All three powers have already fallen back u]ion the
" abnormal methods of recruitment," and particularly
upon the calling up of the youngest classes normally
regarded as " immature " and below the military age.
But though these three powers are all near the
limits of recruitment as compared with the other group of
powers which still have large reserves, they are by no
means neck and neck. Reduced as the margins are in
each, there is still a difference, giving an ampler margin
to one and a lesser margin to another, though the margin
is in all three cases narrow.
The Austro-Hungarian Power is the most exhausted
of the three. It owes this misfortune to a number of
causes.
The excellence and persistence of the Italian artillery
work upon the narrow but densely crowded Gorizia front
is one cause ; the terrible cliniatic conditions of the
Carpathian fighting last year is another ; the very bad
defeats suffered at the beginning of the war are a third ;
the disaffection and consequent desertion or mishandling
of Slav troops, especially in the earfier part of the cam-
j)aign, is a fourth. At an}' rate, whatever weight we
allow lo each of these causes, and to others which may
have contributed to the result, we know that Austro-
Hungary is at the present moment the most heavily hit
of all the belligerent powers in the matter of men. She
has put men up to 55 under contribution for military
work of sorts (though, of course, there can be no ci\iestion of
using these older classes in the field) . She has long ago used
her I(ji6 class and has now many weeks ago put portions
May i8, 1916
LAND & WATER
of her 1917 class into the field. She is the only Power
whirli has warned and, I believe, already examined,
her IQ18 class — that is the lads who will be 20 years of
age in the course of 1918, who and are consequently either
just imder or just over 18 years of age at the present
moment
The German Empire comes next in its exhaustion of
men. It has called up into the field pretty well the whole
of its igi6 class. It has called up and is training and has
already, I believe, put into the field portions of its 1917
class. There certainly exists secret information upon the
status of the iqi8 class in the derman Empire at this
moment, but I have not seen that information. I am
dependent only upon published telegrams which seem to
show that the 1918 class has been warned, and perhaps,
in the case of special services, examined, but at any rate,
the 1918 class in Germany is not so far advanced towards
service as is the corresponding class in the Austro-Hun-
garian Empire.
Lastly, we have the French Republic in the following
situation : —
The 1916 class was called up many months ago, and has
been in training ever since. The Germans even claim
that certain members of it have been discovered among
their prisoners before Verdun. I was specially told,
upon the other hand not many weeks ago, that none of
this class (save a few original volunteers) had as yet
been put under fire. But, no matter which of these
versions be true, it is of no great consequence. The
French have certainly not yet put into line many of
their 1916 class. The Germans have put into fine nearly
all of theirs. They have called up for training, now four
months ago, their 1917 class. So have the Germans.
Neither party has put'j this class into the field yet in
any appreciable numDcrs. The French have certainly
put none of it at all. If the Germans have begun to put
theirs in, it has been only on a very small scale so far.
German Tactics and Exhaustion
VVc must of course remember further in this contrast
that the French period of training is very much longer
than the German. It is more than twice as long.
If it be asked why the German Empire should be some-
what— though but slightly —more exhausted than the
French Republic, the answer would seem to be that
frequently given in these columns : that the German
Empire has been fighting upon two fronts, that it is ruled
by a tactical tradition of close formation (from which it
sometimes attempts to depart but to which it invariably
returns), and thit it has also since the Aisne been con-
demned to a perpetual offensive against entrenched
enemies. The two great offensive actions of the French,
that in the Artois a year ago and that in the Champagne
last September, you can set in the history of the campaign
against at least five such expensive German efforts —
of which Verdun is the last and greatest by far. It is
only in the natural order, and precisely what was to be
expected, that the German service should show a slightly
greater loss in proportion to its numbers than the French.
But we must be careful to remember that this difference is '
only slight.
Such is the general situation as to numbers upon the
continent, so far as these numbers regard the fully
mobilised great nations. We can represent the thing
clearly, but exceedingly roughly, by saying that where
Austro-Hungary has probably lost in 21 months 10 men
out of a given unit, Germany has lost, say, 9, and France
about 8, while the man-power of Austro-Hungary and
Germany is to that of France alone as almost exactly
3 to I.
It would be mere waste of space to refute once more the
ineptitudes and worse which have been spread upon the
situation in the press of this country, especially during the
last few months.
Many of my correspondents again point out to me the
wearisome iteration of the official German lists, which
as we all know, are about six weeks belated and about
19 per cent, below the truth in dead alone. It is really
not worth while going over that well-worn field again.
Germany does not work miracles. Her losses in the war
are proportionate to the effort she has made and are
naturally upon much the same scale as those of her Allies
and her opponents. The real losses of the enemy, as of
any other belligerent power, are at this time known to
within so small a margin of error that there is very little
room left for discussion. If any new jact can be produced
worthy of our consideration and slightly modifying the
conclusion universally reached upon this matter by every
competent observer in every bureau of every war office
and of every staff, it should receive due consideration.
But mere vague assertion without a shred of evidence
is not worth wasting powder and shot upon in any serious
examination of our problems.
So much then for the first group or category of " fully
mobilised powers."
The second group of powers includes Italy, Great Britain,
Russia and Turkey. It is the group of those Powers
which have not yet, for various reasons, a\'ailed themselves
of their fiill man power for the purpose of this campaign.
I mean, have not put it yet into action. Lest this phrase
should falsify my argument I will pause to consider the
different ways in which these Powers, which still have such
large reserves of men, are affected.
The Turkish Empire ought upon paper to produce very
much larger forces than those it has actually produced.
Some have therefore argued that these forces still stand
in reserve. They do not.
Possible Reserve3
The Turkish Empire is very loosely held together. It
contains a mass of population that can hardly be used for
war (for political reasons), and other masses that are very
bad material indeed for an army, and other masses again
which simply cannot be enrolled at all for geographical
reasons — cannot be got at. It has great difficulty in
providing itself with arms, and still greater difficulty in
providing itself with munitions. What maximum fi\lly
equipped force the Turkish Empire can keep in the field
we do not exactly know — byt we know that the forces
already mobilised cannot be appreciably increased. We
have received the maximum effort of this foe, and it is
already declining.
The causes that make Britain, Italy and Russia sever-
ally possessed of large hitherto unused reserves of men are
quite distinct in each case.
Great Britain has raised, so far as the mere enrolling of
men is concerned, the training of them, and their potential
use in the war, a very great number indeed. She has made
an effort everywhere comparable to, and in some cases
surpassing, the effort of the continental powers. At the
beginning of the war the generally accepted rule among
soldiers was that the mobilisation of one-tenth of one's
population represented a maximum effort. The strain
of the war has slightly raised that standard and, though
the extra men squeezed in have for the most part been
absorbed in auxiliary services, yet the 10 per cent, has risen
in the case of Germany and of France to something more
like 12 per cent., and some say to even a trifle over 12 per
cent. It has been exactly the same thing in this country,
with the difference that this country has produced virtu-
ally the whole of its enormous effort by voluntary and not
by conscript means — as amazing a political success as has
ever been achieved by a free nation in the history of the
world.
When one says, therefore, that Britain stands in the
category of the not-yet-fully-mobilised nations, what one
means is not that she has failed to reach her practical
maximum* of man-power in enrolment — for she has reached
that maximum, and perhaps even passed it. One means
that the forces actually put forward in the field and the
losses hitherto sustained are not in proportion to that
man-power. Roughly speaking, the man-power of these
islands stands to that of the German Empire as more than
5 to 7, but less than 5 to 8. But the total permanent
losses in the British forces from all causes whatsoever are
not 5ths or gths of the corresponding German losses. They
are more like a fourth or a fifth. And that is why Great
Britain possesses vast reserves of men either behind her
front, or lying in reservoirs, as it were, such as Egypt, or
in camps and depots or under training here at home.
The position of Italy, again, is different.
Italy is fighting very intensely (and with a cumulative
effect upon the enemy) upon a narrow front, or rather
• I mean by a " practical " niaximuni the highest number that can
be actually used as soldiers without impairing the nation and the
army's necessary supply: as distinguished from a "theoretic"
maximum, which may of course, be as high as j"ou liUe — up to the
actual limits of population-
LAND & WATER
May i8, 1916
upon two separate pieces of front, the most crowded one
ot which is narrow : the open country between the Black
Mountain and the Adriatic. Her role there is to hold the
dense Austrian line with artillery work wliich is as good
as any in Europe, and we have every evidence that the
Austrian losses at this point after a year of warfare is
out of proportion to the Austrian losses in any other
field of the war. The pressure here must be getting
severe, as exhaustion in recruitment is beginning to tell.
It may soon provoke a diversion.
But for such a task Italy does not need a mass of
mobilisable men, and there stands behind the army in
action a very large potential reserve of man-power.
With Russia, again, there is a separate and quite
different cause for the reser\'e of man-j>ower which she
can boast. So large are those reserves that even if Russia
had the same power of equipment and munitionment
which the industrial civilisations of the west and south
possess, she would never have put into the field at any
one time, even upon her vast front, all her human resources.
But she is handicapped by great difficulties in munition-
ment and equipment. The evil results of these difliculties
in the great retreat of last year we all know. But, on the
other side of the account, there is the presence of masses
of men pouring through the depots, trained and passed
on to the front as equipment is obtained and munition-
ment produced or purchased.
The next consideration after we have got a clear view
of the way in which numbers stand, is the consideration
of the length of front to be held.
There is no exhaustion, nor any approach to exhaustion
of reser\-e power in Italy, England or Russia. There is
the approadi of such exhaustion in the three fully mobi-
lised powers of France. Germany and Austro-Hungary.
But when we consider the ffonts to be held by the belli-
gerents in tliis war of po.sitions, this element gives the
problem a very different significance from what it would
have if we were considering forces in movement.
Our enemy has to keep troops — if we exclude the
Asiatic campaigns — upon fronts, difficult to estimate
exactly on account of the mountainous character of the
southern belts, but not less in all their sinuosities than
2,500 miles. The two chief fronts, however, upon which
the campaign depends and which must be held in full
strength, are the eastern and the western which, between
them, come to about 1,500 miles.
The German Empire alone {to take the case which we
can study most precisely) has almost exactly 1,000 miles
of front to hold, of which just over half is on the west and
just under a half on the east.
These fronts have been arrived at, not by the deliberate
policy of the German commanders but by the hazard of
war.
The German armies did not stand where they chose to
stand in the west. They stood where they could. They
were pinned, in spite of themselves, to a line only part
of which was at first organised. They have tried hard to
break out since the autumn of 1914 and they have failed.
Their considerable extension towards the east in
Poland is not clue to any policy of occupying such and
such districts, but to the fact that they "reached their
present lines after equilibrium was restored between their
immense superiority in equipped men and munitions and
the Russian inferiority therein. They stand where they
stood seven months ago, halted after a series of tremendous
efforts {all of which failed) to envelop the Russian armies
during the great retreat.
Though the very extended front which the German
irmies, to speak of these alorio, are holding, thus include
ilien territory- which they think can be used as an asset
.•or the obtaining of an inco.aclu?-.;ve peace, that is of no
purely mHitary advantage \ehatsoever. It is indifferent
so far as the military problem is concerned, whether the
line stands in Poland or Prussia. It is its length and
its facility of supply that cotmt. The great extension
of these fronts and their distance from supply, especially
in the case of the eastern line, -itand in the balance against,
and not in favour of, those 'who hold them.* What has
• We must not follow the anaVogy of past wars here. Distance with
\ good railway supply is not Ine same thing as distance wHth' supply
t>y horse and waggon. But the Gcrn lan eastern front dois suffer from
length and paucity of cor.rmuni< ations throughout the winter.
This, as definite collected evidence 'has shown, was a cause of heavy
losses from sickness. The enemy cca iccals this (of course) in his iiub-
Mied lists.
been deliberate in the policy of the German Government,
if not in the strategy of the German commanders, has
been the determination to stand on these extended lines
probably beyond the moment when it would be prudent
to shorten them, and certainly up to the very last moment
of such prudence.
If the Russian forces were in precisely the same situa-
tion of munitionment and equipment as the western
forces the situation, already clear to most observers of
this campaign, would be equally clear to the whole world,
instructed or uninstructed.
The Allies have an overwhelming superiority in re-
serves of men ; only one of them is in anything like the same
state of exhaustion as the enemy.
The enemy has come to hold fronts requiring all his
armies in the field, save a small margin stiJl remaining
for offensive power, but rapidly dwindhng. The end of
such a situation would be almost mathematically certain.
But Russia is not in the same situation for munition-
ment and equipment as the western powers, and it is this
distinction between the eastern and western fronts which
gives its particular character to the whole position.
Lastly, there is an estimate to be made of the position
in munitionment and supply.
We do not know, of course, the exact numbers of
shell produced in each belligerent country per day at
any moment. One hears roughly from time to time
what is being produced in the various countries of the
Allies, and one hears what the enemy claims to be pro-
ducing. One can estimate the probable truth of his
claims, and one can estimate by the nature of the activity
shown and by the rate at which the effort has developed
in the factories of the Allied countries, how far the esti-
mate one hears of their production agrees with the truth.
The general conclusion — without giving away even the
broadest statistics — is roughly that the Allies in the West
turn out munitions at a rather higher rate than the Central
Empires. The Central Empires are not producing half a
million shells a day, nor will they ever produce half a
million shells a day. But they may pass the 400,000.
The actual production of Russia is supplemented by
purchase from abroad and by the aid of her Allies.
You cannot industrialise a great country in a few months,
nor produce a system of railways in the same time where
it was lacking before.
Of the two parties one is far more severely handicapped
for general supply than the other. The Allies are far
less burdened by want than the Central Powers and
Turkey. Thej' suffer in the west from a restriction of
freight, in the east from the great distances from which
industrial products must be brought. But the Central
Powers are now really hampered, even for food — more
for leather, rubber, fats and oils. We cannot starve
them, unfortunately. But we increasingly strain them.
Now if you put all these points together, we can, I
think, see how things stand in this late spring or early
summer of 1916. We cannot prophecy, of course, or say
that the enemy will attack here or there. But we can
estimate his necessities and opportunities.
The Germans clearly believe themselves to be the
driving power of their combination. And they are
right. They possess a sufficiency of men in the younger
classes to release or to recruit the human material for
one more considerable effort. They will make that effort.
It would have been better perhaps for them if they had
chosen or been able to cut their losses in front of Verdun
in time. It is possible that they feared a counter-action
had they stopped earlier in front of Verdim. It is possible
that they continued to believe till long after the oppor-
tunity had passed that they would succeed in breaking
the French line. It is possible that they suffered some
admixture of purely domestic, political motive. It is
very probable that they were misinformed as to the
political temper of the French and believed that heavy
French losses before Verdun, even at an expense to them-
selves of something like 3 to i, were pohtically
worth inflicting.*
Whatever the reasons for the continuance of the action
• I omit all reference to the silly talk about " stopping the spring
offensive of the Allies." No such offensive was ever intended, nor did
the enemy's Higher Command ever expect it. Thev began emplacing
their heavy guns near Spincourt right in mid-winter. l)ecause they
thought they could provoke and win a " Hattle of Verdun. " They
did provoke it. but thev lost it utterly.
May i8, 1916
LAND & WA T E K
in front of Verdun — and it has been an otvious folly^
continued it has been with losses that will only leave the
enemy strong enough for another and less violent offen-
sive in the immediate future.
He must deliver such an offensive because he must
attack. His exhaustion condemns him to it, and the
perpetually increasing numbers of his foes. On the day
when he confesses that he can attack no longer he is done.
On the other hand it is the obvious policy of the Allied
command to constrain him to such an attack and to re-
duce him to that position to which the counter-offensive
at last undertaken against him shall be of certain effect,
and shall complete his ruin.
He must attack. Where will he attack ? The only
men who can answer that question even approximately
are the men at the British, the French and the Russian
headquarters. But we see at least that one of two obvious
opportunities lies before the enemy. He may attack
elsewhere. He may attack in Volhynia, or even waste
himself against Salonika. He might foolishly strike on
the Italian front where no decision is possible at all.
But his obvious main opportunities are not there. His
obvious opportunities are either against the British front
on the west and where it joins the French, or against the
northern Russian front in the east. The soil is drying.
He may have misjudged the political element on
the eastern side as much as he has misjudged it on
the west. We may say that there is no decision to
be arrived at by one last violent thrust in this field, and
the argument is sound. But he may believe that there
is a better chance here of some effect than there would
be against those Western Powers who have easily proved
his masters, who use their railways better than he does,
can n(%v produce more shell than he can, and have just
tamed him thoroughly after what was most certainly
his most desperate effort. He is of course carefully
watching the press of his opponents. He does not under-
estimate the advantage he has in the unrestricted liberty
of false and disheartening statement which our Allies
so curiously note in the London press. He fully appre-
ciates what kind of stuff may be printed here should some
portion of the British front be subjected to a prolonged
intensive bombardment, should he compel the retire-
ment of troops upon any one sector of it in any con-
siderable degree.
THE PROBLEM OF NATIONALITIES
As it Presents Itself to the Enemy
When the great war broke out in Europe, the power
which suddenly launched it — Prussia — was one which
had in every form of its activity, denied national rights.
The Universities, the Prussian military writers, the whole
intellectual energy of the country in its every mani-
festation had ridiculed and denied the old doctrine
of national right in Europe. Austria Hungary was by
its very constitution as a State a negation of those rights.
It was a compromise whereby various irreconcilable
national aims were united under one head and kept, as
it were, upon a sort of balance. The House of Hapsburg,
because its whole existence reposed upon separate
nationaUties kept from fighting under an artificial unity,
the House of Hohenzollern because it stood for the
negation of national right, appeared before Europe as
the protagonists of a theory which some would have
called revived from the older* time before the French
revolution, which others would have called particularly
modem, but which in any case ignored the ideal of
nationality and put in its place certain ideals of order
and material comfort.
It was no contradiction of this truth that the governing
cliques in either case were patriotic. Obviously the
Prussian landed classes patriotically desired the dominion
of Prussia, as obviously the Magyars in the Austro-
Hungarian combination desired the continued oppression
of Slav populations, Roumanian and Serbian, over whom
the Magyars ruled, and in so far those Magyar oppressors
were patriots.
But the combination of the Central Empires as a whole
stood for the negation of national rights and the affirma-
tion that this political religion was outworn.
On this account it was that the Allies, varying as were
their motives of antagonism against Prussia and her
dependents, could take as a sort of general common
ground the defence of the old European law. They could
affirm that nationality was a sacred thing. The Russian
commander issued his famous proclamation with regard
to Poland. The violation of the neutrality of Belgium
gave a rallying point in the same field of ideas to the
British. The French, who alone of modern European
nations had suffered annexation of territory in modern
times, obviously could take this doctrine for their battle
cry; and when later Italy came into the war the motive
force of their action was the anomaly of Italian popula-
tions living uhder Hapsburg rule.
The very trigger which started the war — the Serbian
question — was from top to bottom a national question,
and in the first months of the war not a word was heard
upon the enemy's side save of contempt for the national
ideal, while most of the enthusiasm ujion the Allied side
was in defence of that ideal.
i Complexity of Motive
As the great campaign developed, however, this simple
issue, if it was simple at the very beginning, rapidly
became obscured and distorted. At least five of the-
smaller neutral nations could complain that the blockade
of Germany and Austria, mild as that blockade was at
the beginning of the war, offended their traditional
rights. It was next apparent that sundry other neutral
nations, also small, were unwilling to subscribe to the
doctrines that the allied cause was the defence of national
right. After all every one of the Allied nations was
occupied in Africa and Asia or in Europe itself in governing
portions of territory against their will, and the confusion
of the issue was not to be marvelled at.
When the King of Bulgaria, for very base motives,
joined and became subject to Prussia, the issue was
further confused. The increasing rigour of the blockade
increased the irritation of certain smaller neutral nations.
Then came the hesitation of Greece with the inevitable
anomalies of the Allied occupation of a Greek port and
sundry other consequences following upon that occupa-
tion, lastly the ephemeral and local but startling rebellion
in Ireland.
It might truly be said that after twenty months of war
the Central Empires no longer stood in the general mind
for what they had represented during the space of several
generations. They were no longer mere deniers and
oppressors of national rights. Everyone seemed to be
in the same boat so far as these were concerned. It was
even possible for the German statesmen to play timidly
with the, to them, fantastic and foreign doctrine that the
people of one race, culture and territory had a moral
right to govern themselves and that invasion of this
right was a crime.
Meanwhile the occupation of Poland by the Austro-
German armies had given an opportunity to the enemy
to suggest in his cries for peace the autonomy of this
country which Prussia had been the first to massacre,
and at whose rights the Kings of Prussia more than any
other men had continuously jeered.
Enemy Stupidity
One might summarise the whole thing by saying that
the old European tradition of national rights stood out
clearly at the beginning of the war as a main issue between
the combatants, but that developments taking place in
the course of the war confused it, until it became, in the
month of May, 1916, entirely obscured.
Now I would suggest that the future of the war,
particularly as the Central Empires begin to feel the
material and obvious effects upon the map, and in their
pockets, and their resources, and their aumies, of that
defeat which they have already potentially suffered, will
revive this matter of nationality and will perhaps end
by leaving it as clear as it was in the beginning.
This accident we shall largely owe to the stupidity of
the enemy. Let us consider how he has .dealt with the
matter to his hand.
Belgium, he might claim, was but a very modern artifi-
cial state divided into a Flemish speaking and a Teutonic-
speaking population, and further divided on the question
of religion, and yet again divided by the great quarrel
between the proletariat and the capitalist. The enemy
has done nothing to take advantage of any of these pointy
8
LAND & WATER
May i8, 1916
in his favour. He has impartially destroyed the monu-
ments of the one portion of Belgium as of the other.
The violation, the tortures and the burnings have pro-
ceeded from a general desire to feel great at the expense
quite as much of those who speak Flemish as of the
Walloons. He has further, which is especially foolish of
him, shown an utter lack of thoroughness in this as in
his other experiments in terror.
When he has found that his actions adversely affected
neutral opinion, especially American opinion, he has
apologised for them and restricted the activity of his
agents, then foolishly allowed their activity to break
out again. The whole thing here has been on the same
model as the incredibly stupid bombardment of the
Cathedral of Rheims. There was no conceivable reason
for that outrage at its beginning save to show to the
French that Prussia was perfectly ruthless, and lliercfore
to be feared. To prove this Prussian gunners were
ordered to destroy the national monuments to which
the French were chiefly attached. They dropped shell
in conformity with their orders upon the Cathedral of
Rheims, which was at the moment being used as a
hospital, and was flying, 1 believe, a huge Red Cross flag.
When they had ruined the glass, and burned the roof and
destroyed a certain number of statues attached to the
building, they ceased their efforts, apparently in surprise at
the way in which they had been received by the civilised
world. ' But the enemy did not cease them altogether.
From time to time he would launch a shell in the direction
of the cathedral in order to do a little more damage. He
did himself the maximum of moral harm with the mini-
mum of effect. And he is still at it. The Cathedral of
Rheims is a target at a range of a httle over 6.000 yards
from the foremost of his guns. It is larger than West-
minster Abbey and is not concealed by tall surrounding
buildings of aiiy sort. He cannot plead error. It is sheer
fatuousness. It is the alternative emotion that men pass
through when they do not quite know on what platform
they stand — and so it has been in Belgium and in Eastern
France. There is no guarantee that the long period of
repose through which some districts have passed may
not at any moment be followed by another outburst of
violence.
In Poland there has been another history. Poland
was occupied in connection with the great advance against
the Russian armies. The military object of that advance
was clear ; it was the destruction of the Russian armies
by envelopment. It failed altogether. Its attempt was
only possible through the lack of munitionment from
which the Russians suffered, but on the other hand, the
Austro-Germans were correspondingly tied by their heavy
artillery, and on six successive occasions six successive
plans for the envelopment of a great portion of the Russian
forces failed. When the effort was exhausted Poland, as
a whole, was occupied by the enemy's armies and
evacuated by the Russian Armies. The race and the
people had suffered enormously. They had already
been divided between three Powers, the Prussians, the
Russians and the Austrians, of whom they hated the
Prussians by far the most. With the Russians they had
a long hereditary quarrel only somewhat softened in
modern times. Their situation under Austrian rule was
by far the best. One might have thought that Austro-
German armies appearing in the country with such an
historical foundation for their rule would have taken
immediate advantage of what was but an accidental
result of their failure to destroy the Russian forces. One
might have imagined that they would have consolidated
this moral opportunity by some sort of statecraft, how-
ever clumsy, as they did the material opportunity by the
establishment of their trenches. Nothing of the sort.
There has been a perpetual change of plan in their dealings
with the Polish and Jewish population, so far as the
Prussians were concerned ; and the Prussians were more
and more the masters. They seemed unable to decide
whether they would consolidate or wiiether they would
merely bully the miserable remains of the population.
Whatever be the situation of the Pohsh peasants now
subject to Austrian rule alone, it is certain by every
account we receive that the Polish and I.ithuanianpopula-
tion under Prussian rule has suffered from the unstable
policy of the Prussian commanders as no other district
in Europe has suffered. It continues to suffer even in the
simple matter of victualling. Prussia cannot make up
its mind whether it is better to leave memories of starva-
tion among these people or to see them fed.
What is happening in the Balkans exactly we do not
know. Accounts are confused. But so much is certain
that the wise playing of the Serbians against the Bul-
garians has not been attempted. There has been nothing
but the crude overrunning of the Serbian districts accom-
panied with every form of torture and barbarity. It has
been a sort of revenge taken against a thing which proved
at last much weaker than the power which was exasp erated
by its former resistance. There has been no trace of
statesmanship in the matter. Only of hatred. ,
Now the sum total of these blunders would seern to. be
this. So long as the Central Empires can maintain their
extended lines and can govern by merely military rule the
populations within those lines, the national questions
remain obscure. But the moment a shifting of the lines
begins, the moment the military grasp ceases to be suffi-
ciently iirm to maintain so vast an extent of territory,
there will be no moral result left in support of the Austro-
German cause.
Bohemia wished to be Slav, but never wished to be
attached to any Slav group.
Catholic Southern Slavs in Croatia had their difference
with the Orthodox Serbians of the same race. The Rou-
manian population subject to Magyar rule was largely
Uniate and garrisoned, geographically, as it were, by Ger-
man settlers and Magyar colonies.
Of all these opportunities no advantage has been
taken.
With the first shaking of the line now covering the
Austro-Hungarian monarchy every one of those national
riddles will again present itself for solution.
In the case of the Germans the matter is differently, but
much more intensely true. When the Russians reappear
in Lithuania and in Poland the age-long quarrel between
them and the Western Slav will exist no doubt, but it will
be accentuated in no way by a new feeling produced in the
course of the war in favour of the Germans. It will
almost certainly be the other way. And there is no con-
ceivable standing ground now— as there might so well
have been a few nronths ago— for divided opinion in
Belgium at the moment of a general retirement. That
retirement will produce nothing at all but a sensation of
relief.
In the mere mechanics of the war this factor of national
feeling will have very little effect. The nations arc too
highly mobilised, their manhood too completely employed
for civilian opinion to count in the field as it counted in
the old wars of professional armies. But it remains true
that the settlement of Europe after the war will be
adverse to the Central Powers in a fashion that it might
not have been if they had used the few months of their
unexpected territorial expansion (as much unexpected
by them as by us, and as little connected with their victory
as their defeat) wisely and upon a consistent plan.
They were unable to show such wisdom. They were
unable to follow a sustained plan because they entered
the campaign, and particularly Prussia entered the cam-
paign, with a dehberate scorn for the sanctity of a nation.
Immorality on that scale is stupid, and stupidity is the
main agent of defeat in war. H. Belloc
There is much food for reflection in Prisoner of War, by
Andre Warnod (Hcincmann, 3s. 6d. net.) The author took
part in the great battle of the Grand Couronn e, went up to
the nortliern frontier, and then, while tending woundctl,
fell into German hands. This brief record of his experiences
in the prison camp of Merseburg is terrible through its
simplicity ; it is a bald, soldier's tale of unforgettable in-
dignities, at the hand of a race that knows no refinement,
no kindness, no tact, and no respect for a captured f»c, but
is sunk in a vast conceit. Such a book ought to be in the
hands of every person who still thinks that Germans merit
the treatment that is accorded to ordinary people or that
they are animated bv the decent motives that govern civilised
life. Over sixty drawings amplify the text of the book, draw-
ings French in character, and as illuminative as they arc
original. Altogether, this is a book not to be missed.
At Prince's restaurant, Piccadilly, Mr. Archibald Joyce,
tlic celebrated composer has been engaged to play every
night with his wonderful orchestra.
Uay i8, 1916
LAND & WATER
THE REALITY OF SEA POWER
By Arthur Pollen
BY the time these pages are in the reader's hands,
a fortnight will have elapsed since the German
reply to America was written. A glance at the
diagram of the ships lost since April i6th, that
is to say, in the fifth, sixth and half of the seventh week
since the new campaign against British, Allied and neutral
shipping was begun, will show how immediate has been
the effect of the surrender. For^ in the latter half of
the seventh week, it will be seen that, possibly by design,
or it may be only by accident, only four sailing ships
were attacked, while in the eighth week only three ships,
all of them British, have gone under. These three are
the Cymric and the Eretria — one torpedoed in the Atlantic
the ■ other in the Bay of Biscay — and the Dolcoath,
apparently sunk in the southern portion of the North Sea,
but whether by mine or torpedo is not yet known. The
case of the Cymric was cited as if it qualified the sincerity
of the German submission to America. But this criticism
is not called for ; for it is obvious that no U boat so far
afield as those that sank this ship and the Eretria could
possibly have been warned. And the sinking of the
Cymric— iSiV from being a disquieting symptom — though
deplorable enough in itself — is both interesting and re-
assuring, because it proves that this particular U boat
must have been at large in the approaches to the Irish
coast and Channel for aconsiderable time without being|able
to seciu'e any other victim — a fact that is eloquent both
of the inefficiency of the present submarine captains, and
of the effective character of the counter-measures direc-
ted from Queenstown. If the Dolcoath was sunk by a
mine, it would seem as if, so far at any rate, Germany
was abiding for once by her written word.
Fear of America
There seems to be excellent reasons for supposing that
she will continue to observe it. The issue is not
Germany's sincerity, but her fear of American sincerity.
It appears from the very limited comment allowed
to appeal in the German press that the surrender
to America has created a profound arid most dis-
agreeable impression, and is acquiesced in for the
same reason that inspired it, viz.. sheer terror of
American intervention on the Allied side. The Chan-
cellor's explanation to the Reichstag took the odd
form of saying that the value of the submarine blockade
had been grossly exaggerated, and that in no case were
any really important military results to be expected from
it. This throws a curious light on the dismissal of von
Tirpitz and the subsequent revival of his policy in defer-
ence to the public outcry. It is more to the point that
the Government has been able to suppress a similar
• outcry now. Even the most flamboyant jingoes seem
to have been sobered by the continued failure at Verdun,
the increasing stringency in the matter of food supplies, the
new and formidable threat the Grand Duke is developing
against Turkey, more than all by the reaction of all these
things on popular sentiment in Germany, which plainly
shows that the country is in no mood for the indefinite
prolongation of an unsuccessful war. Thus the effort to
save the face of the higher command has only met with
very indifferent success. Harden openly scoffs at the
argument that Great Britain is inhuman in trying to
starve Germany into surrender, and all parties seem to
reahse the futility of reconciling the doctrine that the
blockade of England could never be decisive with the.
previous boasts that it would bring this country to its
knees. If it was so ill considered a course, why have such
sacrifices been made, why such risks run with America ?
If the Government "has failed to conceal from its
people that it has yielded out of weakness, it has been no
more successful in disguising the character of its sub-
mission to those tp whom the submission has been made.
As we saw last week, the effort to present this surrender
as a bargain failed dismally. For Germany's repute for
observance of her word is such that the mere suggestion
that it was a bargain left Mr. Wilson no alternative but to
state publicly that th?re could in no 'circumstances ba
any bargain in such a matter. By her own clumsiness
then, Germany has deepened, not mitigated her own
humiliation. But this was not the only, nor in some
ways perhaps the worst, result of her perverse and stupid
diplomacy. Something might have been expected from
the notorious disagreement between the State Depart-
ment and our Foreign Office as to certain details of our
blockade methods. Left to itself, the situation — or, at
least, one can imagine Germany so thinking — might
have developed in a way embarrassing for the Allies.
But so little do the Kaiser and the Chancellor understand
the American character, that in their effort to use the
situation to their home advantage, they have actually
made it impossible for America to do anything.
The effort to dictate a pohcy to Washington has, it
is said, led to the crushing retort that Great Britain and
the United States have a machinery defined by treaty
for
dealing
with such disagreements. And with
the retort there was a reminder that it was exactly this
machinery that Germany had politely declined. Not only
then is there no chance of the embargo being relieved by
any immediate or effective action by America, but Ger-
many is faced with the uncomfortable fact, that should
America think her rights impugned, she would proceed
to their vindication hy the legal but leisurely method
provided by our arbitration treaties.
The chief interest of the present situation then con-
sists in this. Germany has manifestly yielded to America
because it is obvious to her Government that the German
internal and military position would make a quarrel with
America a disaster of the first importance. The people
of Germany have acquiesced in this surrender because
they — no less than their Government — fully appreciate
the dangers of the situation. They realise the humiliation
of their Government to the full, because its surrender has
been robbed of all its pretences, and shown to be no bar-
gain. It is the first time since August, 1914, that Ger-
many has had to submit to a public reproof, acknowledge
herself wrong, and admit that her submission is due to
Sovtes Sbakespeadana^
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
A Redmond-Carson Pact :
A peace is of the nature of a conquest,
For then both parties nobly are subdued
A nd neither party loser.
2 Henry IV., IV., ii., 88-90.
Bluster and the Coalition :
For it comes to pass oft that a terrible
oath, with a swaggering accent sharply
twanged off, gives manhood more appro-
bation than ever proof itself zvould have
earned him.
Twelfih Niiht, III., iv., 199-2(M.
Disraeli's Posthumous Fame :
It so falls out
That what we have we prize not to the zvorth,
Whiles we enjoy it ; but, being lacMd and
lost,
Why, then we rack the value, then we find
The virtue that possession would not show us
Whiles it was ours.
Much Ado About Nothinj. IV., i., 219-24.
10
LAND & WATER
May i8, 1916
the simple and significant fact that she is no longer in a
position to assert the doctrine on which she has acted for
forty years. That German necessity justifies anything
that Germany may do. is a creed that has no universal
application to-day. She knows now that British Sea
Supremacy is a terrible reahty, that no make-belief boast
can disguise from her people. She knows that no
atrocities can relieve the people from the consecjuences
of its exercise. She also knows that the neutral world
wU not tolerate its atrocities.
It is the first step in the schoohng of the Teutonic
mind to the truth which it is the purpose of the
Allies to make real and convincing. And the truth is
simple. The public life of Europe is to be governed
henceforth, not by the German will but by the common
sense of what is right and just. What right and justice
interpreted into action mean. Germany will learn when
her armies have surrendered unconditionally.
North Sea Strategy
Meanwhile the directly military employment of perhaps
the most potent instrument in ensuring this final surrender,
to wit, the British fleet, has during the last week been made
the subject of discussion. Mr. Balfour has written a
strange letter to the Mayors of the East Coast towns,
which foreshadows important developments ; an inspired
German apology for the recent raid on Yarmouth and
Lowestoft has been published, and both have aroused
comment. Mr. Balfour's letter was inspired by a desire
to reassure the battered victims of the German bombard-
ment. He realised that the usual commonplace that these
visits had little military value no longer met the case,
and proceeded to threaten the Germans with new and more
effective methods of meeting them were these murderous
experiments repeated. The new measures were to take
two forms. The towns themselves would be locally
defended by monitors and submarines, and, without
disturbing naval preponderance elsewhere, new units
would be brought further south, so that the interception
of raiders would be made more easy. But for one con-
sideration the publication of such a statement as this
would be inexplicable. If the effective destruction of
German raiders really had been prepared, the last thing
the Admiralty would be expected to do would be to
acquaint the enemy with the disconcerting character of
its future reception. Count Reventlow indeed explains
the publication by the fact that no such preparations
have indeed been made. But the thing can be much
mt)re simply explained than that.
When Mr. Churchill, in the high tide of his optimism,
addressed the House of Commons at the beginning of
last year — he had the Falkland Islands and the Dogger
Bank battles, the obliteration of the German Ocean
cruising force, the extinction of the enemy merchant
marine, the security of English communications to his
sole credit — he explained the accumulated phenomena of
our sea triumph by the splendid perfection of his pre-
war preparedness. The submarine campaign, the failure
of the Dardanelles, the revelation of the defenceless state
of the north-eastern harbours, these things have somewhat
modified the picture that the e.\-First Lord drew.
And, not least of our disillusions, we have all come to
realise that in our neglect of the airship we have allowed
the enemy to develop, for his sole benefit, a method of
naval scouting that is entirely denied to us. That the
British Admiralty and the British fleet perfectly realise
this disadvantage is tlie meaning of Mr. Balfour's letter.
He would not have told the enemy of our new North Sea
arrangements had he not known that he could not be
kept in ignorance of them for longer than a week or two,
once they were made. The letter is in fact an admission
that our sea power has to a great extent lost what was at
one time its supreme prerogative, Ihe capacity of
strategical surprise.
Naval Development
But this does not materially alter the dynamics of the
Nortli Sea position, although it greatly affects tactics.
The (ierman official apologist will have it, however, that
another factor has altered these dynamics. Admiral
Jellicoe, he says, may be secure enough with his vast
fleet in his " great bay in the Orkneys," and, between
that and the Norwegian coast, hold a perfectly effective
blockade hne, but all British calculations of North Sea
strategy have been upset by the establishment of new
enemy naval bases at Zeebrugge, Ostend and Antwerp.
He speaks glibly as if the co-xjperation of the forces based
on the Bight with those in the stolen Belgian ports had
altered the position fundamentally. This, of course, is
the veriest rubbish. So far no captured Belgian port has
been made the base for anything more important than
submarines that can cross the North Sea under water,
and the few destroyers that have made a dash through
in the darkness. Such balderdash as this, and
that the German battle cruisers did not take to flight,
but simply returned to their bases without waiting
for the advent of "superior forces," imposes on nobody.
It remains of course, perfectly manifest that our con-
trol of the North Sea is as absolute as the character
of modern weapons and the present understanding of their
use makes possible. The principles behind our North
Sea strategy are simple. One hundred years ago, had
our main naval enemy been based on Cuxhaven and Kiel,
we should have held him there by as close a blockade as
the number of ships at our disposal, the weather con-
ditions and the seamanship of our captains made possible.
The development of the steam-driven ship modified the
theory of close blockade and, even without the torpedo,
would have made, with the speed now attainable, any con-
tinuation of the old practice impossible. The under-water
torpedo has simply emphasised and added to difliculties
that would have been insuperable. But they have un-
doubtedly extended the range at which the blockading force
must hold itself in readiness. To reproduce then in modern
conditions the effect brought about by close blockade
in our previous wars, it is necessary to have a naval base
at a suitable distance from the enemy's base. It must
be one that is proof against under-water or surface
torpedo vessel attack, and it must be so constituted that
the force that normally maintains itself there is capable
of prompt and rapid sortie, and of pouncing upon any
enemy fleet that attempts to break out of the harbour in
which it is intended to confine it..
Possible Fleet Bases
" The great bay in the Orkneys " may, for all I know
to the contrary, supply at the present moment the Grand
Fleet's main base for this purpose. But there are a
great many other ports, inlets and estuaries on the
East coast of Scotland and England, which are hardly
likely to be entirely neglected. Not all, nor many,
of these would be suitable for fleet units of the greatest
size and speed, but some undoubtedly are suitable,
and all those that are could be made to satisfy
the conditions of complete protection against secret
attack. Assuming the main battle fleet to be at an
extremely northerly point, any more southerly base
which is kept either by battle cruisers, light cruisers
or submarines, may be regarded as an advance base, if
for no other reason than that it is so many miles
nearer to the German base. The Orkneys are 200 miles
further from Lowestoft than Lowestoft is from Heligoland.
An Orkney concentration, while making the escape of the
Germans to the northward impossible, would leave them
comparatively free to harry the East coast of England.
If, approaching during the night, they could arrive off
that coast before the northern forces had news of their
leaving their harbours, they would have many hours
start in the race home. But this freedom had to be left
the enemy — because no risk could be taken in the main
theatre. It is assumed on the one side and ad-
mitted on the other, that Germany could gain nothing
and would risk everything by attempting to pass down
the Channel. The concentration, then, in the North of a
force adequate to deal with the whole German fleet
• — again I have to say in the light of the way in which the
use of modern weapons is understood — remains our
fundamental strategical principle,
Mr. Balfour's letter has been criticised both in the
Times and the Sunday Times, as if its proposals argued
an abandonment of these principles, and the Times
critic regrets the use of monitors for coast defence as the
" most disturbing " feature of the case, He sees in it a
relapse into the old heresy that was killed by the blue
water school. But it seems to me that he has not applied
the principles of this controversy correctly. The argument
May iH, 1916
LAND & WATER
II
SS
N
N
N
N
s $•■ _ _ _
A
N
N
N
N
N
N
sss^ r
f Mm/ ^
tl'-'tish steam ships blank. N means neutral, A allied, and S sailing ship. The arrows mark the dates of the America) Note
and the German reply
__ \p'^e£k\%'^Mek\Sv4m^^^^
2i 1 rrrr^m.
% -----
1. ..__-■ f- \ Vii
VI
I I 1
, 1 — -- -
i
1 X ! , . I
This diagram shows shows the rate of daily loss that prevailed before March 20th, namely one per day, and its growth and decline
in the eight succeeding weeks. The American Note was sent in the 6fth, and the German Reply in the seventh week •
against tlic coast defence fleet was not that such
a fleet could never in any circumstances be of ayiy use,
but that to devote national treasure to developing a fleet
of this character ivhcn a sea ^oing fleet was wanted, was an
unwarlike misapplication of funds. But these are not
the alternatives between which the present Board of
Admiralty has to choose. Their predecessors, earlier in
the war, delayed the building of battleships and cruisers
to build monitors— doubtless because they thought that
such ships were capable of employment to decisive
military effect. Why the pre-Dreadnoughts could not
be used for coast bombardment instead of monitors need
not be argued here, nor whether it was good policy to
delay sea going capital ships to complete an inshore
squadron. The fact with which the present Board of
Admiralty has to deal is that the monitors are there.
If then certain of them are sent to the North-East coast,
it can only be because there are more monitors available
than can be employed in such bombardments as can
now usefully be carried on. If this interpretation
of the Admiralty's action is correct, there is no diversion
of the monitors from the " aggressive purpose of their
designer " to a passive and defensive purpose. Monitors
obviously cannot pursue and catch German battle
cruisers, but they carry 'formidable guns of long range
and great destructive power. It may be difiicult for them
to hit a 26 knot target maiiceuvring at very long range,
but it will not be less ditticult for the distant and
manoeuvring ships to hit them. Their presence might
tlien inflict serious damage on an invading German.
But to use them so does not mean either that the present
Board considers a coast defence fleet should be built to
the neglect of more universally efficient forms of naval
force, or that monitors are the best means of engaging
the raiding cruisers.
If the Times critic is right about the redistribution
his attack on this part of Mr. Balfour's policy is
vastly more damaging. For according to this writer
the policy of defensive offence, Great' Britain's traditional
sea strategy, has now been reversed. The East Coast
towns may e.xpect comparative immunity, but only
because the strategic use of our forces has "been altered.
It IS a modification imposed upon the Admiralty by
the action of the enemy. Its weakness lies in the
• substitution of squadrons in fixed positions for periodical
sweeps in force through the length and breadth of the
I^orth Sea." Were this indeed the meaning of Mr.
Kaltour s letter and the intention of his policy, nothing
more deplorable could be imagined. But what ground
IS there for thinking that this is Mr. Balfour's meaning ?
He says nothing of the kind. He makes it quite clear that
%"f^5"^"S'^'"^'"t is made possible by additional units
ot the first importance now being ready to use. The old
provision of adequate naval preponderance at the right
point has not been disturbed. It is merely proposed to
establish new and advanced bases from which the new
available squadrons can strike. It stands to reason that
the nearer this base is to the shortest line between Heligo-
land and the East coast, the greater the chance of
the force within it being able to fall upon Germany's
cruising or raiding units if they venture within the radius
of its action. To establish a new or more southerly
base then is a development of and not a departure from
our previous strategy. If there is nothing to show that
the old distribution is changed, certainly there is no
suggestion that the squadron destined for the new base
will be " fi.xed " there. If squadrons now based on the
north are there only to pounce upon the emerging German
ships, why should squadrons based further south not be
employed for a similar purpose ? Arthur Pollen
THE VETERANS' CLUB
We would draw special attention to the Duke of Bedford's
appeal on the subject of an Imperial Memorial to the heroes
of the Great War, which, as planned, is to be constructed
from the nucleus already existing in the Veterans' Club.
The original club was opened five years ago to fill the wants
of the ex-service man, where he could meet old comrades, get
a bed, write his letters, and obtain help or advice, especially
with regard to employment. There were no less than 7,000
members of it before the war, most of whom have
rejoined the colours, but in view of the immense expansion of
the Navy and Army and the vast numbers of Veterans who
will leave the Services at the expiration of the war it is neces-
sary that the whole scope of this splendid Club should be
enlarged if it is to be of adequate use. The present club
building is quite inadequate for a large membership, and it is
also considered that branches should be estabHshed here
and in the Dominions, and centres constituted to which men
could turn for help or advice on emigrating from this
country to any one of the Dominions.
The Veterans' Club Association has been formed to trans-
late such a plan as this into action, and patriotic individuals
are invited to join the Association and subscribe to it accord-
ing to their means. It is desired to purchase and transfer
the Club to an adequate building in London, now in the
market, and permanently to endow it as a great Imperial
Memorial ; to endow a splendid country house (which has
been offered to the Committee) as a convalescent home for
the use of members, and to carry on the other activities of
the existing club in Hand Court, Holborn.
For these purposes it is estimated that a sum of /250 000
will be nt-eded. Donations and subscriptions should' be
sent to the Duke of Bedford or the Lord Mayor of London c/o
Messrs.Cox and Co., 16, Charing Cross, or to Messrs.Drummond
49, Charing Cross. It is much to be desired that the response
to this appeal will be both prompt and generous.
12
LAND & WATER
The Charge
By Patrick MacGill
May 1 8, 191 9
Seven supple lads and clean
Sat down to drink one night,
Sat down to drink at \oiiox-les-Mincs
Then went away to tight.
Seven supple lads and clean
Are finished witli the fight.
But only tliree at Nouex-les-Mincs
Sit down to drink to-night.
RIFLEMAN FELAX, my mate, went up the ladder
of the Assembly trench with a lighted cigarette
in his mouth. Out on the open his first feeling
was one of disappointment ; the charge was as
dull as a church parade to start with. Felan, although
orders were given to the contrary, e.xpccted a wild,
whooping forward rush, hut the men stepped out soberly
with the pious decision of ancient ladies going to church.
In front the bilious yellow gas receded like a curtain,
but the air stunk with it still, and many of those who
followed pulled down their respirators over their mouths.
A little \allcy formed by the caprice of the breeze
opened in the gas and its far end disclosed the enemy's
wire entanglements. Felan walked through the valley
for a distance of twelve yards, then he glanced to his
right and fotmd that there was nobody in sight there.
Dudley Prior had dir.appeared in the gas.
" Here, Bill, we've lost connection ! " he cried, turn-
ing to his left. But his words were wasted on air ; he
was alone in his little glen, and invisible birds flicked angry
wings close to his ears. His first inclination was to turn
back, not through fear, but with a desire to make en-
quiries.
" I can't take a trench by myself," he muttered.
" Shall I go back ? If I do, some may call me a coward.
Oh, damn it ! I'll go forward."
He felt afraid now, but his fear was not that which
makes a man run away ; he was attracted towards that
which engendered the fear as an urchin attracted to-
wards a wasps' nest longs to poke the hive and annoy its
occupants.
" Suppose I get killed now and see nothing," he said
to himself.
" Where are Bill and Pryor and the others ? "
He reached the enemy's wire, tripped and fell headlong.
He got to his feet again and took stock of the space in
front. There was the German trench, sure enough, with
its rows of dirty sandbags, a machine gun emplacement
and a maxim peeping furtively through a loop hole.
A big, bearded German was adjusting the range of the
weapon. He looked at Felan, Felan looked at him and
tightened his grip on his rifle.
" You — ! " said Felan, and just made one step for-
ward when something " hit him all over," as he said
afterwards. He dropped out of the world of conscious
things.
A stretcher-bearer found Felan some twenty minutes
later and placed him in a shell-hole, after removing his
equipment which he placed on the rim of the crater.
l-'elan returned to a conscious life that was tense with
agony. Pain gripped at the innermost parts of his
being.
" I cannot stand this," he yeUed. " God Almighty,
it's hell ! " He felt as if somebody was shoving a red-
hot bar of iron through his chest. Unable to move, he
lay still, feeUng the bar getting shoved further and further
in. For a moment he had a glimpse of his rifle lying on
the ground near him and he tried to reach it. But the
unsuccessful effort cost him much and he became un-
conscious again.
A shell bursting near at hand shook him into reality
and splinters whizzed by his head. He raised himself
upwards, hoping to get killed outright. He was un-
successful. Again his eyes rested on the rifle.
" If God would give me the strength to get it into mv
hand, " he muttered. " Lying here like a rat in a trap
and I've seen nothing. Not a run for my money. . . .
I suppose all the boys are dead. Lucky fellows if they
die easy. . . . I've seen nothing only one German
and he done for me. I wish the bullt't had gone through
my head. "
He looked at his equipment, at the bayonet scabbard
lying limpU' under the haversack. The water bottle
hung over the rim of the shell hole. :
" i-'uU of rum, thtj bottle is, and I'm so dry. I wi^h I
could get hold of it. I was a damned fool ever to join
the Army. . . . My God ! I wish I was dead," said
F>lan.
The minutes passed by like long grey thread unwinding
itself slowly from some invisible ball, and the pain bit
deeper into the boy. Vivid remembrances of long-past
events flashed across his mind and fled away like tele-
graph poles seen by passengers in an express train.
Then he lost consciousness again.
About eleven o'clock in the morning I found a stretcher-
bearer whose mate had been wounded and he helped
me to carry a wounded man into an original front trench.
On our way across I heard somebody calling, " Pat !
Pat ! " J looked round and saw a man crawling in on
hands and knees, his head almost touching the ground.
He called to me but did not look in my direction. But I
recognised the voice ; the Corporal of my section was
calling. I went across to him.
" Wounded ? " I asked.
" Yes, Pat," he answered, and turning over, sat down.
His face was very white.
" You should not have crawled in," I muttered. " It's
only wearing you out, and it's not very healthy here."
" Oh, I want to get away from this hell," he said.
" It's very foolish," I replied. " Let me see your
wound." I dressed the wound and gave the Corporal
two morphia tablets and put two blue crosses on his face.
This would tell those who might come his way later, that
morphia had been given.
" Lie down," I said. " When the man whom we
are carrying is safely in we'll come back for you."
I left him. In the trench were many wounded lying
on the floor and on the fire steps. A soldier was lying
face downwards groaning. A muddy ground sheet was
placed over his shoulders. I raised the sheet and .saw
that his wound was not dressed.
" Painful, matey ? " I asked.
" Oh, it's old Pat," muttered the man.
" Who are you ? " I asked, for I did not recognise
the voice.
" You don't know me ? " said the man, surprise in his
tones. He turned a queer, puckered face half round,
but I did not recognise him even then ; pain had so
distorted his countenance.
" No," I replied. " Who are you ? "
" Felan," he replied.
".•My (iod ! " I cried, then hurriedly, " I'll dress your
wound. You'll get carried in to the dressing station
directly."
" It's about time," said Felan wearily. " I have been
out a couple of days. ... Is there no R.A.M.C. ? "
I dressed Felan's wound, returned and looked for the
Corporal, but I could not tind him. Someone must have
carried him in, I thought.
Kore had got to the German barbed wire entanglement
when he breathed in a mouthful of gas which almost
choked him at first and afterwards instilled him with a
certain placid confidence in everything. He came to a
lesiurely halt and looked around him. In front of him
a platoon of the 2otli London Regiment, losing its objec-
tive, crossed parallel to the enemy's trench. How funny
that men should go astray, Kore thought. Then he
saw a youth who was with him at school and he shouted
to him. The youth stopped ; Kore came up and the
boys shook hands, leant on their rifles and began to talk
of old times while a machine gun played about their
ears. Both got hit.
M'Crone disappeared ; he was never seen by any of our
regiment after the 25th.
The four men were reported as killed in the casualty
list.
May i8, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
How Germap Public Opinion is Formed
By Colonel Feyler
SPEAKING in the Reichstag recently, the German
Minister of War declared that the German official
communiques were invariably true, contrary to
those of Germany's enemies. This declaration,
coming on the heels of the fal^e account of the capture
of Fort Vaux, near Verdun, and ecjually false news of
the storming of the Mort Homme, may have caused some _
surprise. To those, however, who since the commence-
ment of the war have made a special study of the methods
of the German Press Bureau, it caused no surprise whatever.
I would like to quote an example of similar manipulation,
dealing with operations in Flanders during Spring, i()i5,
which will be of special interest to the British reader.
The Hill known as Hill 60 is situated south-cast of
Ypres and south-west of Zillebeke. As can be seen from
the number " 60," which denotes metres above sea level,
this hill is a mere mound of no great altitude, but it
suflices to dominate the surrounding plain. The British
took possession of this position from the 17th to the iqth
of April and on the 20th April published the following
official statement :
The operations started on the 17th April finished yesterday
in the complete occupation of an important position
known as Hill 60, situated about two miles south of
Zillebeke, east of Ypres ; this eminence dominates the
country to the north and north-east. Operations com-
menced by the explosion underneath the Hill of a mine
which killed a number of Germans and resulted in the
capture of 15 prisoners, including one officer.
Oil the i8th April at dawn the Germans counter-attacked
vigorously in order to re-take Hill bo but were repulsed
with heavy loss. The enemy then advanced in serried
ranks, exposed to the fire of an EngHsh machine gun
battery . . . they were everywhere repulsed with
heavy losses.
German Headquarters kept their public informed as
regards these operations in the following manner :
iSth April : After exploding several mines tlie British
penetrated yesterday evening into one of our positions
situated south-east of Ypres on an elevation immediately
north of the Canal, but they were immediately turned
out again by a counter-attack. Fighting has ceased,
except for the possession of three of the craters.
19th April : South-east of Ypres the British were ejected
from the small portions of our position which they still
held. Yesterday evening they made an attempt to re-
gain possession of the Hill by means of a violent attack
along the railway from Ypres to Comincs. This attack
failed with heavy loss.
The contradiction between the two versions is thus
absolute. In England the public is under the impression
that Hill 60 is occupied by British soldiers ; in Germany
everyone believes the contrary. The question will
without doubt, however, be solved by the Com-
muniques of the days immediately following ; it
can be taken for granted that the Germans, if indeed they
have lost the hill, will not have given up hope of re-
capturing a position of so much importance. This is
proved indeed by their silence after their despatch of
the 19th April, as they are no doubt waiting for a success-
ful operation to wipe off the failure exposed in the British
Communiques of the 20th.
Experience during the present war goes to show that
the Germans will certainly return to the attack, whether
or not they see fit to publish their intentions. The opera-
tion of attacking and defending a fortified position has
almost invariably shown the following three phases.
Firstly, a reconnaissance of the position to be captured
and the crushing of advanced lines covering the position.
Secondly, the decisive attack which, if successful,
does not fail to provoke an immediate counter-stroke
by the dispossessed party who by means of a swift
counter-attack with his nearest available reinforcements
hopes to take advantage of the victor's exhaustion and
to re-take the position before the latter has had time to
consolidate it. Should this counter-attack be successful,
the original attacker has to re-commence his operations.
If the counter-attack, however, fails, then the third
phase becomes evident. The defender does not despair
of recapturing his lost position, but the enemy has already
consolidated his lines and the defender has, the ,'fore,
to organise a methodical attack against his old positions.
Unless a thorough comparison of communiques and an
exhaustive study of earlier examples are at fault, the
Germans have now arrived at the third phase of the
battle of Hill 60. They have pubhshed on the i8th and
19th April the probably quite correct news of the success
of their first counter-attacks, but they have omitted to
publish their final failure. They will now no doubt
pass to the third phase, but they suffer from a manifest
inability to publish this fact, having burnt their bridges
by stating they are still in occupation of the position,
and they cannot publish news of its recapture without
confessing that it had been lost. We are, therefore,
confined to statements from the Allied camp, and
these certainly have an appearance of truth ; as,
once Hill 60 had been occupied there was no plausible
reason for composing fairy tales of more fighting for
it. Any fighting that takes place after this point must
as a logical certainty be fighting of the third phase, in
which the Germans are attempting to regain their loss.
No time is lost in informing us of the situation, first
by the following French Communiques :
22nd April, 7 a.m. : In Belgium an attack has developed
against the trenches on Hill. 60, which had been captured
, by the British. The attack was repulsed.
23rd April, 7 a.m. : The British troops have repulsed
two attacks on Hill 60. The German counter-attacks,
whose violence is explained by the desire of the Imperial
General Staff to repair the loss denied in their official
Communiques, have definitely failed.
Shortly afterwards we have General French's report :
22nd April : The Germans continue to make violent
counter-attacks before Hill 60. On Tuesday afternoon
between 6 and 9 p.m. we repulsed two heavy infantry
attacks, inflicting heavy loss on the enemy. Throughout
the night the Hill has been bombarded by the enemy
and we have repulsed several other attacks.
23rd April : The German attacks against Hill 60 have been
several times renewed since the last despatch. All these
attacks have failed and have now momentarily ceased. We
hold the whole ridge, to which the enemy attaches a great
, deal of importance. There is not a word of truth in the
German official statement to the effect that the position
has been retaken by the Germans.
The position was,-, however, retaken by the Germans
two weeks later, on the 5th May, by means of the use of
asphyxiating gases ; but of course Berlin was not in a
position to announce this recapture and it was left to
General French to make the news public. This, of course,
was nof very satisfactory to German Headquarters and
in their telegram of the 7th May they described the action
as follows :—
Near Ypres, all the attempts of the British to retake
Hill 60, situated south-east of Zillebeke, which has since
the 17th April been the centre of heavy fighting, have
met with failure.
In this manner the German public is given confirma-
tion of the German despatches of the rSth and 19th of
April, which had concealed the capture of Hill 60 by
the British ; in order to meet the situation, the roles have
had to be reversed and instead of the Germans attacking
and expelling the British the British are represented to
have attacked and been unsuccessful in expelling the
Germans. As a matter of fact German Headquarters, on
a later occasion were careless enough to give the lie to
this description, when speaking of their recapture of the
position in a despatch dealing with the uses of gases, thus
showing how difficult it is to sustain a deception.
The above is one of the most interesting examples of
the German method of reporting nothing but victories.
We have seen how the situation brought about by the
denial of a British success has eventually been solved
by a misrepresentation of the subsequent German success
which had nullified its effects, and how this subsequent
German success is described to the people as the third
phase of the previous successfid attack.
Many examples could be given of this process of a
successful misrepresentation of unfortunate incidents, but
the case of Hill 60 is outstanding in its blatancy.
»4
LAND & W A T E R
May 18, 1916
Renascence or Decay
By Joseph Thorp
ENASCENCE or Decay" might very well
stand against the Prussian \Vcltmacht odcr
Niedergang as the summary of the choice of
.destinies which he before that pohtical system
known as the British Empire. Nor is the reference to
defeat or victory in the held, but to the elements of decay
or of regeneration in the constitutional structure and the
temper and conditions of the various racial and national
elements. The problem is older and wider than the
war, though that catastrophe has defined it and imported
a note of urgency into it as into so many others.
" Renascence or Decay " might also ser\'e as the
summary of the thesis argued in Tlic Problem oj the
C ommomvcallh (Macmillan) which is in effect the result
of the studies and deliberations of that group of students
of political affairs which founded and has conducted The
Round Tab'c with such marked ability, detachment and
perceptible effect. The book is indeed, for reasons duly
explained, put forward in the name of but one of their
number, Mr. Lionel Curtis, but it has the breadth and
authority of its composite authorship.
Readers of The Round Table will have noted in that
admirable quarterly, the persistent use of the term
" Commonwealth " to replace the more familiar " Empire."
It is the peculiar service of this school to their generation
that they have set forth their problem in terms of free
citizenship, resiKinsibility and mutual service rather
than dominion. The change of terms reflects the change
of thought — and the changed thing.
For there is a world of difference in the two conceptions.
The highest claim of the association of nations now
imder the British flag (for the moment prescinding from
the claims and causes of our Allies and referring especially
to the envious German challenge of the British position)
is not the claim of possession. It is the fact that out of
the conception and practice of liberty under that flag
there is hke to spring a better hope for mankind than out
of the domineering projects and methods of Deutschtum.
That dear hope is a greater thing for us to fight for than
any barren desire to keep by the sword what was won
by the sword of our fathers.
What then is this Problem of the Commonwealth ?
The admirably argued thesis before me confines itself
to a single, but immensely important, aspect of a manifold
problem. How can a way be found whereby " a British
citizen in the Dominions can acquire the sarne control of
foreign policy as one domiciled in the British Isles."
Of many utterances of Dominion statesmen expressing
dissatisfaction with the present situation this* of Mr.
Andrew Fisher sets out the matter in its simplest and
bluntest terms. " If I had stayed in Scotland, I should
have been able to tackle any member on questions of
Imperial policy and to vote for or against him on that
ground. I went to Australia. I have been Prime
Minister. But all the time I have had no say whatever
about Imperial policy — no say whatever. Now that can't
go on. There must be some change."
But what change ? Mr. Curtis addresses himself to
the -answering of that question, and it must be admitted
that if his closely reasoned and lucidly phrased argument
be followed step by step it is difficult to resist the con-
clusion that nothing less than a fundamental constitutional
change, the establishment of a new Imperial executive —
" one Cabinet responsible to an Imperial Parliament and
electorate and another to a British Parliament and
electorate "—rather than any development of the
method of Imperial conference, will serve to prevent
disintegration, to consolidate, to develop the greater
Commonwealth. This conclusion is approached, step
by careful step, via a consideration of the growth of
self-government in England, in America, and in the
British Colonies — now the Dominions. It is shown
how the range of authority covered by the term self-
government has been constantly extended, but in the
case of the Dominions, stops arbitrarily short of the
highest function of self-government — the responsibility for
national defence, the determination of the high issues of
peace and war. An open-eyed discussion of the difficulties
involved and a very careful attention to authentic
definitions makes for tlie clear understanding of this
absorbing problem.
It is well to. try and express the problem for ourselves
in the concrete. We want such a democratically moulded
and acceptable union of nations in one Sovereign State
as will create a greater loyalty to the Commonwealth —
over and above the sectional loyalties to the separate
parts : so that an Englishman or New Zealander will be
first a Commonwealth man then an Englishman or New
Zealander ; as now both Enghshman and Scot are
essentially British before they are Scotch and English.
The statement wears the appearance of being the very
reverse of the truth. But the test lies not in the apparent
strength of the affections which are most often more
warmly engaged with the nearest entity, home, city or
native land, but in the great choices made in crisis. The
Scot would stand for Britain and the Empire as against
a separatist Scotch party.
When Lee, the Virginian, chose for Virginia as against
the I'nited States, he chose wrong. He had not under-
stood the terms of his allegiance. Hyphenation is
raising the same problem again in America to-day. To
create such a federation of British States with equal
rights and ccpial share of control as shall win and retain
the loyalty of all- that is our task as the author sees it.
It cannot be done without vision, without labour, without
the sacrifice of many preconceived ideas and the abandon-
ment of ^ a dangerous complacency as to the sanctity of
the British constitution. This candid, serious, lucid,
and generous-tempered piece of political thinking will
carry weight in the discussions that must precede effective
movement towards the final issues of self-government,
and the completion of the Commonwealth.
To our author and those for whom he speaks, "Freedom'
is no vague shibboleth. It is a term with definite content
and implications. It is wrought by constant human
andeavour in the light of experience often bitter :
"What has been has been, and God Himself cannot change
the past. But the future is all in human hands to make
or to mar, so far as with mortal eyes we are able to discern
what time will bring forth. . . . When freedom is saved
we may fail to sec that the world has been changed in
the process, and that the Commonwealth, with which
the cause of liberty is inseparably linked, cannot continue
to be as it was. Changed it must be, and woe betide us
if those changes are not conceived in accordance with
the principle for which the Commonwealth stands.
Of all our Allies, Japan is the one of which least is known.
There are histories in existence familiar to historians and
students, but the general reader is not aware that Japan has
lived through heroic times, and maintained her freedom by
bravery and resolution in the "face of supreme dangers. Lord
Armstrong rightly draws attention to this in his introduction
to Mr. Yamada's story of the Great Mongol Invasion in the
reign of Kubla Khan at the cud oi the thirteenth century.
In Japan this invasion is called Ghenko or Genko. and Mr.
Yamada has called his very able and admirable book Ghenko,
(Smith Elder and Co. 7s. Od. net.)
This invasion bears a curious similarity in many points to
the Great Armada, and the author (who by the way is a
Cambridge graduate) tells the historic story in'a most tlirilling
manner. If is a chapter of history with which we ought
all to be familiar, for it casts a strong light on the Japanese
character and makes clearer that division which so often
bewilders the casual student— the cleavage that exists behind
the peoples of China and Japan. A sidelight is also thrown
on Korea, in fact after a perusal of this volume one is able to
take a much better view of the Far East. The book is written
in rather quaint F^nglish, for the author, though he has
mastered most of the intricacies of our language, at times
goes astray over the connotation which colloquialisms have
given to certain phrases ; but this does not detract from
the general interest ; some may think it even heightens it.
Lord Armstrong observes, " change the names and the seat
of war and much of Mr. Yamada's story might well apply to
the great struggle now taking place in Europe." The c.vtra-
ordinary likeness 'between German and Mongol sense of
honour arid frightfulncss is especially remarkable.
May i8, 1916
LAND & WATER
15
Where America Stands
By Lewis R. Freeman
A COUPLE of years ago — only a month or two
previous to the outbreak of the war, in fact —
I listened one night, in San Francisco, to what I
thought was the most eloquent, the most reason-
able, the most convincing " peace " address I had ever
heard. The speaker was a well-known American editor
and publicist, one of a family distinguished for three
generations for its efforts to promote universal brother-
hood, to make the dream of world federation an accom-
plished fact. He did not, like Norman Angell and other
professional pacifists, maintain that financial and other
material considerations would make future wars im-
possible, but only held that man's increasing humanity to
man, as evidenced on every side, could bring the world
to no other goal than a scheme of living founded on a
" live-and-let-live " and " do-as-you-would-be-done-b}' "
basis. Unlike the ante-bellum harangues of the pro-
fessional pacifists, too, that speech, delivered to-day,
would ring almost as true as it did two years ago ; this
because it was based on fundamental truths, which the
war has not altered, but only given us the more clearly
to understand.
However, this particular peace address will nfit be given
again, or at least not for a considerable time. I know
this, for the speaker himself told me so on an evening
when I sat next him at supper at the New York " Author's
Club " scarcely a month ago.
American Aloofness
" You're just over on a short visit from the other side,
are you not? " he asked. " So! Well, how do things
look to you here after six months' absence ? Are you as
much shocked as is everyone else who comes back from
France or England at the aloofness, the lack of respon-
sibility, not to say callousness, of this country regarding
the war ? "
" Frankly, yes," I admitted. "The glare of the
' Great M'hite Way ' is a welcome relief from the dark-
ness of London, but there is no use pretending that the
lights of Broadway are sj'mbolic of any general enlighten-
ment existing in this country in the matter of the great
world issues now being decided — perhaps for the next
score or so of generations — in Europe."
" Several dozen other returning Americans have told
us about the same thing," he said ; " only you are rather
more moderate than the majority of them. All of them
are ashamed ; most of them indignant, and ' mad clean
through.' Do you know what I am afraid of ? It isn't
that we won't get into war with Germany — that is in-
evitable if Prussianism is not crushed once and for all
time by the Allies, andVe don't know yet that it will
be — but that we will not get into this war with Germany.
1 mean that unless Germany commits some flagrantly
and deliberately overt act, such as the sinking of an
American liner "with loss of life, that will force us in willy-
nilly — and I think the Kaiser will take good care not to
do that — \ve may not, as a nation,' come to our senses
in time to draw the sword before the present struggle is
practically over. We shall have had no part "
" Pardon me," I interrupted. " But I don't seem
quite able to reconcile your words with those which I
heard you speak in San Francisco two years ago."
" I hear something like that every day now," he
answered, " and from both ' friend ' and * foe.' I found
1 had still much to learn about many things, and the war
has been the means of teaching me some of the most
important of them. They used to call me a ' practical
idealist ' ; the war taught me that I was only an im-
practical dreamer. As a matter of fact. I am still an
idealist, and also, I trust, still practical. Perhaps the
main thing that the war has brought home to me is the
fact that while there is such a thing as Prussianism still
alive in this world, practicality and idealism, so far at
least as international politics are concerned, cannot go
hand in hand. Until or unless Prussianism is crushed for
all time, therefore, I have made up my mind to keep my
idealism foi a domestic pet, roaming only within the
' three-mile limit,' and emploj' what practicality I may
have to bring home to my fellow countrymen these
cumulative facts ; first, that there is a great war going
on ; second, that it is a world war rather than a localised
European struggle ; and third, that for reasons both
moral and material — not only on the score of national
honour, but of national safety and perhaps national
existence as well — it is their duty, by actual and active
participation in the war, to do their share in ridding the
world of the menace of Pi-ussianism.
Ahead of Congress
" So far as the country as a whole is concerned, one
cannot be sure that it has much more than grasped the
first two facts. That the people fully realise that it is a
world war that is raging — one that may involve them
whether they desire it or not — is shown by the attention
they are giving to the so-called ' preparedness ' movement.
In this particular — in the determination to build up
an adequate army and navy — the people are unquestion-
ably ahead of the Government, or at least of Congress, now,
as many times in the past, the country's ' Old Man of the
Sea.' But as for realising that both honour and material
interest- — the latter quite as powerfully as the former —
impel America to align herself with the Allies against '
Germany, I am afraid I can hardly describe such a grasp
of the situation as anything like universal. The most
encouraging feature of the situation is that practically
all of our sound thinkers — the men that stand for the
best in literature, politics and business — have arrived
at this conclusion, and are speaking out. Their influence
is rapidly moulding popular opinion among unprejudiced
Americans of all classes, but whether this will become
strong enough to galvanise the country into action before
it is too late is open to considerable doubt. I pin my
main hopes to Germany's ' running amok ' again and
doing something that will leave us no choice but to turn
to and fight."
" What do you mean by ' too late V " I asked.
" Just this : The ignorance and selfishness — not to use
several stronger terms which I would be perfectly justified
in employing — of a very large element in Congress, and
especially in the House of Representatives, makes it
absolutely out of the qiiestion for the nation properly to
meet the present crisis in our foreign affairs. Now,
supposing the quickening conscience of the people would
make it possible to replace the worst of this ' rotten
timber ' with sound wood through resolute action at the
polls in the November election. The fact remains that,
even in this happy contingency, the new Congress would
not be able to make itself felt until it convened next
March, and by that time our chance of being of any
material use in the war may well have gone by. The
fight to determine whether humanity or ' frightfulncss '
is to be the dominant force of the next cycle of history
may well have been lost or won without America's having
struclj: a blow for a fundamental cause of which she has
trumpeted herself the foremost champion since the day
of her birth."
Material Interest
" Just what do you mean by saying that materia'
interest as well as honour should impel America to go into
the war on the side of the Allies ? " I asked. " I have
observed with much satisfaction that an increasingly
large number of right-minded Americans are ready to
draw the sword on the score of honour, but it seems to be
the pretty general opinion that honour would be just
about all we could hope to come out of it with. What
material interests would our participation in the war
serve ? You don't mean more ' munition prosperity,'
do you ? Wouldn't that be more than offset by. the fact
that we would have to begin taking Europe's
I.O.U.'s where we are now getting her gold ? "
" I didn't mean anything quite so material as dollars
and cents." was the reply. " What I did mean was Hiis :
i6
LAND & W^ A T E R
May i8, 1916
All but the purblind in tliis rountry know that wc must
liave a strong army and a stronger navy. \\'e shall need
them, especially if we elect to continue our traditional
but now obsolete and impractical policy of isolation and
try to stand alone ; but we shall also need them even if
(as so many of us are working and hoping for) we endea-
vour to enter an after-the-war alliance with I-'rance and
Great Britain to keep the world's peace. But only our
actual entry into the war will awaken the country to the
necessity of, and force Congress to provide for, sufficiently
powerful fighting arms. If we continue to temporise with
the situation — if we just manage to ' save our face '
and keep out of the war— we shall never get an army ami
a' navy sufficiently strong either to make us unassailable
standing alone, or to qualify us to hold up our end in an
alliance with I'rance and Britain.
" Another incalculable benefit incidental to our par-
ticipation in the war would be the cleaning up of the
Augean Stable in Congress. 1 feel rather too strongly
on that subject quite to tru.5t myself to words ; but you
were in Washington during the ' armed ship warning '
debate and vote and know what a miserably misrepre-
sentative lot so many of our ' professional jioliticians' are.
For the Cause of Humanity
•" Finally, a war fought for the cause of humanity and
entered into only at the end of a year and a half or two
years of unparalleled provocation would arrest the
denationalisation that has been eating deeper and deeper
toward the heart of this country ever since the Civil War.
The size and the diversity of the United States, en-
couraging the tendency to "put sectional above national
issues, has been an important contributing cause of this
trouble ; but the main one has been the increasingly
rapid ' dilution ' of our original population with not
readily assimilable Europeans. How deep this canker
liad eaten no one suspected until the ramifications of the
endless chain of Teutonic plots began to be uncovered.
Our entry into the war would put an end to this insidious
menace once and for all ; it would re-nationalise us ;
' Aniericanism ' would begin to have some meaning
again."
I have set down this conversation at some length for
two reasons : First, because of the diagnosis it furnishes
of the American situation by a keen and impartial student,
and secondly, because of the insight it gives of the view-
point of such leaders of American thought and action as
Colonel Roosevelt, Joseph Choate, .Major Putman, Dr.
Elliott, Lyman Abbott and many others, who have
discerned the fundamental issues in the European war
from the outset and have endeavoured to awaken the
minds of their countrymen as to their responsibility
regarding them.
It will probably be difficult to make Englishmen believe
that President Wilson, had he still been the head of
Princeton University during the present crisis, or any-
thmg else save an official of the Government of the United
States, would almost certainly have stood and worked
for the same good ends. Yet there is little doubt that
such would have been the case. As President he has
felt that his action was limited to putting the will of the
peoi>le, as he interptetcd it, into effect. And because
the American mind was not a thing to be pinned down
and charted with square and compass, because, like all
national minds, it is a variable and uncertain quantity,
his course has been a difficult, not to say an impossible
one.
A President of the United States has two alternatives
—he may lead the people, or he may elect to be led by
them. In tackling the knotty domestic problems which
confronted him previous to the war— Panama Tolls Repeal
and currency and tariff reform— President Wilson led,
and led successfully, even brilliantly. But with .Mexico
his policy of " watchful waiting, " "corresponding to the
linglish " wait and see," only piled Pclion of hopes
deferred on Ossa of failure. His liandling of the sub-
marine contro\esy with Germany was foredoomed to
partial if not complete failure from" the moment he began
to steer by the variable planet of pojjular opinion instead
of the fixed star of his country's and of his own higher
ideals. He tried to follow (where he might far better
have led), and the flickering of his guiding lights has
lured him into endless pitfalls.
The President's lack of firmness in dealing with Mexico
and (iermany has undoubtedly seriously undermined his
jiower to lead. Once, and only once (just after the sinking
of the Lusitania), he could have taken the country with
him in anything he might have decided to do. Indeed,
such was the state of popular feeling in May of a year ago,
that Bryan with his peace dove, or a shepherd with his
crook, could have led the country into battle. Since
then the position of the President in this connection; is
probably about as I heard a New York policeman^
epitomise it a few weeks ago.
"If Wilson takes the country into the war now," he
said, " he will have to drag it by the scruff of the neck
where old ' Teddy R.' could lead it a prancing. And let
m:- tell you one thing more," he added. " If the country
didn't prance along after Teddy, he'd swing it around in a
couple of circles iDy the tail and chuck it into the war.
And then it would pick itself up, thank him for it, and
begin to fight."
No people in the world more dearly love a leader than
does the American, and it is probably true, as a trenchant
French traveller once observed, that they would rather
take the chance of being misled than not led at all.
President Wilson, in spite of his technical diplomatic
victories, has steadily lost prestige with the very people
wliose wishes he has so scnipulcnisly endeavoured to follow
by his failure to take advantage of this fact.
Colonel Roosevelt
It is impossible to overlook Colonel Roosevelt in any
survey of the American situation, for " What would
' Teddy ' have done if he had been in Wilson's place ?"
is a theme of never-ending interest froni Maine to Cali-
fornia. This is really not a hard question to answer
with a considerable degree of certainty, for we have both
the spoken word and the past record of the unflinchingly
courageous ex-President to go by. He would have pro-
tested strongly against the invasion of Belgium, but
would hardly have ventured to go further if Ger-
many— as would doubtless have been the case —
disregarded that protest. On the initiation of Germany's
submarine war in February of 1915, there would have
been another protest from Washington, this one short,
sharp, to the point, and that controversy would have been
threshed out to a finish — a diplomatic finish, I mean — in
fewer days than it was destined to drag months. Either
(iermany would have been forced to a complete and un-
equivocal surrender, and there would have been no sink-
ing of the Lusitania, Arabic, Ancona and the rest, or
Roosevelt would have led America " in." Vigorously
led, there is no reason to believe that it would not have
gone in " a-prancing " without forcing the doughty
Colonel to resort to the ignominious alternative suggested
by my policeman friend.
Just previous to my departure from New York a
popular musical hall comedian was raising nightly laughs
with a joke which ran something like this : " If Roosevelt
had been President the war would have been over by this
time — over here."
" More truth than poetry in that," I heard a man next
me observe, and most of the audience seemed to agree
with him. Personally, I feel certain that a " Roose-
veltian " handling of the trouble at the outset— a firm
grasping of the German nettle— would have at no time
brought the United States so near to a break with Ger-
many as they are to-day. But if that break had come,
a far more united America would have bfen thrown
into the struggle than President Wilson — in spite of the
imi>eccability of his intentions, and no matter how much
he may " stiffen " at the end — can possibly have with
him wlien or if his earnest efforts to avoid a rupture come
to nought.
This should not, however, be taken to mean that.
With the country once in the war America would not
" orientate " very quickly. Thanks to the work already
done by such leaders as the one whose words I have
quoted, public opinion, in spite of its diverse elements
and the fluid state in which it is at present, would harden
very rai)idly. The (German-American, in spite of his
numbers, would be troublesome rather than dangerous.
His bread is buttered on the American, not the (ierman
side, and the very large majority of him is too canny to do
anythme to cause it to fall with the fatty side downwards.
May 18, 1916
LAND & WATER
17
The So-Called "Air Muddle"
And Some of
By F. W.
IN the preceding article an account was given of the
history of the ill-fated French Air Ministry, and
the causes which led to its creation and to its down-
fall were discussed.
It was pointed out that both events followed as the
outcome of a press and political agitation in which the
dissatisfaction of the " trade " played a conspicuous part,
and in which the Zeppelin menace was freely exploited.
Beyond this the system of control by a civilian Minister
was a generally admitted failure. I now propose to show
tiiat the same influences have been and are at work
in this country, and the same general plan of campaign
is being followed in the conduct of the onslaught against
the administration of both the Royal Flying Corps and
of the Naval Air Service, as in the agitation which proved
so detrimental to French military aeronautics.
There is every probability that a case will be made
out for reform in the administration of our Air t)cpart-
ments, but the present agitation, with its picturesque
title " The Air Muddle " is not based on solid grounds,
or on facts of which proper evidence can be adduced,
in brief it is not founded on honest criticism. The actual
attack, however, is the matter of present discussion ;
at the outset it will be demonstrated that this attack —
launched by certain sections of the press in an indis-
criminate manner — is part of a campaign of deliberate
and cold-blooded misrepresentation.
I will proceed at once to give a few instances and
evidences of the above statement of the position." Firstly,
as to the trade origin of the attack. There appeared re-
cently in a trade organ published weekly an article
entitled : "The Dope Question." It may be explained
that " dope " is the under-varnish applied to the wings of
an aeroplane.
Here is the accusation :
" Manufacturers who are in doubt whether to refuse to
use dope made by the Royal Aircraft l-'actory and perhaps
endanger their Government contracts by their refusal,
are strongly advised to consider their employees' health
and their own reputations first.
"If there is any argument on the question, manufacturers
need only go direct to headquarters at the War Office and
Admiralty and state plainly that they prefer to use dopes
which tliey know and in which they have confidence.
The Aeronautical Inspection Department is entirely
without prejudice in this matter ; in fact, previous ex-
jierience of tlie K..^.!-". does not probably prejudice the
A.I.U. in favour of Raftite and other R.A.F. chemical
products.
" So far as the Admiralty is concerned, manufacturers
will be well advised to go right over the heads of minor
officiousness to someone of post-captain's rank or higher,
and state plainly why they object to being dictated to.in
the matter of material by young men lacking in workshop
experience."
Hece is the truth:
" Raftite," the name given to the Royal Aircraft
Factory " dope," is non-poisonous. The formula of
raftite is due to the Laboratory of the Royal Aircraft
I'actory, where the poisonous character of tetrach-
forethane vapour (then used in ordinary dopes)
had been experienced at a date when -not p\iblicly or
generally known. Raftite contains no tctrachlorethane.
Apart from the inaccuracy as to fad, a more un-
worthy accusation has probably never been penned.
Unfortunately the above scarcely differs, either in its
untruth, or as to its libellous character, from a multitude
of other statements which have appeared over the same
initials in the same journal. In the current issue of
'Ihc Observer over the initials C.W. there is a new edition
of this dope accusation. It would now appear that the
grievance against the Royal Aircraft Factory is that they
are alleged to have cornered the supplies of a necessary
ingredient ! Equally false. The text of tlie paragraph
IS as follows : " Better dopes r,-ere submitted, but thev
had not a chance. It was even discovered that the R.A.F.
Its Exponents
Lanchester
had established a corner in certain raw material, so that
private dope makers were to be squeezed out completely."
Ingenious but entirely without foundation.
On calling attention to this I have been asked by
serious people why, if the facts are as stated, the (Govern-
ment have not' taken action — any private firm would
have done so. I am not speaking to defend the Govern-
ment. / also ask ivhy the Government has taken no atdon ?
I now publicly ask the Government why no action has
been taken. If such unfounded accusations had been
made against a private individual or firm prompt action
at law would have resulted ; is it then so m'jan and
dastard a thing to serve His Majesty the King that loss of
reputation and public opprobrium are to be borne without
hope of prompt or effective redress ? Possibly charges
of this character may be dealt with by the Committee of
Investigation now sitting.
Here is another journahstic outburst from a London
daily in which the source of inspiration is evident. In
this case I give in a footnote (for comparison) the transla-
tion of a letter from the pen of M. L. Bleriot*, showing
the identity that motive already commented upon •
" Mr. Tennant referred with great satisfaction the other
day to the existence of a British Advisory Committee
on aeronautics. None of the men on that Committee
has ever been practically identified with aviation>,
although the Committee has weight in the ' theory '
of flight, but the theory of flight was pretty well under-
stood eighty years ago. It took a couple of brave prac-
tical men like the WTight Brothers, willing' to risk tlieir
necks above the hard earth, rather than conclusions and
figures on sheets of ' theory ' to make a machine that ,
actually flew. Why does not the Government supersede
its Committee of Theorists, and appoint instead a Com-
mittee of experts from, the following firms : — Sopwith,
Martinsyde, Roe, Bristol, and Vickers."
In this paragraph we have evidently the work of
an ignoramus to whom the word Iheory is so obnoxious
that it has to be held up to ridicule in inverted commas !
He little seems aware of the fact that every one of the
constructors he mentions depends largely up9n theory
for his product ; also the Brothers Wright have always
acknowledged their indebtedness to the Smithsonian
Institution and the work of Langley. Such articles
do not represent any opinion but that of their writer,
but they all serve as means of publicly imputing discredit
to the powers that be. Any brick is good enough to throw.
On the other hand. Lord Montagu, who is now taking an
active hand in advocating reform in service aeronautics,
is fully alive to the importance of scientific investigation,
but he is — or was — ^certainly not too well informed as to
his facts. Thus in his speech on March qth in the House
of Lords he deplores that we are behindhand owing
to the fact that " we had neglected science." It is
a definite fact that so far as the scientific side of aero-
nautics is concerned. Great Britain leads the world. J
Elsewhere Lord Montagu complains of overlapping
between the Services — so far as scientific research is
concerned there is no " overlapping." The existence of
* " I have felt in a manner particularly acute, the affront of'which
Paris has been the victim. It is the main motive of this letter. French
aviation, which up to the opening of hostilities was the first in the
world, has experienced if not a crisis at least a retardation in its pro-
gress. The reason is quite simple. They have eliminated from the
technical Committees of the Department concerned with the study of
the programme the men who had created this science. H they will
restore to the.se men, who are at once aviators, engineers and con-
structors, the real technical control in collaboration with two or three
selected pilots, in four months the time lost will be nearly regained.
" It is already time. The men to be included are Voisin, Caudron,
Breguet, Saulnicr, Bechereau, Delage (Nieuport), Farman. From
these should be formed a Superior Committee for Aerial Defence for
France. Their past guarantees the future. — L. Bleriot."
It is to be noted that at the time the letter was penned by M. Bleriot,
there was already an Advisory Committee acting in co-operation with
M. Besnard (the .Air Minister), including the names of many well
known pioneer constructors— MM. Esnault, Pelterie, Clement Bayard,
and Renault, and others. Clearly M. Bleriot's complaint is the time-
honoured lamentation of the " outs " who want to be " in."
t This is definitely untrue.
t Compare I'roc. Inst. O.K., 1914, cxcviii, pp. 250 et seq.
i8
L A iN U & VV A T E R
May iS, 1916
the Advisory Committee for Aeronautics on which both
Services are represented is in itself a guarantee tliat tiierc
is no unnecessary duplication or " overlappiuf,' " ; the
work is carried on as decided by the Committee at the
National Physical Laboratory or elsewhere , and whenever
the requirements of the ijcr\'iccs permit they arc co-
ordinated.
Trade Jealousies
But it is not only the press, as voicing views which may,
or may not be inspired by members of the trade, we have
more direct examples of the pernicious influence and
working of trade rivalries and jealousies. It is only a
couple of days since the Chairman of one of the leading
manufacturing concerns in the country was amazed to
find that a well-known politician (supposed to be some
authority on the subject) had actually been crammed
" to the muzzle " with the cock-and-bull stories of a dis-
contented aeroplane motor designer, and had believed
every word ! When such credulity is rampant it must
not be considered surprising that so many of our daily
papers which have, at least so far as one can tell, no axe
to grind at all, should be printing and reprinting stories
and articles of a detrimental character which have no
foundation in fact whatever. That it should be possible
for such articles to be pubhshed in good faith I am
reluctantly willing to admit.
When in some instances I have criticised adversely the
part played by the trade in the i>resent agitation it miist be
understood that I am not attacking every member of the
trade or even a majority of those in this "country engaged
in aeronautical construction ; I am attacking a certain
clique, or certain members of the trade, who have made
themselves unduly conspicuous both directly and in-
directly in connection with slanders of individuals and
bodies connected with our aeronautical administration
which stand in the way of their indi\idual and personal
ambitions. Admittedly this is a small minority, but it
is a noisy minority, and as unscrupulous as it is noisy.
The greater number of our aircraft constructors are
fully occupied in carrying out the work which has been
assigned to them by the Director of Military Aeronautics
and by the Naval Contracts Department, and have the
good sense not to mix themselves up in politics. They
would be the first to discountenance the unpatriotic
. behaviour of their less enlightened brethren, but they
may be'pardoned for declining to mix themselves up in a
controversy when their duties clearly lie in the direction
of attention to business and the efficient execution of
the work which has been entrusted to their care. We
may hopie, now that an association has been formed of
aeronautical constructors, something will be done to
prevent a mischief-making minority from behaving in a
manner which is inimical to the national interest, and
liable to bring discredit on the trade as a whole.
So far as the attack centres on the Royal Aircraft
Factory it is quite certain that nothing can appease these
self-appointed critics. It is not really a question -of
Mhether or no the Royal Aircraft Factory manufactures
a quantity of machines which form an appreciable
proportion of the total output of the country. It is not
a question of whether the Royal Aircraft Factory is
managed well or badly. To these people the existence
of the factory is the offence. If they can say that it is badly
managed it is a good enough basis for "attack, but it is
quite certain that the better and the more efficient the
management and the bigger the output of machines, etc.,
the more violent will the opposition become ; for it is not
the inefficiency that is really the complaint, it is the very
efficiency of the factory which is unwelcome. If we go
deeper in search of the fundamental objection, it is not
only that the factory manufactures aeroplanes, it is that
it supplies the wherewithal to firms who have never
previously built an aeroplane to enter at once into com-
petition with the old-estabhshed makers of proprietary
machines. Again the complaint is that this work is not
done efficiently, and that the designs in process of manu-
facture are subjected to numerous and unnecessary
alterations (House of Commons May nth, ic)i6).
The facts would be no more welcome if this ground of
complaint were removed. That which matters to the
firm having a proprietary machine to push, and an
imaginary goodwill to sustain, is that the construction of
aircraft has been reduced to a matter of science and
engineering, instead of remaining in the realm of priest-
craft.
It is a favourite device of those wishing to show how
obtuse the authorities are, to quote the performance of
their latest (say) aero engine, and point out how superior
it is to the R.A.F. engine which has been manufactured
in (juantity for the last eighteen months. They omit
to mention how long it will be before their own engine
can be produced in quantity at all ; they omit the fact
that the engine which they are putting up for comparison
has all the advantage of two years development, and that
if it were not better than the R.A.F. engine it would be a
conculsive proof of its designer's incompetence ! Yet
statements of this character arc commonly swallowed
by the press and public as if they were proof of the in-
capacity of the men who designed the R.A.F. engine
(with such defects as it may possess) some two years ago.
The Advisory Committee
The plea that the Advisory Committee should include
a certain contingent of trade members sounds plausible
enough. It is to be remembered, however, that the
scientific work done by the Advisory Committee includes
many matters besides that relating to aeroplane or airship
construction. The Advisory Committee is not an engi-
neering committee, it is a scientific committee ; the
questions which come before the Committee are at times
closely concerned with engineering problems, but it is
almost invariably the scientific aspect of those pro-
blems which it is the duty of the Advisory Committee to
investigate or to report upon. But these scientific
questions concern many matters besides aeroplane con-
struction. They include amongst a multitude of other
matters such questions as navigation of aircraft, compass
deviation from various causes, bomb sighting, meteoro-
logical questions, etc. A full realisation of the breadth
of the ground covered can only be obtained from a perusal
of the Committee's published reports.
The Committee have the power, if occasion arises, of
taking the evidence of aeroplane builders or others, and
when it has been thought desirable this power has been
exercised. There is no more reason or useful purpose to
be served by any one trade being represented on the com-
mittee than by any other of the many trades affected.
To have members of the aeronautical industry perma-
nently sitting on the Committee would result not only
in a waste of time for the Committee, but of a great waste
of time on the part of aeronautical constructors whose own
work would be proportionally neglected. The suggestion
that the Advisory Committee should be largely recruited
from amongst aeroplane constructors arises from a total
misconception of its functions. Even were members of
the trade added to the Committee, the difficulty and
criticism would be in no wise overcome. The offence
against those who were not invited to sit on the Com-
mittee would be increased a hundredfold, and we should
have repeated the very difficulty which arose in con-
nection with the French Advisory or Consulting Com-
mittee—namely, that as soon as certain members of the
trade were appointed, the members who were not ap-
pointed became the most violent critics of the French
Air Ministry.
The Wittenburg Heroes
To the Editor of I-and & \V.\ter.
vSir, — Many of us must feel deeply that some mejnorial
should be put to tlie nieniory of the tliree brave doctors who
died of typhus at Wittenburg Camp while doing tiieir utmost
to alleviate the terrible sufferings and misery of which we
have all read with a thrill of honor from the reports of Major
Priestly and Captains Vidal and Lauder.
The King has voiced all our wishes by the honours he has
graciously bestowed on these gallant men who mercifully
survived, and we now feel that the names of those who died —
Major W. B. Fry and Captains A. A. SutcHffe and S. Field.—
should be remembered in the years to come. All will agree
that the memorial should take the form of helping to alleviate
suffering and do some permanent goocf, but that must neces-
sarily depend on the amount received. I will gladly receive
and acknowledge small sums as well as large.
CoNST.wcE Parker of Waddington,
Aldworth, Haslemere, Surreyr
I
May i8, 1916
LAND& WATER
CHAT A
<v/ "T^mance of the South Seas
"By H. T>E FERE STAC POOLE
19
CHAPTER XXIX.
The Treasure.
WHEN Hull and his companions reached the
landing stage and found the boat — as they ex-
pected— gone, they struck at once down stream
taking the exact path taken by Saji.
You will observe that mechanism wliich Fate often displays
in the fact that Macquart, in stealing the boat and so making
liis own position seemingly more secure, had, in reality,
provided a release for the death that was pursuing him in the
form of Saji and which was trapped and held up in the pit.
The part\-, passing along the river bank and hearing the
call for help, stopped, made a search, discovered the trap
mouth and soon had the prisoner out.
" Why, it's one of those blessed Dyaks," said Hull, " caught
huntin' in his own trap."
Houghton said nothing. He was looking at Chaya who
had gone up to Saji. Saji was standing feeling his joints
and taking deep breaths of air and Chaya was talking to him.
" He wishes for food," said she to the others, " and to
go with us ; his canoe has been taken from him. He would
get it back."
Hull had some biscuits in his pocket, which he produced,
and Saji, after a rush to the river bank for a drink, joined
in with the others. His strength and life had completely
returned to him, and at the suggestion of Chaya he took the
lead, being a better woodsman than any of the rest with the
exception, perhaps, of herself. He had saved his spear.
Even in the excitement of release he had not forgotten that,
and he marched now ahead of them with the spear across his
shoulder, leading the way, and piloting them much more
quickly than if they had gone without hirs. Chaya and
Houghton came last.
" He is full of danger and he must not see us together,"
murmured Chaya, whose hand Houghton was holding for a
moment. " If he were to hear that, he would try to kill
you." V
" Let him," said Houghton laughing, but she released her
liand. She seemed full of fear of Saji, not for herself but for
Houghton. Saji, however, had no eyes for anything but the
road before him. Almost quicker than they could follow him
he went ahead so that dawn had little more than touched the
skies above the tree-tops when they reached the lagoon
bank.
Th( first thing they saw was the Barracuda moored to the
opposite bank with the whole width of the lagoon between
themselves and it. The Barracuda's boat was tied up beside
the yawl. Not a sign was to be seen of Macquart or his
companions.
" \\ill you look at what the swabs have done r " cried Hull.
" How in the nation are we to get across ? "
" Thank God, tlie yawl's not gone." said Houghton.
• ' That's the main point. We'll get across somehow. Let's
think."
Even as he spoke, in the vague light that was now filling
the world, they saw a figure emerging from the trees on the
opposite bank. It was Macquart. He was carrying some-
thing in his hand. They saw him board the yawl.
" He's carrying a basket," said Tillman. " Look at him !
He's emptying it down the fo'cs'le hatch. By God, he's
found the cache and that's the stui^ he's emptying into the
Barracuda."
" Looks like it," said HuU, who was standing now on one
loot and now on the other. " Oh, the swab ! To see him
and not be able to get me fingers in his hair. Come boys, it's
round the lagoon or nothing. There ain't no use in trying to
swim for the place is sure full of sharks. It's a fifteen mile
tramp but we'll do it."
But Saji, who had been talking to Chaya, solved the diffi-
culty in a quicker way. Plunging into the water and still
carrying liis spear, he struck out for the opposite bank. There
were sharks here surely, but Saji had no fear of sharks. ■ He
liad often swum amongst them.
They saw Macquart make off again among the trees with
his basket ; he evidently had not seen them, and then they
saw Saji unmoor the boat. He brought it back, sculling it
from the stern, and they crowded into her and in less than
five minutes they were on the deck of the yawl. Hull made
a dart for the fo'cs'le hatch and tumbled down it ; then thcv
heard him striking a match and then came his voice.
" Lord bless my soul ! " The blighter's been fillin' her wath
clay " Then a wild yell. " Suverins — suverins." Silence
and another match being struck. " There's suverins all
scattered on the clay." He came tumbling up, his face
blazing in the now strong dayl'ght, and in one broad hand
which he opened wide two sovereigns and some earth.
" Did you ever see the like of that ! " he cried. " Haff a
ton of clay the swab has shovelled aboard her with suverins
all scattered on it. Where's the sense in that ? What's he
been doin' ? Has he struck the cache or has he hasn't ? Look
out, here he comes ! " |
Macquart broke co\-er from the trees as he spoke, basket
in hand and half running. He saw the men on the deck of
the yawl but did not notice them in the least. On board he
came, brushed them aside, rushed to the fo'cs'le hatch and
emptied his basket.
They stood horrified. Macquart was no longer a man,
though retaining a man's image. He seemed Hke a beast in
the last stages of pursuit. The saliva ran from the corners
of his mouth, his breath came in sobs and sighs, his face was
grey-brown as the earth he was carrying, and it was evident,
now, that, although he did not recognise them in the least, he
saw them as figures, for he avoided them as, i mpty basket in
hand he made again for the shore.
Just as his foot touched the bank, Saji, who had landed,
seized him by the arm. The effect was instantaneous and
extraordinary. Macquart'- mind, or what was left of it,
dropped the idea that was fixed in it and seized upon the idea
that he was being pursued and seized. With a movement
swift as light he freed himself and dashed off among the
trees with the Dyak in pursuit.
" Now we're done proper ! " cried Hull. " Cuss that
nigger ! If he'd left that chap alone he could have followed
him to the cache."
" We'll find it without him," said Tillman. " It can't be
far. Follow me, you chaps. See, there's his marks. Why,
dash it, he's made a regular road."
They had landed, and following Tillman, they made along
Macquart's tracks. Tillman was right. Macquart, in those
endless journeys to and fro had left a road. Trodden down
leaves and plants; broken lianas, spilt earth, gave indications
that required no skill in tracking to follow, and when they
reached the cache everything was plain.
A burst gold-box lay exposing its contents to the now
risen sun. Macquart had not touched it. Earth and gold
were all the same to him. He, who had to empty the world
into the fo'cs'le of the yawl against time had no time to bother
with trifles, just as the treasure-seekers now had no time to
bother about him.
Hull, after the first shout of discovery, had cast himself
down on his stomach and, now, laughing like a madman, was
playing with the contents of the box, laying those tattooed
hands of his in money. Tillman absolutely crazed, was danc-
ing like a monkey in the sunlight before Hull. Houghton
alone held himself together. Chaya was there. As full of
mad excitement and joy as his companions, the check of the
woman, who was looking wonderingly on at the antics of the
, others, held him from any demonstration. He only laughed ;
then, turning to Chaya, who was laughing also, he seized her
to him. She did not resist. They were as much alone as
though the frantic Hull and Tillman were miles away. They
were screened by the gold.
Then Hull came to his senses and began to talk almost
rationally, sitting up and punctuating his remarks with blows
of his fist on the ground.
" Oh Lord, Oh Lord ! " cried Hull. " To think of poor old
Mac gone cracked and shovellin' dirt and leavin' the yellow
boys ! "
It was indicative of the Captain's mentnlity that all anger
against Macquart had vanished to be replaced by furious mirth
at the tragedy that Fate had shown to them.
" Man and boy I've worked all me life for tuppence, and
look at this. Look at me now, and Mac tried to fitcher me
over the business, and look at Mac ! I tell you, it had to come.
I felt them «uverins drawing me all me life, and there they
20
LAND & WATER
May i8, 1916
are. I wasn't bom to die pore. I was not. And now I'll
sit in me kerridge and live as I ought. That's me. Me
sittin' on the top of the keg and smokin' my pipe and Mac
runnin' mad in the woods chased by niggers."
Tillman, recovering, was also in a talkative mood.
" We've struck it in the middle of the bull's eye," said he,
" and no mistake. That's what pleases me. We aimed for
it and hit it. If we'd tumbled on this thing by chaiice there
wouldn't have been anything tn it, but we've got it by going
for it. Well, it's champagne for all of us for evermore,
Amen."
" It's big luck," said Houghton, who was standing by
Chaya. " But there's one thing tliat bothers me. Where are
Wiart and Jacky ? "
" That needn't worry you," grunted Hull, who was tossing
coins on his thumb. " Mac's done 'em in as sure as I haven't.
Went mad and done 'em in. Here we come and find him
mad and them gone — done 'em in — that's what he's done.
He'd a' spifflicated his own grandmother for haff a hapeny,
would Mac, and here he was, alone with the nigger and old
whiskers and half a million pounds."
■ It looks like it," said Tillman. " Well, there's no use
in talking about it. I'm longing to get this stuff under cover."
Tillman had picked up the basket that Macquart dro])ped
in his flight and they proceeded carefully to fill it with the
gold in sight, a business that did not take three pair of hands
long in accomplishing, whilst Chaya held the basket open.
Then they set to, and in a moment located the next gold box.
■' They are set side by side," said Houghton. " VVe won't
have a bit of trouble with them, only we will want baskets.
I vote we get back to the Barracuda with this lot and then rig
up something to carrj' the stuff in. A piece of sailcloth will
do at a pinch."
•The others fell in with this idea. But, just at the start, Hull
raised an objection.
" I don't like to leave this .stuff alone with no one to look
after it, and that's the truth," said he. " I ain't a narvous
man, but it gets me on me spine when I think of leavin' this
stuff to its lonesome;"
" There's no one to touch it," said Tillman.
" Maybe not," replied the Captain, "but all the same, I'm
no happier to leave it."
" I'll stay and look after it," said Houghton. ' Chaya
and I will sit tight here while you two get aboard and bring
back the canvas."
■' I'll be easier that way," said the Captain.
He started ofi with Tillman and they carried the basket
alternately till they reached the deck of the yawl. •
We'll stow it in the saloon as far as there's stowage room,"
said Hull, " and the hold will take the rest. Dash me, if
I like stowin' it anywhere. I'd sooner keep it on deck under
me eye, but that's not to be done." He lowered himself down
the saloon hatch and Tillman was preparing to follow with the
load when a shout from Hull down below made him start. He
put the basket down on deck and the next moment he was in
the cabin. Hull was standing by the body of Jacky stretched
on the floor.
" Good God '. " said Tillman.
" Dead," said Hull, lifting an arm of the corpse and letting
it drop. " Neck broken to all appearances. Done in by
Mac. What did I tell you ? "
Tillman was too shocked for a moment to speak.
" How he did it. Lord only knows," said Hull, who was now
as cool as a professor of anatomy demonstrating on a " sub-
ject." " There ain't no scratch that I can see. There ain't
no blood, just the neck broke. He may have tumbled down
the saloon hatch and killed hisself, but that ain't probable
with Mac about. Most like he was done in by Mac and the
whisker man and then the whiskers got his gruel later on. No
knowin'. But he's got to get out of here and we've got to
shift him. We've got to rig a tackle to the main boom and
histe him. Let's get to work.
They rigged the tackle and ten minutes' gruesome work got
rid of the intruder. He went overboard with a pig of iron
as a sinker and the Captain, quite unmoved, assisted in the
removing of the tackle and the rousting out of some spare
canvas to serve as a sack for the carrying of the gold.
CHAPTER XXX.
Fate.
Houghton left alone with Chaya, took his seat by the
cache whilst the girl sat beside him. If ever any man
realised his ambitions in life, that man was surely Houghton.
The one woman in the world that he wanted sat beside him,
all the money he required lay before him.
", Chaya," said he, pointing to the cache, " that is what we
came here for. We have got it and we must now go away.
Will you come with me ?
Chaya laughed softly to herself. The woman they called
her mother had no more hold upon her affection than Mac-
quart. She had absolutely never known the thing called love
till Houghton came into her life. She opened out hor hands
as tliough running over in imagination the whole earth, turned
to him, laughed into his eyes and held up her lips.
" That is well," said he. He held her hand and they sat
shoulder touching shoulder, not troubling to speak.
All at once Chaya started and turned her head, whilst
Houghton rose to his feet. A voice from far away to the
right came to them through the almost windless air. It
seemed hailing them.
" It is Saji," said Chaya, who had often heard that hail
on their hunting expeditions. " He is calling to me." Slic
knew by the sound of the voice that Saji was either injured
or in distress. She answered the call and the reply came as
faithfully as an echo.
" Now he will know," said Chaya, " and he will come here
as surely as the snake to its rock." They listened, but no
sound came from Saji. That wily hunter, having obtained
their direction, was using his breath, no doubt, for a better
purpose than shouting.
Then they heard him moving among the leaves and a
mom<>nt later he appeared from among the trees. He was
crawling on hands and knees. He held the parang between
his teeth, for his girdle had been torn off in some violent
struggle. He was mortally wounded and he was dragging
along the head of Macquart by its hair. When he saw Chaya
he cried out, and supporting himself on his left hand as she
approached, he held up the head with his right.
It was the gift of gifts, the love-offering of tlie Dyak warrior.
It was more than that. It was the head of the man who had
murdered Chaya's father.
Chaya did not know this, nor did Houghton, nor did Saji.
All these actors in the drama were perfectly unconscious of
the fact that here Justice was dealing retribution, that here,
above the gold for which Macquart liad murdered Lant.
Macquart 's head was being offered as a gift to Lant's daughter.
Houghton cried out in horror, but Chaya, just as on the
day when she stood watching the battle between tlie scorpion
and the centipede, stood looking at Saji and his terrible trophy
unmoved. She knew that it was his offering to her, and her
love for Houghton had told her in some mysterious way the
secret of Saji's passion for her. It was as though she were
watching not only the savagery from which she was escaping,
but the whole of that mysterious past which lay on her
mother's side, stretching through unknown ages during wliich
men, to gain the love of women, had brought them as love
gifts the heads of men.
Saji, with one supreme effort, tried to rise to his feet ; then
he fell on his knees, on his hands, on his side, quivered
as though a breeze were astir amidst his muscles and lay dead
beside his trophy. As he turned on his side they saw the
cause of his death. The shaft of his own spear broken off.
protruded from his side. Macquart, in his struggle for life,
must have gained possession of the spear and used it with
deadly effect, only to fall a victim to the parang.
Houghton was advancing towards the body of Saji when
Hull and Tillman appeared from among the trees carrying
the canvas for the conveying of the gold.
CHAPTER XXXI.
The Escape.
It was the morning of the fifth day after the death of
Saji, and Hull and his companions were stretched on
the deck of the Barracuda in the shade of the trees,
smoking and talking. Seldom have men worked as those
three during the last few days. Not only had they got
the last of the coin on board, but they had proved to themselves
the fact by digging up the last possible vestiges of the cache.
They had got a good deal of the rubbish out of the fo'cs'le
and flung it overboard after sifting it and now the boat was
all trim and ready for sea.
Pig-iron ballast had been jettisoned to be replaced by gold.
The gold was stored in the cabin, in the hold and in the fo'cs'le.
They had worked surrounded by an aura. The thing was
fabulous and the labour like the labour in a dream. Nearly
under them lay the bones of the Terschellin^. the sliip that
had been taking all this wealth to China ports more than
fifteen years ago. Its non-arrival had, no doubt, affected
underwriters, caused talk, caused loss to the insurers of it
and then had been absolutely forgotten. Here it had lain
dead and buried to all seeming, but its soul had been actively
at work, weaving, weaving, weaving, drawing lives together
like threads to make the texture of the pictures that forms this
story.
It had drawn to itself Hull and Houghton and Tillman,
Macquart and Jacky, Wiart, Chaya, Screed, and strangest of all
it had brought up the past and dealt out Retribution to the
wicked. Who will say that gold is a lifeless thing, or that
May i8, iqi6
LAND & WATER
21
Chaya, i lluiaanc^ of the South Seat |
lIHmtratcd bn Joseph Simpson. E.B A
" He dashed off among the trees with the dyak in pursuit
it is not in its way a God ? Now stored and prisoned, and
about to be deported to a land where its activities could
begin anew, it showed nothing of its presence except in the
weariness of its slaves who were lying about on deck.
Chaya was down below in the cabin, arranging things.
When Hull and Tillman got the truth of the matter, they had
made no trouble at all about Chaya, though her joining them
would make things a great deal more difficult on the return
journey. It was arranged that she should have the cabin for
herself to sleep in, and during the day, except at meal-time,
the rest of the crew being condemned to the fo'cs'le. Not
that this mattered much as the crew, being so small, it would
be required most of the time on deck.
Tlie incident of Chava scarcely gave Hull and Tillman a
thought. Gold fever and heavy labour held their entire
minds and beings, and it was perhaps the exhaustion produced
by these two causes that made Hull, as he lay on the deck
now, smoking and stretching himself, to forecast the difficulties-
still before them.
" There's a good many miles of sea between here and there,"
said he, " but I don't mind northen so long as we get clear of
the coast. I wish we was out of this lagoon."
" What's wrong with the lagoon ? " said Tillman. " It's
been a pretty good friend to us, I think."
" I don't know anythin' that's wrong with it," replied
Hull, " but I wish we was clear of it."
" Well, we'll be out of it to-morrow," said Houghton. " We
have only to get the water on board and we can do that this-
22
LAND .S: W A T E R
May i8, lyib
evening. We couldn't go sooner than to-morrow. Lord !
every bone in my body is aching. I didn't ever think I could
have worked like that. Do you know we have been at it for
five days without a break scarcely ? "
■' Seems more like five years," said Tillman. He had
risen up and was leaning on the rail tapping the ashes from
liis pipt- into the lagoon. Whilst engaged in this iiis eye
caught sight of something. It was the prow of a fishing
praliu. At this moment Chaya came on deck and her quick
eye caught sight of the prahu. She called out to Houghton
and he and Hull sprang to their feet.
The prahu that had come iip tlie lagoon at a rapid pace
turned in a hairpin curve witfl the foam jwuring like crean;
round the blades of the starboard paddles and vanished as it
had come almost in an instant.
" That was smartly done," said Tillman. " Those chaps
must have come to ha\'e a 'peep at us. I wonder how they
knew we were here."
" I reckon they didn't," said Hull. " They just struck
sight of us and got skeered." But Houghton who had been
talking to Chaya was not of this way of thinking.
" 1 don't hke the look of those chaps," said he, "'neither
does Chaya. She thinks they must have got wind of what
we are after and they've seen her. That old woman who
calls herself her mother is sure to have raised the tribe when
Chaya did not go back. It's nearly a week now since she
joined us arid she thinks that the fishermen of the tribe have
come up from the sea to the village, got news of what has
happened and started out after us."
" That's cheerful," said Tillman.
" I said just now I wished we were out of this lagoon,"
grumbled Hull.
" Chaya thinks that the fact of her being with us may have
caused the trouble," went on Houghton," and she says, rather
than endanger you two and the gold she is ready to go back.
I would go with her."
" Now, we don't want any of that sort of stuff," said Hull.
" We've contracted to lift the girl as well as the stuff and
we're not goin' to be done over our contrack by those chaps."
" We've got our rifles." said Tillman.
" Blow rifles ! " said the Captain. " Sticks is good enough
to beat them off with." He went down below and got an
axe, then with the axe in his hand he lumbered over the side
and disappeared into the forest.
In half an hour's time he returned. He had cut down and
cut up three small trees and he carried the result of his labours
xmder his arm in the fonn of three cudgels, each four feet
long. Down he sat on the deck and as he whittled at the
weapons with his knife he laid down the law of self-defence
by means of sticks to the others.
" I'll lam you somethin'," said the Captain. " Don't
you never try to belt a chap over the head with a stick till
you have him on the ground. The p'int of the stick is the
able end for fightin'. Use it like a bay'net. There's not a
man Uvin' can stand up to the poke of a stick if the chap that's
usin" the stick knows his bizness. Now these sticks is short
enough to fend or break a spear with and long enough to dig
a nigger in the stomach with. That's the p'int to aim at."
He spent nearly half the day over these weapons, and at
sundown they started to water the Barracuda, Houghton
and Tillman "taking the beakers to the well they had found
just inside the forest whilst Hull and Chaya kept guard.
They slept that night on deck, keeping watch in turn. But
not a sign came of any trouble from the river.
Then just before dawn they unmoored and the Captain
with TiUman got into the boat and hauled the Barracuda
out. They towed her to the mouth of the river where the
wind, setting from the land fortunately for them, was ruilling
up the lagoon water. Here they got the boat on board and
hoisted the mainsail and jib, whilst the Barracuda, beginning
to walk and talk, nosed her way into the river mists now-
breaking and making spirals to the wind.
The tide was ebbing and as they drew along past wooded
cajics and deep dense masses of mangrove growth, Hull,
who was on the look-out, saw on the calm dawn-lit sea just
at the river mouth vague forms like water flies come to rest
on the ruffled water.
" That's them," said he. " look, they're waitin' for us.
Now, you take my orders and take 'em sharp. We're makin'
five knots, we must make nine ; crack every stitch of canvas
on her and give me the wheel."
. He took the wheel whilst the others flew to obey his orders,
and the Barracuda with all sail set and the main boom swun"
out to starboard, came along at a spanking pace before the
wind that was bending the palm tops and spreading before
them in cat's paws of vaguest silver. The rifles, loaded and
ready were lying on the deck to be used as a last resort.
<"haya was kneeling by Houghton ready to hand him his
weapon, and Tillman, with his foot on his gun and his club in
]) i fist was standin:,' bv Hull.
Houghton could hear the sound of the sea coming against
the wind. Never in his life had he gone through moments of
such supreme tension as now, waiting for what might come
in the vague light of morning, and a silence unbroken but for
the wash of the waves on the distant reefs and the wash of tiie
water at the bow of the yawl.
Then suddenly uprose a clamour hke the crying of sea-fowl.
The six praluis that had been lying like logs on the heave
of the sea swarmed into a dark line and tl>e line rushed to meet
them. Houghton saw Hull, as calm as thougii he were on a
pleasure sail, standing, quid bulging his cheek and great hands
playing gently with the little wheel. Then suddenly the wheel
went over to port and the Barracuda crashed into something
that went grinding away under the keel. At the same
moment, something struck the main sail.
It was a light spear, venomous as the sting of a wasp, and
it stuck there slatting and held from falling back by its barb,
whilst Hull put the wheel over again to starboard and twenty
more spears fell " wop, wop " into the water astern of her.
" Done 'em," said the Captain.
Houghton looked back. He could not beheve that it was
all over. Yet there were the prahus all in confusion in the
wake of the Barracuda, the wrecked prahu like a broken
umbrella on the water, and the heads of the swimmers who
were being rescued by their friends.
" They laid to get us one on each side," said Hull, " and
if I hadn't shifted the helm and rammed that chap, they'd
have got their holts— which they didn't. Well, there's no
blood spilt and that's all the better. Gad ! boys, we've got
the stuff away ! "
The sun answered him, breaking up over the sea, and all
the great lonely coast they were leaving showed in its desola-
tion across the water rippled with gold and strewn with the
foam of the reefs.
Houghton, holding Chaya 's hand, looked back. Then,
still hand in hand, they went forward and stood looking far
ahead to where the ruffled blue of the sea faded through the
morning haze into a sky of azure fair with the promise of the
future.
CHAPTER XXXII.
Envoi
ONE bright mornmg, two months later, the Barracuda,
having hung off and on all night in view of Mac-
quarie, entered Sydney Harbour. Stole in un-
noticed, storm-beaten, and sun-blistered, and foul with
tropic weeds, the strangest craft that had ever made that
port of call.
She and her crew, bronzed and tattered, and her cargo,
invisible but there, might have sailed in from some distant
Age when men made the world marvellous with their deeds
and before machinery had made man commonplace as itself.
Chaya alone, sunburnt and laughing and amazed at the
wonders of this new place, was a whole romance in herself.
Yet no one noticed them — or only some early fishermen
and a few longshoremen at the little bay near Farm Cove
where they anchored, and one of whom was sent hot foot with
a message to Screed— a pencilled message which ran : " Big
luck. Come at once, and for God's sake bring some pro-
visions with you."
It would be impossible to describe that breakfast in the
musty, fusty little cabin with the sun blazing through the
port-holes and the skylight. Wealth sat beside each of them,
and the prosaic Screed, as he hstened to scraps of the mar-
vellous voyage, forgot even the gold he was sitting on in
contemplation of the greater gold that lay like a halo around
the work of these wanderers.
Chaya sat by Houghton— the only man among them doubly
blessed by wealth.
The End.
Some of the summer matinee jackets are the most fascina-
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border of white swansdown and looks hke a summer cloud.
'For those wanting an ine.xpensive jacket there are charming
httle coats of printed French lawn trimmed with a kilted
border of white Valenciennes, and an attractive turn-down
collar. Yet another coat appeals in crinkled silk crepe
scalloped all round the edge with a deep satin stitch padded
underneath so that it has a raised appearance.
C.A.V. ELECTRIC STARTERS.-Effective, Powerful ; a simple
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Encineers, Acton. London, W.— (Advt.)
LAND & WATER
Vol. 1.XVII No. 2820 [,"^11]
THTTRQnAV MAV r>C Tr,rf\ fREGlSTERED AS") PRICE ONE 8HILUNG
irlUiXDJJ/Vz, iViAx ^^, lyiu LanewspaperJ published wLtKLV
.
'3 emarcf 'ParCri^e.
Draten gzclusivcty lor '*Land and Water.'
To Victory !
LAND
W A T E R
May 25, 1916
- 1 i ^ \v»
•4#P
iMi^
:wrr/- ::'-■"'., ih\L-*L'^ii
Uy <^uart€i Muster Sergennt^Instrxtctor R. Handley Read*
The Passing of Ypres
At the Leicester Galleries, Leicester Square, there is a wonderful exhibition of witer-colour';, en'itled
"The British Firing Line," by Quarter Ma-iter Serge int-Instnictor E Hindley-ltead (Machine Gun
Corps, late Arli^f* Kifles.) This picture of Ypres is typicil of these s<etches wnich so faithfully
represeni the rum emptiness and heartbreaking dreariness of the battlefields of France and Flanders
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, MAY 25. 1916
The Table of Contents appears on page 19
EMPIRE DAY
THREE years hence we shall celebrate the cente-
nary of the birth of Queen Victoria, that august
name of good omen, and historians will then
doubtless tell us in detail how in this one hundred
years the British Empire has grown from tottering
infancy into sturdy self-reliant manhood. Mistakes
many and great have been made, but in that we have
always been loyal to our ideals of liberty, honour,
humanity an! justice, and have not denied to those in
subjection that freedom of individual action which we
so hotly and at times even foolishly claim for ourselves,
we have outlived the errors. The truth of the singer is
fulfilled again in this chapter of Imperial history that
nations as " men may rise on stepping stones of their
dead selves to higher things."
On the morrow of the first Empire Day to be officially
recognised in the mother country, a Briton, be his birth-
place betwixt the narrow seas that guard these old shores
or under the skies of wider horizons in new lands, cannot
fail to feel a sense of pride and satisfaction in the work
that has been accomplished. The unity of the Empire is
now no more a mere abstract expression, but a living
conciete fact. In these pages a record is given of the
help which every part of the Empire, from the greatest
Dominion to the least remotest island over which the
Union Jack waves, has rendered to the mother country
in hei day of trial, and it is shown how faith in the Empire
has been consecrated with blood, freely poured forth ;
race, religion, custom, caste being subordinated to this
one central idea. The British Empire has gained in this
war an immortal soul, through the generous and lavish
self-sacrifice of her sons.
We have been told that " the world's altar-stairs
,lope through darkness up to God " ; we have learned
that they ascend also through pain. The truth, the piti-
ful truth, appears to be that the redemption of mankind
in small things as in great things can only be won, even
in this twentieth century of the Christian era, through the
torment of Calvary. It is almost as though the lights of
heaven must be blotted out, earth swim in a sea of
blood before man is capable of comprehending the
nobility of his fellow-man. Yet surely it should be
possible for humanity to make advance by some less
sorrowful way. Our children and our children's
children may, we hope, learn wisdom through the
sufferings and bitterness of spirit of our present
experiences, and will trust each other with fuller con-
fidence than we possessed before the war. From this
richer sympathy a more vigorous life shall spring which
shall make the British Empire not only the stronghold of
justice and freedom, but, as it were, a city whose citizens
enjoy both the power and means to utilise their talents
and develop their abilities, each and everyone, to the
highest value possible, and are capable of self-sacrifice
for the good of the community equally in peace as in war.
It IS no easy achievement, but towards this end we must
press if all the slaughter and anguish of these months is
not to be in vain.
Let us escape from the fetters of words and shibboleths,
for life is action not speech. This verity has been taught
us by war, and the lesson must never be forgotten.
Before the Victorian centenary arrives, in every human
probability peace wiU be restored ; by peace we imply
the cessation of carnage and the stay of devastation.
But let us not be deluded by the word, and dream we
may then sink back safely and comfortably into the old
ruts out of which we have been so cruelly flung, and soak
our souls with the opiates of self-complacency. There is
in truth no such thing as peace on this earth if life be
healthy and beneficent and the progress of humanity
maintained. Even under the most favourable circum-
stances there must ever be struggle and fight. And it
is an Empire well worth fighting for, _ for it is con-
fined by no narrow conceptions ; it is too vast for
restricting influences of class, colour and creed. Though
tribute has to be rendered unto Caesar, that is unto the
State, to all men is it freely permitted to render unto
God the things that are God's ; and where Christianity
prevails, it is judged at the last not by doctrines
or dogmas but by practical kindliness — by giving meat
to the hungry, drink to the thirsty, hospitality to the
stranger, and care to the sick. Those who have mocked
us for ruling with so light a hand, and deemed it to be
the mark of indolence and decadence, are confounded.
But we have to take the world as it is if we would
endeavour to make it a better world. We must organise
the Empire in a manner hitherto undreamed of ; we have
to sit down and consider carefully every commercia
enterprise and make it impossible in the future that the
channels of industry shall serve as poison-ducts for an
enemy who is not restrained by the decencies of life,
but has exalted treachery and the betrayal of friends
and neighbours into a noble service to the State. Nor
can we be deterred from this purpose by the slave-whip of
political sophists and rhetoricians, who would herd us
back into sloth and inaction by the flick of phrases which
have served their purpose in the old days, when eyes were
blind and hearts failed to understand. We show on
other pages of this issue the manner in which the British
Empire may be all but self-supporting. Can anyone
honestly declare protection against the products of Ger-
many, raised in self-defence, to be a part of Tariff Reform
or an infringement of Free Trade if we continue to our
gallant Allies, as we shall most certainly do, the com-
mercial facilities which they have hitherto enjoyed. -
There is hard work ahead for the Empire — work which
cannot be delayed and which must be undertaken in a
thorough and methodical manner. It implies breaking
with the past, but does not all life since the guns first
roared at Liege imply this ? This journal counts itself
fortunate in that by a happy inspiration it broke off in
August, 1914, from its former traditions and began a new
career that synchronises with the world struggle. Since
that day it has endeavoured to give week by week a faith-
ful report not merely of the chief Episodes of the war, but
of their inner significance ; and it has striven to elucidate
the influences which these unprecedented events are
exprting on life both within the British Empire and with-
out. Its purpose has been to encourage the doubters
and to stimulate the fighters, nor when mistakes have
been made has it deemed it necessary to reprobate those
in authority, believing that to know all would be to
pardon much if not all. When the last shot has been
fired and a glad silence descends on the troubled air, it
foresees that its work will increase rather than lessen.
The problems of the future will be at least as difficult as
those of the present. If peace has victories as renowned
as war, war has prosperities as affluent as peace, so there
must needs be a complete re-settlement of the economic
and political life of the British Empire, which will make
heavy demands on publicists. We are no visionaries,
thinking a new heaven and a new earth are to be created
by scraps of paper and the pens of Plenipotentiaries, for
we remember the wise words of a Chinese statesman,
"There is but one Heaven ; it is approached from Earth
by many ladders. And all the ladders are steep."
L A N D & W A T E R
May 2;-, 1916
The Right Hon. Joseph Chamberlain
[BORN 1836 — DIED 1914]
Secretary of State for the Colonies, 1895-1903
May 25, 1916 LAND & WATER
MESSAGES FROM THE PREMIERS.
Below we print Empire Day messages, specially indited
for the " Five Nations " Number of Land & Water
by the Prime Ministers of the Overseas Dominions —
Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.
CANADA : The Right Hon. Sir Robert Borden :
NOTHING could be more fitting at this time than some special recognition of the day
on which we celebrate a world-wide Commonwealth, single-minded in devotion to common
ideals of freedom and justice and determined to maintain a common allegiance. Toward
that end more than 300,000 Canadians have already offered their utmost service, and throughout
the Dominion there is no thought of counting the cost. Whatever further burdens are assumed
will be measured only by what is needed to secure a recognised victory for our common cause
and the lasting integrity of our united Empire.
JUS'URJLIJ : The Right Hon. William M. Hughes :
ALTHOUGH there have been many occasions since the war broke out upon which the
/\ true idea of the British Empire has been more clearly revealed to us, to-day, Empire
Day, is the special occasion when the peoples of Mother Country and Dominions join
to celebrate the unity and strength of our wide flung race. Our enemies, seeking to destroy,
have reconstructed. Such occasions as the conquest of German South Africa, the landing of
the immortal 29th Division at Helles, the entry of the Canadians into action at Festubert, and
the storming of the Gaba Tepe cliffs by the Australians and New Zealanders have welded us.
Our own folly and stupidity may sunder some ties ; nothing else can, if we are in truth worthy.
We in Australia are with you heart and soul in the war, because we are free men loving
freedom. We shall fight for our Australian citizenship and our part in the destinies of the
British Empire as dearer than life. Australia warmly appreciates the splendid welcome and
generous hospitality extended by Great Britain to her fighting sons, more and more of whom
daily are visiting England. Thus are the links of the race being strengthened and when peace
comes we hope to stand united and strong, a power for good and for the advancement of the
world.
^EW ZEJLAND : The Right Hon. William F. Massey:
IN the cause of Liberty and Freedom for which Britain has drawn the sword our Dominion's
sons are taking their place in the fighting line and will continue to do so until final and
decisive victory comes. Fifty-five thousand sturdy New Zealanders have already responded
to the call of duty. More are coming and reinforcements will regularly go forward. On this
anniversary of Empire Day the world beholds the British Nation more firmly united than at
any time in its past history. Reverses, when they occur, serve only to strengthen our deter-
mination to win this war at all costs. New Zealand, along with the other Overseas Dominions,
taking pride in her loyalty and devotion to King and Country, will not relax her efforts now
or after the war to ensure for all time the safety and integrity of the Empire.
SOWUH JFTjICjl : The Right Hon. Louis Botha :
4T no time in the history of the ^British Empire has there been greater necessity for
/-\ co-operation and a united front. A glorious victory for Great Britain and her
courageous Allies must be the sole aim and object of all our efforts. South Africa will
continue to do her duty.
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1Q16
Empire Building
The Possibilities of Imperial
By Harold Cox
Union
THE conscious movement for Imperial unity is
barely a generation old. It had its origin in a
book published by the late Professor Seeley,
entitled The Expansion of England, embodying
a series of lectures which had been delivered in Cam-
bridge. The main thesis of this epoch-making book
was that England had expanded her Empire more than
half unconsciously ; .she had built up vast dominions
across the seas without specially intending to do so, and
frequently in opposition to prevailing currents of thought
at home. There is, at any rate, this much of truth in the
ate Professor Seeley 's thesis that at the time he
both to organise the dispatch of troops to the firing line,
and to get rid of the financial control which the Germans
had secured over some of the most important mineral
industries of Australia.
At the present moment it may safely be said that
apart from a few cranks who are temperamentally dis-
posed to criticising rather than to helping their own
country, everyone throughout the Empire is eager for
closer Imperial union. That eagerness arises from
two allied impulses. In the first place, the loyalty
which all parts of the Empire have displayed in
rushing to the colours has created a wide-spread feeling
wrote— namely, in the eariy 'eighties, — very few English of solid.^rity which alone calls for defini^te expression ;
people then living had seriously and deliberately thought secondly wl> all of us now cleariy see the danger of
of Empire building
Barely twenty years
had elapsed since Dis-
raeli, who subsequently
became a vigorous ex-
ponent of the Imperialist
conception, had spoken
contemptuously of the
Colonies as "a mill-
stone hanging round our
neck." Another English
statesman, who, to an
even greater extent than
Disraeli, subsequently
identified himself with
the Imperialist move-
ment, was in the early
'eighties an ultra-Eng-
lish Radical, who pro-
bably had never given
a single thought to over-
sea problems. So little
indeed was Mr. Cham-
berlain recognised as an
Imperial statesman that
when in 1895, on the
formation of the Union-
ist Cabinet, he took the
office of Colonial Secre-
tary, there was a mur-
mur of puzzled sur-
prise throughout the
newspaper press. Yet
within two years, at
the Jubilee Conference
of 1897, Mr. Joseph
Chamberlain formulated
ideas which lie at the
very basis of the con-
ception of Imperial
union. The events of the
South African War strengthened Mr. Chamberlain's enthu-
siasm for Imperial expansion, and at the same time gave
to the country at large a more vivid conception of the
responsibilities attached to a great Empire.
The same events brought more clearly into public
light and increased the public influence of another great
Empire-builder, Cecil Rhodes. To him more than to
any other Englishman does the Empire owe the con-
solidation of South Africa, and his name is rightly for
ever connected with a vast stretch of South African
territory.
Since then the conception of Imperial -union has
become common property. It affects all classes and all
parts of the Empire. In Mr. Hughes, who comes from
tljc Antipodes, the Empire possesses a remarkable
VHE RIGHT HON. WILLIAM M.
PriniL* Minister of Australia
disunion. We have
learnt that Germany
has for years steadily
been planning to build
up a great Empire of
her own, partly to be
fashioned out of the
ruins of the British
Empire. On both ac-
counts — for mutual
affection and for mutual
protection —the import-
ance of Imperial unity
is now recognised by
everyone.
It is, however, useless
to form a clear concep-
tion of the ideal to be
attained unless at the
same time we take into
account the obstacles
which have to be over-
come before the goal
can be reached. It is
from this point of view
that it would be satis-
factory if men like Mr.
Hughes would add to
their exposition of ideals
a precise statement of the
the steps required to
attain them.
There is a fairly
general agreement that
one of the most im-
portant steps towards
closer Imperial unity—
perhaps the most im-
portant of all — is the
establishment of a fiscal
system which will pro-
mote closer trade relations between different parts of
the Empire. On this point the example of the
German Empire is very illuminating. In effect the
German Empire, created in 1871, was based upon the
German Zollverein established in 1834. The word
Zollvcrein means neither more nor less than customs
union. Before the Zollvcrein was established (and for
historical accuracy it should be added that the process
was gradual, though the year 1834 may be taken as the
main date) Germany was cut up into a multiplicity of
separate areas fenced off from one another by innumerable
independent customs houses. By establishing a customs
union these barriers to internal trade were swept away,
and though the different (ierman States remained politi-
cally independent, their peoples were brought into such
EXiott and fill
HUGHKS
exponent of this conception. His advocacy of Imperialism cIos3 commercial union with one another that the ground
as the leader of the Australian Labour Party may usefully
be balanced against the anti-patriotic attitude adopted
by a section of the Labour Party in this country. Tn.it
some of his speeches here suffer from vagueness may be
true, but his action in Australia has been full of determina-
tion. Promptly on the outbreak of war he took steps
WIS prepared for political union.
It will not, however, do to press this analogy too far.
Tne arguments for removing an internal customs barrier
are obviously greater than thosj for removing a similar
barrier between countries separated by the sea. The
same consideration applies to any question of pohtical
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
union. It is much easier to form an Imperial Reichstag
sitting in Berhn, in which Saxony and Wiirtemburg and
the rest of the German States arc represented, than to
form an Imperial Parliament sitting in London to which
Canada, Australia and New Zealand would have to send
representatives across the seas. For these and similar
reasons there is little profit in studying the German
analogy too closely. Our problems are peculiar to our-
selves and they must be studied in the light of our own
experience and the light of our own ideals. When Mr.
Chamberlain addressed the representatives of the Colonial
Conference in 1902, he said emphatically that the first
thing to consider was " how far we can extend the trade
between the different parts of. the Empire — a reciprocal
trade." He added in words which were as emphatic
as they were definite, " Our first object then, as I say, is
free trade within the Empire." To that proposal
the i)ominions made no response. They were not
prepared to concede free trade to the Mother Country.
In none of his speeches urging Imperial union has Mr.
Hughes indicated any willingness on the part of Australia to
repeal the somewhat heavy duties which are imposed upon
the manutactures of the Mother Country. What is true of
.'\ustralia is apparently
true jilso of Canada,
New Zealand and South
Africa. The only portion
of the Empire where free
trade with the United
Kingdom prevails is In-
dia, which is due to the
fact that India is under
the direct political con-
trol of the Home Gov-,
ernment. Clearly it is
impossible to coerce
the Dominions in this
matter. Nobody would
dream of proposing to
undertake such a task,
and if conceivably it
were undertaken it
would certainly fail.
These are facts which
should be borne in mind
by those newspaper
writers who are in the
habit of arguing that the
opposition to Imperial
unity comes from the
free traders of the Uni-
ted Kingdom. Complete
fiscal union is impossible
without Imperial free
trade and the opposition
to Imperial free trade
comes not from English
free traders but from
Colonial protectionists.
Assuming that this pro-
tectionist opposition to
Imperial unity cannot be
overcome we have to
consider whether any
steps can be taken to secure a closer unity while still
maintaining the fiscal independence of the Dominions
and recognising that that independence will be used for
the Sa.ke of protecting colonial industries against the
competition of British manufactures. Here again it is
alleged by tariff reform writers that opposition comes
from English free traders. Again the allegation is untrue.
The only proposal which the tariff reformers in this
country have made is that a general tariff should be
imposed upon all goods entering the United Kingdom,
but that colonial goods should be admitted at a lower
rate than foreign goods. This proposal, so far from
bringing nearer the ideal of fiscal unity would drive that
ideal farther off. There is no colonial producer who
would not prefer the present system of free entry into the
British market to the proposed system of a duty upon his
goods and a higher duty upon foreign goods.
This indeed is a crucial question both from the point
of view of the Dominions and of our Allies, and it is well
at once to face it, especially in view of the growing demand
for protective duties at home for the special benefit of
p
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British agriculture. The arguments for and against that
proposal cannot be here considered in detail, but this
fact must at once be faced, that it is impossible to protect
British agricultural industries without imposing heavy
duties upon agricultural products now supplied to us by
our own colonies and by our Allies.
\\c have then to consider whether, leaving aside both
the proposals of the tariff reformers and the pre-war
view of the ultra-free traders, we can take any practical
steps which, while falling short of Mr. Chamberlain's
ideal of free trade within the Empire, , may stiU make
Imperial trade ' relations closer. There is one step
which we can certainly take, namely to agree with
the Dominions to penalise the trade of our enemies.
If either by tariffs, or if necessary by absolute pro-
hibitions, German trade is handicapped in all countries
under the British flag, to that extent those countries
will at any rate have the opportunity of trading
more frequently and more fully with one another.
On the political side the ideal vaguely floating in
many minds is the creation of some form of truly
Imperial Parliament. But the Dominions, quite intel-
ligibly, look with alarm upon the possibility of an
Imperial Parliament
which would deprive
them of even a portion
of their present com-
plete legislative inde-
pendence. But it may,
however, be suggested
that there are certain
inter-Imperial questions
which can reasonably be
referred to decision by
an Imperial Council
\vithout effectively
encroaching upon the
privileges of the various
domestic legislatures.
Probably any such Coun-
cil would have to be
composed rather of dele-
gates from the existing
governments than of
representatives to be
chosen by direct popular
election. ';
Without waiting for
the creation of such an
Imperial Council for
settling inter - Imperial
problems, there is one
definite step towards
closer Imperial union
which might be taken
at once. The present
Parliament of the United
Kingdom — frequently
known as the Imperial
Parliament, though the
title is only partially
justified — consists not
only of the House of
Commons, but also of the
House of Lords. When England and Scotland were
united by the Act of Union in 1707, it was very
properly provided that the sovereign should no
longer create peers of England, but that he should
instead create peers of Great Britain. Subsequently
when Great Britain and Ireland were united in
1801, peerages of the United Kingdom were substituted
for peerages of Great Britain. Cannot we, following these
analogies, now provide for the creation of peerages of the
Empire ? Such peerages must be freed from the serious
objection attaching to existing Peerages, namely, their
hereditary character, and be given for life only. They
must clearly be limited in number, and precaution must
be taken that the selecting authority is not affected by
considerations of British party politics. Subject to these
conditions, it would be an immense advantage if the
King were at once authorised by Act of Parliament to
create Peers of the Empire, without regard to creed or
race or colour, to hold office for life and to act
as spokesmen in the House of Lords for the oversea
portions and problems of His Majesty's Dominions.
Elliott and Ifry
CECIL RHODES
Born Bishop Stortford. July 5, 1853— Died Cope Town, March 26. 19D2
L A X D & W A T E R
May 25, 1916
Story of the Five Nations
The story of the Five Nations and the part they have played in the Great War, when it comes to
be written fully, will form the noblest epic in the annals of the world. That day has yet to dai&n.
But here we give briefly, and as it were in skeleton form, the outlines of this splendid story.
The following articles from the pen of able writers, each familiar u'ith the events he
describes from the hour when the first bugle sounded the call to arms, set forth tersely the
glorious assembly of the fighting forces of the British Empire. Mr. Hilaire Belloc and Mr.
Arthur Pollen in other pages of this issue tell of the strength which the Mother Nation has
herself displayed. We have added to this story an account of what India has done, leritten
by Sir Francis Younghusband, and also a summary, necessarily brief, of the extraordinary
efforts made by the outlying parts of the Empire to render the fullest assistance in their power to
the cause of liberty and humanity for which Great Britain and the Britains beyond the Seas
are warring. Try to visualise the gathering together of this mighty army, from almost all
the shores of *he world, remembering that they have come together of their ozmt free will, with-
out compulsion. The dream of our greatest Imperial statesmen has been resolved into fact.
Canada and Her Army
By an Officer of the Canadian Expeditionary Force
r
Gencnl Service BaiUe
"T is fortunate for
us that this world
war was preceded
.by a period of
organising military
activity in Canada. In
summarising the tale
of the Dominion's
participation in the
struggle, a few pre-
liminary facts deserve
to be recalled. At the
Colonial Conference of
1907, the Chief of the
British General Staff,
Sir Neville Lyttelton,
in a paper on " The
Strategical Conditions
of the Empire from
a Military Point of
View," laid down three fundamental principles of Imperial
preparation, of which the first two were : —
1. The obligation imposed on each self-governing unit of
providing as far as possible for its own security.
2. The duty of arranging for mutual assistance upon some
definite lines in case of need.
An Imperial General Staff was then proposed, a common
type of organisation, a common terminology, and a
common standard of education for officers. It was further
suggested by General Lyttelton that whatever the size of a
contingent sent by a colony, it should be accompanied bj-
the requisite number of administrative field units. The
suggestions were accepted, and the further Defence
Conference of 1909 saw a general concurrence of the
overseas members in the proposition " that each part of
the Empire is willing to make its preparation on such
lines as will enable it, should it so desire, to take its
share in the general defence of the Empire."
Sir John French's Visit
When, in the following year. Sir John French, as
Inspector-General of the Overseas Forces, paid a visit to
Canada, he criticised, not unsympathetically, the con-
ditions then prevalent, and made further \'aluable sug-
gestions. Two years later, the Dominions Section was
established at the War Office. Danger was in the air and
the Empire was prepared to meet it.
.•\bout this time the Liberal Government, which had
been fifteen years in power in Canada, was overthrown.
and a new War Minister, Colonel (after Major-Generai
Sir Sam) Hughes, entered upon the scene. Popular
interest in miUtary affairs became marvellously quickened,
and the work of organisation went forward by leaps and
bounds. Now to the question : What was the actual
state of Canada's army at the outbreak of war ? It con-
sisted of 3.500 permanent troops and (on paper) 60.000
active militia. In point of fact, the number presenting
themselves for annual drill was never more than 45,000
and was frequently below 40,000, imperfectly trained,
equipped and officered. In addition, there were 3,000
or 4.000 British Army reservists, and there were some
25,000 members of civilian rifle clubs, a useful organisa-
tion dating from 1901, whose members might be expected
to fill up the gaps in the MiUtia ranks.
This then, was Canada's military strength at the out-
break of war. Undeterred by the misgivings of experts
and by manifest technical, as well as numerical short-
comings, the Prime Minister of Canada, Sir Robert
Borden, offered 20,000 men to the British Government
to join the Imperial forces at the front, and the offer
was accepted. Promptly did Canada respond to the
call ; old Militiamen as well as untrained volunteers
poured into the hastily-improvised recruiting stations,
and in less than a month the Minister of Militia found
nearly 40.000 men under his orders.
Valcartier Training Gamp
A huge training camp, the largest ever seen on Canadian
soil, sprang into being at Valcartier. in the vicinity of
Quebec. The formation of this camp was itself a triumph
of engineering and military science. The making of roads,
drains, the establishment of a water supply, the laying
of railway tracks, electric lighting, telephones, a sanitary
system, bath-houses, was accomplished within a single
fortnight. The largest rifle range in the world, with a line
of targets 3| miles long, was set up. Within a week
25.000 men had flocked thither from all parts of the
Dominion, drawn from every class and phase of the
national life ; from Canadian towns, homesteads, ranches,
mines and factories.
It had been decided to send to England a complete
division, in addition to a reserve brigade to be used for
drafting purposes to repair the losses in the field. Not
only had these troops to be armed and trained, but the
material had to be created on the spot— clothing, boots,
puttees, mess-tins, belts, haversacks, bandoliers, pouches
— in brief, all the accoutrements of an army. No detail
of administration was overlooked. The force received
careful medical attention and every man was inoculated
against typhoid. A fleet of transJDorts was assembled,
and on one rainy day towards the end of September, the
Duke of Connaught, accompanied by the Duches?- and
the Princess Patricia, reviewed the first division of the
Canadian Expeditionary Force. A few days later a
fleet of transports, such a fleet as had never before been
borne seaward on the St. Lawrence, sailed away to Ply-
mouth and the Old Land. They arrived in the middle
of October and were at once encamped on Sahsbury
Pla:in, where, under their new commander, Lieut.-General
Sir Edwin Alderson, they underwent further training
under conditions which severely tried their spirit and
powers of endurance, but from which they emerged
triumphant. Here they were visited by that matchless
soldier. Lord Roberts, whose name alorie had a magical
power to kindle their zeal and loyalty. " The prompt
resolve of Canada." he told them, speaking for Englishmen.
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
" to give us such valuable assistance, has touched us
deeply. That resolve has been quickened into action
in a marvellously short space of time, under the excellent
organising and driving power of your Minister of Militia
— my friend, Major-General Hughes."
Early in December, one Canadian battalion, the
" Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry," com-
posed almost wholly of veteran soldiers, left the camp to
join the 27th British Division. But it was not until the
second week in February of last year that the First
Canadian Division landed at St. Nazaire, and thus found
itself at last in France.
In this Division were two thousand descendants of the
•Frenchmen who had left France in the 17th century.
One company of the 14th Battalion was- entirely com-
posed of French Canadians, speaking only the tongue of
their ancestors, and as they marched through the French
countryside, on their way to the front, the air rang with
the old chansons, which, long since forgotten in the land
of their origin, still lived in the New France overseas,
from whence they came. " The population," wrote a
French Canadian officer, " applauded us ; people ran
to the doors of their houses and offered us fruit and wine ;
at the stopping-places, French soldiers brought us coffee
and rum ; joy and gaiety reigned everywhere, as we
passed." It was an irresistible appeal to the historic
imagination.
Having taken over French trenches at the front, in the
neighbourhood of Ypres, not many weeks elapsed before
the Canadians received their baptism of fire. The
" Princess Pats " was the first of the overseas battalions
to be engaged in an action of real importance. This was
at St. Eloi, and on March 20th their gallant commander,
Colonel Farquhar, was killed. During the ensuing
month the battahon covered itself and the name it bore
with eternal glory.
Second Battle of Ypres
With the famous Second Battle of Ypres, the world is
now familiar. In those three days, April 22nd, 23rd
and 24th, 1915, the fame of the First Canadian Division
spread throughout the world. The French line of trenches
had been emptied by a pestilential and irresistible onrush
of poisonous gas. The Canadians sprang into the breach,
and were left to bear the brunt. Enormously out-
numbered, they fought steadily two days and nights,
knowing that upon their efforts depended the safety
of the whole line which the enemy -was endeavouring to
pierce. " The Canadians," reported Sir John French,
" held their ground with a magnificent display of tenacity
and courage ; and it is not too much to say that the
bearing and conduct of these splendid troops averted a
disaster which might have been attended with the most
serious consequences." " Canada," said the Tinies,
" saved Calais."
Meanwhile Canada was not slackening her efforts.
Another call for troops had gone forth, and another, and
another. In May, just following the Second Battle of Ypres,
which had stirred all Canada like flame, a second division
set sail. In September, the month which saw a further
important action at Loos, a third division left Canadian
shores. At the present moment, a fourth division is in
England, en route for the seat of war, and a fifth and
sixth are forming.
In March, 1916, it was announced by Sir Robert Borden
that his Government was authorising the enrolment of
500,000 men as Canada's contribution to the forces of the
Empire. Of this number, nearly 350,000 are already
under arms.
Gradually Canada has built up, keeping pace with these
active military developments, a great military organisa-
tion, not only in the Dominion, but in this country. In
London is Major-General J. W. Carson, C.B., and an
administrative staff, constantly in touch with the War
Office, with the Army Council and with the Imperial
General Staff. Moreover, on the East Coast is a great
reserve division, under Brigadier-General J. C. Macdougall,
C.M.G., which is constantly drafting men to the depleted
battalions in the firing line. The Representative of the
Dominion Government at the front is Colonel Sir Max
Aitken, M.P. There is a thoroughly-equipped medical
service under General Carlton-Jones, and a staff of
eminent surgeons, and scattered through the country are
numerous Canadian hospitals and convalescent homes
which minister to the needs of Canada's sick and wounded.
The Canadian Pay and Record Offices in Westminster
employ a thousand military clerks. Altogether Canada's
war expenditure already approaches a million dollars a
day.
The War Machine
Gradually the war machine of the Dominion has been
approximated in character and discipline to the fighting
forces of the Mother Country. The system throughout,
even to its smallest details, is the same ; the uniform of
the troops is the same ; such laxity as was apparent on
the arrival of the first division has vanished, and there
is now nothing in the appearance, deportment or morale of
the men to distinguish them from any of the newly-raised
British battalions, save that the physique of the Canadians
is rather superior. The very term " battalion " is of
recent introduction in Canada ; the unit was the regi-
ment. At first, the Canadian battalions wore any
distinguishing badges, the maple leaf and the brass
shoulder-lettering being their only mark of individuality.
But at an early stage it was thought wise to encourage the
territorial system, and battalions came to be associated
with the locaUties in which they were raised. Individual
badges were devised and by degrees a battalion esprit
de corps was fostered.
It is perhaps invidious to single out any one of the
scores of battalions which have seen active service, but
Canadians will not soon forget the deeds of the gallant
" Princess Pats," the i6th Battalion (Canadian Scottish),
the 4th Battalion, the ist (Ontario) Battalion, the 3rd
(Toronto), Battalion, the 7th Battalion (British Columbia
Regiment), the 13th Battalion (Royal Highlanders of
Canada), the 8th Battalion (90th Winnipeg Rifles). Of
the gallant officers who have fallen the list is large, but
the names of Birchall, Norsworthy, Merritt, Boyle,
McHarg and Drummond are sure of a niche in our
Temple of Fame.
What the war has done in a military sense for Canada
stands revealed. The series of scattered units, enrolled
merely for local defence and intended in time of war to be
auxiliary to an army raised by Great Britain, has
vanished as such forever from the scene, emerging as a
Canadian Army, which already in the crucible of war has
adjusted itself into the machinery of a world- v/ide Im-
perial military system.
Australia's Part
By Arthur Mason
(London Correspondent of the " Sydney Morninl Herald ")
IN days to come,
when place and
share and praise
and honour shall
have been measured
through the juster
perspective of his-
tory, Australia's en-
t husiasm of service
and sacrifice in the
cause of Empire will
have its due portion
of fame in the common
fame of the Dominion
peoples. That estimate
of a future generation,
the result of a more
ilelicatc balancing of
forces than is avail-
able to us who are in
the very midst of their clash and fire will, as it always
does, consolidate our faiths and illumine our judgments.
The material progress which had lifted Australia to
national stature by gi:ace merely of a handful of population
and a century of time, had been the ideal progress of a
land that was always prosperous and always peaceful.
The hint of war had disturbed that progress. No thought
of war had checked it. The wars of other lands and other
ages were, in Australia, not the catastrophic crises of
national fate, but part of the picturesque tradition of a
Cvtriicrtil Service Bud^c
10
LAND & WATER
May 25. 1916
storied past. She had had a share in the South African
war, but long before July. 1914. it had come to be recog-
nised as a small share in a small campaign. No possible
inspiration to thought of war was to be had by her people,
either from the poUtical experiments in which they were
constantly engaged, or from the steady flow of prosperous
years in which their wealth grew and multiplied. Still
less was there of such inspiration in the easy circum-
stances of a life swathed in .\ustralia's natural surrounding
of soft airs and abiding sunshine. Yet, and in spite of all,
influences of sterner motive were undoubtedly abroad.
Tliere was alwavs, for one thing, the incalculable in-
fluence of Australian loyalty to Britain. For the most
pa-t dormant, it was easily awakened and obviously
alive. No one doubted that if ever a day should demand
of it something more than the singing of national songs
and the waving of national flags, that demand would be
met, and met not less, but more willingly by reason of
the growing sturdincss of a definitely Australian national
spirit. Graduallv, too, the leaders of Australian political
thought had begun to measure the antagonistic possi-
bilities of other races of the Eastern seas. In the eves of a
constitutionally easy-H\dng people this was little more
than a far-off menace, escape from which seemed, in
any case, to be a matter almost wholly beyond the
capacity of their limited numbers. By reason of it,
nevertheless, the seed of the defence preparation of
Australia was sown, and the fruit of it became visible
when, in 1909, the Royal Australian Navy came into
being, and when in i()io, the historic \-isit of Lord
Kitchener led to the Defence Act of that year and its
proN-ision for compulsory training.
Kitchener's Scheme
For the most part, the Kitchener scheme and the Act
based upon it were measures for a so distant future that
their bearing upon the actual war demand of 1914 is to be
found not in the region of facts, but among those other
less tangible influences which have played so great a part
in the arming of Austraha. For the Military College of
Duntroon established under the Act, had no more than
begun its work in 1914, while the Citizen Defence Force
was to be built up gradually by drafts of the cadets who
had been trained for a specified term of four years between
the ages 14 to 18. But from its very beginning the com-
pulsory training scheme had a moral effect upon the
nation. It lifted the thoughts of hundreds and thousands
of Australians to things beyond their accustomed range. It
strengthened the fibres of Australian nationality no less
than it improved the physique of Austrahan boyhood.
It reminded a people almost too easily circumstanced
that danger might lurk unobserved, and that the respon-
sibihties of nationhood could not for ever be avoided.
And in every one of those details it was a compelling
influence upon the mind and heart of Australia when the
])low fell and the Empire call rang across the world.
Not the only influence, of course, for there were many
influences, and all the influences together surged into a
common irresistible impulse, so that Britain's entrance
upon war, at a stroke and from one end to the other of
the continent, transformed this peaceful, peace-loving
Australia into a land aflame with the ardour of battle.
Space will allow no more than a bint of that sudden
fierce enthusiasm — how it issued first m the Government's
immediate offer of an E.xpeditionary Force, and after-
■ wards in ten thousand subsidiary enthusit^^ms, how ac
the signal men came hurrying from near and far lo offer
their fighting services, men of the cities and men of the
bush, men of the silent mountains, and men of the great
plains, men of cultivated profession, and men of the
humblest callings, picturesque men of all kinds and con-
ditions from across the unrivalled inner picturesque lands
of Australia, men who lived at touch with the grandeur of
its magnificent distances, men who sweated in the
dusts and heats of its desert wastes, lonely men from
west of sunset, and men of the crowded highways of life — ■
left all and came flooding in at the word of need. Nor can
more be said of the Australian enthusiasm of liberality,
an enthusiasm which set the whole nation at work for
others and for their own, and which has subscribed nearly
four millions sterling to war funds and contributed many
miliicms of articles of fodO. and clothing to whomsoever
seemed to deserve or desire them. And only a word, too,
of the stress and strain of Governments, and of all in
authority ; or of the completeness of the offer which has
promised 300.000 Australian soldiers to Bntam and
has despatched a great proportion of that number fully
equipped and partially trained, what time the financial
burden of it all upon the five million people of Australia
calls for repeated War Loans and foreshadows an ex-
penditure for the current year of £75,000,000.
First Successes
With no more than this in respect of achievements
and sacrifices which in themselves are of the essence of
national revolution, one passes to a word in remembrance,
of achievement in actual war and the supreme sacrifice
inseparable from it. The first Australian successes were
those by which, in October, 1914, Australia possessed
herself of the important German colonies of New Guinea
and New Britain. On November 9th, -too, the wholly
admirable activities of the Royal Australian Navy were
crowned by the ^^ctory of the cruiser Syd)icy over the
notorious Emdcn, a dramatic event which fully and
finally established the infant Australian Navy in the
affections of the Australian people, who, besides, are
proud to think that ships of their's are now in battle-line
in the North Sea with the mighty fleet of Britain.
The men who had rushed by the thousand to the first
enlistments were soon in training camps near the capital
cities, available to them the more conveniently by reason
of the Defence organisation, of whose machinery they
and many of the officers at their service were a part.
But the work of the camps had to be short and sharp.
For it was no far cry from those fateful days of August
to the night of December 6th, when the fleet of transports
bearing the first Austrahan troops to fight on European
fields stole in line through the Suez Canal, and no farther
cry to the days that followed, when the sands of the
desert, and the waters of the Nile, and the stones of
immemorial temples and tombs —the whole vast solemnity
of ancient Egypt— were the familiar surrounding of the
youngest army of the Empire come from the newest
nation of the world.
Their work in the sands and the sun of the Egyptian
training grounds was hard and unceasing. But it re-made
them. It built them and those who followed them,
detachment after detachment, a steady stream of re-
inforcements—tens of thousands of Australians in arms —
into the soldiers they meant to be. It gave them, more-
over. General Birdwood, now their leader of leaders. It
sent them, under him, to the Dardanelles and GallipoH,
there, on April 25th, 1915, to make the glorious entrance
into battle which has immortalised them, there to fight
through months of unflinching gallantry in almost every
hour of which was an act of heroism, in some hours at least
of which— as in those of the unforgettably bloody days 01
last year's August— hundreds of Australian lads fell
without a murmur and died without a cry. Through
eight months of bitter fighting, varied by unescapable
lingering sickness, the (lallipoli campaign wore to its
ignominious end. Out of the mouth of the hell of it the
Australian soldiers came, in Deceml^er last, unsullied,
established in a fighting fame as glorious as any.
They left behind them thousands of their dead, the
graves of whom are an abiding sorrow of the kinsfolk
and friends who, though '.hey sent them forth gladly
risking all were wholly without thought of such a tragedy
on such u oodle.
The way of Australia, however, under this shock of war,
is a great way. It covers its strange new grief with
silence. The 11,000 Australian sick and wounded who
have been nursed back to health in British hospitals, or
invalided home, cover theirs with a smile. Such as are
fit once more have joined their fellows in the pleasanter
fields of France, obviously happy in the thought of a new
campaign. In Australia they will be remembered less
with anxiety than with confidence and pride. For
Australia was never more proudly at war than now.
Still her soldiers come. Still she gathers and trains and
equips and sends them forth. She makes munitions of
war. Out of her fertility she feeds the comrade peoples
half across the world. Her call for men and still
more men is a matter of ordered campaigning
by the legislatures of all her States, and if appeals
should fail she will not hesitate to compel. In all regards.
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
II
indeed, Australia has played and is plajnng and will
continue to play, the part of a Dominion of the Empire
whose people have risen easily and fearlessly to exalted
vision of a great Imperial cause.
New Zealand's Share
By Noel Ross
Ol
General Service Badge
N April 25th
Londoners
ined the
streets and
cheered themselves
hoarse as the Anzacs
marched to the
memorial service in
Westminster Abbey.
What was it they
were cheering ? Some,
perhaps, applauded
the good carriage and
the fine physique of
the men from Over-
seas. Some cheered
because it was the first
approach to a military
pageant, the nearest
to a " Maffick," that
they had yet been allowed. How many saw the real
significance of those long columns ? How many of those
enthusiastic Londoners realised that the true lesson lay
in the fact that those men, drawn by no tangible tie,
had come 15,000 miles to fight for Empire.
We in New Zealand heard of the declaration of war on
August 5th, 1914. Inside three weeks an expeditionary
force, fully equipped with guns, and escorted by colonial
war vessels, had captured German Samoa, the first
enemy possession to fall into the hands of Britain.
During the same period the military resources of our
small Dominion had been taxed to the uttermost, but
they had withstood the strain.
Crowded Recruiting Offices
Camps sprang up in various parts, and men were
drafted to central points. At Auckland, Wellington,
Christchurch, and Dunedin, the recruiting offices were
rushed by men anxious to enlist. Many would-be
recruits came hundreds of miles, only to find that they
were too late and would have to await the formation of
the reinforcement units before they could get places.
At the end of the first month there was in the camps
a force of approximately 10,000 men. Nor was this all.
Thanks to the system of compulsory military training,
one man out of three, and that is an excellent leaven'
knew how to handle his rifle ; knew what was expected
of him in the way of discipline ; understood the elements
of camp sanitation ; and even had a grounding in work
in the field. With the mounted men these benefits were
even more marked. Those who had them, brought their
own horses, many of them valuable beasts, and they knew
how to look after them. A colonial trooper is his own
veterinary.
Clothing and stores of all sorts came quickly to hand,
and before the end of September the New Zealand'
Expeditionary Force was an accomplished fact, fully
armed, with complete equipment, and ready to go
anywhere the Mother Land commanded. Big ocean-
going merchantmen and liners were acquired by the
authorities. Marble panelled saloons were transformed
into rough deal-boarded mess rooms, and cabins were
removed. :^unks were fitted up tier upon tier in the
holds, and even in the refrigerating chambers. Then
the men were marched from the four centres to the
transports. To the man in the ranks things seemed to
go without a hitch, and no better testimonial could be
given to those responsible for the organising of the force.
The fleet of grey-painted troopships concentrated at the
port of the capital— and waited, for the German was
prowling in the Pacific. A month passed before it was safe
to venture out. The time was not wasted, for route
marches filled the long spring days. At last came our
escort. « We woke one morning to see moored near us a
great black hull. It was the cruiser Ihuki, flying the
Rising Sun of Japan. Then on a morning when the sea
was so smooth that each ship was reflected in perfect
outhne, the twelve grey transports glided out of harbour.
The Great Adventure had begun.
No need to recall the long period of training in Egj^t,
or the tragic sequel at Gallipoli. Some of us had but a
few hours on the Peninsula, some, but very few, held out
through the long days until the evacuation.
From the original New Zealand contingent of 10,000,
has sprung a force of 50,000 men ! Of this total 38,000
have sailed from New Zealand and the remainder are in
camp in the Dominion. In addition, some hunchreds have
joined in England and Australia. To you people who
talk lightly of milHons, that seems perhaps a drop in the
ocean. It means more to us, for that 50,000 has come
out of a population of a million souls — no more. To
keep up reinforcements for this force, we have to supply
2,500 men every month and the men arc not hanging back.
Ideal Camps
An Imperial military man of high standing said recently
that the two main camps in New Zealand, at Trentham
and Featherstone, were probably equal to any in the
world. That seems a sweeping assertion, but it is possible.
Between the two camps 10,000 men can be accommodated.
All the men are in wooden buildings, and there is no
overcrowding. The water supply and the drainage are
excellent, there is electric light, and a railway runs into
the centre of each camp. There are in addition bathing
arrangements and every device that can be thought of
for the comfort of the men. Horses are being shipped
continually, and there are twelve ocean-going ships solely
occupied in carrying men and supphes from the Dominion
to the Force in the field, for we are maintaining it.
As yet New Zealand has no form of conscription for
service abroad, but here is something that should interest
the labour unions, men of the Clyde, and some of the
Welsh miners. Quite recently, our Minister for Defence
addressed a body of railwaymen on recruiting. He
spoke at length, and forcefully, At the end of his speech
he was approached by a deputation. And what do you
think he was asked ? These working men wanted a
Conscription Bill brought in ! The men put their case
plainly. If they enlisted now, they said, their positions-,
were immediately filled by those who stayed behind.
Under conscription they would all have to go, and the
slacker would gain no advantage. Conscription has not
come yet, but it may be necessary. If it does come,
then it will come easily, and the country will accept if
with good heart and understanding.
One is often asked by people in England, and still
oftener told, the difference between the New Zealand and
the British Tommy. The theory seems to be that the
men are of a different class. One is told, " Your men
must be different. They live in the open spaces, not in
towns. They come from the land, not from offices."
It surprises people who hold that opinion when they are
told that our men are, for the most part, recruited from
approximately the same class as the men who make up
an English division This applies more especially to our
infantry. Out of the four battalions in the main body
there were very few men who had ever spent more than a
fortnight in the country in each year of their lives. They
came from offices, shops, and warehouses, and their
'' open life " for the most part was confined to a stroll
in a small patch of garden after their day's work. No,
the secret does not he there. Rather is the solution to
be found in the entirely different social scheme of the
Dominion. It is a complex matter, too complex to detail
here, but, briefly, it is this.
In New Zealand a man more fully recognises his own
worth. You may take a man from any class at random,
a shearer, a wharf labourer, or a cabman, and you may
talk to him for half an hour. In that time it is more
than likely that you will never hear him call you sir, nor
will he show you any particular deference, whatever your
own position may be. The Prime Minister of the
Dominion is known familiarly as " Bill." The working
man has no idea that you are one bit higher up the social
scale than he is. If you are a capable man in your own
line, he admires you for it, but that is all, and in return
he asks no more from you
Now such a state of affairs alters the whole outlook
in the matter of disciphne. Times without number our
12
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
men have been summed up by people who did not know
them, in a phrase that is usually a variant of this, " Yes,"
they can fight like the devil, but they have no discipline."
Never was there a greater mistake. At first it is difficult
to see outward signs of it, but all the time it is there. It
stands to reason that a man whose outlook on his fellows
is as I have tried to explain it, does not take readily to
constant saluting, or to the " Yes, sir " and " No sir "
of the army. To sum it up in a sentence, he has sufficient
brains to sift out all the artificialities of discipline and
enough common sense to understand its necessities.
No Looking Back
One fact there is that it would be well to remember.
New Zealand at the outset said, " Here are my sons, do
with them what you will ! " and she lias never taken back
that offer. Galhpoli was a failure, and the many crosses
in Shrapnel Gully and back of Hell Spit testify to the
sacrifice that New Zealand mothers have made. That
sacrifice was made willingly, and without regret, and yet
in the Heart of Empire we hear loud voices demanding
satisfaction, asking for enquiries : " Whose plan was this ?"
they shriek " Who sent these men to their deaths ? "
We can answer them. New Zealand sent them, and
she is well content, looking back, to know that they died
with their work well done. To all such clamourers we
would say, " Let our dead lie in peace. If you want
enquiries, if someone must be pilloried, then wait till the
war is over. Only don't ask us to go a-muck-racking
with you ! "
There is another way in which New Zealand has proved
her loyalty in this crisis. Not only has she sent men, but
she has sent money and produce. Her gifts were not
spasmodic, but from the commencement of the war with
generous hand she has poured out her wealth. The
Government realised early in the trouble that prices of
foodstuffs would soar to an unprecedented height. It
consequently took the only course open to it and acquired
the meat, wool and produce direct from the fanner at a
reasonable figure. The transport of all this material was a
matter of some difficulty, so again the authorities came
to the rescue and provided the ships to carry it to the
world's markets.
The generosity of institutions and private individuals
has been extraordinary. In many large business houses,
from the head partner to the lift boy, each contributes his
regular weekly quota. And this will continue as long as
the war lasts. We are a small people, but what we have
given, lives, money, produce, has been given cheerfully
in the cause of Empire and for the freedom of the World.
South Africa's Record
By C. D. Baynes
THE true measure
of South Africa's
share in the great
war is not to be
taken by men or money,
fhe 50,000 men who
were raised in South
Africa for the campaign
in German South- West
Africa ; the 30,000 men
who have been raised
for the campaign in Ger-
man East Africa ; the
. indry thousands who
liave come spontaneously
to Europe ; and the 15
J millions sterling repre-
senting the actual
amount spent by South
Africa in the prosecution
of the war — all these make a goodly appearance, stand
for a signal achievement in arms, and are eloquent of
energy in the support of Empire, more especially when one
has regard to the small white population of the sub-
continent, which numbers not more than 1,500,000 souls.
In order to do justice to South Africa's service to the
Empire — and it has been very substantial, even dazzling,
and in the heroic vein — it is imperative to pay the
nicest attention to the circumstances of the country. If
e
FRICAN UNFANT
In Sf>uth ATrican Infmitry
(Expeditionary Force)
that be done, she emerges with an achievement to her
credit that is destined to make a bright page in the World's
Book of History and to be to all nations for an example.
And the achievement is threefold — South Africa has been
saved, South Africa's honour and fair fame have been
preserved, and, in the process, the ethics upon which we
have based our Imperial being have been justified, the
power and prestige of the Empire enhanced and its very
foundations strengthened. All this has South Africa done.
The call that came to South Africa came at a delicate
moment. When in ii)i4 war in Europe broke out, the
Boer War was still a thing of yesterday, memories were
still green, and not yet had the sore places healed.
Responsible Government was but a dozen years old, the
Treaty of Vereeniging not much older, and the residues
of the war were a lingering racialism, which, cunningly
nursed by mischief-makers, still had much bitterness in it.
That is not to say that responsible Government was not
succeeding. Actually, it was working wonders, restoring
the sense of dignity and self-respect, even of in-
dependence, and nurturing a new spirit of good faith
to the Mother Country. Nothing less than responsible
Government would have served in South Africa, where
the spirit of the soil is so strong, the love of land so deep-
rooted, and the gift of it was far-seeing
But a dozen or more years are a very brief period where
it is a case of conciliating racial antagonisms and healing
the wounds of war ; and in 1914 it was too soon to look
for unanimity. There were still the Irreconcilables
through whom enthusiasm for Empire was retarded.
Botha and Smuts
Happily, however. South Africa had Botha and Smuts,
who rightly knew what South Africa had received in the
gift of responsible government. These two had a
nice regard for pledged words and the Treaty of Vereenig-
ing, as for the very real benefits and blessings it bestowed ;
and loyally they went about its faithful observance,
standing out for two vital things — conciliation at home
and closer co-operation with the Mother Country.
It was at this juncture in the autumn of 1914, war
having been declared, that the Imperial Government,
through the acting Governor-General Lord de Villiers,
invited the Union Government to " seize such part of
German South-West Africa as would give them command
of Swakopmund, Liideritzbucht, and the wireless stations
there or in the interior." It was a sensational invitation,
containing a call to duty which meant putting to the
test the good faith of land and people in an hour when it
was still easy to expect too much of both. Equally was
it a flattering invitation, suggesting a very confident
feeling in London that South Africa would not be
found wanting. But Downing Street must have
known that, though the right response would be made,
there could hardly be unanimity, though there might
not be real trouble.
It was a dehcate moment, and a difficult one. The
opportunity for playing a great part, for building up a
greater South Africa, and for rendering a great Imperial
service, was at hand ; and the instinct of General Botha
was to seize it instantly. But he also had his country
to consider. Could he carry it with him ? Would it
respond to the summons to do a splendid and unselfish
act ? Would it bear the cost ?
He would not have hesitated a moment on any
one of those heads, or as to his cajmcity to command
the country's consent to the campaign and its complete
confidence, had he had his people, pure and sim])le, to
deal with. But in the interim the}' had been largely
" Germanised." Active agents of Germany, posing as
peaceful settlers, had been abroad, tampering with men
of the veldt, undermining their loyalty, engineering
dissensions and producing political feuds, so that many
were alienated in sentiment, and already anti-Bothaism
was but another name for pro-Germanism. Many were
ready to seize any opportunity for pulling down General
Botha and his colleagues at the first sign of Imperial
confidence. Plans had been prepared for making the
first occasion an excuse " for regaining South Africa's in-
dependence ! "
The situation was not simple — not even when the
Germans had actually invaded the Union at Groendoorn,
which is called Nakob, and furnished the cause of war
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
There was the native to keep in view, and the effect upon
him of more strife in the land. Finally, there were the
industries and the finances of the country to consider.
General Botha and his friends were sorely beset, and,
though the path of loyalty was plain, the way was not
easy.
The suspense, however, did not last long. In three
days General Botha announced that he and his colleagues
" cordially agreed'" to undertake the great Imperial
enterprise in South-West Africa, and a month later the
Union Parhament confirmed the Government's action by
the significant majority of gi votes to 12. The country's
Defence Force was in being, and the campaign in a
difficult country, where Germany had been fortifying her-
self and making vast preparations for years, began under
favourable auspices.
In that minority of twelve lay the seed of mischief,
the capacity to create in co-operation with the enemy
in the German South-West many difficulties. Soon the
fruit of German intrigue, the work of a hundred German
agents, declared itself ; and the campaign in the South-
West on which South Africa had quickly set out was inter-
rupted by a rebellion within the Union itself, by the
defection and treachery of Beyers and Maritz, and by
other treacheries and troubles to right and left.
Conquest of South- West Africa
The difficulties of General Botha were increased an
hundredfold ; but in the process of arms they were over-
come ; and, having overcome them, he himself marched
to the conquest of the South- West, swiftly adding to the
Imperial assets a country bigger than the German Empire.
Then followed the expedition to German East Africa,
for which, with the same enthusiasm, in the same spirit
of loyal Imperialism, and for the sake of the cause of
Freedom and Civilization and the well-being of the
Empire, South Africa has sent forward thirty thousand
men, who are to-day fighting bravely under General
Smuts. But not yet was the country with the two
Generals to a man.
As late as March 23rd in the House of Assembly, the
German East African Campaign being now in full swing,
Mr. Fichardt protested against " wicked expenditure on a
wild-goose chase round Kilimanjaro " ; it was unfair to
ask them to vote for " unknown schemes for an unknown
purpose to an unknown amount." " Yesterday it was
German West ; to-day it is German East. What would
it be to-morrow ? " " Moral support was well^enough ;
but they had to consider the cost."
Again General Botha stood forward and carried the
day and the country, administering a reproof in passing.
This, he finely declared, was no business for bargaining,
and the land would be disgraced which said to the
Imperial Government — " We shall help you — if you pay
us back."
A troubled South Africa in troubled times ! But,
it has triumphed over its enemies within and without,
and has set up a record of achievement in the Imperial
cause rich in great deeds, fragrant of good faith, and
abounding in the true spirit of loyalty.
There is gain of territory, and there will be further
gains of territory when German East Africa falls ; but
South Africa took up arms not for material ends. Deeply
interested as she necessarily was, and is, in the future
settlement and destiny of Africa as a whole, in the im-
mediate and permanent elimination of the German
enemy from her borders, and from all parts of Africa,
and in the defeat of German designs upon it, her grand
concern when she assumed arms and went forth to do
battle has been throughout for the higher ideals — the
ideals of liberty and the cause of civilisation ; and her
chief anxiety this — that in the hour of trial she should not
be wanting ; but be found faithful in all things, and
loyal ; and that the trust reposed in her when respon-
sible Government was given should be justified.
It is by the spirit of her support of the Empire's cause,
as much as by the strength of it, by her successes in the
field and her contributions of men and material, that
South Africa's part in the war can alone be rightly
measured. She who, only the other day, was opposed to
us, has fought for us from her own free choice, from
conviction of the righteousness of our cause, because of the
goodness of the thing we call Empire, and for the sake
'■iy"vp
. JL^r
J
L
Ist King George's Own Gurkba Kifies
of all the treasured things it means, which are treedom,
security, emancipation, enlightenment and progress -
things greater than many lands and vast possessions.
What India Has Done
By Sir Francis Younghusband
EFORE the
outbreak of war
there had been
much talk of
-edition in India. There
had also been many
seditious acts. In 191 2
\n attempt was made
on the life of the Viceroy
limself. And, if there
'.\ere seditious words
ind seditious acts in
time of peace how much
more likely, it would
seem to an outsider, and
especially an unfriendly
observer, would there be
sedition in time of war.
Our enemies certainly
counted on a revolt and
assumed that India would be disloyal : there is ample
evidence of German designs to create trouble in India
But we British have always trusted India and India
nobly responded to our trust. " I was sure in my heart
of hearts," said Lord Hardinge, " that India was sound,
and I never hesitated to proclaim that assurance and act
upon it," When the great strain and test came India
had the opportunity of displaying the loyalty which those
who knew her best were convinced lay silent and latent
within her. The Chiefs, the educated classes, and the
great mass and bulk of the people gave instant, spontane-
ous and convincing proofs of loyalty. And through-
out the period of the war the relations between the Govern-
ment and the people have never been closer or more
confident.
As a result, India, instead of being a risk, an anxiety
and a source of danger to the Empire, has proved one of
its props and pillars. Britain had no need to send troops
to hold her. She held to the Empire. She sent out troops
not by brigades or divisions, but literally by the hundred
thousand. And of all the component parts of the Empire
she was the first to come to the help of the Mother
Country on the battlefields of France.
As far back as the time of the Napoleonic wars India
had sent troops to Egypt. The dramatic stroke of Lord
Beaconsfield in bringing Indian troops to Malta in 1878
will be remembered. Indian troops fought in Egypt in
1882, in East Africa and in China. But the largest ex-
pedition that ever left the shores of India before the
present war numbered only 18,000 men. And now,
since the outbreak of the war, India has despatched
no less than 300,000 soldiers over-seas and has cnotributed
several million pounds worth of war material to the
Empire. She has sent troops to France and to China ;
to the Cameroons on the West Coast of Africa and to
Mombasa on the East ; to Egypt and Gallipoli ; to
Mesopotamia and Persia.
But the most noteworthy point is that for the first time
in history Indians and British have fought side by side
on the battlefields of Europe. It was a momentous step
to take. This is a war between Europeans. We did not
use our Indian troops in the Boer war. And many may
have thought it unwise — even wrong — to employ them
in Europe. But the enthusiasm in India was so strong ;
the eagerness of India to take part with the rest of the
Empire in this struggle so great, that it was impossible
to leave them out. The Germans profess themselves
to be shocked and hurt at our employing what they call
savages to fight against them. But the disciplined
troops of the Indian Army have as fine a chivalry in
warfare and fight as cleanly as any European army ; and
the peoples they are enlisted from, though sometimes
wild, are not barbarian : they at least have their code
of honour.
On a brilliant day at the end of September, 1914, long
lines of transports steamed in stately procession into
Marseilles harbour. It was a significant event. The
12
LAND cS: W A T E R
May 25, 1916
men have been summed up by people who did not kno\\
them, in a phrase that is usually a variant of this, " Yes,"
they can light like the devil, but they have no discipline."
Never was there a greater mistake. At fust it is difficult
to see outward signs of it, but all the time it is there. It
stands to reason that a man whose outlook on his fellows
is as I have tried to explain it, does not take readily to
constant saluting, or to the " Yes, sir " and " No sir "
of the army. To sum it up in a sentence, he has sufficient
brains to sift out all the artificialities of discipline and
enough common sense to understand its necessities.
No Looking Back
One fact there is that it would be well to remember.
New Zealand at the outset said, " Here are my sons, do
with them what you will ! " and she has never taken back
that offer, (ialhpoli was a failure, and the many crosses
in Shrapnel Gully and back of Hell Spit testify to the
sacrifice that New Zealand mothers have made. That
sacrifice was made willingly, and without regret, and yet
in the Heart of Empire we hear loud voices demanding
satisfaction, asking for enquiries : " Whose plan was this ? '
they shriek " Who sent these men to their deaths ? "
We can answer them. New Zealand sent them, and
she is well content, looking back, to know that they died
with their work well done. To all such clamourers we
would say, " Let oiu^ dead lie in peace. If you want
enquiries, if someone must be pilloried, then wait till the
war is over. Only don't ask us to go a-muck-racking
with you ! "
There is another way in which New Zealand has proved
her loyalty in this crisis. Not only has she sent men, but
she has sent money and produce. Her gifts were not
spasmodic, but from the commencement of the war with
generous hand she has poured out her wealth. The
Government realised early in the trouble that prices of
foodstuffs would soar to an unprecedented height. It
consequently took the only course open to it and acquired
the meat, wool and produce direct from the farmer at a
reasonable figure. The transport of all this material was a
matter of some difficulty, so again the authorities came
to the rescue and provided the ships to carry it to the
world's markets.
The generosity of institutions and private individuals
has been extraordinary. In many large business houses,
from the head partner to the lift boy, each contributes his
regiilar weekly quota. And this will continue as long as
the war lasts. We are a small people, but what we have
given, lives, money, produce, has been given cheerfully
in the cause of Empire and for the freedom of the World.
South Africa's Record
By C. D. Baynes
THE true measure
of South Africa's
share in the great
war is not to be
taken by men or money.
The 50,000 men who
were raised in South
Africa for the campaign
in German South-West
.\frica ; the 30,000 men
who have been raised
for the campaign in Ger-
man East Africa ; the
:. mdry thousands who
have come spontaneously
to Europe ; and the 15
millions sterling repre-
senting the actual
amount spent by South
Africa in the prosecution
of the war — all these make a goodly appearance, stand
for a signal achievement in arms, and are eloquent of
energy in the support of Empire, more especially when one
has regard to the small white population of the sub-
continent, which numbers not more than 1,500,000 souls.
In order to do justice to South Africa's service to the
Empire — and it has been very substantial, even dazzling,
and in the heroic vein — it is imperative to pay the
nicest attention to the circumstances of the covmtry. If
(AFRICANlUNFANTR
'^
Itl Stiuth African Infantry
(Expeditionary Force)
that be done, she emerges vrith an achievement to her
credit that is destined to make a bright page in the \^'orld■s
Book of History and to be to all nations for an example.
And the achievement is threefold — South Africa has been
saved. South Africa's honour and fair fame have been
preserved, and, in the process, the ethics upon which we
have based our Imperial being have been justiiied, the
power and prestige of the Empire enhanced and its very
foundations strengthened. All this has South Africa done.
The call that came to South Africa came at a delicate
moment. When in I()i4 war in Europe broke out, the
Boer War was still a thing of yesterday, memories were
still green, and not yet had the sore places healed.
Responsible Government was but a dozen years old, the
Treaty of Vcreeniging not much older, and the residues
of the war were a lingering racialism, which, cunningly
nursed by mischief-makers, still had much bitterness in it.
That is not to say that responsible Government was not
succeeding. Actually, it was working wonders, restoring
the sense of dignity and self-respect, even of in-
dependence, and nurturing a new spirit of good faith
to the Mother Country. Nothing less than responsible
Government would ha\-e served in South Africa, where
the spirit of the soil is so strong, the love of land so deep-
rooted, and the gift of it was far-seeing
But a dozen or more years are a very brief period where
it is a case of conciliating racial antagonisms and healing
the wounds of war ; and in 1914 it was too soon to look
for unanimity. There were still the Irreconcilables
through whom enthusiasm for Empire was retarded.
Botha and Smuts
Happily, however, South Africa had Botha and Smuts,
who rightly knew what South Africa had received in the
gift of responsible government. These two had a
nice regard for pledged words and the Treaty of Vcreenig-
ing, as for the very real benefits and blessings it bestowed ;
and loyally they went about its faithful observance,
standing out for two vital things — conciliation at home
and closer co-operation with the Mother Country.
It was at this juncture in the autumn of 1914, war
having been declared, that the Imperial Government,
through the acting Governor-General Lord do Villiers,
invited the Union Government to " seize such part of
German South-West Africa as would give them command
of Swakopmund, Liideritzbucht, and the wireless stations
there or in the interior." It was a sensational invitation,
containing a call to duty which meant putting to the
test the good faith of land and people in an hour when it
was still easy to expect too much of both. Equally was
it a flattering invitation, suggesting a very confident
feeling in London that South Africa would not be
found wanting. But Downing Street must have
known that, though the right response \vould be made,
there could hardly be unanimity, though there might
not be real trouble.
It was a deUcate moment, and a difficult one. The
opportunity for plajang a great part, for building up a
greater South Africa, and for rendering a great Imperial
service, was at hand ; and the instinct of General Botha
was to seize it instantly. But he also had his country
to consider. Could he carry it with him ? Would it
respond to the summons to do a splendid and unselfish
act ? Would it bear the cost ?
He would not have hesitated a moment on any
one of those heads, or as to his capacity to command
the country's consent to the campaign and its complete
confidence, had he had his people, pure and simple, to
deal with. But in the interim they had been largely
" Germanised." Active agents of Germany, posing as
peaceful settlers, had been abroad, tampering with men
of the veldt, undermining their loyalty, engineering
dissensions and producing political feuds, so that many
were alienated in sentiment, and already anti-Bothaism
was but another name for pro-Germanism. Many were
ready to seize any opportunity for pulling down General
Botha and his colleagues at the first sign of Imperial
confidence. Plans had been prepared for making the
first occasion an excuse " for regaining South Africa's in-
dependence 1 "
The situation was not simple — not even when the
Germans had actually invaded the Union at Groendoorn,
which is called Nakob, and furnished the cause of war
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
There was the native to keep in view, and the effect upon
him of more strife in the land. Finally, there were the
industries and the finances of the country to consider.
General Botha and his friends were sorely beset, and,
though the path of loyalty was plain, the way was not
easy.
The suspense, however, did not last long. In three
days General Botha announced that he and his colleagues
" cordially agreed'" to undertake the great Imperial
enterprise in South-West Africa, and a month later the
Union Parliament confirmed the Government's action by
the significant majority of 91 votes to 12. The country's
Defence Force was in being, and the campaign in a
difficult country, where Germany had been fortifying her-
self and making vast preparations for years, began under
favourable auspices.
In that minority of twelve lay the seed of mischief,
the capacity to create in co-operation with the enemy
in the German South-West many difficulties. Soon the
fruit of German intrigue, the work of a hundred German
agents, declared itself ; and the campaign in the South-
West on which South Africa had quickly set out was inter-
rupted by a rebellion within the Union itself, by the
defection and treachery of Beyers and Maritz, and by
other treacheries and troubles to right and left.
Conquest of South- West Africa
The difficulties of General Botha were increased an
hundredfold ; but in the process of arms they were over-
come ; and, having overcome them, he himself marched
to the conquest of the South- West, swiftly adding to the
Imperial assets a country bigger than the German Empire.
Then followed the expedition to German East Africa,
for which, with the same enthusiasm, in the same spirit
of loyal Imperialism, and for the sake of the cause of
Freedom and Civilization and the well-being of the
Empire, South Africa has sent forward thirty thousand
men, who are to-day fighting bravely under General
Smuts. But not yet was the country with the two
Generals to a man.
As late as March 23rd in the House of Assembly, the
German East African Campaign being now in full swing,
Mr. Fichardt protested against " wicked expenditure on a
wild-goose chase round Kilimanjaro " ; it was unfair to
ask them to vote for " unknown schemes for an unknown
purpose to an unknown amount." " Yesterday it was
German West ; to-day it is German East. What would
It be to-morrow ? " " Moral support was welFenough ;
but they had to consider the cost."
Again General Botha stood forward and carried the
day and the country, administering a reproof in passing.
This, he finely declared, was no business for bargaining,
and the land woidd be disgraced which said to the
Imperial Government—" We shall help you— if you pay
us back."
A troubled South Africa in troubled times ! But,
it has triumphed over its enemies within and without,'
and has set up a record of achievement in the Imperial
cause rich in great deeds, fragrant of good faith, and
abounding in the true spirit of loyalty.
There is gain of territory, and there will be further
gams of territory when German East Africa falls ; but
South Africa took up arms not for material ends. Deeply
interested as she necessarily was, and is, in the future
settlement and destiny of Africa as a whole, in the im-
mediate and permanent elimination of the German
enemy from her borders, and from all parts of Africa,
and in the defeat of German designs upon it, her grand
concern when she assumed arms and went forth to do
battle has been throughout for the higher ideals— the
ideals of liberty and the cause of civilisation ; and her
chief anxiety this— that in the hour of trial she should not
be wanting; but be found faithful in all things, and
loyal ; and that the trust reposed in her when respon-
sible Government was given should be justified.
It is by the spirit of her support of the Empire's cause,
as much as by the strength of it, by her successes in the
field and her contributions of men and material, that
South Africa's part in the war can aione be rightly
measured. She who, only the other day, was opposed to
us, has fought for us from her own free choice, from
conviction of the righteousness of our cause, because of the
goodness of the thing we call Empire, and for the sake
of all the treasured things it means, which are freedom,
security, emancipation, enlightenment and progress —
things greater than many lands and vast possessions.
What India Has Done
By Sir Francis Younghusband
1st King George's Own Gurkha Rifles
EFORE the
outbreak of war
there had been
much talk of
sedition in India. There
had also been many
seditious acts. In 1912
\n attempt was made
on the Hfe of the Viceroy
iiimself. And, if there
were seditious words
and seditious acts in
time of peace how much
more hkely, it would
seem to an outsider, and
especially an unfriendly
observer, would there be
sedition in time of war.
Our enemies certainly
counted on a revolt and
assumed that India would be disloyal : there is ample
evidence of German designs to create trouble in India
But we British have always trusted India and India
nobly responded to our trust. " I was sure in my heart
of hearts," said Lord Hardinge, " that India was sound,
and I never hesitated to proclaim that assurance and act
upon it," When the great strain and test came India
had the opportunity of displaying the loyalty which those
who knew her best were convinced lay silent and latent
within her. The Chiefs, the educated classes, and the
great mass and bulk of the people gave instant, spontane-
ous and convincing proofs of loyalty. And through-
out the period of the war the relations between the Govern-
ment and the people have never been closer or more
confident.
As a result, India, instead of being a risk, an anxiety
and a source of danger to the Empire, has proved one of
its props and pillars. Britain had no need to send troops
to hold her. She held to the Empire. She sent out troops
not by brigades or divisions, but literally by the hundred
thousand. And of all the component parts of the Empire
she was the first to come to the help of the Mother
Country on the battlefields of France.
As far back as the time of the Napoleonic wars India
had sent troops to Egypt. The dramatic stroke of Lord
Beaconsfield in bringing Indian troops to Malta in 1878
will be remembered. Indian troops fought in Egypt in
1882, in East Africa and in China. But the largest ex-
pedition that ever left the shores of India before the
present war numbered only 18,000 men. And now,
since the outbreak of the war, India has despatched
no less than 300,000 soldiers over-seas and has cnotributed
several million pounds worth of war material to the
Empire. She has sent troops to France and to China ;
to the Cameroons on the West Coast of Africa and to
Mombasa on the East ; to Egypt and Gallipoli ; to
Mesopotamia and Persia.
But the most noteworthy point is that for the first time
in history Indians and Briti.sh have fought side by side
on the battlefields of Europe. It was a momentous step
to take. This is a war between Europeans. We did not
use our Indian troops in the Boer war. And many may
have thought it unwise — even wrong — to employ them
in Europe. But the enthusiasm in India was so strong ;
the eagerness of India to take part with the rest of the
Empire in this struggle so great, that it was impossible
to leave them out. The Germans profess themselves
to be shocked and hurt at our employing what they call
savages to fight against them. But the disciplined
troops of the Indian Army have as fine a chivalry in
warfare and fight as cleanly as any European army ; and
the peoples they are enlisted from, though sometimes
wild, are not barbarian : they at least have their code
of honour.
On a brilliant day at the end of September, 1914, long
lines of transports steamed in stately procession into
Marseilles harbour. It was a significant event. The
14
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
transports carried troops from India to fight in France
for the hberties of Europe. And that it was possible
to carry them four thousand miles across the ocean was
a fine tangible proof of the value of sea-power. The troops
were welcomed with enthusiasm by the people of France.
They were a living symbol that France was not standing
alone in the death struggle with her implacable foe.
In the very Nick of Time
And the Indian contingent arrived in the very nick
of time. General Joffre had indeed thrown back the
Germans from the walls of Paris, and our gallant little
army had taken a noble part in this great feat. But the
Germans were gathering themselves in huge momentum
for another terrific push ; this time to reach Calais, there
to prepare for an invasion of England.
Foreseeing this movement, Sir John French had
skilfully withdrawn the British forces from their position
on the Aisne and extended them across Belgium. The
delicate operation of withdrawal was completed by
October 19th and on the same date the Lahore Division
arrived in its concentration area near the Belgian border.
Already the great battle for Ypres had commenced. As
early as October nth British and German cavalry had
been engaged. From then onward there was desperate
fighting against the ever increasing numbers of the
enemy. The Second Corps by October 24th was becom-
ing exhausted owing to the constant reinforcements of
the enemy, the length of line it had to defend and the
enormous losses which it had suffered. And the Lahore
Division was on that date sent to the neighbourhood of
Lacon to support it. It is a far cry from Lahore to
Lacon. But these troops from India arrived at the
moment of greatest stress. Sir John French knew that
to extend his front across Belgium to the sea was exceed-
ingly risky. But he resolved to take that risk rather
than .suffer the disastrous consequences of letting his
flank be turned and the Channel ports laid open. No
more arduous task has ever been assigned to British
soldiers. And it was to aid in frustrating the desperate
attempts of our powerful enemy to break through om:
line that the call was now made on the Indian Corps.
On October 22nd the 7th Indian Brigade was fighting
in support of the Cavalry and the remainder of the Lahore
Division from the 25th October onwards was heavily
engaged in assisting the Second Corps in the fighting round
Neuve Chapelle. On the 28th October especially the
47th Sikhs and the Sappers and Miners distinguished
themselves by their gallant conduct in the attack on
Neuve Chapelle. When the Meerut Division had arrived
the Indian Army Corps took over the line previously
held by the Second Corps.
This hne was subjected to constant bombardment by
the enemy's heavy artillery, followed by infantry attacks,
and two of these attacks were very severe. The 8th
Gurkha Rifles were driven from their trenches and on
November 2nd west of Neuve Chapelle the line was to
some extent pierced and slightly bent back.
On December 19th the Indian Corps attacked the
German position and gained two lines of trenches, but
they were unable to maintain their position and had to
fall back. The following day the enemy attacked in
force, drove back the Sirhind Brigade and captured a
considerable portion of Givenchy.
The winter months of trench warfare in wet and cold
and mud were especially trjdng to Indian troops and
they suffered much. But they still retained their spirit ,
and when Sir John French inspected them in January hi
reported that their appearance fully confirmed his first
opinion, that they only required rest and a little accHma-
tising to bring out all their fine inherent quahties.
On the loth, nth and 12th March, 1915, was fought
the battle of Neuve Chapelle, and the success attained
was due, the Commander-in-Chief said, to the magnificent
bravery and indomitable courage displayed by the troops
of the 4th and Indian Corps. The Garhwal Brigade and
the 25th Brigade carried the enemy trenches, and, sweep-
ing eastward, gained a footing in the village itself. The
Jullandur and Dehra Dun Brigades attacked the Bois
Du Biez, but were held up by a river and had to maintain
themselves in the position gained.
Again in April the Germans in great force made vigor-
ous and sustained attacks against the town and district
of Ypres and again they were repulsed. And here also
Indian troops fought with their British comrades. On
April 22nd the Lahore Division was moved up to the
Ypres area. The Germans had for the first time made
use of poisonous gas, the effect of which was so virulent as
to render the whole hne held by the French Division
untenable. The left flank of the Canadian Division was
then left dangerously exposed and it was only the con-
duct of these splendid troops that averted a disaster
which might have had most serious consequences.
Throughout the summer of 1915 Indian troops took
their part in holding the trenches in Flanders. And in
another part of Europe also were Indians fighting along-
side the British and French. From the beginning of May
they were fighting in Gallipoli. On the night of the lOth
May the 6th Gurkhas distinguished themselves by crawling
hands and knees up the precipitous face of a cliff which
was always after called the Gurkha Bluff. The story
of the gallantry of the 14th Sikhs, whose officers both
British and Indian were nearly all lost, and of those
Indian troops who, after the Suvla Bay landing, did for
one moment reach the summit of the ridge and looked
down on to the waters of the Dardanelles, is interwoven
with the story of the immortal 29th Division and the
glorious men of Anzac in one of the most tragically heroic
pages in all history.
Kut
And in another tragic failure, made sublime by the
superb deeds of soldiers, Indian troops also took their
part — in the defence and in the attempted relief of Kut.
We do not yet know the full history of that ill-fated
adventure, but we do know tliis much, that the Indian
troops, like their British comrades, shrank not from
attacking entrenched positions across perfectly open
plains where no shelter whatever from the most deadly
fire was to be found. And we know too that with the
British they cheerfully suffered all the terrible privations
of lack of provisions, lack of water, lack of adequate
medical aid.
In East Africa also ; in the Cameroons, and at Tsingtau
Indian troops have taken their share of the Empire's
work. And, when we think of these deeds of the Indian
Army and remember that at the critical moment and
at the critical point India was able to send all her best
troops — and what is more significant still, nearly the
whole of her artillery and immense quantities of arms
and ammunition, then we may surely feel that India
may in future be regarded as a true and trusty partner in
the Empire.
The Crown Colonies, etc.
THE war had
not been in pro-
gress many
weeks before the
truth was realised that
it was a great crusade.
Prom the outset this
conception was manifest
in those outer parts of
the Empire, where fami-
liarity with the German
;is he really is, had
taught Britons that the
Teuton philosophy of
life was in direct op-
position to their own.
They had not to wait
for the horrors of Bel-
gium in order to realise
it was to be a war
against Huns, a death struggle between a higher and
a lower civilisation. And so Britons came instantly
trooping to the aid of the Mother Country, in little
companies, from all parts of the Empire. Presently
there was not a Colony or Settlement which was not
organising assistance on an unprecedented scale. It is
marvellous how resources have been strained to the
uttermost in both men and money, even in the smallest
of Britain's possessions. But the time has not come when
it is possible to obtain a complete or exact record.
Malay SUUa Vollmteera
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
15
Take, for example, Singapore (where compulsory
military service has been in force for weeks) with the
adjacent Malay States. The Government has exercised
no particular control, and apparently no official record
was kept of those who came home, but there were several
contingents and many hundreds of individuals. In fact
the first contingent of men from Singapore was entirely
financed by private enterprise, funds being raised locally
to send them to England. Since then, the tea and
rubber plantations have been cleared of all their best and
youngest blood. Some estates have carried on with
extreme difficulty, while others have been obliged to resort
to elderly men. Indeed, one can fairly say that unselfish
patriotism has been at its best in the Malay States and
adjacent islands, where men have given up large salaries
on plantations to serve as privates in the Army.
Patriotic Planters
But the planting community in the East has always
been famed for its unselfish patriotism. In the Boer
War, India and Ceylon furnished regiments for South
Africa, but on this occasion the Indian planting com-
munity was called to serve locally. Some, however,
found their way to East Africa, where many of them had
friends, and where compulsory military service has been
in force for months. Apart from individuals the Ceylon
Government furnished, at its own expense, a contingent
of 250 men for service at the Dardanelles ; the majority
of the survivors of this contingent have now received
commissions.
In China, the China Association and its various branches
have pioneered the homeward movement of fighting men.
They usually assembled in Shanghai, but they came from
all parts of the Far East. In Shanghai they were grouped
together and sent home, and in many cases commissions
were awarded them by the British authorities before they
left. About 450 men came to England under the direct
auspices of the China Association ; they included 80 men
of the Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs. Any number
came home independently, and from Japan every avail-
able Briton of fighting age seems to have come forward.
One came from Hakodate in the extreme north of Japan,
and he claims to have travelled farther to reach the battle-
fields of Europe than any other Briton.
Conservative estimates reckon that about 10,000 men
have come in all from South America, of whom perhaps
about 4,000 to 5,000 were from the Argentine. In many
cases the journey home necessitated the crossing of the
South American Continent and took months to accom-
plish. Hardly an Englishman of military age remains in
Mexico, and many of those who returned to fight —
and there were hundreds — had seen some sort of military
experience in the local revolutions. The United States
perhaps have sent more Britons than any other neutral
country, for the Britishers scattered throughout the
various States at once responded to the Mother Country's
call, and came back whenever it was in their power to do
so. In many cases the expenses home were paid by the
men themselves.
The West Indian Islands rose splendidly to the occa;
sion. From Jamaica and Trinidad, from the Bermudas and
the Bahamas, and from the Windward and the Leeward
Islands came men of the Blood to offer their lives in
defence of their ideals. The West Indian regiments have
taken an active part in the war, some of them are even
now in Africa. The women who stayed behind devoted
long hours to preparing comforts for the fighting men and
for making ready hospitals for the reception of the sick
and wounded. It is no exaggeration to say that for the
last two and twenty months wherever the flag has waved
there British women have devoted themselves day by
day to the well-being of their fighting men, and have
bravely forbidden private anxiety or sorrow to interfere
with their untiring good work.
In West Africa, as in East Africa, there has been fighting
to be done at the threshold, and so it has not been possible
for troops, either fair-skinned or dark-skinned to be sent
to Europe. No one will forget the generous offer made by
West African chiefs to help in the war. Many of them
were Mahommedans, and prayers went up from their
mosques for victory on British Arms, for they knew by
report what would be their fate were Germany to triumph.
Never in history has there been more dramatic punish-
ment for cold-blooded, heartless cruelty than the fate
which has overtaken Germany's possessions on the Dark
Continent.
Take down a map of the British Empire and with a
pin-point designate a single speck of red which has not
contributed to the defence of the Empire ! It is impossible.
The Fiji Islands have sent two contingents, from the
Seychelles and Mauritius have come no small part of the
white population. The Falkland Islands have not only
heard the big guns of the British Navy, but have sent
men to the firing-line in France and Flanders.
There is nothing more pathetic than to read at the
present time the British papers all over the world, and
notice the little notes about former residents who had
gone home to fight, and whose names now appear in^the
" Roll of Honour." Hardly a newspaper appears in a
British possession without them, and in some, such as
those in the Far East, where the recruiting has been
heavy, there is always quite a long list of their own. In
the long annals of war there is no such thrilling story
as the rallying of the British Empire round the standard
of the King-Emperor.
British Battlefields
A MAP is published overleaf which shows at a
glance the battlefields of the British Army.
It is not in any sense complete, for the simple
reason that it would be impossible, on a chart
of this size, to mark every actual scene of encounter
between Britain's fighting men and their foes for the
time being, but it does demonstrate the world-wide arena
over which our little army — the " Old Contemptibles,"
to give it the Kaiser's nickname — has fought in order to
estabhsh the foundations of Empire. Most of these
campaigns are, of course, familiar to our readers, but this
synopsis will come somewhat as a surprise to many, for
Britons are apt to forget that no nation, not even the
French, has more feats of arms to its credit outside the
cockpits of Europe.
Of deliberate purpose all reference to the British
Navy and battles on the sea are omitted, for " there's
never a wave of all her waves but marks our English
dead." And it would be futile to attempt to chart the
deeps and the shallows which have listened to the guns
of British ships when they have spoken in defence of
British rights and have thereby made secure the freedom'
of the seas.
These battlefields of Empire tell a different tale than
mere military glory. On many of them have been won
that sympathy which ever exists between clean and brave
fighters, be they friends or foes, and from which when the
decision has been obtained, mutual respect and under-
standing spring. To give two instances, there are the
campaigns against the Sikhs and against the Ghurkas,
neither of which, by the way, are shown on this map
owing to lack of space, which has caused many little
wars to be crowded out. None of the fighting races of
In'dia withstood our troops more stoutly than they, yet
almost before their wounds had had time to heal, these,
our former stubborn foes, were fighting shoulder to
shoulder with us before the walls of Delhi as our staunch
comrades. Again and on a larger scale has this miracle
of a right understanding and mutual respect springing
to quick fruition from hard-contested battlefields been
witnessed in South Africa.
Nor has the Briton only risked his hfe where military
glory is to be won. No sooner are the dead buried and
the wounded cared for than he turns to the fields of peace
and risks his life as gaily in the development of new lands.
The British Roll of Honour in these fights against Nature,
these struggles of peace times, would be a long one where
it only possible to compile it. That well-known verse of
Kipling's describes in vivid phrase the work to which so
many of these battles have been but the prelude :
Keep ye the Law — be swift in all obedience —
Clear the land of evil, drive the road and bridge the ford.
Make ye sure to each his own
That he reap where he hath sown ;
By the peace among our peoples let men know we serve
the Lord !
i6
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
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May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
^7
Britain's Military Effort
By Hilaire Belloc
THE picture which everyone should have before
him in writing of a contemporary event, is the
aspect this event will have for posterity. He
must attempt to see the thing with that detach-
ment and in that proportion normal to a man separated
by long spaces of time from the affections and bias of the
moment.
If we approach the military effort of Britain in this
spirit we shall find that effort to be a far stronger and
greater thing than opinion has yet conceived.
The war has been in progress less than two years.
We have not yet ended its twenty-second month. In
that brief period of time (it will be but a flash in the eyes
of history) Great Britain has produced, upon the Military
side of the State, an orgamsalion almost entirely novel,
and constructed under conditions which render it unique
in all the history of war.
Unless we recognise not only the magnitude but the
individuality of the effort, not only its scale but its
cjuality, we shall miss (to our disadvantage to-day) what
posterity will certainly grasp.
When the war broke out Great Britain was able to
put into the field not quite four divisions.
The full four divisions of what we called " the E.\-
peditionary Force " were only constituted in the very
progress of the fighting. Their last complementary
units did not exceed the losses already suffered in the
first shock, and only reached the field while the third
heavy day of action was in doubt.
Even this original body, of less than four divisions,
was not in line until the war had been in progress
upon the Continent for more than a fortnight. It
.was a force of professional regulars. It represented
very nearly the maximum effort which (ireat Britain
was pledged to or had hitherto thought possible in case of a
continental campaign.'
From Six to Seventy^
When, in the counter-offensive which began a fortnight ,
to three weeks later, these four divisions increased to a
nominal six (" nominal," because the losses of the previous
fighting had so grievously depleted the units engaged)
the very maximum was reached of all that had been
envisaged before this war.
So matters stood when the British army in France,
representing not a tenth at that moment — indeed not
very much more than a twentieth — of the total AlHed
forces in the west, came to the Aisne river and entered
that second phase of the campaign to which we are still
condemned : the war of trenches.
In the middle of May 1916, exactly twenty months
later, tho army in the field numbers seventy divisions,
so far as the effort of these islands alone is concerned.
Not only are those seventy divisions kept at full
strength during a campaign of unprecedented wastage,
but they have behind them such masses of men already
trained and equipped as permit the maintenance of those
units — not indefinitely, indeed, for the wastage of all
armies in this war is more rapid than their possible
recruitment, but, at any rate, for quite as long a time as
the struggle in its present form can possibly last.
Not only have the numbers thus increased by more
than tenfold, but the total mobilised man-power of the
nation has increased at the same time in a far larger
proportion ; and when the third year of the war is
entered it will be found — for reasons which we are about
to examine — -that Great Britain will have turned to the
purposes of war, direct or indirect, a larger proportion
of her population than any belligerent country, with the
possible exception of France.
The statement when it is thus first made sounds
extravagant. It is true, as will soon be apparent.
This State has multiplied its field army by more than
ten in the course of less than two years, and has multiplied
its total armed force by a multiple nearer 18 and lo.
Now let us consider (without as yet mentioning the
peculiar difficulties involved) the equipment of this
force.
To raise and train a body of men is one thing, to provide
it with its necessary equipment is another. Under
modern conditions it is the second of the two tasks that
is the more serious, and the more likely to involve delay.
By equipment in this sense we mean not only the accoutre-
ment of the soldier but the provision of the armies with
all their parts in due proportion. We mean the provision
of field guns, of a new and exceptional number of heavy
pieces for the longest task. We mean the provision of
everything needed for the sanitary formations and the
provision of everything required for supply ; we mean
the provision of all technical instruments, and, in general,
the organisation of an army in its fullest development.
The immensely increassed armed forces of Great Britain
are now in that position. Nothing is lacking, save here
and there in such things as have been invented during,
or have been suggested by, the course of the war itself.
In these every belligerent is, according to his situation,
still making good his position. We have not yet, for
instance, the same full output of steel helmets as the
French, for the French were here the pioneers, but we are
advanced beyond the Germans and Austrians in this
respect. On the other hand, there are certain forms of
trench weapons in which both the armies of the western
Allies were only lately, and may still be, catching up with
the enemy. Against this again set the fact that there is
at least one trench weapon in which we are altogether the
pioneers, in which our Allies are to follow us when it
appears, and in which our enemies will be behind us so
heavily as hardly to be able to catch up before the end
of the campaign. With the exception, however, of these
varying details of things developed during the course of
the war, the army is fully equipped, and has not been
presented during its rapid increase at any moment subject
to any lack of equipment. I might add that it is equipped
with a solidity and thoroughness of material in the true
national tradition.
This feat, the multiplication of one's army in the field
by more than ten in the course of twenty months, and
the putting forward of the new formations fully equipped
in every detail, is a thing which has not been known
before in the history of war. It has not been known where
nations already armed and already practised in war were
concerned.
It is a feat the more extraordinary when one
considers that the nation which has performed it was
one of the great Powers. A nation hitherto ignorant
of arms, or one which from its small size could
anticipate permanent neutrality in European conflicts,
might be compelled to sudden expansion from some very
low original minimum. But England was a nation of
the first rank, which had calculated beforehand the pro-
portion of its various efforts in case of war, naval, military
and economic, which was suddenly called upon to throw
the whole of that calculation to the winds and to develojj
one single field of its energies after a fashion utterly out
of scale with anything previously conceived or consonant
with the general arrangement of the national life already
absorbed in the problem of. defence. The thing had to
be done in the midst of a highly differentiated industrial
society, working at full pressure, and it had to be done
in a society which actually lived — not merely thrived —
by sea-borne commerce, and which would die if it lost
the importation of raw materials and food.
These are the considerations (considerations attaching
to the nature of the British polity before the war, and,
indeed, during all the course of the war) which gives to
the effort Britain has made a quality far more remark-
able than its mere scale — enormous as that scale is.
The best way, perhaj:s, in which to put the thing is to
point out a simple truth which everyone will admit who
has the imagination to throw his mind back to the early
summer of 19 14. That truth is this. No one in the
i8
LA N D &- \V A T E R
May 25, 1916
world — no foreigner, still less any Englishman acquainted
with the nature of his own country — would for a moment
have conceived the thing to be possible.
If you had said in June, 1014, " Two years hence
Great Britain will have enrolled for the purpose of the
State in a great war five millions of men. She will have
fighting in various fields of that war, fully equipped and
at their full strength, 70 di\isions. She will have trained
behind those divisions ample reserves for many, many
months to come. She will be also in process of training
further reserves so large that she can ' see her war '
long beyond the limits set by our Allies and our rivals,"
you would have been saying something which would not
have been condemned as exaggerated, or foolish, or mad,
but as simply meaningless.
You would have been told in the first place that the
mere making of rifles for such a force was beyond the
power of Great Britain did she work at nothing else for
many years. It would have been pointed out to you that
there were not instructors neces.sary for tlie training of
half, or even a quarter, of such forces. You would have
been given some idea of the number of guns an army
expects to have to the thousand bayonets, and upon
that point alone you would have been put out of court.
We do not yet see the thing at alL That we do not
see it in its tnie proportions goes without saying. 1
repeat that we do not see the thing at all any more than
a man upon the surface of a mountain sees a mountain.
It is a prodigy.
Now there are in connection with that prodigy two
things e.specially to be remarked. The first is the social
medium in which it took place and against the apparent
character of which it took place. The second is the
economic effort which accompanied and made possible
the militarj'.
The society from which this immense effort proceeded
with such immense rapidity was not a democratic society.
It was a society such as has often been developed by
powerful commercial and maritime states in the past ; a
society essentially oligarchic in character. Its main
interests were the interests of trade. Its main civic
discussion was the discussion between its increasing vast
proletariat majority and a capitalist class decreasing
in numbers, but adding to its wealth with every decade.
This society had never been asked to undertake within
Uving memory' any complete national effort against an
equal foe. That experience which has moulded all the
national tradition of the German Empire and of the French
Republic, of the Southern as of the Northern States in
America, was here quite lacking.
It is true, indeed, that those who cared to note the
steps of a certain moral revolution through which the
country was passing would have marked as peculiarly
significant the vohmtary recruitment during the South
African war.
But in the first place it was upon no such scale as this.
In the second place, it was accompanied by a very high
rate of remuneration. In the third place, and most
important, it came just after the period when' the par-
ticular problems presented and the particular passions
aroused by the South African conflict were keenly alive.
The more important thing that has been done in the
last two years had no such advantages. It arose from a
circumstance unexpected, and in a state of the public
mind towards any potential enemy in Europe which can
iiardly be called a belligerent state of mind at all.
There had been in a comparatively small section of the
educated classes an insistence for some years upon the
rivalry between the German Empire and Great Britain.
That a conflict upon this scale was coming was not con-
templated for a moment. Even those few who saw such
things in the future saw them in the shape of a duel
between this country and one great rival. It prepared
against the danger of invasion, and at the most demanded
nothing more than a sort of militia, universal indeed,
but trained only for the purpose of an island defence.
It is important to emphasise this point at a moment
when it is largely forgotten. An army for fighting abroad
enormously greater than the hypothetical little " Ex-
peditionary Force " was never in the contemplation of
the most imaginative.
The thing is entirely new. It has been called into being
absolutely from the beginning and, as one may say, almost
out of nothing, so far as the moral forces creating it are
concerned. And that is one part of the miracle.
Those who know the history of the coimtry in the past
will be the most ready to grasp the truth with regard to
the second part of that miracle : I mean the fact that
the effort was voluntary.
Until quite a few weeks ago — until, indeed, the whole
thing was done and hardly anything remained to do —
the creation and the recruitment of this enormous body
of men, to a large extent its training and organisation
too, were due to spontaneous effort.
Voluntary Effort
Those who knew little of their own country and nothing
of the past, chose sometimes to point out how much of
public advertisement, of persuasion, and (in cases) of
individual pressure were necessary to produce enlistment,
What these men evidently did not know, or could not
conceive (from a happy insularity), was the light in
which the thing appears when we consider either the past
of this country or the history of our .Mlies and rivals.
The Germans, for instance, spend much of their slow
and mechanical research upon the lives of their neigh-
bours. They are nearly always lacking in judgment, l3ut
commonly well stocked with detail. They have, before
the war broke out and during its progress, grossly
misunderstood subtlety, magnanimity, human and
other characters alien to their own. But at least they
were acquainted with the material circumstances upon
which mere calculation could be based. It was their
trade.
Now the Germans undoubtedly took it for granted that
the voluntary effort in this country would not only fail,
but fail early and ignominiously.
All their press, particularly their satire (if anything so
heavy can be called satire) took for granted what seemed
to them — and not only to them — an obvious truth ;
that no nation, and least of all an industrial nation such
as ours, feeling all the strain between capitalist and
proletariat, could produce, without legal enforcement
of ser\-ice, anything but a comparatively small pro-
fessional army. The German mind has had to suffer S(3
many disillusionments in the last two years that it is now
frankly bewildered, and it is giving forth the chief mark
of bewilderment — which is self-contradictory statement.
But in nothing has it begun to be more bewildered than
in this particular point of the British voluntary system.
The (ierman mind is so slow to appreciate anything
through the senses that its jeers at the continuance of
such a system and its incredulity of the British power to
raise anything beyond the first few divisions, continued
past the bloody . and complete defeat suffered by
the fJerman army in front of Ypres. It continued on
and on until there were at least twenty British divisions
in France alone opposed to the German lines. Then
and then onlj- did the German popular mind at last —
whatever the (German higher command may have thought
— begin to change in this regard.
To-day— and for some months past— that miscon-
ception of England has so utterly disappeared that pro-
bably the German mind has half-forgotten it ever enter-
tained it.
The economic effort which has accompanied this pro-
digious transformation in the armament of Great Britain
has not been as novel in quality, though in scale it has
been as remarkable.
Briefly, the wealth of England has been " mobilised "
as thai of no other belligerent— and it is not perhaps
wholly to the advantage of this country or its future
that- it should have been so. Our wealth was, to use a
continental metaphor, more " liquid." It was therefore
more easily tapped. But whether it were wisely tapped
or no might form a suitable matter for discussion in other
pages than these. If a man owns a ton of wheat in the
Argentine and a hundred bales of cotton in Egypt, he is
possessed of wealth more movable and more easily
exchangeable than some highly improved farm in Picardy
or Lombardy. The temptation to realise in consumption,
or to acquire for consumption by exchange, goods of
this kind, thereby saving the less mobile wealth of
others is considerable, and that temptation has been
yielded to. Great Britain has financed the Alliance
very largely, herself entirely (without recourse as yet in
any marked degree to foreign or neutral aid), she has thus
May 25, 1916
LAND & *\VATER
been freely " tapped," because beyond any other of the
belligerents her wealth was mobile. But that is not the
same thing as saying that her wealth was greatest, or
that her expenditure has been in proportion to her ability
among the belligerents.
In another aspect of this economic effort Great Britain
has done something novel and perhaps perilous : I mean
in the scale of charges. It may be that an industrial
society could not act in any other fashion : it is a matter
not proper for discussion here. Whether you measure it
by the number of men in the field, or by the number of
nien equipped, or by the number of weapons used, or by
the number of missiles discharged or accumulated — no
matter what you make your test — you will find that the
co-efficient of expense per unit is immensely higher here
than elsewhere. It is sometimes nearly treble. It is
nearly always double.
It will be said with justice that for the most part such
wealth — or (to be accurate) such consumable values —
remain within the economic frontiers of the nation.
That is true. A portion of them, indeed, is lost for ever,
exchanged with neutral foreigners against goods which
are immediately destroyed in consumption— such as
shell : or which, if not immediately destroyed in con-
sumption (weapons, for instance) produce no further
' wealth. But still the greater part of the material passes
from the economic power of one British subject to the
economic power of another. But that is not the root of
the matter. The root of the matter is that what was
formerly accumulated wealth productive of further
wealth in the hands of the first British subject, turns into
wealth which is consumed and destroyed without' the
production of further wealth in the hands of the second
British subject. The process has been going on with
an intensive progression. It was begun when expansion
of the war and its duration were less clear, and the
economic effect of such a revolution has yet to be seen.
Yet here, also, the whole thing has been voluntary.
There has not hitherto been any practical " conscrip-
tion " of wealth, though something very like it has
appeared indirectly in the new high taxation — for it is
clear that that taxation cannot be paid out of income,
and that much of it will be provided by the seUing of
stock to the foreigner. How much will thus disappear
we shall know perhaps when the first real pressure of that
new taxation begins to be felt next year.
There should lastly be considered in connection with
this great business the specially difficult problem which
was presented by the officering and the staffing of the new
armies. It was perhaps the most serious of all.
The one main thing discussed in every continental
country when the conscript armies of the last generation
were in process of construction, was the officering and the
staff. It was necessary in a conscript country to form
cadres, that is " Frameworks " — moulds, as it were, of
existing officers and non-commissioned officers into
which should be poured the material of the mobilisation.
Without such a framework no army could stand.
The formation of these cadres, even under conscript
conditions, was always a serious difficulty. The supply
of professional officers was not unlimited. The obtaining,
training and keeping of a body of non-commissioned
officers was still more difficult. The formation of cadres
for the reserves was a continual anxiety and, if one may
use the phrase, abnormal methods had everywhere to
be taken advantage of. Thus in Germany a reserve of
officers was created out of the young men who had only
one year's service and who had paid a sum of money to
be exempt from the ordinary conditions of barrack-room
life. In France the difficulty of obtaining enough non-
commissioned officers was met, but only with partial
success, by the offer of premiums for re-enlistment.
It was always doubtful how far the system had succeeded.
Here, in England, this vast new army had to be pro-
vided immediately, and out of nothing, with its cadres.
It did not find, as the mobilised forces of evfery other
nation found, cadres already in existence, far too large for
the standing army and designed for the army mobilised.
It found when war broke out quite a small body of pro-
fessional officers, a correspondingly small body of non-
commissioned officers, a certain number of commissions
held by men who were not professional soldiers, and
whose experience of their profession was very much less
than that of professional soldiers — an inheritance of the
CONTENTS
19
PACE
I
2
3
4
5
6
To Victory. By Bernard Partridge
The Passing of Ypres
Empire Day. (Leading Article)
The Right Hon. Joseph Chamberlain
Messages from the Dominions' Premiers
Empire Building. By Harold Cox
Story of the Five Nations : —
"Canada and Her Army. By A Canadian Officer 8
Australia's Part. By Arthur Mason 9
New Zealand's Share. By Noel Ross . 11
South Africa's Record. By C. D. Baynes 12
What India has Done. By Sir Francis Young-
husband 13
The Crown Colonies, etc. 14
Battlefields of the British Army (Map) 16
Britain's Military Effort. By Hilaire Belloc 17
Dominions' Naval Help. By Arthur Pollen 22
Sortes Shakespearianse. By Sir Sidney Lee , 23
Africa and the German Plan. By John Buchan 25
Man and the Machine. By G. K. Chesterton 26
The Empire in Arms. By Prof. J. H. Morgan 28
War Colony of Oversea Women. By Mary MacLeod
Moore 30
What Empire Day Means. By the Earl of Meath 31
For King and Empire. By Louis Raemaekers. 32-33
An Untrue Tale. By Boyd Cable 34
British Empire Production and Trade. (With
Tables and Diagrams). By J. Holt Schooling 41
Motoring Overseas. By H. Massac Buist 46
Half Hours with High Commissioners. By Joseph
Thorp.— Australia .50
New Zealand . 32
South Africa 56
Canada 58
French Red Cross. By Hilaire Belloc 61
The Overseas Club 63
Town and Country xx
The West End xxii.
Choosing Kit xxvi.
time of the old volunteers continued through the new
Territorial army. Beyond these there was nothing.
There was a moment when it seemed hardly possible
that, in such circumstances, the officering of the new
armies could be accomplished. But the marvel here has
been, as in the case of numbers, not that the difficulty
should exist, not that it should have been unfortunately
clear, but that it should have been dealt with at all.
With the formation of staffs the matter was graver
still. It was long the talk of every continental critic,
not only of our new armies, but of his own, that " you
cannot improvise a staff," and the staff is the brain of an
army. The staffing of an army means not only the staffing
of its higher command but of all the subsidiary units
down to the brigades.
How far that worst of all difficulties has been sur-
mounted the campaign has already in part shown. We
have heard plenty of criticism of the imperfection of
staff work. We had ample evidence of that imperfection
at Neuve Chapelle, and not a little of it last September.
But, I repeat, the conspicuous fact about the whole
business is here, as in the case of numbers, as in the case
of officering, not the gradually decreasing imperfection
displayed, but the power of forming staSs at all with
such rapidity and out of perfectly new material.
In conclusion, we must remember with regard to all
this that this success (the magnitude of which no one has
yet grasped) . has been accomphshed under the conditions
of modern war.
The analogy of the past, which is sometimes appealed
to, will not hold. The chief analogy, of course, is with
the armies of the French Revolution. These were not
multiplied by ten, but they were multiphed by three.
Their officering also was a problem which was but
gradually solved.
Novel methods were used which -ultimately proved
successful in their case, as in ours. Bnt there lies between
the two things this capital difference^ that in the case ol
the revolutionary armies all developments would be slow.
The conveyance of information, itself a matter of days
and sometimes of weeks ; mobilisjition the affair even of
20
LAND & W A T E R
May
tqtG
months, and the transport of bodies for tlie attack, soint-
thing at the best a matter of 15 miles a day, at the worst
seven, but half that distance.
What has been done to-day has been done in the face
of an enemy intimately prepared ; with all his powers
for war alive and ready from the first day, with infor-
mation conveyed in a few seconds over any distance of
space, with mobilisation a matter of a few days, and the
concentration of a million men upon any small front made
possible by invention in the course of a couple of weeks.
It is perhaps the power to improvise under !?iich
circumstances and in the face of such an opponent that
has been the most amazing feature of the whole story.
THE TRENTINO
These lines are written twenty-four hours earlier in
the week than usual from the necessity of going to press
a day before the usual time.
I am therefore compelled to interrupt any examination
of the new offensive upon the frontier of the Trentino,
for that offensive is still in progress at the moment of
WTiting. The critical point, the power of the enemy to
force the Italian main line, or their failure so to do, re-
mains undecided.
Rut what has happened up to the last news received
upon writing this may bo tabulated as follows :
Beginning upon Saturday, May 13th, and throughout
Sunday, May 14th, a violent intensive bombardment with
heavy pieces, the characteristic of every great offensive,
was directed uninterruptedly along the Italian front
between the Upper ^alley of the Astico in front of the
Folgaria plateau and the valley of the Adige. The
Italian front here ran everyvvere in front of the permanent
werks, now transformed into field works, which crown
the positions defending the Trentine ->'alley. The two
main groups of heavy guns are on either side of the valley
on the ridge of the Biaena east of J^overeto and on the
Folgaria to west, and somewhat to north of that town.
After the bombardment of Sunday, May 14th, the
Austrian assault on Monday, May isth, attacked the
height of the Zugna Torta, which stands out rather in
front of the most advanced Italian positions ; with the
village of Moscheri, at its base.
The attack was carried on all the Monday and the
Tuesday agaiast the Italian advanced positions, and on
the latter day Moscheri was entered.
Meanwhile during the same Monday and up to dawn
on Tuesday, the second attack was proceeding upon the
advanced Italian jjositions in the Val Sugana, that is in
the Upper Valley of the Brenta, between the summit of
the Collo and the height of the Armenterra, with the
village of IJoncegno between them which marked the
e.xtreme limit of the former Italian advance up the valley.
By Wednesday the Austrians were suffering something
of a check, especially in the Val Sugana, where they lost
a certain number of prisoners and fell back. But on
Thursday the Zugna Torta, at the base of which the
Austrians had already entered Moscheri, was evacuated
by the Italians. On Friday, the iqtli, the western end
of the Armenterra ridge was occupied by the .Austrians
and the village of Roncegno at its foot, while a subsidiary
movement between the two valleys was being pushed
against the Santo between the Terragnolo torrent and the
Zugna Torta ridge. By the evening of that day the
Austrians claimed 13,000 Italian prisoners, 107 guns and
li large howitzers. We shall see in a moment how
these claims may be criticised.
The Saturday and the Sunday gave no appreciable
result, at least in the news reaching London by Monday
afternoon, and it looked as though the great offensive had
reached some main line of defence upon which our Ally
proposes to stand after ha\'ing retired in some places
over two miles of ground, in others over a mile to a
mile and a-half.
The first main general object of these offensives, from
the great model of Verdun down to the smallest efforts
such as the attack on the Vimy Kidgc last Sunday, is to
postpone the counter-offensive of an enemy growing in
power, and with luck to render that offensive weak or im-
possible by the time it comes (that is, supposing one has
compelled the enemy to lose more men than a defending
force ought to lose) and with greater luck still to arrive
at some decision.
Armies as they reach the end of their resources are -
always compelled to attack. To stand upon the defensive
means nothing, strategically, except using in one's own
favour the element of time. It connotes increasing
strength in comparison with one's enemy. The only
other things it can connote are despair — which is not a
strategical consideration — or the political hope that delay
will secure more favourable terms. When things are
the other way, when one knows that one's enemy will
get stronger and oneself weaker as time proceeds^ then
the defensive is useless and the offensive imposes itself.
It is clear that a decision of any kind attained before the
disproportion of forces became overwhelming would be
the salvation of the declining force. It is equally clear
that bad blundering on the part of a superior enemy so
that he should lose too many men though standing upon
the defensive, might cripple his power of greater action.
It is clear that upon the very least a vigorous offensive, so
Siae/ia ~
May 25, 1916
. LAND & WATER
a 10 20 30 40 Siy'pip-
21
ii^^^^^^^Si^^
II
GORJZIA
Mbnfalcone
TRIESTE'
Verona.
II J- ^■^■■T^W^W*
losses, tlie thing would be so clear that not the stupidest
panicmonger could shirk the conclusion. Unfortunately
we Jiave not that statistical evidence to hand, but we
know roughly on the analogy of all past experience
the proportion of losses between the offensive and the
defensive in this trench warfare. We further know what
is meant by the enemy's established rule for impressing
us with the results of any of his abortive offensives. He
always gives as the total number of prisoners taken upon
the first blow as many men as he can possibly get any of
his opponents for the moment to believe. Roughly
speaking the figures given are usually equivalent to, or a
little superior to, the total losses of all kinds suffered, and
the object is to depress the opposed command during the
period of disorder before the line is I'eorganised and exact
figures of missing, with the presumed proportion of dead,
wounded and unwounded among them, are obtainable.
Claims to the capture of heavy guns are nearly always
accurate, for it is not a matter upon which lying is of any
use, the opposing command knows perfectly well that it
has had to abandon such batteries or no. Claims to the
capture of " guns " in general include every sort of
trench weapon. Claims to the capture of " field guns "
specially so named cover, as a rule, the total lo.ss in such
weapons of the opponents, and include what is destroyed
with what is still useful material.
Judged by this test the Austrian claims up to last
Sunday night when the Italian belt of advanced posts
was taken and apparently a check received by the enemy
upon the main positions behind, show something of this
kind — the Italians have lost we may presume, in dead,
wounded and prisoners, about the total number of
prisoners alone claimed by the enemy. One battery
and probably part of another of big howitzers eraplaced
far forward for the reply to the Folgaria and other enemy
batteries has fallen into Austrian hands, and a certain
unknown number of held pieces with which French
weapons have been counted. All that is insignihcant.
The vital point.- are the expense at which this shallow
belt of territory in the mountains has been acquired and
the resistance which the enemy will meet with upon the
main ItaUan positions. With regard to the first point
we have only analogy to guide us, and may estimate losses
perhaps two and a half, perhaps three times more numerous
than those of the defence— for it is clear from the enemy's
own figures that the Italians held their first line very
thinly as opposed to the German method which cost the
enemy so heavily last September. As to the second
point it belongs to the future. H. Belloc
long as a declining force can conduct it, postpones the
dreaded final attack against it which its relatively in-
creasing enemy designs ; and that is why the Central
•Empires are condemned to unceasing offensive action so
long as they have a margin left over the numbers required
to hold their hues.
In each particular offensive there is also, of course,, a
localobject, which would, if it were attained, effect some-
thing like a decision. It is clearly the intention of the
.\ustrians to force the two passages of the Adige valley
and the Val Sugana. They propose to do this by direct
attack, and by turning the defences of the valleys round
by carrying the mountain group lying between.
It will be seen from the map that the two main passages
carrying both road and rail which lead from Trent (and
all that lies behind Trent) into the Italian plain, are the
valley of the Adige, running north and south, with its
great town at the opening of the plain at Verona, and the
Val Sugana, that is, the upper course of the River Brenta,
with its town at the opening of the plain, Bassano. If
two Austrian columns could debouch from the hills by
these two avenues, they would be right behind the main
Italian force on the Isonzo and upon the main communica-
tions of that force ; upon the Venetian plain, rendering
the Italian position on the Isonzo impossible and destroy-
ing the whole plan of campaign of the Italians.
It is exceedingly late in the day to attempt so grandiose
a scheme, but failing success in it there yet remain, as we
have seen certain important results attaching to the
movement if it can proceed somewhat further unchecked.
It is being conducted with all that the Austro-Hungarian
monarchy can gather for the purpose. One Italian un-
ofhcial estimate puts it as high as 14 divisions. It is not
that. But it is at any rate, we will presume, not less than
10. It is supported by long-accumulated masses of heavy
guns and ammunition. It will inevitably relieve the
)>ressuro upon tiie Isonzo and bring a counter-reinforce-
ment for the Italians back upon the Trentino front. It
will, if it be sufficiently prolonged, at sufficient expense
Lo the Italians, disturb the plans for the offensive later on.
We have exactly the same lesson to learn from the
renewal of the attack on Verdun. It^ costs him a
tremendous price in men, but it is better to throw
the men away on the chance, with) luck, of crippling
the later offensive, than to keep them merely for use in a
slowly declining war. It is pretty clear by this time
that even this calculation has gone wrong. The AlUed
command in the West has evidently decided that the
losses suffered upon its side are worth the expense en-
tailed upon the enemy, and leave it perfectly free to
ittack at its own moment. The really striking thing
ibout the whole matter, is the refusal of the Alhed com-
mand to be provoked into a counter-offensive. It is
the most convincing evidence of what the situation is.
If we could have, either in the case of Verdun, or in the
case of the Trentino, an exact table of the comparative
For the notable frontispiece of its " Five Nations " num-
ber. Land & Water is indebtcd.to Mr. Bernard Partridge,
the famous " Punch " cartoonist. We are indebted to the
Proprietors of " Puncli " for permitting Mr. Partridge tfi
draw this cartoon for Land & Watek.
22
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
Dominions' Naval Help
By Arthur Pollen
THE splendid work of the Canadian, Australian
and New Zealand troops in the stricken tields
of France and Flanders, has largely oyer-
siiadowed in the memory of the public the im-
portance of Dominion services at sea. F'or that matter,
there has been little published wherefrom a connected
or detailed story can be derived. But the broad facts
of the share of the^Dominions in the naval campaigns are
available, and, on an occasion such as this, it is right
and fitting that the more salient points should be brought
to our recollection.
The first ship of the British Xavy to be sunk in
action — Good Hope — was the first ship, I believe, in the
Navy List that was, in a sense, a gift from the Britons of
Overseas. At the Battle of Coronel, Good Hope was
the gallaint Cradock's flagship. In the ships that fell so
gloriously in that unequal fight, there was serving a
detachment of officers and men from the Royal ^Canadian
Navy — the youngest of the daughter services of the
Empire. It was little more than a matter of months
that these men had trained before they set out on this
desperate and, in a military sense, fruitless errand. They
were, I believe, the first of our Overseas brothers to shed
their blood and lose their lives at sea in the cause of Empire.
More recently, two other Dominions ga\e to the mother
country's Navy, by direct gift, units of the first im-
portance. New Zealand, a battle cruiser of the Ittde-
faiigable type — after a maiden cruise to the Dominion that
gave her to the nation — returned to home waters, and
joined Sir David Beatty's flag. So far as we know, she
has been a imit in the battle cruiser squadron ever since,
and has remained under the command of the officer
who commissioned her. Captain Lionel Halsey. She
took part in the sweep into the Bight of Heligoland of
August, 1914, and, in the affair of the Dogger Bank, flew
the flag of Rear- Admiral Sir Archibald Moore, when he
succeeded to the command of the squadron after Lion
had been disabled. Malaya, a battleship, was the gift
of those of the Malay States that are under the dominion
of the British Crown. The value of such gifts as these
needs neither argument nor emphasis. Finally, /1 2<s/>'(»/i«,
after invaluable services in the Pacific and Indian Oceans
while von Spec's squadron was in being, has for long
been in the same squadron as New Zealand.
Nor were the Canadians, who shared in the action
off Coronel, the only Dominions men serving in the Senior
Service. The uncounted flotillas of sloops and special
craft designed for hunting submarines, and for finding
and sweeping away mine fields, etc., have been largely
manned and commanded by volunteers from Canada and
other Dominions. From quite early in the war, too, Canada
undertook the patrol of her own Eastern coast, thus
releasing the North Atlantic squadron for more important
work. Further than this, both Australians and Canadians
have undertaken and managed the whole of the transport
of the great armies they have sent to Europe — a purely
naval operation of the first magnitude and importance.
Canada has supplied the Royal Navy with great quanti-
ties of naval munitions. Thus men, trained and untrained ;
material, raw and manufactured^ — everything which each
Dominion could give — has been willingly offered and
eagerly accepted.
Australia, at the outbreak of war, was the only Dominion
that had a completely organised Navy and an Admiralty
of its own. Of ships — finished, commissioned and ready
for sea — her force consisted of the Australia, a battle
cruiser of the Indefatigable class ; two protected cruisers
of the Dartmouth type, the Melbourne and Sydney;
the Encounter, a sister ship of Challenger ; six 26-knot
destroyers, and the nucleus of a flotilla of submarines of
the E class. In addition the fast light cruiser Brisbane and
seme destroyers are now completing for her navy. It was
not perhaps a very large force, but it proved to be of
decisive value in war. Withoiit it, the coast towns of
Australia would have been at the mercy of the German-
China squadron, her very important trade routes opeh
to the ravages of von Spec's light cruisers.
The strategic position in the Pacific and Indian Oceans
was curiously complicated at the beginning of hostilities
and it may be of some interest to recall the main
circumstances. In the China Squadron, Vice-Admiral
Jerrom had under his command Triumph, Minotaur,
Hampshire, Newcastle and Yarmouth, eight destroyers,
three submarines, four torpedo boats, half a dozen gun
vessels, and some river craft. The latter would, of course,
be useless for war purpose. Of this force. Triumph
was not commissioned. She had been sent to Hong
Kong as depot ship, and at the outbreak of war was due
for a refit. Only a nucleus crew of officers and men was
on board. She was actually fitted up with men, officers
and stores, and sent out of harbour within forty-eight
hours ! The East Indies Squadron, under Rear-
Admiral Peirse, consisted of Sunftsure, a sister ship of
Triumph ; Dartmouth, a cruiser of the same class as
Newcastle ; the Fox, an old Astrcca, and four small craft.
In Australian waters were the Dominion squadron I have
enumerated above. Clearly, neither the East Indies nor
the China squadron — without Triumph — was any sort
of match for the forces at von Spec's disposal. And had
Japan preserved her neutrality, our chief reliance must
have been placed in the force which the loyal foresight
of the Australians provided.
Von Spec's Plans
The share an Overseas navy can take in the strategic
defence of the Empire, and its influence upon the plans
and the movements of the enemy, are very clearly indicated
by a brief review of what in fact happened in the only
waters where a colonial navy existed. The first ship
of the German China squadron to be sunk, namely,
Emden, fell as we all know to the Australian Svdncv
And if we follow the movements and can penetrate the
plans of von Spec, it becomes obvious that it was the
existence of the Australian navy that determined his
movements, and materially assisted in hastening his end.
Von Spec had the choice of scattering his fleet or keep-
ing it together, Scattered, his light cruisers were hardly
equal individually to the best of the light cruisers that
they might encounter. Sydney, Melbourne, Newcastle.
Yarmouth and Dartmouth were all more heavily gunned
than Number g, Leipzig and Emden or than Dresden,
which had joined von Spec at Easter Island in the
middle of October. His battle cruisers — though not
carrying such heavy metal as Swijtsure or Triumph —
were yet much faster. Each was about equal in
speed and fighting power to Minotaur, and, of course,
vastly superior to any other British ship in the Pacific —
Australia excepted. But he could not count on having
to meet British ships only — and the Japanese Navy had
some single ships that were as fast and more powerful
than his. This is an important matter to remember
in discussing his choice of plans.
The first question that he must put to himself was —
should his policy be to scatter his fleet and do all the
damage he could ? Or to keep it together, in the hope
of ultimately achieving some strategical object worth
having ? Scattered, the damage the armoured cruisers
could have done on the trade routes — supposing they
could be supplied — would clearly have been enormous,
although he could hardly have expected to do much
against the transports, for these would surely be convoyed
so long as his ships were at large. But the necessity of
convoying the ships would have relieved him to a great
extent of. the fe.ar of formidable vessels being sent to
hunt him upon the trade routes. He might have guessed
that the Japanese ships would probably be kept to their
waters. This would leave all the trade routes of the
Indian Ocean open to his attack. Had he used his
armoured cruisers as commerce destroyers here, he
could reasonably have expected a staggering success
before they could be brought to action by superior force.
With such a policy, he would no doubt have recognised
the ulitmatc fate of his sliips to be inevitable. Sooner
May 25,. 1916
LAND & ^\• A T E R
23
or later they must have been run down and brought
to action. But the catching and destroying of these ships
would have been no simple matter. It would have been
10 use looking for them with single ships of greater
power but lower speed. Of ships of equal speed and
equal power, the British Navy could only supply the
four Natals, Duke of Edinburgh, Black Prince, Minotaur
and her two sister ships. And to all of these, except the
Minotaur, highly important duties elsewhere had been
assigned. If there were no other difficulty then, he
could probably count on a reasonably long trip for each
ship, and a considerable success while life lasted.
Chilean Aid
But it probably was not any definite weighing of the
chances of this or that ship being sent against him
that decided him to keep his fleet together. East
of Australia and Singapore there are only two trade
routes of supreme importance — the Pacific lines be-
tween China and Japan and America, and what
may be called the coasting lines connecting Japan
and the Chinese ports with the Indian Ocean. By
far the most important both in values of freights
and in numbers of ships is the latter, and the bulk of
tills trade has to pass across the Indian Ocean to
the Suez Canal. In the Indian Ocean there comes not
only this far Eastern trade, to which the Malay, Borneo
and Dutch and Java trade must be added, but it is swelled
by what comes from India, Ceylon and from Australasia.
The mouth of the Red Sea, then, is the point at which all
the Eastern trade concentrates. What was probably
von Spec's final argument against devoting the whole of
his force to an attack on this congeries of vital arteries
was the difficulty of ensuring the supply of coal, provisions,
etc., for his ships. But if he kept in the Pacific the in-
numerable archipelagos offered him two supreme ad-
vantages. He could in the first place hide amongst these
islands for almost as long as he wished. He could ne.xt
organise the German traders scattered up and down
through Polynesia to collect and send him supplies,
provisions, and above all news, when it was available.
Lastly the large amount of German shipping plying on
the West coast of South America could be organised to
supply him with coal. In electing for the Pacific he chose
between the chances of a formidable destruction of com-
merce and the best chance of keeping his squadron in being.
Immediate safety was probably not his only object in
view. The German community in Chile was numerous,
rich, owned a great many ships, and in many districts
monopolised Chilean trade, so that port after port
could be relied on to act almost as if it were German
and not neutral. His plan seems to have been, then,
to elude the British and Japanese by concealment
in the islands and then gradually to work a passage across
to Chile, and to decide when he got there what his future
plans were to be. The details of his actual movements,
so far as I know, are not available to the public. It is
to be presumed that in the early stages of the war the
China squadron, reinforced by the hastily commissioned
Triumph, sought him at his only Eastern base of
importance, Tsing Tau. But he had left this long
before hostilities were imminent. He appears to have
taken the whole of his squadron with him to some
rendezvous in the Caroline Islands. The first news the
world heard of his existence was his appearance off
Samoa towards the middle of September. A fortnight
later he was off Tahiti, and he was not heard of again
until he met and destroyed Cradock's squadron on
November 1st. It has since become known that
Dresden, which before the war represented German in-
terests at Vera Cruz, had made her way round Cape Horn,
and joined him some ten days before Cradock was en-
countered. It is probable that she brought the news of
his arrival off the Chilean coast. And while Dresden
was working round the Horn, von Spec was pursuing his
way at low speed to Massafueras after a stop at Easter
Island en route. From the end of July then till the ist
November he maintained his squadron in fuel and pro-
visions without possessing any base of any kind — an
unprecedented achievement.
A few days before his appearance off Samoa the world
was startled by the resounding news of Emden's
devastations in the Indian Ocean. She had three series
of successes. The first began on September loth and
before the week was out six ships were captured and most
of them sunk. A fortnight later she took five more ships
in three successive days. Again for a fortnight nothing
was heard of her, and then six more fell between the loth
and 19th of October. Emden's third disappearance
lasted nearly three weeks. She was then brought to
action and destroyed by Sydney in the Cocos group of
Islands. Simultaneously with the appearance of Emden
in the Indian Ocean Leipzic destroyed a British ship off
lower California, but she captured onlj' two more victims,
one on .September nth and the other December 2nd.
Now if all these movements are examined it is not
difficult to see a connected plan behind them, and it is
equally clear that the plan was of old standing. In
discussing what von Spee might have done and what he
did I am not therefore supposing that he debated these
points when war became certain. The fact that Dresden
was dispatched round the Horn off the coast of Chile,
seems to argue that it was known for certain that von
Spee, if all went well, would reach there by the end of
October. What was the object of these movements ?
First there was the very important strategic object of
keeping his enemies guessing where he might be and
what he might be up to. While he was in being con-
siderable forces would have to be mobiHsed, either to
look for him or to guard against him. Trade would be
nervous, the dispatch of troops would be full of danger,
important units would have to be employed as convoys.
There was next always the chance that he might encounter
and defeat some inferior force and in this respect chance
served him well. Although there was always the possibihty
of an encounter which would raise the prestige of German
arms, still, he could hardly have supposed that things
would so shape themselves that a British Admiral with
so inferior a force as Good Hope, Monmouth, and Glasgow
would cross the Atlantic with orders to seek him out and
engage him. He must then have regarded the only
naval victory that fell to him as the most astonishing
stroke of luck in history. There was also the possibility
of his making his way to Africa, where, if Great Britain's
hands were really full elsewhere, his ships might very
materially assist in -prolonging a struggle for existence
by one or more of the German colonies. Lastly
there was the possibility of attacking some undefended
British possession and, if only for 24 hours, hoisting the
German flag over it. It was as we know his anxiety
to bring off this coup at the Falkland Islands that led
to his undoing.
These points are worth rehearsing now, because it is
obvious that, had Australia not possessed a unit of the
power and speed of her battle cruiser, the fate intended for
Sovtes Sbahespeananae
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
Empire Day.
T/ie yearly course that brings this day about
Shall never see it but a holiday.
Kin< Joha III., i., 81-2.
The Ruler of Imperial Britain.
Wherever the bright sun, of heaven
shall shine.
His honour and the greatness of his name
Shall be, and make new nations ; he shall
flou7'ish
And, like a mountain cedar, reach his
branches
To all the plains about him ; our children s
children
Shall see this, and bless heaven.
Henry VIII., V.. iv.. 5*5. '
The Safeguard of Enarland.
Let us be back' d with God and with the seas
Which He hathgiven for fence ivipregnable.
And with their helps only defend ourselves :
In them and in ourselves our safety lies.
3 Henry VI., IV.. i., 43-6.
24
J. A N D cS: \V A T E R
May 25, T916
the ]-"alkland Islands would certainly have befallen the
chief seaport towns of the Commonwealth. The pos-
session by Australia then of the navy that she had was
a decisive factor in limiting von Spec's movements and
making him choose a path across the Pacific.
Discipline and the Dominions
Tt is now quite certain that the Dominions can produce
navies of the very highest class and merit. This may
sound like a commonplace, but it has not always been
so. When it was first decided that AustraHa should
raise and train a personnel of her own, many of those
who knew most about Australia and most about the
navy were anything but confident that the experiment
would succeed. The sturdy sons of Australia and Canada
are born and bred in surroiuidings that produce men of
the finest physique, of a high and lofty courage and of an
admirable lighting spirit. These are obviously as good
material as there is in the world for an army. But it
was questioned whether men and youths bred in
this freedom and spirit of independence could accommo-
date themselves to the highly rigid discipline that the naval
life requires. In British ships there is a high proportion of
men on board who ha\e been brought up in naval schools
from childhood, or have come into the navy as boys of
16 to 18 and have been put at once to the discipline of a
barrack training. They ha\e found themselves grouped
from the first with long service Petty Officers and men
to whom a reverence for naval discipline is so to speak
the foundation of their being. A large number of them
are country bred ; they have felt the feudal traditions
of our society, they have a natural respect for those
above them in the social scale. All these things have
greatly simplified the task of the British naval officer
on board ship. So ingrained in point of fact is the
respect for naval law, that it is almost a.xiomatic to say-
that, if serious difficulties arise, it can be due only to
bad will and a rebellious spirit. But the .whole problem
obviously changes its character in a country where
there is no feudal tradition, no respect for class,
where an independent spirit and a sense of equality
pervades the whole community. "Where young men
know no other surroundings and no other spirit than this
there seems good reason for fearing that they would find
instinctive obedience and the formalities of discipline
almost incompatible with habits which have become a
principle. Those who feared these difficulties were not
completely reassured by remembering what admirable
soldiers our Canadian and Australian fellow subjects
had shown themselves to be. They thought the problem
of bringing them under the influence of naval discipline
would be infinitely more difficult, and they feared both
the capacity of the men to .submit and the capacity of
British officers to bring them to submission.
Again, it was clearly perceived that the foundation of
a new navy was a much greater imdertaking than the
mere expansion of an old one. In this process of making
seamen out of entirely new material- — material bred in
conditions that .seemed inimical to their ever being good
seamen — both officers and men would be put to an
exceedingly searching test. War has taught us that both
have emerged from this with flying colours.
So far as Canada goes naval developments had gone
little bej^ond the training of personnel, nor had this
been carried on on a very large scale. But as has already
been remarked apropos of the heroes that fell at Coroncl,
the training had been perfectly successful. In Australia
the thing had been carried far further and had indeed to
some extent been put to the test before war broke out.
It was natural that the Canadian experiment should
succeed under the strain of imminent fighting. It was a
thing, of course, to pull men together and make each one
do his best. But in Australia one capital ship «ind several
other smaller units had been fully commissioned and
engaged on regular naval work in ordinary |)eace con-
ditions. If there were any difficulties, and surely
thert; must have been some, nothing was ever heard
of them. Any doubts there may have been as to
how the thing would work were all dissipated when
the campaign began.
In the engagement between Sydney and Emden it was
a matter of justifiable pride to the officers of the Ati.stralian
ship, that a crew with a high proportion of comparatively
inexperienced boys went through that action wdth a self-
possession and coolness that the most experienced
veterans might have envied. In that action, as the
official report pointed out, the opening salvoes of the
Emden took a heavy toll of the ship's company. It
seems certain that Emden scored first blood. She got the
range at a distance that was hardly to be expected with
guns of the calibre that she carried, and her salvoes were
fired with astonishing rapidity and with still more
astonishing accuracy. Whether Sydney was making
as good a pattern with her guns was not a thing that
could have been known to the generality of the crew.
The point is that when the only obvious'matter was that
Emden had got Sydney imder fire, there was never a
moment's uncertainty as to how Sydney took it.
Naval Endurance
The Australian navy's baptism of fire then established
the character of the new force beyond all question. It
has had a more testing time since. Australia has for long
made one of the battle cruiser force in the North, when;
the spells of dreary waiting for the enemy have been
broken only by disappointments when there was a hope
of getting him. The Colonial sailors have, of course,
only had to endure the same tedium as our own men,
but it is a complete answer to those who questioned the
capacity of men bred in the freedom and independence of
Colonial life to acquire the patient persistence of those
inured to discipline, that this particular crew has done
so successfully. But while this is so, it must not be
forgotten that the problem will be a standing one and
will not solve itself. It will only be solved if officers are
chosen for the training of Colonials, who are conspicuous
for tact, patience and good humour. The whole thing
will doubtless become easier as the mother and daughter
navies become better and better acquainted. And the
best assurance of continued success, would undoubtedly
be that whatever reserves, either of a purely voluntary
or of a paid character are established, they should be
encouraged to take their training as far as possible in
Briti.sh ships and in home waters. It should be a sine
qua non in the case of all Colonial officers, not only for
their own sake, but for the sake of educating the ward
rooms to which they are attached. The guiding principle
should and no doubt will be, that the danger of mis-
imderstandings will diminish in proportion to the intimacy
of the friendship and mutual knowledge that is estab-
lished between the officers and men of the home and
Colonial forces.
There is one other aspect of the question of the future
of the Dominion navies which, though it is of a delicate
kind, cannot be ignored. The proposal that Canada should
furnish three capital units of the first importance to the
Imperial fleet broke down owing, it is supposed, to
political misunderstandings in Canada itself. Now it is
quite certain that no Dominion navy can follow a healthy
and normal development, so as in the end to reflect the
true character of its constituent personnel, and the true
genius of the people who maintain it, if it is allowed to
become the shuttlecock between rival political parties.
It will be a still greater danger if the officers'and men in
any of these navies ever have reason to suspect that the
actual administration of their force is coloured by political
or party designs, just as it would be-the min of any right
spirit in a navy if employment or promotion is ever
believed to be procurable by party service or interest.
In the long history of the English Navy, we have seen
all these things happen again and again, to the bitter
loss of that most gallant service. In our own navy, to
political influence, court and social influence have in the
past been added too. Things are very different to-day,
but clearly there can be no healthy spirit unless every
officer knows that promotion and employment will depend
upon professional merit and professional merit alone ;
and there will be no healthy public spirit about the navy
unless every voter, whatever his party, realises that the
interest of the service i? a purely national affair, which no
temporary passage of political interest or passion must
be allowed to affect. It is probable, however, that after
so great a war as this, in whidh the direct naval services
of the Dominion have been so remarkable, there will
be \r?ry little danger of the naval future.
Aktiu'r Pou.kn
Ma}' 25, jCjiG
L A N D cS: W A T K R
25
AFRICA AND THE GERMAN PLAN
By John Buchan
PROFESSOR ERNST HAECKEL, who describes
himself for the purpose as a " free-thinking
Monist," has been adding to the gaiety of
nations by discoursing in an American magazine
on (iermany's future plans, \^'c have not liitherto
associated Professor Haeckcl with high politics, but in
these hard times all the gelehrfcn liave been mobilised
and the venerable author of " Weltrdthsel " with the
rest. He explains that (Germany needs an empire, not
like England for lust of gold, or like France for vain
glory, or like Italy for megalomania, or like Russia
because of sheer barbarous greed, but because she is
o\ercrowded at home and wants a dumping ground for
her surplus population. Africa is going to he a substantial
part of this empire ; the Congo especially, which is to
come to (jermany as a consequence of the espousal of
Belgium. The whole of Central Africa from sea to sea will be
(ierman, while the Cape will be restored to Holland, and
ligypt to the Turk, and perfidious Britain will depart
frrmi the continent altogether.
Professor Haeckel is not to be taken seriously, except
in so far as he gives expression to popular opinion in his
own land. At this moment there is but one German
colon}' in Africa. Togoland fell in the first month of the
war ; a year ago (itn^ral Botha secured the surrender
of South- West Africa ; two months ago the last (ierman
resistance died in the -Cameroons. Only German East
Africa still stands, ringed round with enemies, and General
Smuts' mobile cohnnus are already pressing the defence
southward upon tin- main railway. But the ultimate
fate of Germany's o\erseas possessions depends upon
the decision of the struggle in the main theatres, and
that decision is not yet. It is too soon for any of the
combatants to count spoils. But it is worth while to
remind ourselves of the purpose for which Clermany went
to Africa and the precise views she entertained with
respect to that continent. In striking at (ierman Africa
the Allies are not attacking irrelevant and half-forgotten
dependencies, but an integral part of the German scheme
of world-empire.
The Origin of German Africa
Other colonial empires have come about by accident
and the slow process of time, " growing as the trees grow
while man sleeps " ; but Germany's was the outcome of a
sudden ambition developing into a methodical plan. The
oldest of her African possessions has a history of less than
fifty years. After the defeat of France in 1870 and the
industrial development which followed, she aspired to all
the appurtenances of a great nation. She saw France
and Britain with colonies, and she desired quite naturally
to have some of her own. Her population was growing
and she wished an outlet for emigration under her own
flag. She was in the throes of a new industrialism, and
she sought her own producing grounds for raw materials.
Besides, national glory is always measured to some extent
in terms of territory, and she wished more of the map
of the world to be the German colour. She was of the
opinion of Captain John Smith that " the greatest honour
that ever belonged to the greatest monarchs was to
enlarge their dominions and erect commonweals." Her
publicists. List and Friedel and Treitschke, pointed out
that trade followed the flag, and Bismarck, playing
on Europe as on a stringed instrument, saw in oversea
adventures a chance for securing fresh assets to bargain
with in the European game. German colonisation was
a reasoned policy, not the haphazard work of individuals
which gradually merges into a national purpose. And,
like all reasoned pohcies, in its first stages it marched fast.
The way had been jnepared for her in Africa by many
path-finders. The history of Africa in the last century
is full of German names, missionaries, explorers and
scientists, who must rank high in the record of explora-
tion. Such were Kolbe and Lichtenstein, Mohr and
Mauch in South Africa ; in West and Northern Africa
Hornemann and Barth, Ziegler and Schweinfurth, Rohlfs
and Nachtigal ; in East and Central Africa von der Decken
and \'on Wissmann. At first she found her path made
easy, for Britain was friendly and unsuspicious. The few
men at home who knew anything about the subject were
thinking only of the slave trade and welcomed a European
collaborator in its suppression. Mr. (Gladstone in the
House of Commons publicly thanked God for the advent
of (jermany to assist " in the execution of the great pur-
poses of Providence for the advantage of mankind."
The year 1884 saw the foundation of German Damara-
land, of (ierman Togoland, and of German Cameroons.
That same year the Berlin Conference regularised her
acquisitions, and six years later the Caprivi Agreement
settled the borders of German East Africa. By 1890
German Africa existed practically in its present
form, and during the Moroccan troubles of 1911 it was
increased by a strip of French Congo. She had obtained
territory nearly five times the size of Germany in Europe,
much of it of great potential richness. And she had
succeeded in building a fence across the British road from
the Zambesi to the North.
Germany's Colonial Methods
Having got her colonies, Germany proceeded to handle
them vigorously after her own fashion. She had no
notion of live and let live with the native populations.
The hapless black was dragooned under the system
of government which obtained on the banks of the Spree.
In the words of Dr. ]\Ioritz Bonn, who may rank as one of
the ablest students of (ierman colonial aifairs, she "solved
the nati\'e problem by smashing tribal life and creating a
scarcity of laboiir." She spent money like water and her
colonial deficits grew, but she got value for her outlay.
The roads and railways in the Cameroons, in Togoland,
and in (ierman East Africa were models of tropical
engineering.
Settlers did not appear in any large numbers, for the
good reason that their life was made too d.'fTi^ult by an
ever-present bureaucracy. The colonist of whatever
nationality must be given a fair latitude or he will never
get his roots down into the soil. The result was that
German settlers used to trek across the border into British
tcrritor\', finding their country's hand too heavy under
an equatorial sun. The truth was that Germany did not
rpally want settlers. In spite of Professor Haeckel she
had no great surplus populatioii to export, for in late
years her tide of emigration had slackened. What she
desired was producing grounds for raw material under
her own flag, and she was in a fair way to get them. Her
most successful colony, German East Africa, was a
planter's country, with huge agricultural estates, like
the old Portuguese pvazos. Proclucing grounds, military
outposts and obser\'ation stations — tjiis was the future
she designed for her oversea possessions.
Now, colonisation is something more than a chain of
plantations and factories, and it is much more than a
string of military garrisons. It involves settlemeni—the
adoption by emigrants of the new land as their home,
the administration of that new land with a view to its
own future and not with regard only to the ambitions of
the Motherland. Mere exploitation is not colonisation,
as the Dutch and the Portuguese found. The inhabitants
must get their roots clown, must acquire a local patriotism
as well as a patriotism of origin. The duty to the land,
itself must be recognised, and not less the duty to the
older masters who continue to live side by side with the
new. True colonisation is a slow business, an organic
growth rather than a mechanical construction. Such
are the British colonies, botL in the tropical and temper-
ate zones ; such are those of France, whose sons have
shown in North Africa a very special aptitude for handling
native races and a true de\-otion to their adopted land.
Colonisation is a game which has certain rules, and if these
rules are broken it cannot succeed. The Cierman posses-
sions have never been .true colonies. Successive waves
of colonial enthusiasm have overflowed Germany ;
missionaries like Herr Dernburg haxe been des]>atched
on grand tours ; but the root of the matter has been
26
LAND c\- WATER
May 25, 1916
neglected. Garrisons and plantations have been created,
but not daughter states ; and garrisons and plantations
are not destined to endure, for they are never deep
enough in the soil.
Further, the German colonies, being what they were,
were a constant menace to their neighbours. If one man
is digging trenches to drain his farm, and anotlior digs
to make the foundations of a fort, there is nothing in
common between the two and no possibility of harmoni-
ous neighbourship. All Germany's activities have in late
years been given a military purpose, and competition in
the old fair sense was impossible. The State used its
credit to build up great industries and establish shipping
lines, and often money was spent lavishly from whicli
there could be no purely economic return. All this was
legitimate enough, but it naturally gave other colonising
powers matter for thought. Just as in private business
the British and French merchant felt that the German
was not competing with him on fair terms, since he had
his Government behind him, so in colonisation it was
perceived that Germany did not run for the proper stakes
or play the game by the recognised rules.
The Military Purpose
The truth is that the genuine colonising impulse which
existed in Germany about 1880 had utterly disappeared
during the past decade. The German colonies had become
part of the Pan-Germanist propaganda, like the Baghdad
Railway or the fortress of Tsing-Tau. Tiicy represented
one side of the plan of expansion, as the control of Meso-
potamia represented the otiicr. There was this ditfercnce
between the two, that while the extension south-eastward
of the Central European Powers might be possible by
military strength-only, the maintenance of armed colonies
demanded a navy. Again and again the enthusiasts of
the Navy League used the colonial argument to support
their pleas ; (Jermany in her effort after Weltmacht must
have her oversea garrisons and an omnipotent navy was
needed as a link between them. Given that navy, their
strategic value would have been great. German East
Africa was on the southern flank of the road to India as
iMesopotamia was on the northern. With German in-
fluence on both sides of the great waterway to the East,
the most vital interests of Britain would have been
menaced. The Drang nach Osten was largely and subtly
conceived.
Professor Haeckel looks forward to the restoration ot
the German colonies in Africa and their vast aggrandise-
ment. His dream can only come true if the Allies are
beaten to the ground. If the AUies win there can be
no question of handing back African territory. It is
not only that our own African colonies would strenuously
oppose it ; the thing is forbidden by Imperial strategy,
by our knowledge of what (iermany aimed at, and of the
purpose which she destined her colonics to serve.
She has never shown the colonising spirit. As there is
an honourable camaraderie among pioneers in wild
countries, so there is a certain freemasonry among those
Powers which have experimented in colonisation. Their
object is to make a garden of the desert, to create a new
laod which, while owing allegiance to the Motherland,
shall yet be free to follow its own natural development
and shall be administered for its own advantage. If a
tropical colony, it owes duties to the soil and the former
inhabitants ; if a white man's land, it seeks settlement
and the advent of a new nation. But a colony which
is used as an armed post and as a point of vantage in some
great strategical game, is outside this comity. It is
eternally a spy, an alien, and a potential disturber of the
peace. During its life it will be regarded with just
suspicion, and its end will be unlamented.
The Man and the Machine
By G. K. Chesterton
IT is ob\-ious that war will probably punish the
particular neglects of peace ; and England in this
war has suffered sharply from the principal neglect
in Englisli education. I mean the almost complete
neglect of history, even of English history. But even
our ignorance of the historic would have been less disas-
trous if it had not been overweighted with two affectations'
of cheap culture ; the prehistoric and what I may call the
post-historic.
Our philosophers in fact and fiction were almost entirely
occupied with a remote past and a remote future. In
other words, they were exclusively concentrated on
what everybody has forgotten or on what nobody can
foresee. For instance, the merest magazine-writer could '
tell- us that all men were once cannibals ; which is ex-
tremely doubtful. Or he might very probably tell us
that all men will eventually be vegetarians ; which is
even more doubtful. But if you asked such a man so
cogent and fundamental a question as whether the food
of the English populace has been really cheaper in
mediaeval or modern times, you would lind that he had
not looked even for the materials of a decision. Yet it
is hardly an exaggeration to say that this involves the
whole question of whether the chief change in our history
has been for the better or the worse. To neglect such real
things, and live in remote things, is to breathe tlie air
of falsehood and prepare the penalties of mere comfort.
Our tales about the past were told at random, in the con-
Jidence that dead men tell no tales. And in our tales
about the future we wallowed in prophecies, which we
knew,>ve should not live to see falsified.
Among these fairy-tales, at once prehistoric and pro-
phetic, is one which we are luckily losing in the deadly
disillusionment of war. It may be called the legend of
the Teutonic Race ; or the fairy-tale of the two golden-
haired brothers. These two blonde and beautiful persons,
the Englishman and the German, were twins m some
prehistoric perambulator and were destined to embrace
again at some far-off family party, having only been
separated in the interval bv the one being occupied in
annexing the whole of the earth and the other the whole
of the sea. Other groups and institutions, such trifles
as the Roman Empire, the French Revolution, the melting-
pot of America and what can only be called the continent
of Russia— these things did not exist at all, except as
things to be annexed. It is legitimate, I think, to be
proud of having really artistic dreams ; and it has not
disadvantages, except that in order to dream we must
sleep. And we awoke when the knife was at our throat.
\yhen we sought for our brother we saw the face of a
stranger, and looked into the eyes of a savage.
The truth is that no two men, neither of them literally
black or literally naked, could well be more different than
the two types which have come to stand for England and
for Germany. It is the islander against the inlander, the
amateur against the specialist, the eulogist of a hberty
falling into laxity against the eulogist of a discipline
driven to terrorism, the heir of a ruined Roman province
against the chief of a half-baked and hardly baptised
tribe, the wanderer whose winnings have all been at
the ends of the earth against the plodder who has laid
field to field, and taken his provinces from his nearest
neighbours. The perception of this contrast is no mere
recoil due to the war ; it has long been apparent to those
who preferred European history to Teuton mythology.
Its solidity can be proved by the fact that the contrast
holds in the weaknesses as in the merits of England.
No two types are more different than the shame-
faced snob and the entirely shameless slave. It is true
that too many English citizens merely try to be gentle-
men ; it cannot be said that even German aristocrats
try to be anything of the kind. We should not now
put forward George IV. as the flower of our national
heroes. But the First Gentleman of Europe was, in
this true and traditional sense, a gentleman ; that his
very vices were obliged to be munificent. It may be that
Frederick the Great was the first man of Europe, and
that this is a greater thing ; but it remains true that
his very virtues were obliged to be mercenary.
It is tnie that the English cult of commerce and private
Mciy 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
27
liberty produced in the Manchester School an individual-
ism shockingly indifferent to the lives of the labourers.
It is equally true that the Prussian disciplinarians have
taken considerable care of the lives of labourers ; the care
which nigger-drivers have almost invariably taken of
niggers. When we say these things, it is not a denuncia-
tion but a description. As the contrast appears in the
English vices, so it appears in the Prussian virtues. Thus,
that the Prussian kings worked hard for. Prussia is as
rcrtain as that they worked hard against humanity. The
fact that they saved money off their pleasures is as certain
as that they always spent it on their power. The fact
that they often kept the peace even under provocation is
as certain as that they always broke the peace without
provocation.
Tradition of Freedom
I have deliberately kept to a strict under-statement
of patriotic claim ; for the real case for England is best
seen when all possible deductions have been made. And
when they are all made, I believe it is still true that the
vague English tradition of freedom, with its excesses in
aristocracy and amateurism, has been proved even in the
])resent war to be more practical than the Prussian
centraHsation and rigidity. No rational person will
deny that we have suffered heavily from the muddles
and scandals which come from being governed, as we are
so largely governed, by a sort of social club. We have
all the disadvantages that come from such a system ;
the shifting of responsibility, the gossip, the network of
nepotism. Certain newspapers fan a perpetual fury
against ministerial mismanagement ; though I think that
England has been in more peril from the organisation of
the newspapers than from the disorganisation of the
Government. It is always easy to show that any govern-
ment is inefficient, this sort of government especially.
But when they proceeded to prove that the Prussian type
of government is efficient, they broke down.
That Prussianised Germany is supremely efficient is
indeed widely asserted and often taken for granted.
When I remarked elsewhere on the spiritual insanity of
modern Germany, a critic ruefully expressed the wish
that the German rulers would bite some of our own.
I am far from saying that the German rulers may not
bite somebody ; one never can tell where true scientitic
progress may lead. But I am prepared to maintain that
in the plain test of positive battle, their biting has been
much less effective than General Joffre's nibbling. And
I do not think it will be denied that, touching " der Tag "
and the British Navy, their bark has been much worse
than their bite.
Careful preparation, of course, there was. The German
is prepared for everything except emergencies. It may
even be said that he is always ready for anything, except
the thing that happens. But the kind of readiness he
had is much more conclusi\-e in showing him to be morally
wrong than in showing him to be intellectually right.
After all the question, the first and simplest of all ques-
tions, is what happened to his huge preparations when
they were first poured out upon Paris. They were, in the
first week or two, out-generalled and defeated in the open
by a very much smaller force ; nothing they can say or
do can efface that fact of history. But all they have
done since illustrates much more widely the error of
trusting to their particular theory and method. In the
true and creative sense they have done nothing at all
since ; for they have only done the same thing over and
over again. They not only tried perpetually to do things
they did not succeed in doing, but they tried to do things
that could not be done. Not only did they in Russia con-
tinually capture something the Russians evacuated ;
but they are now at Verdun trying to capture something
the French have destroyed.
German discipline seems to be the science of repeating
a mistake. It would really seem as if the concentration
of the mind on mechanical triumphs made the mind itself
mechanical. The essence of all machinery is recurrence.
But though the engine must repeat itself to be a success,
if the engineer always repeats himself he will be a bore.
The wheel is always returning and beginning again ;
but we do not want the coach to be always going back and
starting again. Nowadays it does not seem so much to
be the North Germans who make a machine that repeats
itself ; it is rather the machmc that makes them repeat
themselves. The fanciful might think they had really
found perpetual motion, the impossibility — which has
passed into a proverb ; and that they had found it, like
so many things mysteriously forbidden, a disaster for
the sons of men.
Those who talk as if the English tradition of liberty or
looseness were an unmixed weakness are perpetually
reminding us of the fiasco of Gallipoli. The English
a,bandoned the effort against Gallipoli. The Germans
have not abandoned the effort against Verdun. To
them it will probably appear a paradox, but it is a very
solid truism, that the Germans have therefore suffered a
much more crushing defeat than the English. The
application of the same truth in other fields would call
for a lengthy statement, and many of its aptest illustra-
tions will not be known in detail till after the war. But
amateurish as I am, even for an Englishman, I will
venture the strong suspicion that immeasurably more
novelties and originalities have been added to the naval
policy which we inherited than to the military policy which
the Prussians inherited.
A Living Thing
But there is a much wider area in which the truth is
supremely true and supremely important. I mean, of
course, the English tradition of a liberal adaptibility
in the problems of colonies and dependencies. Here
again a mere Jingo optimism merely swamps the honest
objectivity of the claim we can really make. England
has done many things which I, as an Englishman,
deplore or detest ; she has done some things which all
Englishmen deplore or detest. But what is strictly and
scientifically true about England is this ; that wherever
the English influence is present, men feel that it has
something which I can only call the flexibility of a living
thing. The vital point is not that these things were done ;
it is that they were done and undone ; that the men
who made the mistake were alive enough to see the mis-
take. The strength of the Prussian, not by our account,
but by his own account, lies in his inflexibility ; and there
are not wanting at this moment advocates of panic and
persecution to urge this foreign fad upon the government
of England.
The truth is that amnesty and compromise have been
for England a strength in the very strongest sense ; that
most athletic type of strength that goes with activity.
A wooden leg is not stronger than a living leg, because- it
does not flinch and draw back when it steps on a thorn.
The strength of the English influence has been that at the
extremest limits of its sprawling limbs it has been at least
alive ; and known the nature of what it touched. People
complained of it, but they also cornplained to it ; for
they knew it had strength enough to move and mend.
But the wooden leg is planted firmly in Belgium to-day ;
and we shall not waste our time in complaining to. a
wooden leg. We shall do so the less because the wooden
leg is in truth adorned and completed by a wooden head ;
and the whole is one huge wooden idol carved like
Hindenburg, which the limbs of living men shall lift and
cast into the fire.
Little has been written about the conquest of German
South-West Africa and a volume dealing with it is therefore
doubly welcome. In With Botha's. Army, by J. P. Kay
Robinson (George Allen and Unvvin) 2s. 6d., we have a story
which has little to do with fighting the Hun, but a great dea
to say about fighting hostile forces of Nature. This cam-
paign among the sand-dunes between the desert and the sea
was most picturesque (and most unpleasant), and Mr. Kay
Robinson, who was a trooper in the Imperial Light Horse,
conveys to us the lighthearted manner in which the hardest
day's work and the worst sandstorms were faced. '
Coming of a Uterary family, "the author has an exceptional
power of expression, and his descriptions of this weird kind
of dustbin, out of which they dig diamonds, are vivid and
entertaining. Before he writes another book, he will we
liope, realise how dull and wearisome is the repetition of ex-
pletives. There's not much difterence between soap-suds
and the froth of Niagara ; it is tlie force that generates the
two that counts. So is [it with "language," and, as this
fort* cannot be transferred to the printed page, oaths are
more effective taken as read. But this is a really fine little
book, a N'aluable addition to a War Library,
zo
LAND & \\ A T 1-: R
May 25, 1916
The Empire in Arms
By Professor J. H. Morgan
ONE evening at the end of April last year two
or three statf officers and myself were "sitting at
dinner in one of the dingy hotels at d.H.O.
Our talk was scnnbre. News was filtering in that
tlie position on the Ypres salient was desperate, and from
day to day pt^rplexing rumours were ni circulation —
the first tliat the French troops on our left had been on
the run. runnint; " from Dan even to Beersheba," as I
heard some one put it. This circumstance, novel and
perplexing in itself -for we knew the indomitaole temper
df our Ailies— \\'as not rendered the more reassuring by
the second rumour which came on top of the first : That
they had succumbed to some strange lethal \'apour whicii
had risen from tiie ground in the twilight like a river mist
and floated stealthily over the fields until e\'ery trench
and sap-head became a pocket of poisonous chlorine. Also
tiiat men, horses, cattle were lying all over the place,
stricken by a kind of blight, and' that the happiest were
those who did not survive.
One heard strange stories of a Brigade with its left
wing in the air, of flanking movements which had brotight
the enemy into our rear, of signal wires cut and whole
battalions isolated, until the position was a kind of jig-
saw puzzle. Also that there was a gap of four miles on
our left through which the enemy was pouring like a
flood. And other such things. As we talked, a young
artillery officer, a Canadian, with his arm in splints, came
into the room and shyly slipped into a place at the long
table — the only table in the room. (i.H.Q is like a
\\\»lsh \-illage — one knows everyone by sight, but the
newcomer was unfamiliar to us. A stray remark about
the position at St. JtUien brought him into the radius of
our conversation, and the next moment we were eagerly
hearing from his lips the story of the colossal struggle still
in progress and of how his battery of four eighteen-
pounders had suddenly foimd the enemy right in their
rear and had. had to swing round their guns to face a
force not 400 yards away.
It is not my purpose to re-tell the immortal
story of those thirteen days — ^others have done it better
- — but the impression that stands out most clearly from
my recolle( tion of that young gunner's vivid narrative
• — illustrated by a rapid requisitioning of all the knives
and forks within reach to reconstruct the positions — is
that it was the beginning of a new epoch in the military
history of the Overseas Dominions. For his talk was
not so much of battalions as of brigades, of brigades not
only of infantry but of artillery, and he spoke too of
administratiA'e field units, of ambulance, supply, and
ammunition columns. And all this suddenly brought
home to us the fact that for the first time in the history
the Empire an Overseas Dominion had put a whole
Division into the field. No man who knows anything of
the problems of Imperial Defence requires to be told
what that means.
An Imperial Army
For years it had been the dream of our Imperial
General Staff to secure that there should be a homogeneous
Imi)erial Army in which the composition of units
should be that of our own War Establishments — the
Division of three infantry brigades with its full comple-
ment of " divisional troops. " F'or the secret of sound
military organisation is a standardisation of parts and a
uniform composition of units. The Imperial army which
took the field in the. Boer \\'ar wis such as to make an
R.T.O.'s hair stand on end ; its spirit was willing but
its " make-up " was weak ; the Colonial contingents
differed in weapons, kit; organisation, and their
composition was as unorthodox as their ^military
vocabulary. The result was delay, confusion, and
vexation of spirit.
In 1907 our newly-created General Staff took these
questions in hand. The problem which exercised their
minds was primarily a political One — the jjroblem of
^^jcurinj; a homogeneous army from a heterogeneous
Empire and of persuading self-governing Dominions,
which are independent in almost everything but
name, not only to take the Army Annual Act as a kind
of Model Clatises Act for their own Defence Acts, but to
conform to our own War I*:stablishments. The (ieneral
Staff had to work out its own plans within the rigid limits
of two constitutional principles ; the legislative inde-
pendence of the Overseas Dominions and the liberty of
the Dominion citizen to volunteer for extra-Colonial
service or not as he thought fit.
No Compulsion for Foreign Service
The Dominions were prepared to impose com-
pulsion on their own citizens for home defence ; they
were not prepared to impose it on them for foreign service
—in the former they w-ere ahead of us, in the latter we
are now ahead of them. Whatever troops the Dominions
choose to raise — whether compulsorily for home service,
or voluntarily for foreign service — they claimed to control.
Legally, a Colonial soldier is, of course, " the King's
soldier," the Crown is one and indivisible throughout
the Empire, and the King is supposed by an engaging
legal fiction to be personally present throughout his
Dominions— a legal fiction which sadly perplexed a
certain Colonial trooper when he had his pay-book
made up in the Boer Wav* The King is indeed, Com-
mander-in-Chief of all the Dominion forces — Dominion
Defence Acts recogni.se it. But, as leveryone knows, the
prerogatives, of the Crown in the Dominions are vested
in the Governor-Cicncral, or Governor, acting on the
advice of his Ministers, who in turn are responsible to the
local legislatures.
As regards the local defence of the Dominions a great
advance had already been made in the early years of
this centurv. Manv causes contributed to it : the ex-
perience of "the Boer \\'ar started it, the federation of
Australia facilitated it, the emergence of a great Asiatic
power in the Pacific accelerated it, but I fancy that it
was the concentration of our navy in home waters, in
response to the challenge of the German Naval Bill,
that did most to consolidate it. Be that as it may, there
was a remarkable sequence of Dominion Defence Acts
in Australia (iQO^, 1904. 1909, 1910), Canada (1906),
New Zealand (1909, 1910), and the new South African
Union (1912). All of them, with some variation, adopted
the principle of compulsory service for home defence
though the application of the principle was more nominal
than real. Training in peace and service in war are alike
compulsory, though in the case of Canada the former is
limited to a kind of militia ballot, to be taken when the
Government think fit ; whereas in Australia and New
Zealand the compulsory training is tmiversal for youths
from the ages of 16 to 25, and the exercise of the com-
pulsion is made mandatory upon the Government instead
of discretionary. In all these Dominions the liability to
service applies to e\-ery citizen under 55 or 60 years of
age. Apart from this adoption of the Icvec en masse all
the Acts provide for the raising of a Defence Force which
— the nomenclature varies slightly — is divided into a
Permanent F'orce and a Citizen Force.
Much might be written abotit the organisation of these
forces as a series of experiments in compulsory training,
but their immediate interest for tis is the provision made
for their use in such great Imperial crises as the present.
The problem which presented itself to the General Staff
was how far could they rely on the assistance of organised,
highly trained, and uniformly composite forces in the
case of a great emergency. As was ])ointed out in the
Imperial Defence Conference of i90(), in none of the
Dominions was it " legally possible for a military^ unit to
volunteer, as such, for service oversea as part of an
I mperial Army ." All the Defence Acts expressly provided
that the members of the various Dominion Forces were
• Sec the case of Williams r. Howarth lic;ird oil appeal by tUo
Jiidiciui Committee o( the Privy Council in 1905.
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
^
not bound to serve outside the territories of each
Dominion.*
The Defence Acts contained no such provision as that
in Section 13 (2) of our own Territorial Forces Act whereby
the members of those Forces can, through the com-
manding officer of a unit, volunteer to serve Overseas.
An.d even as regards home defence the application of the
compulsory principle was restricted in scope, and the
training in virtue of it modest in character.
For Home Defence
Canada never got the length oi applying compulsion at
all ; Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa restricted it
to men under the ages of 26, 25, or 21 respectively, and
the training imposed on these classes was limited to about
a fortnight annually in camp, although it had a sound
basis in a system of compulsory cadet training
dyring school age.t The Permanent Forces, as
distinct from their Citizen Forces, were so small as to
be almost negligible. I believe they did not exceed
5,000 men in any of the Dominions. The strength of
the Citizen Forces when the war broke out was far below
the War Establishment ; in Australia and Canada it was
barely one-third. The war, in fact, came upon the
Dominions at a time when they were merely entering
on their military novitiate. This, of course, only makes
the splendour of their achievement the more remarkable ;
the overseas contingents they provided the moment the
war broke out were no part of the Imperial covenant ;
they were as spontaneous as they were imsolicited.
Except for the officers, the overwhelming proportion of
those contingents represents men who had never been
brought within the operation of the Defence Acts at all.
But in one respect we were more than ready. We
were organised. The General Staff had expanded,
under the inspiration of Lord Haldane, into an Imperial
(ieneral Staff in 1908, and in 1909 the first Imperial
Defence Conference, convoked as an extraordinary
meeting of the Imperial Conference, had laid down the
general principles of an Imperial war organisation to
which each Dominion in turn conformed. An Inspector-
General of the Overseas Forces was appointed,
doubling the part of G.O.C. Mediterranean, and Sir Ian
Hamilton began his memorable tours of the Dominions,
resulting in a series of quite invaluable reports on their
military systems — reports which everyone should read.
How much has been achieved by him and others may be
realised by a bare recital of the position of affairs as it
was in 1909, when the Empire first began to think about
putting its house in order.
At that date the number of squadrons to each cavalry
regiment, of batteries to each artillery brigade, of com-
panies to each battalion, varied throughout the Empire ;
there was no common type of Field Service Regulations
and Training Manuals ; there was little or no uniformity
in the training of officers. There were legal as well as
administrative difficulties. The command of Dominion
Forces is vested, not in any officer of the Home Regular
Forces, but in the Governor, and the King's commission
issued to officers in England gives them no legal authority
over Dominion forces. And as regards discipline the
Army Annual Act does not per sc apply to the Dominion
Forces, which in this as in other respects are governed by
their own Defence Acts — hence a real difficulty in the
case of Dominion Forces serving outside the Dominion,
because it is a rule of law that Dominion Parliaments
cannot legislate ex-territorially.
The legal difficulties were easily solved. Section 177 of
our own Army Annual Act gives extra-territorial validity to
aiiy Dominion code of discipline if and when the troops
are serving outside the Dominion. The Dominions
have, as a matter of fact, largely adopted our own
Army Act and the King's Regulations as " common
form " in their Defence Acts. Those Acts also empower
the Governor-General in time of war to place the forces
•The exceptions are more apparent than real. T^ie South Africa
Act e.\ten(ls the hability to " outside the Union," but conliries to
" any part of South Africa. " The Canadian Militia Act extends it to
" anywliere beyond Canada." but confines it to " the defence thereof."
The Australian Acts e.\phcitly contine it to the Coiunxonwealth. The
Xew Zealand Act (No. 28 of 1909), makes a distinction in the case of
the Permanent Force, which is liable to serve " throughout New
Zealand or beyond."
t There are variations, but limits of space forbid more particular
treatment.
under the orders of the comniander of any portion of the
Kipg's Regular Forces. Conferences with the Dominions
resulted in a scheme of interchange of officers for duty in
different parts of the Empire, under which a Dominion
military officer on duty in England was to receive a
temporary commission in the Home Regular Forces,
and an officer of the latter on duty in the Dominions
was to receiv'C a temporary commission in the Dominion
forces; The General Staff became the Imperial General
Staff, a body in the creation of which Dominion
susceptibilities were most carefuhy studied, the chief of
the I.G.S. being at pains to disclaim any desire to give
orders to the Dominion sections. In return the Canadian
Government offered to confine its appointments to its
section of the General Staff to P.S.C. officers, except
where they had qualified by service in the field.
The military education of officers throughout the Empire
was assimilated, our own examinations for promotion
being adopted, and the British War Establishments were
accepted as the basis of. composition of units for service
in the field. The Headquarters Offices at Ottawa, at
Melbourne, and at Wellington were organised on the
same basis as the War Office in London. The English
model was followed in sub-division of staff duties, the
local territorial organisation, and the system of lines of
commimication.
The Imperial System
Such was tlie Imperial system which had been worked
out by patient and tactful effort when the mighty con-
flict came upon us like a thief in the night — a system
flexible, expansi\'e, voluntary, forged by links which are
truly light as air but strong as iron. It depends entirely
on the unsolicited support of willing peoples. The war,
if it found us unprepared, did not find us unintelligent.
It is more than probable that this shirt of mail, having
now bean tested at every link, will play a great part in
the problem of Imperial organisation after the war.
Sir Ian Hamilton, in his masterly Canadian report in
191J, put forward the happy suggestion that there should
be an Imperial interchange of units — " the presence of a
Canadian regiment in London, Delhi or Cairo would stir
the imagination not only of the Five Nations themselves,
but of the whole outside world." Prophetic words and a
true inspiration ! Perhaps we shall perpetuate in peace
what we ha\'e improvised in war, and the mother-country
and the Dominions may lend each other battalions for
nianoeuvres and even for garrison duty.
In the same report Sir Ian Hamilton visualised
that day in the futtne when the protection of British
possessions on the Imperial lines of communication
would in the natural order of events be allotted to
each Dominion within whose sphere of influence they
lay. And indeed they were Dominion forces which
hauled down the German flag in New Guinea, Samoa, and
South- West Africa ; it may be^ — indeed it is a
certainty — that the Dominions which have conquered
them will be empowered by letters patent to annex
them, and the inevitable result will be an e.xpansion of
their peace establishments to hold them. Salisbury
Plain and Bordon have become vast- Imperial training
grounds ; they may well continue to serve in peace the
purpose they have served in war. Certain it is that
experienced staff officers look forward to the time when
it will be the normal thing for Dominion officers to com-
mand Regular Brigades at Aldershot.
The Inve Nations* have met in camp and council on
the soil of the mother- country ; such nieetings will
surely become part of the natural order of things.
At the request of Mr. Thornton, the General Manager of
the Great Eastern Railway, we are asked to announce that
arrangements have been made for one of the Ambulance
Trains, constructed and just completed by the Great Eastern
Railway at their Stratford Works for the use of the Army
in France, to be on view at Liverpool Street Station, platforrn
No. I from 7.30 a.m. to 4:15 p.m. to-day and to-morrow,
and also on Sunday, from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. ' Tickets, sixpence
each, can be obtained at the booking office on the Station.
• It is i^ot as widel\- known as it might be tf-at at the present moment
every Dominion has now a considerable coq .-ingcnt on service in tUis
countrv or in France.
30
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
A War Colony of Oversea Women
By Mary MacLeod Moore
WHEN war thundered
forth a summons to the
sons of the Empire to
quit them Hke men. and
to fight for the lands their fathers left
them, the women of Canada, like all
British women, far and wide, rose to the occasion. There
may have been among them those whose white hands clung
" to the tightened rein, slipping the spur from the booted
heel," but they were lost sight of in the army of brave
and patriotic women who sent off husbands, sons — in
some cases both— and lovers, with gay words and smiling
faces.
The idea that women must weep while men work is
exploded. Instead of shedding tears the women of the
Empire organised with great abihty and enthusiasm, and
(ledicated their brains, their hearts and their hands, to
the good of the community. The Canadian women,
throwing themselves into war work, such as Red Cross.
making comforts for the troops, raising funds for afflicted
Belgians, and a vast amount of similar labour, also went
in numbers to visit their men at \'alcarticr (the famous
training camp, which was laid out and equipped for
thirty thousand men in less than three weeks) , and some
arranged promptly to follow them to England.
.At first a few daring ones came. London, and Salis-
bury, where the First Contingent spent a memorable
waiting-time, received them into hotels, lodgings and
houses, where they lived as far as possible as they did in
Canada. But by degrees more and more women crossed
the Atlantic, in many cases with their families, until at
the present time there are roughly about two thousand
Canadian women, exclusive of the Canadian nurses,
living temporarily in England. They stay near their
soldiers till they go to the Front ; they are ready to
welcome them when leave brings them home, they keep
themselves cheery and busy until the work of the men is
done or until a name in the casualty list sends a lonely
woman back to Canada to begin life afresh.
The British are the colonising people of the world,
but it is probably the first time in history that a body of
women, themselves the children or other descendants of
men from the British Isles, who helped to build up
Canada, should return to the land of their fathers and
take domestic root, living the life of their kinsfolk in
what the overseas people call affectionately " the Old
Country."
Folkestone is the chief colony, though there are many
Canadians elsewhere, for at Bramshott, for example,
there are thousands of troops. Canadians are in London
in large numbers, but the old grey city swallows them iip
and merges them into the community so that they form
no conspicuous gathering as they do in Folkestone.
The lines of the soldiers fell in pleasant places when
Shorncliffe became their temporary home. The sea, the
lovely surrounding country, the Leas, the drives and
excursions into historic districts within easy reach, have
shown them England at her sweetest and her best.
Folkestone, Hythe. Sandgate, and the small places
close by, are now the homes of Canadian women, often
closely linked together by old ties ; always by a common
birthplace, and above all by a common anxiety. They
talk of the same places and people ; they share solicitude
for Hie " boys " from their own towns ; they mourn
together over the lists of killed and wounded, and they
offer the sympathy and affection of sisters to the bereaved,
knowing always that they themselves may be the next
to require compassion. There are some who come among
their countrywomen as strangers. Soon they feel the
closeness of the tie that links them together.
It is a curious feature of this gathering of Canadians
that they are learning much of each other as well as of the
people of England. Canada is a country' of almost
incredible distances. While there arc many people who
are familiar with East and West alike, and have friends
all over the Dominion, there are others who have prac-
tically spent their lives in a community where everyone
kaows everyone else, and the customs of the town are a
/ am the land of their fathers,
In me the virtue stays,
I Kill bring back my children
After certain days."
standard of comparison. At Folke-
stone all have met and shared the
same liopes and fears.
There have been meetings be-
tween friends long separated, with
huge arrears of nev\s to make up.
There have been glimpses of some charming women
whom " I last saw on my wedding day." There have
been enquiries for Uttle So-and-So of Toronto, only to
find her a war-bride soon to arrive in England.
The pleasant gossip of Montreal, Winnipeg, Kingston
and Calgary drifts to the passer-by promenading the
Leas and watching the flowering shrubs, climbing the
cliffs against the wind, or to the people drinking tea in
the hotels. Canadian slang has its place in the com-
munities where Canadians congregate. Bewildered Eng-
lish people have discovered that the highest praise to
bestow upon a box of good things from home is : " These
are sure some eats I "
" The Maple Leaf Forever," " Alouette. gentille
Alouette," and " O Canada 1 " are now sung by people
who wouldn't know a maple leaf if they saw one : who
never heard the Canadian National song until war brought
it across the Atlantic.
The Canadian war-weddings have been many and
brides abound. Just as at home, an engagement or an
understanding is followed by a hurried wedding because
a man is off to England en route for the FYont. In some
cases the girls have remained at home in Canada. In
others they have accompanied their young husbands
to England where they stay putting a brave face on their
loneliness and fear, and counting the days till leave is
due. Some brides have dared submarines and have
crossed the Atlantic alone to be married. War romances
have blossomed quickly on English soil, and English as
well as Canadian girls have been married at short notice
to Canadian fighting men.
Canadian w-omen have no idea of sitting down with
idle hands to wait for their men. While many are in
hotels and lodgings others keep house. The solid comfort
of England is a joy. the attentions of the servants and the
tradespeople are pleasing, the cheapness of flowers is a
surprise, the struggles with English money are a joke,
but there is a serpent in Eden. If you ask a Canadian,
new to English ways, what has struck her most, nine
times out of a dozen she will wail of the iniquities of the
winter heating arrangements.
The Canadian woman finds her waiting time well
occupied. Besides the small social pleasures of which
wartime admits, and her everyday intercourse with
friends, she docs an immense amount of valiiable service
in assisting at canteens, visiting the sick and wounded
in connection with that admirable organisation, the
Canadian Red Cross Society, to which many Canadian
women in London devote their days, packing parcels for
soldiers and for prisoners of war, helping with soldiers'
clubs, giving entertainments and treats for soldiers,
making and collecting comforts, and keeping her corre-
spondents at home in touch with her life. There is in
Folkestone a Canadian Women's War Work Committee,
which has a large membership, and the kindness of these
ladies will long be remembered gratefully by the soldiers.
It may be wondered if anything is done in England to
make these fellow-Britons feel at home and welcome.
Many, of course, have close ties with England, and a large
social connection. But numbers are over here for the
first time, and they are lonely and sad away from their
old surroundings. Hospitable English people would be
glad to meet them and show them some kindly attention,
but it is not always easy to bring together guciis and
willing hostesses. The Victoria League, however, of
which Dowager Lady Jersey is President, has done much
in this connection. There is a Hospitality Committee,
through which people at home have had the opportunity
of meeting overseas women and cultivating their friend-
ship. Lately Lady Perley, wife of the Acting High
Commissioner for Canada, and a member of the Com-
mittee, gave a lar^e reception, when many Canadians
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
3?
met the Victoria League Committee and Council. Now
the Victoria League has organised, for the duration of the
war, the Oceana Club, at 21, Hill Street, Berkeley Square,
primarily for convenience of women from the Dominions.
Good must come of the mingling of the people of the
British Isles with those from Canada. Want of know-
ledge which is conducive to want of sympathy, gives place
to a closer understanding. Canadians have discovered
the charm of a restful, dignified England and her people.
They have learned to appreciate that absence of self-
assertion, self-praise and bustle which is essentially Eng-
lish. They have admired the splendid ability and quiet
power of the Englishwomen, who have been working,
speaking, organising, for the public good for nearly two
years. When war ends two thousand Canadian women
will return to Canada to tell what England really is.
Enghshwomen are interested in the enterprise, the
courage, and the cheeriness of the Canadians ; their
freshness and keenness ; even their new ways of doing
things, if it be only packing Christmas gifts. They have
learned, too, some lessons in geography. People at
home have discovered with shame and confusion of face
that to call a Canadian an American can only be wiped
out in deep humility.
And there are Canadians who have been able to make
the story of the building of Empire a real thing to English
hearers, for they can speak of ancestors who were United
Empire Loyalists, and suffered all but death at the hands
of the rebellious Colonists rather than be false to their
Mother Country. In France and in Flanders their male
descendants are lighting, or lying at rest. In England
and in Canada the women watch and work and wait.
What Empire Day Means
By the Earl of Meath
jk FTER fourteen years of constant labour on the
/% part of the promoters of this "Empire Move-
Z—m ment," the British Government at last
.X JL.thought fit to reverse its policy of indifference,
and has so far recognised it as to hoist the Union Jack
this year over Government Buildings on Empire Day.
It is difficult to understand why this recognition was not
given years ago, especially as in the Dominions and Crown
Colonies, the National Flag has for years flown from
State Buildings on this day, while in some Overseas States
the day has been made a statutory holiday.
In 1914, the last year for which reliable figures can be
obtained, over 19^ millions of British subjects observed
" Empire Day." Of these some 9 J million were school-
children. The object of the Empire Movement is
the creation of good citizens, and especially the training
of children in all the virtues which tend towards this
ideal. Its aims are non-party, non-sectarian, non-
aggressive, and non-racial.
Its watchwords are Responsibility, Duty, Sympathy,
and Self-sacrifice. It urges all its supporters " to love
and fear God, to honour the King, to obfey the laws,
to prepare to advance the highest interests of the Empire
in peace and war, to cherish patriotism, to regard the
rights of other nations, to learn citizenship, to follow
duty, to consider duties before rights, acquire knowledge,
to think broadly, to practise discipline, to subdue self, to
work for others, to consider the poor and the suffering."
Its spirit may partially be translated as the sub-
ordination of selfish or class interests to those of the
State and of the community, and the inculcation in the
minds of all British subjects of the_ honourable obligation
which rests upon them of preparing themselves, each
in his or her own sphere, for the due fulfilment of
the duties and responsibilities attached to the high
privilege of being subjects of this mighty Empire.
Each of the four words represents an idea, and one of
vital importance to the well-being of the Empire. How
overwhelming do the responsibilities attached to British
citizenship appear, if only we consider what British
citizenship means ! " Responsibility," not only for the
proper self-government of some 60 millions of white
people, but also (that which is a much more difficult
problem) for the just and beneficent government of some
350 millions of dependent coloured fellow subjects.
How imperative is the call of " Duty " sounding in the
ears of all to whom is accorded the privilege of calling
themselves citizens of the British Empire. How iin-
possible for such to neglect that call without exposing
the Empire and themselves to most serious dangers !
Is not imperial duty a vain dream without " Sympathy "
between the different peoples, creeds and classes who
constitute the Empire ? And is true sympathy possible
without the presence in the minds of the people of a sub-
conscious, it may be dormant, but still an ever-present
willingness to sacrifice self, if need should arise, in the
general interests of the Empire ?
These four watchwords express the spirit which will
insure the defence, honour and well-being of the whole
Empire, but still more do they express the living spirit
which should preserve it from the fate which has befallen
the empires of the past
The love of personal and political freedom, the religious
faith which exalts moral character, and a just considera-
tion of the interests and well-being of other nations^
these principles have in the main distinguished the British
Empire, have contributed to its growth and given assur-
ance of its permanence. They have also in a special
manner won for it the respect of other nations — more
than the vastness of its territory and its material power.
It is therefore by keeping the watchwords of the " Empire
Movement " in continual remembrance that not only the
integrity and true welfare of the Empire will be main-
tained, but that the Empire will become the leader of
international concord, and the guardian of the best
interests of humanity.
Is it too much to say that the spirit of the. movement
has already influenced in some small degree the united
peoples of the British Empire, and that the marvellous
loyalty and self-sacrifice displayed by all the subjects
of the King-Emperor during the present war may not be
entirely unconnected with the Empire Day ?
Loyalty, patriotism, obedience to lawful authority,
moral thoughtfulness and love of humanity, fidelity to
duty, and readiness for sacrifice — these are some of the
virtues which the Empire Movement desires to see instilled
into the minds of the young, believing that through these
and similar virtues good citizens are made.
It urges the State, public education authorities, teachers
and parents to neglect no material aids to the cultivation
of the civic virtues, and advocates that every school shall
be provided with a full-sized flagstaff and Union Jack,
with a large wall map of the Empire, showing its
place^in the world, and therefore its opportunities,
and responsibilities of service, and with a portrait of
the King.
It regards these as only outward aids to daily systematic
instruction of the young in all matters that tend to the
creation of good citizens, looking to parents and teachers
not to Leave this important branch of education to chance,
but to concentrate on it their best abilities and energies.
The " Empire Movement " has developed a literature of
no small interest, which can be obtained from the Secre-
tary, at 83, Lancaster Gate, London. It appeals to all
citizens of the vast Empire which owes allegiance to
King George V. to unite, at all events in thought and
feehng, and to think imperially, not with boastful arro-
gance, but with the modesty that befits true greatness
(even though it should be the case that the time has not
yet arrived to federate politically), and to foster all those
noble virtues which may make them worthy of the gi-eat
responsibilities and duties which Providence has thought
fit to place on their shoulders.
Finally, it advocates an annual popular celebration
of Empire Day .on some date not far removed from
May 24th, the anniversary of the birthday of oUt late
adored Sovereign Queen Victoria, during whose beneficent
reign of 63 years the Empire grew to its present vast
dimensions, as well as in freedom, wealth, strength,
civilisation, and happiness. She was herself a type of
noble Christian womanhood, and illustrated in her
personal character and in her reign those elements which
made the true glory of our Empire, and will be the
stable foundation of its permanence.
J. A .N D c\ N\ A 1 E Iv
May 25, 1916
By Louit Haemnektri,
For Kin^
May 25, 1916
L A X D & WATER
Drawn exdusU'ely for " Land and Wuler."
and Empire
34
LAND & WATER
An Untrue Tale
By Bqyd Cable
May 25, 191 6
THIS is not a True Story. Rather I wish to state
that it is utterly aiidi absolutely untrue, that the
incident it relates has not to my knowledge the
slightest foundation in fact, that the characters
in it arc entirely fictitious, that the nations to which
they are supposed to belong are non-existent, that the
jxTsons, their doings, and conversations, everything
whatsoever hereinafter told or suggested — except that
" there is a war on " — is the outcome of nothing but my
own imagination or invention. You may find people
who will say the story is true ; you may even lind people
who will say they told it to me ; but I deny it and them,
and repeat— the story is untrue. Having made this
comprehensive and emphatic statement, because other-
wise a great and friendly nation might imagine it and its
citi/.ens were being hinted at, and because the Censor
might on that very account be inclined to prohibit publi-
cation, I will proceed with the untrue story.
Once upon a time the Government of Great Asterisk,
believing that the great and friendly United Hyphens
might be still more friendly to it if they thought it was
going to win the war, invited a number of United Hyphen
newspaper men to make a tour of the battle front and
see just how well affairs were going. The Asterisk
Staff at the Front were asked to show as much hospitality
and as many dead enemies as possible to the newspaper
men, to take every care of them, to see they did not get
their feet wet, and to return them safely, carriage paid,
This Side Up With Care, and so on, as soon as might be.
Ttie Staff, of course, were delighted. They always
are delighted, but in this case we are especially sure
they were, because they themselves told the newspaper
men so. They dined and wined the paper men well,
surprisingly well remembering it was at the Front ; they
toured them round in motor cars ; they allowed them to
shap-shot ruined churches and many pictures of motor
transport well behind the lines. And at last they sent
them to a portion of the Front where they were to be
allowed to go right up into the forward firing trenches,
to look out through periscopes on to the Hun trenches,
to risk their precious lives moderately, but sufiiciently
to allow them to write convincingly thrilling accounts
of shrieking shells and whistling bullets, and perhaps
even to acquire (at so much per) Hun helmets and other
interesting souvenirs.
The portion of Front where an introduction to the
shrieking shells and crashing explosions, etc., was to be
effected was on a stretch occupied by a battalion of
overseas troops, a battalion of the Princess Pipactoc's
Cacnacdonac Infantry. The paper men were motored
up in the very early morning to a village a few thousand
yards behind the forward trenches and were first shown
a Cacnacdonian battery of heavy artillery in a position
tucked away amongst the broken houses and a ruined
rose garden.
The artillery were kind and hospitable to a point of
precious rye whisky, a tour of the gun emplacements,
dug-outs and underground telephone exchange, and a
hearty invitation to lunch. The correspondents
accepted all these things as by divine right and apparently
without any inkling that the irruption of seven or eight
\isitors into a normal mess of about five might in any
way strain the mess resources. The staff officer who
was doing Cook's guide to the party, however, had laid
in provision for a lunch, and relieved the situation by
taking aside the subaltern who, as " Mess Secretary, "
was responsible for catering arrangements, and handing
over to him the extra provisions.
Lunch was eaten in an unusually commodious cellar
which was the Battery's Mess Room, and during and
after the meal rye whisky and thrilling stories circulated
freely. The. correspondents were out for " stuff " and
" stories," and a lead having been very gravely given
by the Battery Commander in a wonderful talc of how
the battery, not wishing to damage a certain building
behind the German fines, had "destroyed- the rCiermans
inside the house without knocking a, chip! off ^ the walls
by shooting shells at 'about two - miles range : carefully
and accurately through the windows, the other officers
played up nobly and provided those correspondents with
material enough to fill -their editors with joy and the-
Front (if it could have read the talcs) witli an unholy joy.
It was shortly after lunch was finished that a ])eculiar
moaning, rushing noise was heard. It grew rapidly
louder, and before the correspondents, lifting their heads
and glancing about them inquiringly at each other, could
ask the question each meant to ask, there was an earth-
shaking crash that set the cellar walls shivering. A
subaltern had slid from his seat at the first, note of the
rising sound and stepped to the telephone in the passage,
and for the next few minutes the correspondents could
hear him talking into the instrument. He was merely
kepping. in 'touch with the dug-out at the Battery to be
sure that the wire to it was uncut and that the officer
in charge tliere had nothing unusual to ' report, but
presently one of the correspondents asked who was the
'phone through to. "It's only Pippy having a talk to
Divisional Headquarters," he was informed by the
subaltern sitting next' Mm. " He"'s. asking what the
orders are if any of you people are casualtied, or what
we're to do with the bodies if you're killed."
The correspondent (whom I shall call Hesketh P.
Tubbs, because that is utterly unlike his real — or rather
vvhat would have been his real name if this had been a
true story) a stoutishman, with a ner\'ous manner and an
obviously abnormal appetite and capacity for lunch and
thrilling stories, gazed at his informant with an expression
of amazement that grew rapidly to one of alarm as another
shell banged down uproariously somewhere outside.
" B-but can a sh-shell touch us in here ? " he demanded,
and for the next fen minutes had to endure a technical
description of the effects of a high-explosive detonating
on or piercing the roof and exploding inside a room or
cellar, , a yi\id word picture of some illustrating incidents
the subaltern could recall from his past experiences, and
an accompaniment of the rising moan-rush-crash of
falling shells. Mr. Tubbs listened to it all, holding his
breath and rounding his eyps during each whistling rush,
winking: and gulping convulsively at each crash. His
note-book and pencil lay neglected on the table in front
of him, although most of the others were very busily
engaged scribbling in theirs.
When the shelling stopped about "fifteen minutes later,
the Major informed the party that this was merely a
normal and expected mid-day " straff " which was now
in all probability finished. Allowing another five
minutes for safety's sake, the party emerged from the
cellar and inspected the fresh shell-craters with immense
interest, and hunted for fragments of the shells as
souvenirs with which to aggravate their less fortunate
fellows on their return to Fleet Street. Mr. Tubbs had
left the cellar with considerable reluctance, and was
closely accompanied by the subaltern who. dining the
hunt for shell fragments, assured Mr. Tubbs that there
was no need to bother about that now.
" You're going up to the Observing Station in the
trenches I hear," he said. " Well, you'll get stacks of
shell splinters there. They have all sorts of shells banging
in there most of the time."
The information did not appear to afford the satis-
faction to Mr. Tubbs which might ha\'e been expected,
and when the time came for the party to set off on their
walk to the trenches, Mr. Tubbs unfortunately had de-
veloped a painful recurrence of a rheumaticky knee and
did not feel up to the walk. He stuck to that despite
his friends' persuasions, and was at last left behind, and
retired to the cellar and the company —at intervals— of
the Major, and —without intervals— of the rye whisky.
He and the Major went down again to the guns when a
call came on the 'phone and the officer on duty said that
the Forward Observing Officer wanted a few rounds
fired to let the correspondents watch the' shelling.
Up at the Observing Station the party had to wait a
little for the firing of the rounds, first because the officer
at the Battery said that Mr. Tubbs was coming down
and he was waiting for him, and later because an
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
35
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This demand for Goodyear Tyres has
placed the Goodyear Company in a position
of friendship with the cream of the Garages
throughout Great Britain.
Therefore the Goodyear Compan)%
seeking the best means of enabling
motorists to know these Garages have
designed a sign.
Wherever you see this Sign you will
get conscientious advice on car and
tyres.
Everythmg will be done that can
give you satisfaction, and you will be
certain of courteous treatment and reason-
able charges.
You may ask, " What is the motive of
the Goodyear Company ? "
it is because the Goodyear Company
has adopted the watchword "PROTECT
OUR GOOD NAME," and it is because
we want to "Protect our good name"
that we recommend the best Garages under
the sign — " Goodyear Service Station."
The Goodyear Tyre & Rubber Co. (Great Britain), Ltd.,
Central House, Kin^sway, . . London, W.C.
Btanclies at Matic/tester, UtrmirtRhajn,
Glasgow. Dublin, ami lietfast.
Canadian Factory
Bowmanville, Ontario.
36
LAND & WATER
May 25, TO if'
aeroplane was over and the gunsrould not fire without dis-
I losing their position. Previous to this a "brief conversa-
tion liad ensued between the Forward Officer and the
subaltern at Xhe guns.
" Tell that bunch up there," said the guns, " that
we're going to fire some of that rotten ammunition we
have been buying from their people, just to show them
how poorly it e.\plodes."
" Right-o," said the Forward Station. " But rotten
as it is y' know some of it goes off all right. It would be
just our luck if the rounds we wanted to show were bad,
turned out to be good."
A chuckle came over the wire from the guns, " Leave
that to me," said the voice which, of course, was in-
audible to the rest of the party at the Observing Station.
" I've had a word with Sergeant Dunkley, and — er,
he knows which rounds are duds. You tell 'em the first
three shells are United Hyphen make, and the ne.xt
three are our own."
The first three rounds were " duds, " and, moreover,
did not land within fifty to a hundred yards of the spot
pointed out as the target. This poor shooting, it may be
mentioned, was the subject of some scathing comment
from the Forward Officer until the officer at the guns,
first looking njimd carefully to be sure that Mr. Tubbs
was not within hearing, asked an apparently irrelevant
question as to whether if sand were substituted in the
shell for high-e.xplosive, the ballistics of the shell would
not be uj>set and the sliooting spoiled.
" You see," said the I'orward Officer to the group
of correspondents crowded round the loophole of his
l(^okout and peeping with periscopes through the broken
tiles. "Your manufacturers not only stick in rotten
e.\plosi\'e that hardly gives any burst, but they never
seem to get the balance of the shell right. You can
imderstand how erratic that makes the shooting; in
fact, 3'ou've just seen how erratic. \ow the next three
rounds will be our own home-made goods. The guns
will be laid at exactly the same angle and range as for
those last three rounds but — well, keep your eye glued
on that building I pointed out. '
" Ouph ! " the correspondents gasped and grunted in
varying tones, but in the same breath as the first shell
hit the building fair and square ; and the exclamations
continued as the second and third round followed and
sent the ruined walls whirling and dissolving under a
billowing canopy of black smoke, red brick-dust and grey-
plaster.
" Bully . . . great stuff . . . some shoot-
ing . . . and some ginger in those goods," said the
chorus, and " wouldn't j-ou bust up another target or
two ? "
" I could so," said the Forward Officer, " but if we
stir 'em up too much they're apt to start shelling back.
I don't suppose you want a brisk bombardment going on
wliile you tour the forward trench ? "
" Not any, " said one promptly, but another countered
as promptly, pointing out that it would make "great
copy " ; and the party took sides and proceeded to argue
as to whether the risk was worth the copy or the copy
worth the risk, until the Staff Officer settled the point
abruptly.
" No more," he said. " If any of you are killed, your
troubles are over, but mine would only be beginning.
I'm not here to get you shot — to say nothing of my own
objections to being casualtied."
" You're not stuffing us," said one correspondent
dubiously. " I heard that boy of yours back at the
battery piling the horrors into poor old Tubbs about what
was to be done with our corpses and so on, but . . .
'course it's Tubbs' funeral if he's dub enough to fall for
such stuff, but you might just skin the rest of us as
gentle as you know how. It's your lay-out and we're
playing it blind, so give us some sort of a show."
He could not have taken a better line, and after that
the party had nothing to complain of in the show they got.
But back at the Battery Mr. Hesketh P. Tubbs was not
qxnte so fortunate.
•1 the first place he ruffled the lieutenant considerably
by persisting .in talking of " us " as if the Hyphens and
the Cacnacdonians wore the one people (which they are
not) ; and in the second he offended still more deeply
by refusing to swallow the story of an incident (after
swallowing many impossible ones) which the lieutenant
vouched for as ha\'mg been seen with his own -eyes. '
Lieutenant " Pippy " had been led to tell sojiie of the
nicknames which he had heard attached to the Cacnac-
donians. " The Gas-eaters and 'Un-stoppers were 1
tacked to us after the Wipers show where we stuck out
the gas attafk and stopped the Hun, y' know. And
(lethsemane Gardeners and Crossed Canucks is another
title from the same scrap."
"Gethsemane Gardeners ? " said^Tubbs inquiringly, and
on an explanation of what these names indicated he burst
into loud laughter. " You're surely not trying to unload
that gulf on me about some of your men having been
crucified by the Germans. Now I've known a heap of >
Germans in rny time and I'm not going to believe "
"I'm not asking you to believe," said Pippy tartly.
" Only I saw the crucified men myself. But it's not a
thing we care to talk about, or think about — except when
we're going into action."
Tubbs would have argued, but Pippy turned the
su'jject abruptly. They returned to the cellar and there
Tubbs had some more Old Rye, and when the whisky
within him began to talk, which it did presently at length,
and, to Pippy, rather offensively, Pipp\' at last made some
excuse and left him.
" Of all the Bounce-and-Brags I ever met," he said
disgustedh' a httle later to some passing friends in the
Pipactocs. " Why to hear him talk you'd think he
fair ached to eat a Hun for breakfast every morning.
And what the United Hyphens would only do if they
came into this war. . . ." And he went on to give
details of Tubbs' remarks, and of his rheumatism at
thought of the trenches.
" Pity he caif t have a chance to show this heroism of
his," said one of the Pipactoc officers thoughtfully.
" Now couldn't we fix . . ." And the conversation
sunk to low tones and smothered laughter.
When Tubbs strolled out into the shell-smashed street,
a httle later lie ran across a Pipactoc sergeant who most
obligingly showed him round the village, and then, as if
he had quite suddenly remembered it, told Tubbs he
ought to know just who he was. Tubbs found him most
difficult to satisfy. He produced all the credentials,
passports and papers he had about him, one after the
other, and at last the sergeant, calling another man and
telling him to wait there with Mr. Tubbs, went off, as
he said, to put the papers before an officer. Tubbs would
have protested, but protests were simply ignored, and
he had to wait a good quarter of an hour kicking his heels
and getting angrier and angrier. At last his guard
remarked briefly that he was sick of this waiting and —
" So long. " He vanished.
Tubbs, thoroughly angry by this time, set off to find
his late guide and his papers. He took the direction
the sergeant had taken, but on turning the first corner was
halted abruptly by a sentry with fixed bayonet. A
demand for the countersign and a brief parley ended in
the appearance of the sergeant of the guard and an
abrupt invitation to Tubbs — with a bayonet point
hovering about ' six inches in the ofting— to enter the
guard-room. An officer was there and he cut short Mr.
Tubbs' long explanation of who he was by a demand for
his credentials. Tubbs could only commence a still
longer explanation about the sergeant who had taken his
papers. " What regiment was he ? " Tubbs didn't know.
" What particular Battery was this where you lunched ? "
Again Tubbs didn't know. " Where is this battery
exactly ? " Tubbs only knew it was somewhere around
the village.
The officer turned from him. " Prisoner— close guard
— here sergeant." Tubbs found himself hustled
ignominiously into an inner chamber without a roof,
his person roughly searched for arms, a guard posted
over him with fixed bayonet and savage threats of the
penalties to follow any monkey tricks.
He stayed there a painfully long two hours, the first
part of which were spent in pleadings with and threats
to the guard, and the latter part in dead silence after a
curt intimation that " if he didn't shut his yap "...
a significant motion of the bayonet finishing the sentence.
Up to' now he had not had the faintest doubt but that
he would be released and apologised to as soon as en-
quiries had been made, and he extracted what comfort
he could from antiri])ations of how hot he could make
things for the fools who had got him in this pickle. But a
May 25, 19 16
LAND & W A T E R
7,7
FORTNUM &
MASON'S
Equipment
BOOTS.
The " Foptmason " Marching Boot, as
soft as a slipper, very strong, and three-quarters
to one pound lighter than any similar boot, per pair 36/-
bcnd an old cne as a f^iiittc.
The "Fortnum" Trench Boot, with 6-inch
flap and buckles - - - - per pair 80/-
OVERCOATS.
The "Zanibrene" Cavalry, with or without belt,
"triple-triple" proof - - - . . 70/-
The "Zanibrene " Infantry," triple-triple'' proof from 60/-
WATERPROOFS.
" Fortinason " Cavalry Coat
Waterproof, lined fleece
Oilskin, brown. The " Beresford '
Pegamoid, black
VALISES.
60/-
80/ -
17/6
30/-
' Forlmason " improved, in
60/>
from 18/6 to SS/-
- 40/- to 50/-
• -12/6
- 17/6
17/6
19/6
The "Wolseley" — The
green rot-proot canvas -
BLANKETS.
Good quality ...
Triple - - . .
MATTRESSES.
Light "Kapok," covered tick -
,, ,, covered " Willesden '
Light cork, covered " Willesden "
Hair, covered "Willesden"
BAGS.
Siiddle Bags, brown canvas, leather back - each 16/-
Saddle Bags, double, overback, with surcingle, full size 42/"
BATHS, Etc.
R'lbber Biiths, 30 inches ... each 18/6
Canvas Baths, in bag, 26 inches - - ,, 7/6
Buckets, rubber - . - - each 6^- and 6/3
Buckets, canvas, flagon shaped - - each 7/-
Basins, enamel, 16 inches, stiff canvas cover - ,, 10/6
BELTS.
"Sam Browne." complete, two braces, rcvolverholslcr
and cartridge pouch - - - . . ^g/.
Sporting Belt, selected pigskin - - - B/_
The " Fortniason " - - - • . 5/6
CANTEEN BOXES, Etc.
Bucket Canteen, for two persons - - . 27/6
The " Dixie, " for tliree officers, W.O, pattern- - 42/-
Cavalry Canteen, fitted ----- 18/6
Cavalry Canteen, unfitted - - - . ■7/3
Covers ...... extra 3/6
Infantry Canteen, aluminium, fitted saucepan, frvpan,
etc., etc. - - - - ' - 21/6
CLOTHING.
Caps, " Balaclava" Waterproof
Caps, " Balaclava " Woollen
Cardigans, Woollen
Cardigans, Orkney, vcrj' light -
SHIRTS.
- B/6 and 7/6
- 3/6
10/6lo25 -
12/-
Regulation Khaki - - - ' - 7/6 to 12/6
The " Tropical." with collar and spine pad - - 10/6
GROUND SHEETS.
Tweed, 8 ft. by 5 ft.
White Rubber
WATER BOTTLES.
Aluminium
Britannia metal •
Nickel
each 1 B/-
,, 21/-
- - - from 8/6
each 1 2/6 and 1 3/9
each IS/6, 18/6 and 21 /-
Complete Catalogue of Ctfuipment sent on application.
FORTNUM & MASON
LTD.
182 Piccadilly, London, W.
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POPULAR STYLES F K O M
48/6 to 70 -
FOR G E N T L E 51 1: N"
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SUPPLIED BY A GENTS EVERYWHERE
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That's all. Of all Chemists |
1/6 per bottle. All British |
38
LAND & WATER
May 25, 19161 I.
a low-toned conversation between the guards and two
men who rehcved them.
" What's the Cap. doin' ? " asked one. " Asleep,"
was the answer. " Same old thing — liquored as usual."
" Isn't he chasin' round for evidence about this guy ? "
" Not him. We asked round a bit but nobody seems to
have heard of him. He's a spy, an' soon as the Cap.
wakes up or the Colonel comes round he'll be tried an'
shot right away like that last one we nailed."
Tubbs tried to speak, but was silenced again savagely,
and sat for another half hour alternately cheering himself
with the thought that it must come right when he got a
chance to sjjeak at his trial, and remembering, with beads
of cold perspiration oozing out on his forehead, all the
horrible tales he had ever heard of summary courts
martial and their abrupt endings with unpleasant results
to the prisoner.
Then he was led back into the outer room to find there
three officers sitting at a table and a few men with the
sergeant who had arrested him. 'J"he officer who had first
questioned him sat in the centre of the three. Tubbs
took his place in front of the table, had his hat snatched
off, and was told sternly to stand up.
" What ha\e you got to say for yourself," asked the
centre officer. Tubbs, telling himself he must keep cool,
began the same lon^ explanation he had given before.
It was cut short before he finished. " Have you any
witnesses ? " " Crowds," he said eagerly. " There's
the rest of my crowd, and the Staff Officer with them,
and General Headquarters will vouch for me."
" Sergeant, what is your evidence } " The sergeant
stated how he had been called by the sentry, and thinking
the prisoner a suspicious cha.racter had arrested him.
" Have any steps been taken to verify or contradict
the prisoner's story?" asked another of the officers
mildly.
" Every possible step," said the centre officer. " But —
nothin' doin'. Nobody seems to have heard of him."
" What was the number of this Battery you talk
about ? " Tubbs had to confess he hadn't heard it.
" But the Major's name," he said with sudden inspiration
" was — wait a minute — I called him Major mostly, but
I know I was introduced. It was — er — oh — what in
thunder was it now ? "
" Yes, what was it ? " said the centre officer grimly.
" Now look here my son, you'll get off cheaper if you
confess, and if you've got any useful information to give
us about the enemy. If not ... I really don't
think it's worth wasting more time with him, is it ? "
he concluded, turning to the other two. " What do
you say ? Guilty ? "
One nodded and the other hesitated slightly.
" This is murder," broke in Tubbs wildly. " You've
only to send me to Headquarters or to find the Battery
where I ate to-day."
" Could you find your way there ? Here, can you show
us where it is on the map ? " and a large map grid-ironed
with red lines was flung on the table. " Here's where you
are now," said the centre officer, and placed a finger on
the map. " Now, where's this battery you talk about ? "
Tubbs declined to have anything to do with the map.
He liadn't seen the place on the map, he didn't know or
care where he was on the map ; but if this cursed farce
didn't stop he'd make somebody sweat for it presently ;
he'd. ...
" That'll do," said the officer sharply, and Tubbs
stopped short at the touch of a pricking point in the small
of his back. He gulped hard once or twice. " Send me
to Headquarters," was all he said at last.
. "What about it?" said the centre officer again.
'■ Guilty — eh ? " One of the others wondered hesita-
tingly whether it would be worth sending the man to
H.O., but that suggestion was promptly squashed. " Fat
lot of thanks we'd get for that. What would G.H.Q.
say or 'do if every suspected prisoner was shunted on to
them. Besides, I'd object a heap to G.H.Q. trying my
prisoners. Don't see why we shouldn't have the privilege
of shooting our own spies. The men like the sport for
one thing, and it teaches these gentry to keep clear of
us."
" All right," gave in the objecting officer at last, and
Tubbs' heart went down with a bump. " But just a
minute. One thing that he said we might prove or dis-
:SKaMP>^'4*iTiubbsUieArJ:'leapt'ii^agiiin, a*uljivjieii.tlie aaildJ^ «
mannered officer whispered a moment to the others and
then turning to him said, " Just step over to the other
side of the room out of earshot a moment please."
Tubbs stepped over-with alacrity. " Thank you. Now
back again. ... By the way, what did you say
was the reason you didn't go with your friends into tlie
trenches ? "
In a flash Tubbs saw how he had been caught. He
stammered " I — I — I — my — er — "
" E.xactly." said the officer. " Your knee was very
bad. It has completely recovered since, I notice." He
turned to the other two : " I agree with the finding of
Guilty. The sentence I suppose "
Tubbs' face was going grey. " See here," he blurted
out, " You caught me for fair and I'll admit there's
nothing wrong with my. knee. I just didn't feel well
enough."
The officer looked at him coldly. " Was it before or
after lunch you felt unwell ? "
" I've been — er, most of — just about lunch time I think
it w^as."
"Then, of course, you couldn't eat much lunch.
Suppose " — and he looked at the others, " wouldn't the
doctor and a stomach-pump settle this point ? If it
goes against the prisoner I've nothing more to say."
Tubbs remembered his lunch and his knees shook
imder him. " I may have eaten a fair — " he began,
buta.cold glance from his tormentor stopped him flounder-
ing. He was coming to hate and to fear this man that at
first he had thought his best hope as the worst of his
inquisitors.
" I'll tell you the plain truth," he blurted in
desperation. " I got cold feet when that shelling came
on. I didn't want to get killed, so I just plain quit."
"That may be the truth— at last," said the mild
officer. " But you can understand that all the lies you
told don't help you. I agree — Guilty."
"iNever saw such a fuss over one paltry spy," said the
centre officer. " Sentence of the Court — prisoner to be
taken out and shot forthwith." He pushed his chair
back and stood up. " Go on sergeant — usual place ;
and come back and report' when he's turned off. Now
you fellows, what about a drink ? "
" You pop-eyed booze-fighter," shouted Tubbs,
stepping forward a pace and glaring. " Wait till my
crowd start looking for me.. Wait till you hear what
G.H.Q. has to say to you. Wait till you hear the Hyphen
eagle squeal. You'll pay for this, you butchers. Talk
about Germans, you're worse than any brute Hun that
ever stepped. You —you —you.
The escort closed in and seized him still raving and
shouting hysterically; but as they commenced to drag
him towards the door his knees sagged, his feet trailed out
behind him and his head drooped.
They laid him down hurriedly. " I was afraid it was
going a bit too far," said the mild-mannered officer.
" He'll raise Cain when he finds it was a sell," said the
centre one, pulling off his fierce moustaches and stuffing
them in his pocket. " Not much," said the third. "Don't
forget, ' I got cold feet. I just plain quit.' That's a
tale he won't be too anxious to advertise. But I think
we ought to just naturally fade away and leave him to
you, Pippy," he finished looking at the Artillery subaltern
who had suddenly appeared on the scene immediately
after Tubbs had collapsed.
" Hustle," said Pippy simply. " He's coming to."
Tubbs, as he came slowly round, saw Pippy's face
bending over him. He stared vacantly at it a moment.
You just came in time," he gasped faintly. " In another
minute I'd have . . . murdered some of those
guards, and then I suppose . . . they'd have shot
me for sure."
"Never mind that now," said Pippy soothingly.
" Here, drink this. Its Old Rye."
Signaller Ellis Silas. i6th Infantry Battalion, .\ustralian
Contingent, had the honour of submitting his Sketches o:
Gallipoli for the inspection of the King and Queen at Bucking-
ham Palace last Saturday. The King was particular!}/
interested in the drawing depicting the cliargc up the hill at
" Bloody .^ngle " on May ^nd, 1915, and also '' The Last
.Assembly," " when many of us stood shoulder to shoulder
for the last time in this world."
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
39
THRESHER
^GLENNY
Military Tailors
\DftLy S^cfc&Qss
152 6s'2J'3'Sh-and
LONDON
MAKERS OF THE
THRESHER 11RENCH COYT
ESTAB-
l/SJ
THE LAST 18 MONTHS'
EXPERIENCE
of supplying Military men with the best
quality, material, cut and workmanship
has fulh- justified our expectation that
increased business would enable us to
keep prices on the pre-war basis, in spite
of increased cost in every item. This will
be proved by a glance through the
useful 70-page booklet issued for the
convenience of those receiving a
Commission and of Officers under
orders for abroad. It contains even.'
possible item of an Officer's Uniform and
Equipment with prices. Fresh editions
are continually being brought out, so
this Guide is always up to date with the
latest information.
The custom of printing testimonials has
now become so general that the value of
them from an advertising standpoint is
apt to be over estimated. We must,
however, quote the following, as the
implied suggestion might well be
taken as advice by anyone receiving a
commission : —
"R.A. Mess,
Island of St. Helena,
5th March, 1916.
" I received per the mail yesterday the
uniform and your account. I hare to
again thank yon for the excellent fit,- and
very much regret I did not come to you u'hen
first taking a commission. Your letter of
tlie 4th, etc., etc.
N. H. R.
{Lt. R.M.A.) "
An interesting analysis for 12 months
shows that by the 1,417 Officers who
have entrusted us with their complete
Uniform when receiving a Commission,
every line Regiment in the British Army
is represented, with the exception of two
—the Royal Irish and the H.Iy.I. We
shall be glad if any Gentlemen receiving
Commissions in these Regiments will
allow us to complete our record.
" A firm established as Military Outfitters
during the Crimean War and Indian
Mutiny, with the outfitting experience of
the South African War and the two Egyptian
Campaigns well within the memory of many
of its Staff, is entitled to deal with the sub-
ject of Military Outfitting wtih some degree
of authority." — (" Land & Water," March
23)
WRITE FOR GUIDE (3)
TO KIT AND EQUIPMENT
THRESHER 8 GLENNY
152 3. STRAND, LONDON.
40
LAND & W A T r, R
May 25, igib
S. SMITH & SON, "■''■■
(LATE 9 STRAND. W.C.) <E»«- »«8I)-
W^tcA and Chronometer Makers
to the Admiralty.
6 Grand Hotel Buildings,
TRAFALGAR SQUARE, W.C,
AND 68 PICCADILLY, W.
SMITH'S <■ ALLIES" WATCH WRISTLET
"Unhreakalile '
FRONT.
REGISTERING 3th OF SECONDS.
bterliiig Silver Sterling Silver J|ii) Luminous figures
"SCREW IN" Screw in Case ^^^^^^^ and hands, includ-
Dust and Damp MedioaJ Watcli. /^"f^^^^^"*^ ing Seconds Hand.
Proof Case. '^~
*o more Wotoh GIom
Protector* !
It \i Iniposfiblf tu hrcak tlir
ifiin'
WHY? ? f
Beraude the front Is of iinlirenkable mat«ri«l.
Willi till! traiii|i.irriKy o( CrrstJil flUss.
Exlr«cl (rom C*ne I'rst mon'al •monc«» m«ny r*ferrln« l^ rar
Dear Sir. I .im greatly pleased with it, and since
checVed it by ilic Ship's Onck Watch and it hai not
SMITH'S FLAT LEVER
ALARM WATCHES
With Lamlnout Dial thawing
Tim* distinctly at nieht.
NO OTFICER SHOULD
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THE WATCHES.
THEY ARE PERFECT
TIMEKEEPERS.
THE ALARM WILL
AROUSE THE HEAVIEST
SLEEPER.
THE TIME CAN BE SEEN
AS WELL BY NIGHT AS
DAY.
THE CASES ARC DAMP-
PROOF AND CANNOT BE
DENTED.
EVERY WATCH HAS A
GUARANTEE.
linK Silver, Lever
Movemci-.t, Luminoua
Guaranteed Figures
and Handt, Pintkin
Strap. Silver Buckle.
£3 t 3 : O
Black Dial same price.
C2 : to : o
Without Screw Ca(«,
"Alliri •• U'.tch 2l>'An'-.
the date of receiving it I Itave
varied one leoond either way.
In Nickel, or
Oxudized Cases
£3 3 - and
£4 4 -
In
Silver
Cases
£310/-
and
£4 15
POST FREE.
SMITH'S High Grade
i-cver Movement,
(iuaranteed ^^ . 1 1: . A
Timekeeper **» • » J • W
Invaluable for
Hospital
15:0 ^^'»'^''.
WATCH WRISTLETS with ORDINARY GLASSES from £2 2 OlO £S 5 0
CHRONOSCOPE - ^r °S'-'
SOLE flIGHTS
THE REGULATION BRITISH-MADE "SMITH'S •
ELECTRIC READING LAMP
rf . ^-n l'ii^t,.:iii.|.|\ Tl.;.. - ;..rf, .-1 *!._
■a ^. I'U-ll.pi.lC
Larger Siie, £1
Regulal
«' Smith's'
LAND AND
WATKR
INVISIBLE
POCKET
PERISCOPE
ALL METAL
Price
£1 1 O.
Full par-
ticulars on
application.
One ti-!*timoniiil
ar»«ng--t many
friMii ail oniifr
at the I'ront.
Feb 4th, 1916
Dear Sir,
Kindly send
me another
)■ Smith's Land &
Water Periscope.
f^-w I find i'. mosi
" useful.
15s , can be used with the
ion Field Classes.
riiii lit* sliotts tile iniportunce cf
Ine Lump ifor map aiid d^spaUli
rii.:\iH'j. The push-piece ran !>,■
• I" r ii il on without opening the
■ 1- . :iiiJ the case can he detacheil
wiIlKHit iinliiicklini! the belt. Snit
nt.lo for any climate and waterproof.
Butteries "UrlUili Motle."
DII!WTI!)N.'4.-If tJie Jight is ne-
(juircd for continuous nse. pre.s^ tli*^
button ami turn a little to the riaht
or left, nnj wlien llnlshe<l with tiini
the button to orlKinol pcnitinn. I)i!
not leave burnini; as it exhau.sts thu
Ixittcry.
Prise ^f%l Inland Pottage,
Complete ^^^f $d. extra.
Foreign, 1/- extra.
Or including one extra bulb in lid,
21.'-.
Tictra batteri<'« ... 1/fi each.
Hermetically sealed In Tin box.-
lAtra bulb^ 1/. each.
MOUNTING CUSTOMERS' WAR
TROPHIES A SPECIALITY.
As usid by the Wsr Oept
if
Instruments.
Actual Size
Chronoscope
Indispensable for
ascertaining Ranges
and timing of
Shells, marking l/lOO
of seconds,
£10:10:0
Split Seconds
as Illustrated,
£16:10:0
Same Watch marking
1/50 seconds,
£8:10:0
Split seconds,
£12:10:0
Full particulars and Tetli.
nionials on application.
XI-W IHICNTIFIO.VTIOX DI.V. XEW lUlIXTIFIC.MIOX mH' FOR WRIST
ill StiTlinu Silver for Nc.k.
With .Silver fliain i'l to ao '" Stcrllns S^iUer. 14)/U
IhclK'n Ions, l»».'»t Engraving. «,«
on Space for Name and Address on back if
Enurnvins. ^/H
Space for Nanu* and Addrps
back if dcsir d. Actual
• izo
desired. Att;ial sise.
LIQUID NIGHT MARCHING i FIELD SKETCHING COMPASS
(Patent applied for>.
Fuse Mounted as
Letter-Weisrht on Ebony
Stand with silver plate
for engravinjr. Size Sjin.
high, 5 in. diaineter.
21 : 5 : 0
SPECIAL LIST ON APPLICATION
t3 UJ
The Li(|uid Night Marching and Field Sketching Compass is an improvement on
Priematic Coi«ip.'c^at!ii it rii.,.f nn,„ts are: -
n) Tlie dial vml at one and Ihe fuinie time.
ij) Tlie dial .■<rm|.. itlvtag a dty^islve reading.
CD ^e»■ licaiij., _ ...iik.
(41 Uack llnul|.<^ easily iuund.
(.Ij The di\(di-d t\t\i (I?) gives "A fiilVeiMi^'ci Sivisions. Having no ini<>mip
(<•) The. illiuuiiialioii is perniam nt. Fiiittier
complete, in bather Mine ca«e. ^3 1 Sm.
>ftrUeu>urs on application. Price.
1
May 25, 1916
L A N 1) & \\A T \i R
41
British Empire Production and Trade
By John Holt Schooling (Author of " The BrhUh Trade Book").
WHICH is the more valuable thing to a man, to
a nation, to an Empire : the power of pro-
duction, or the opportunity of a cheap con-
sumption ? During recent generations, all
fiscal legislation in England has been in the direction of
securing cheap consumption, cheap for the time being that
is to say, without any regard for efiicient production.
But surely, and notably in the long run, production is of
far more value than cheap consumption. Our ignis
faiuus, cheap consumption at any cost, has caused us not
only to neglect the full development of our power of pro-
duction, and the co-ordination of the vast resources of our
Empire, but it has also given to our rival in trade and
enemy in war a great advantage. Namely, the advan-
tage of the Double Market for sales as compared with our
Single Market for sales. To illustrate this point, look at
the free or open market for sales possessed before the war
by the llnited Kingdom and by Germany. Germany
had a free market for sales of seventy millions of people in
(iermany, plus another free market for sales of forty-six
millions of people in the United Kingdom. Namely,
Germany had the Double Eree Market of 116 millions of
buyers. But the United Kingdom had only a free or open
market for sales among forty-six millions of people in the
United Kingdom. Namely, the Single Market as com-
pared with (lermany's Double Market. That fact has
been for many years of enormous benefit to Germany, who
has constantly fostered her power of production, while
simultaneously, we have given to Germany great facilities
for the sale of her production. When war came, we dis-
covered that in many directions of our trade and finance
we had allowed Germany to gain the control. Notable
instances were finance in London, the production of
certain necessary chemicals and dyes, and the control by
(iermany of the metal production of Australia.
We have also discovered that the laisser jaire methods of
(iur economic blind men have been taken advantage of
by r.ermany to further her brutal national aims in addi-
tion to undermining our power of production. The time
is ripe, and more than ripe, for us to take action to secure
our future in all matters that concern British Empire
production and trade. With this purpose in mind, I
show some facts relating to the British Empire that may
be useful.
Table A. — Production of Staple Articles witiiin the British
Empire. Yearly Average during three periods of five
years each, covering the fifteen years 1890-1913.
.Staplb Article.
Averagf- Y»*aily Frotluctioii during each period of five years.
1904-1908.
19(19-1913.
Ccial. Millions of Tons
Coal. \'alue Millions of £
Iron-Ore. Millions of Toii^
I'ig-lron. Millions of Tons (a)
J>lanion(is. Value — Millions of £
iJold. .Millions of Ors.
fiold. Value — Millions of £
Silver. Value— Millions of £ (b)
('opper. Value- Millions of £
Tin. Value — Millions of £
Wheat. .Millions of Bushels (e)
Barley. Millions of Bushels fe)
*>ats. Millions of Bushels (e)
Maize. .Millions of Bushels (c)
Wine. Millions of (iailons
Tea. Millions .of J,iw.
Coeoa. Millions of Lbs.
Coftee. .Aliltions of Lbs.
Raw Sugar. Millions of Lbs.
Kubi)er. .Miliions of Li)S.
('otton. Millions of Lbs,
.lute. Millions of I.hs. (d)
246.0
28:i.l
314.2
10.-1.8
110.8
134.2
1 4 . .'i
16.2
17.0
0.(1
10.0
10..-.
4.7
7..<t
8.9
U.H
11.8
13.4
28.. 1
48.4
&«.4
1.0
2.2
4.5
:i.2
!).l
.'i.li
0.7
il.:i
11.1
452.4
.11.^.7
702. 2
loa.o
II.-). :l
124.2
341. iP
400.:!
.-.36. 1
:i6.:i
41. «
44.0
11.8
».!»
8.11
8SH.7
410.1
470.8
bl.f,
sft.y
183. 3
42.8
4;). I
41.0
M;i;i.i)
6091.0
W40.0
7.1
10. :i
47.0
]0«fi.7
1.V24.2
17,14.0
2«,'->«.0
:!270.O
3343.0
EXAlM'l.K : The averagr^ yearly iiroduetion of Coal during the live years 1009.1B13. was
314.2 million tons namely, 314,200.000 tons. Similarly, the average yearly pro-
duetion of Rubber during 1909-1913 was 47.9 million l.h.s.— nanl.-ly, 47,900,000 Lbs.
ia^ ln<-luding Pig Iron made from imported ores,
'h) Kxeludiiig some .Australian silver.
(e> The production of cereals includes British India for Wheat, but not for Barlev.
flats and Maize as the latter returns are not available. The above returns of
cereals produced in the Britisli Empire arc stated to be the approximate ligures.
(d) Production in India only. 'J'he, returns are not available for some small Jut^
prf)duction elsewhere.
[This Table ia a condensed summary of the ofHeial returns in pp. 231-234 of f.VI. 7827,
Vear 1915.]
Although the official records do not enable proof to be
given that the British Empire is able to produce every-
thing it needs for its own consumption, there is at the
least a considerable degree of probability that if the power
of production of the British Empire were wisely fostered
and controlled, there would not remain many coni-
modities for which we should have to rely upon foreign
countries. In Table A is a summary of staple articles
produced in the British Empire during the fifteen years
1899-1913. The year 1913 is the latest that can be given,
as the war has interfered with the records for later years.
The grouping of the facts in Table A in three successive
periods of five years enables us to see that an increase
in production has occurred in most of the items.
Wine and coffee, both minor articles, are the only' two
where production declined. There are of course many
articles produced in the British Empire other than
those stated in Table A, but this table and Table B
summarise all the available official facts.
T.'\BLE R. — Yearly Production of Staple Articles witliin the
British limpire. Supplementary to Tnble A.
silver. Million o?.s.
Copper. Thousand Tons
Tin. Thousand Tons
Wool. .Million Lbs.
Horses. Millions
Horned Cattle. Millions
Sheep. Millions
rigs. .Millions
37.0
1.V2..-.
71.0
12.'i7.9
8.8
146.0
205.7
8.3
NoTF. -The above results are suinninrisc.d from pp. 242-274 of Cd. 7827. Year M913
They, relate to the year 1913. or to tin* year 1912. As regards Horses, Cattle
Sheep, and Pigs, these are the approximate numl)er of each in the British Kmpire
in the year 1912 or 1913. Tlie tacts do not allow the above items to be stated Jor
the jieriods shown in Table A.
In addition to the above, the yearly production of Potatoes was 8.2 million tons
plus 8-».7 million bushels. .\nd" of Tm-niiis and .Mangold-. 41.4 million toas jilus
90. 7 nitllion bushels.
As regards consumption of staple articles in the British
Empire, no satisfactory records exist. The quantity of a
few staple articles " available for consumption " in the
British Empire is stated in the official records. But
these official figures do not necessarily imply that the
quantities were consumed. And they do not cover
nearly the whole of the British Empire. For these reasons
I am not able to give a table relating to the consumption
of staple articles in the British Empire. In this con-
nection, and also as regards production, some results ■
that may be useful relate to British Empire trade.
T.-iBLE C. — British Empire Trade. Yearly Average during
three periods of five years each, covering the fifteen
years 1899- rgi 3.
Descrii'iiox.
1899-1903
Yearly average d\iring each Period.
1904-1908 1909-1913
Million £
521
180
701
361
122
483
1184
Million £.
599
233
832
492
149
641
1473
Million £.
754
291
1043
630
195
825
1870
Imports into British Empire
From Foreign Countries
From parts of British Empire
Total Imports
Exports from British Empire.
To Foreign Countries
To parts of British Empire
Tot.al Exports
Total Trapk or British Empire
British Empire Trade with
Hermasy.
Imports from Germany 43 69 89
Exports to Germany 52 71 97
Total Trade with Germany 93 140 186
Perokntaqk Proportion- op British Empire Trade with Oerkaxt to the Totak
Trade of the British Empire.
Per Cent. Per Cent Per Cent.
Imports from German) 8.1 8.3 8.5
Exports to Germany 10.9 11.0 ■ 11.8
Total Trade with Germany 8.1 9.5 9.9
This Table is based upon Cd. 7827. Year 1915. Pages 5—10.
Example; — During 19<I9-1913. British Empire Imports from Germany were equal to
8.5 per cent, of the Total Imports into the British Empire.
Table C contains a much condensed summary of British
Empire trade during the fifteen years 1899-1913. This
trade is shown in two distinct groups. British Empire
trade with All Foreign Countries, and British Empire
trade with All Parts of the British Empire. The splitting
up of the facts into three periods of five years each
enables us to see that this trade has largely increased,
both as regards imports and exports. Looking at British
ICmpire imports. Table C shows that these entered the
British Empire predominantly from Foreign Countries.
During the first of the three periods, the facts in Table C
will show that 74 per cent, of these imports came from
I'oreign Countries and 26 per cent, came from the British
Empire. During the latest period, 72 per cent, of the
imports came from I'oreign Countries and 28 per cent,
from other parts of the British Empire.
As regards the British Empire exports in Table C, a
42
L A X 0 .S: \\' A T E R
May 25, 1916
similar preponderance of Foreign Countries is seen.
During the first period, 75 per cent, of British Empire
exports went to Foreign Countries and 25 p?r cent, to
other parts of the Empire. During the latest period,
76 per cent, of the exports went to Foreign Countries
and 24 per cent, to British buyers.
Another feature of Table C is that it shows British
Empire trade with Clermany. Diagram No. I also illus-
trates this. During the latest period, the total trade with
(iermany averaged 186 million ( per year. This is equal
to just under ten per cent, of <the total trade of the British
F^lmpire. When we bear in mind that (Iermany has
proved herself unfit to associate with any white
race and to be on a lower level than any black race, the
measures of reform to be adopted in the British Empire
should include the cutting out of this trade with derm^i.ny.
Its hulk, ten per cent, of the total British Empire trade,
is far more important to Germany.than to the British
JCmpire. Moreover, (lermany's mode of trade is not
safe for the nations that trade with her. F'or (iermany
combines with her trading a treacherous and base system
of spying and deceit for the furtherance of her national
schemes. Let the British Empire arrange its plans for
reform so as to trade on preferential tariff terms with all
parts of the Empire and with its friends such as F'rance,
Russia, Italy, Japan, and other worthy nations. But
let us so penalise German production when it seeks to
enter British Empire ports that entry becomes almost if
not wholly impossible.
T.\BLn; D. — Trade between the United Kingdom and Germany
in 1913 (the last complete year before the War).
Ous3 or Tbadi.
Net Value of Impart* Proiuc an! M iiii-
froiii Cii'rmiiiy rn- (acture oi 111- Ciiitil
tainod in Ihe fiilted Kin?(l')m i-xparted
Kingdom. to G-Tiumy.
I. — Vood. Drink, and Tobacco
U. — Uavv Makriaia. or Articles tnaialy
Unmanufactrired
ni. — ^Artitlf's wholly aod mainly Mano-
fartured
IV. — Miscellaueoiis and Unclassified ,\rticlc3
Million £.
16.3
6.8
52.3
.8
Million £.
4.0
8.4
27.0
1.3
Total
41.7
Thii Tablf is ba.*'don Cd. 812S. Year 1913. Page? ll» and 115.
KOTE. — Bullion and Sjwcie an* i*X"lii(i'Mi.
Til" Total VaiiiL- of Inilod Kiiudoni Impirts from O.-rmany, inrluJinj .Mt-
cbandisi^ not retained in ih.? Cnit-d Kinirdom, wi* SO. 4 niillion £.
Forpign and Colonial Mcrchandi-^f t'xport<^d' to Girminy fro.ii 1 1' (*nit>d Kinj.ljm
•mounted to 19.8 million £. Ttie bulli of tliia ws* Riw .UilsriaU, Clwi II.
In this connection, look at the facts in Table D which
relate to the trade between the United Kingdom and
Germany. In 1913, the last year before the war, the net
value of German goods imported into the United King-
dom and there retained was 76 million £., But the
products of the United Kingdom bought by Germany
were valued at only 40 million /. We were the best
customer of Germany for many years before the war.
Entire cessation of trade between the United Kingdom
and Germany would be much to Germany's disadvantage.
Especially when we note in Table D the trade in manu-
factured goods. We bought and retained 52 million £
of German manufactured goods. But Germany bought
only 27 million £ of our manufactured goods.
Table E. — British Empire Trade with Foreign Countries.
llrit
Hh Knipire
British Knipi'"'-
Ii:i"h part* pri
pirlion.il .■ shire.
nil
Tl-* fr<irn
K\pi ti 1 >all
pT £1,011) of llritith Kiinire's
PiKT Of British
Emi'IKe.
all
K.i.-eiliil
uitri)'^ in
year 1913.
I'ore .in (' mn-
trica in tti ■
year 1913.
Trade with !■
or'iifn Countrie*.
the
Per £1,000 of
iP.!r £l,00a of
Imports in
Export! in
(»)
(b)
Col. (a)
Col. (b)
Million £
Mtliion £
£
£
I'nited Kingdom
601.9
41)'.. 4
711
654
<'an.ada
101.7
47.9
121
68
llriti-ih India, by Sea and
Land
50.8
103.9
GO
l.'iS
Auxfraila
29.4
.14.3
35
4.S
Strait.-* s^'ttlemont.*
22.9
2<l.5
27
29
Viiioii of South Africa
13.9
4.3
16
0
\V4-»t India Lslandi
i.fl
6.0
7
8
West Africa
4.0
8.8
5
10
New Zealand
3.9
1.7
a
2
Aden
2.5
3.0
3
4
O.vion
1.9
e.6
.>
9
.Malta
1.3
1.1
.>
2
•Newfoundland
:.2
1.7
• 1
2
All Other rMfts of the
Britwh Etnpire
4.5
3.5
5
.•5
Total
815..1
711.7
I.IIO)
1,000
ThI* Table U hs<u'il upon pp. 36 and 38 of Cd. 7827. Yctr I91,'>.
Ex.^MPi.E: -C.inada's Inip irn from all l',ir'M((n ''miilries w.-re 101.7 inilliin £^nim^ly,
£ltil,70<l,iK)0. f'antidas proportionate sharo wn £121 pT £1,011.) of B.-iti»h Empire
IrniKirts from all Foreign Countries.
Think of what has been going on in the United King-
dom for many years owing tu our foolish tolerance of
hordes of German business men, and German importer"
of German goods domiciled in England. Treachery, base
ness, deceit in all directions. Even if the facts of our trade
with Germany were reversed, even if this trade were
more to our advantage than to Germany's advantage,
could we regard the continuance of this trade M'ith an
outcast nation with any feeling other than abhorrence ?
It is not safe to trade with Germany.
Table E enables iis to see, as regards British Empire
trad'i with all Foreign Countries, the proportion of this
trade appertaining t"o' 'each part of the Empire. Of
course, the United Kingdom has the lion's share. Of all
British Empire trade- with F'oreign Countries, the United
Kingdom buys ^J^ii^tjisr^r, coo of the imports from
Foreign Countriesy,~?iJKl^sells £654 per ;^i,oob of the
e.xports 'sold to Foi'cjgii' Countries by the British Empire.
As regards the "future striking out of G.-rmmy from the
list of Foreign Countries with whom the British Empire will
trad^ thire is ain-olefscop.> to su'ostitute an increased
trad; with onr foffe'%[i'?fri'ends for our former tria.d2 with
Germany. ' ■
T.xBLE F. — Imports of: certain
Empire, from "AU •E6reiga
Staple Articles into tha British
Countries, in the ye.!*- 1913.
staple Arlii-le*,
. T.— Food. Diliik, aiid-,Tb-
' baeco • • -• • ■
.Meat, including Poultry,
ct •- ' ' , .
Snxar . .
Wii-'it and Flour ■ ■
Butter
-Miiz:' and Meal
Tobir-'-.i
Win--* and Spirits
Milic, condensed
Tei
Cattle, Sh«ep, and Swine
Beer and Alo
Total. Class I
II.— Raw Miteriils—
Riw Cotton
Wo )d and Timbar
Oil
Coil and Cok?
Hid'. Siin*, and Fats
R»w Wo-il
Fliv and Hemp
Iron Ore
Riw Silli
Riw Juto
40.5
23,11
19.5-
10.9
12. S
11.6
T.)til. Clm II.
';V4lu,i. 8tiph Article*. Value.
!3lftloB-£ ;, . ~ ~ Million £*
,"• , • -III. —Manufactured Artielesi —
' ■ lion and Sti-el Manii*
fjletlire* otll.'r tlun
; * I. 1 Machinery
;3,'>,9 ' , Cotton Manufactures
. , 'Jifsi. . Silk Manufactures
■ 19.7 ' Machin^'.ry other than
15.1 Auricultural
11.6 Woollen inanuf.'lcturea
8.4 Pap-^r and Stationei y
:j,() Hab'idv-hciy and Mil-
2.:) linery 8.5
1.8 I,eathr. tanned and
.9 drc.**ed 7.8
Gla«s and OUsswire 6.3
172.6 Ready-mid- Clothinz 6.0
Leather Manufactures,
BoD^! and Shoes,
Saddlery, etc. 5.9
70,9 Linen. Hemp, and Jute
36.6 Manufactures 5.0
2'). 6 Rillw.ii' i.nl Tramwav
12.4 Roliin? Sto.-k, etc.
10.3 (exclinivi! of Ixiio-
10.2 mitivci) 3.7
8.2 Agricultural Michinery
7.6 and Impl-ni-n'* 2.8
2.1 Eirthenw.ire and (':iin:i-
.3 w.ire 2.7
181.2 Total.— Clan III. 173.0
Thi* tabb i* bi*-d o.i <M. ~iii;. Yeir 1915, p. 4). T.n t .; il o; tin " ('Ttiin Staple
Artich'S " h-re in^luj-d, a'ii)-.ri[t ti 52). 8 milli»:i £. T.i- vilu' of oCn ' imparts
into til- Briti*h Empire, ff in all K,ir,-i? i C nint.-ie-., ail mi s.-pl.'lt'ly sci.rdls,
315.7 milliin £, iu-ladln; Ballhti and SpvMe,
Ex-IXPLK:— Til' value oi Britnh E iipire Impirti of Mit fr i n a'l FiriM Cottntrla s
was 44.1 (nlllion £,— naitaely, £4-l,10"J,00».
T.\BLE G. — Exp.irts of certain St.aple .\rticle.4 fro.u th^ Bi-itish
Empire, to All Foreign Couutrie.-;, in the year 1913.
Stiplc Arti-.-i.-.s. Value.
t ' Staple Article*.
Value.
..*... ~M3Uion £ •
-Foad. D.ini . and To- . - _ ,
b.acco — , ■
Wheat and Flour • .."^^O^S '
Tea _ — 5.!8-_
M-at, Includin;; Poultry,
etc. - . 3.5
T.ibvco i.7
Win-s and Spirit* 4.2
Cittl", Sheep, and Swinei ivJ^X^ '. ;
8ui{.ir - i.5 •
Ber and Alo .9
Butter ,8
Millt, condensed . .8
Maize and Meal . 4
Total. Class I.
II.— Riw Mlt'iiala—
C- 1 il a'l-i C;jlve
Kiw Woil
Riw C It t )ti
Hid"*, Sltin*. and Furs
K iw .lui ■
Wood and Timbei
o;i
Flax and Hemp
Riw 8illc
Iron Ore
Total, Class 11.
31.0
51,7
3S.3
- .35,4
2,4.7
W.2,
«.3
-, 7.6
2,5
.4
.3
185.4
;UI; — Minui.i-!ivred Article* —
.Cittnn M inufactures
Iron and Ste.el Mmu-
iacture.* other than
Michin'ry
Linen, Hemp md Jute
.Manufacturi's
- "Woollen ■ Manufactures
M*chiii'-ry oth-r tiian
Aitrii-uitural
Leath-r. tann.'d and
dre*sed
Pap-r and Stationery
.\gricullnral .Machinery
and Imidement*
R-lilw.iv and Tramwav
llilliii^ Stock, ctr.
(exi-lu*iv,e of l,,oco-
miitiv.-*)
L-eather .Manufactures,
Blot* and .Shoe*,
Suldlery. ete.
Ready-in ide Ciolhinx
ieilk Mmufaeture*
Kirllienware and China-
ware
Gla** and Glassware
Haberda*liery and Mil-
lin -ry
Total. Class III.
Million £
79.1
31.6
2-S. 5
20.8
22.6
5.6
4.8
4.8
3.3
3.0
3.0
2.2
2.1
.3
.8
219.0
Thi* Tabl.e i* bai'd on Cd. 7S27. Vejr 1915. p. 42. The tutil of th- '• eertiin Staple
Artl.-1-i" here included am lunti to 435.4 million £. The vain- of oth-r Exports
from the H''iti*h Empire, into All Foreign Countries, and not separately stated, ii
278.3 million £, ineludinj Billiin and Specie.
E.X.1MPI,r :— The value of B'iti*h Enpire Export* of Wheat and Flour to .\ll Foreign
Countries was 10.8 million £, — namely, £10,800,000.
The official records enable a useful summary to be
shown in Table F. This Table sets out a number of the
more important articles imported into the British Empire
from All Foreign Countries. In class i, F'ood, etc.,
the leading articles are meat, sugar, wheat. As regards
sugar, wc have allowed our West Indian and other British
(Cotilinucrf on pajc M.)
LAND & WATER
Souvenirs ^i
OF
Empire
XOBY" Jttgs
Mementoes
OF THE
BY •• F. O. G."
Sir F, Carruthers Gould.
Great War
Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd George.
The Serial of the 5 Toby Jugs
is made up as follows —
Sir John Jelliooe,
KC.B., C.V.O.
Earl Kitchener of Khartoum,
G.C.B., Etc.
General Joffre.
GENERAL JOFFRE, Iitue limited to 350 at 2 Gns. each.
ADMIRALJELUCOE 350 ..
Sir John French. K.C.M.U.,
K.C.B., Etc.
I VISCOUNT FRENCH. luu* limited to 350 at 2 Goa. eac h
Ut. HON. LLOYD GEORGE ,,350,.
EARL, KITCHENER, the first Toby Jug to be issued, is limiled to 250, and now almost completed. We have retained a small number for
the subscribers of the complete sets at £3 3 O each Jug. Early application is advised.
Either of the other four Juge can be ha J aeparately*
Controlled exclusively by The moulds will be destroyed on completion of the series. Write for llluitraled booklet No.
SOANE & SMITH, Ltd.,
Specialists iti
China and Glass,
Telegrams — " Earlhenwesdo.'*
462 OXFORD STREET, LONDON, W.
Telephone — Pad. 2634
MILITARY TYPE
20-25 h.p. AMBULANCES
AUSTIN Ambulances are built with
_/\_ chassis especially constructed for
that work, and are not to be confused
with converted Touring Cars.
The Company can supply a limited num-
ber only, to be allocated in rotation.
Accommodation is provided for four
lying-down cases ; or, alternatively, the
stretchers can be stowed away, and the
seats, fitted with cushions, will provide
room for eight "sitting" patients. It
has a substantial waterproof top, well
ventilated by a clerestory roof ; the upper
panels being of aluminium, lined and
covered with canvas, which keeps the
vehicle quite water-tight under the most
adverse conditions, Further, there is no
possibility of the sagging of the canvas
to hold water and to have an unsightly
appearance.
THE AUSTIN MOTOR CO. (1914) LIMITED
Longbridge Works, Nortiifield, Birmingham
London— 479-483. Oxford Street, W. Depots at Paris, Man-
(near Marble Arch). chcstcr, and Norwich
44 LAND& WATER May 25, 1916
Table H.— British Empire Trade with All Foreign Countries in the year 1913. Distinguishing Imports and Exports by
the various Classes.
KrilUh Kniplro ImiihuIw liuin All I'oriMgu
( I'll 111 rii>. Bfilitli Empire Export* to All Foroign (teuntries.
I'Uil oif BlUTIsa EjiriM. I. rood^H. lUw Ul. Maim- IV. MU- V. Ballion Total I. Food, 11. K^w^II. M»nu- IV. Ml* V. Bullion ToUl
Drink, A Muti-riaU, facturod wlUucoiu. 4 Specie. Import!. Drink,* Matorlato. r«cturod cclUneous. 4 Specie. Exports.
Tohacfo. ArtlclM. Tobacco. Art idea.
~ Mill. £ JltU. £ Hill. £ Mill. £ Mill. £ Mill. £ Mill. £ MUl. £ MIU. « MUl. £ MiU. £ Mill £
Unllr-d Kingdom .. ..• ■ .. 214. a 190.3 170. :i 2.4 24.7 flOl.9 32.2 ItS.l 2«8.9 IJ.7 39.5 465.4
Canada 15.1 27.4 55.1 ' 1.0 3.1 1(11.7 10. H 14.5 14.2 ,8 7.6 47.9
Blill-li l!l'1ia(by S!p»only) .. .. 10.1 4.6 21.5 .7 «.« 43.5 17.4 «3.1 • 22.2 .» .3 103.U
V Il.g 6.0' 20.5 .0 .0 29.4 4.5 26.0 3.5 .0 .3 34.3
.iicnls 11.1 7.5 3.8 .0 .5 22.11 «.:l 11.5 2.3 .0 .4 »!..'>
I ith Africa .. .. 2.7 2.6 7.1 .7 .8 13.0 .2 3.7 .3 .1 .0 4.3
>.« /..uli.n.l 5 .8 2.4 .1 .0 3.0 .2 1.4 .1 .0 .0 1.7
All ollur I'aru : including British India
by Und only 10.1 6.4 9.6 .8 l.t 2S.3 10.5 14.3 T.C .3 1.6 34.3
ToUl 267.7 244.6 290.4 5.7 37.1 845.5 82.1 26g.6 300.1 8.2 49.7 711.7
f 11,1. ,.11- w based on rd. 7827. Year 1015, pp. 67 to 76 and pp. 35 to ,H8.
Tbc Exi¥>rta above stated Include Domeatir an ! .luee exjiorlt-d frnni the Briti^li Kmplre to .\ll Foreign t^onntrics. That is to say. these Export.^ are not. exclusively
of Britiah Kmpire prodnetion. The Don. are not wpiirately n'corded. As rei^ards the t'nlli-d Kingdom, the above Exports* to .411 Foreiifn Countries arc niado
up aa foUowa : — Merihanduc of lluited l\,,.^^ i'uiductlon 321). 0 milUuu i; MercbandUe not of United Kingdom Productiun 0(1." im"! "" >: Bullion and ti[Kr.\o
99.5 niilUon £. Total, 465.4 mlUloD £, as above shown.
(Continued Irom pagt iZ).
production to fade in favour of the inferior beet sugar
we have bought in huge quantities from (Germany. We
have paid (iermany many millions sterling per year for
beet sugar. Reform is needed here. As regards wheat,
Canada, if encouraged jto do so, can supply all the wheat
that is needed to supplement other British Empire
production of wheat.
In Class 2 of Table F, Raw Materials, the leading
articles of British Empire import from All l-oreign
Countries are raw cotton, wood, oil. And in class j,
Manufactured Articles, the chief items are iron and steel
manufactures other than machinery, cotton goods, silk
gpods.
Table G shows the exports of certain staple articles
from the British Empire to All Foreign Countries. It
should be considered in conjunction with Table l-".
Table H gives a summary of British Empire trade with
All Foreign Countries, distinguishing the most important
parts of the Empire and also showing the trade in each
Class of imports and exports. In Class i, Food, the
Empire imports 268 million £ and exports only 82 milUon £.
But this large difference is seen to be mainly due to the
"35^
2.90
0.68
2.63
:l^s
82.
FOOD
Etc:
RAW
jMATEMALS.
•MANUFACTOREO
.ARTICLES.
Pla'm Column! — Imports
Striped Columns — Exports
No. 1 — British Empire Imports and Exports from and to all foreiijn
countries in the year 1913. Disiinjuiihint th« three classes of trade.
Suted in million £ (see table H).
United Kingdom's great imports of food. One of the
reforms in British trade and production should be the
decrease of the United Kingdom's dependence for its
food upon sea-borne supplies of food. The decay of
agriculture in the United Kingdom during recent genera-
tions has been an injurious and linsafe accompaniment
of our mistaken trade policy. Foresight and prevision
in this matter are urgently needed.
The other parts of Table H, which has been condensed
from a large mass of official facts, are worth attention.
Diagram No. 2 also displays some of the facts contained
in Table H.
Some ten years ago, when the advocates of Free Trade
and of Tariff Reform were making the air thick by
throwing carefully chosen statistical bricks at each others'
heads, I set about an investigation of the tendencies of
British and -Foreign trade in many directions. My pur-
pose was to avoid the plan of selecting these or those
facts which happen to support a preconceived opinion,
and to use all the facts available in a sound way so as to
make these facts disclose trade tendencies. Many useful
results came to
light, and one
of them is show
in Table J. My
method of tak-
ing the yearly
average during
a large number
of continuous
decades, illus-
trated in Table
J, merges the
confusing
fluctuations of
single years
into decennial
averages. The
result is that
a well defined
tendency is dis-
closed, based
upon the whole
mass of facts
without any
biassed selec-
tion. The result
shown in Table
J, for instance,
is of importance
when we are
c o n s i d e r i ng
British Empire
trade and pro-
ducti'M. We see
that oaring the
long period sur-
veyed, the United Kingdom has gradually lost the
whole of the predominance it possessed in 1880-1889
as a seller in British oversea markets. That predomin-
ance was finally lost in the decade 1899-1909. Two
foreign coimtries that have been largely responsible
for the displacement of the United Kingdom in the
markets of British Dominions and Colonics arc Germany
and the United States. It is probable that after the war
(Conlwucd on puf/e 46. J
•
y
Z
<
•■
r
>-
«6
Ul
z
<
s
s
Ul
ce.
o
u.
f- '
V)
(/>
t-
f-
c;:
t£
o
o
fr.
b.
s
.><
Ul
1
1
104-5. 89.
Q15.
97
TOTAL
TOTAL
IMPOWS .
PIPORTS
, — 1
No. 2 — british Empire lotal Imports and
Exports, distinguishing British Empire Im-
ports and Exports from and to Germany.
Yearly average during 1909-13 stated in
million £ (see table C).
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
45
The BRITISH DOMINIONS
GENERAL INSURANCE COMPANY limited
Managing Director: E.M. MOUNTAIN
AutHorised Gapitaf: £1,000.000.
SmUtrSkU trT;4$l. rmU-mp tlH.TtO. Jt<fan«a ucnW tl.tOO.OtO.
HEAD OFFICES: British Dominions Mouse
Roxja-t Exchange Avenue , LONDON. E. C.
"ALL-IN- Pol icy Ofe'pt. OCEAN HOUSE. 3 OLD BROAD STE.C.
Classes of Business Transacted:
tllfy. HoD<»-A«W*n' cad H(mte-M»n«n"* ALL-IN " Pollcici, FIdcIltj Gutriatce, FUtc GUM.
LoM of Proflta, Motor Car, Public Liability (Ocoeval Rlikt. Drlvlof Rlikl PrOMTty
' LUblllty), PcrioatI Accldaot. Secorltlei lo TraaaK, Sprlaklcr L««kac«, ^_^^<^^^
Employers' Llabllltjr, DiMsie sod Slckoen, ConllSfcocy. ^^^^^^ „ri'jlL .f // // /
Government Aircrift and Bombttdairat. , . ^^MI''^^V>^'
'^-'J//////,^
^/yy/^/,7n.(u.-iL\v^.v^>
El^
WEST END -
LAW COURTS
BELFAST
BIRMINGHAM
BRIGHTON -
BRISTOL
IIS PIcodillr. W.
latlMZ Hitb Holborii. W.C.
■ 17 WtUiniton Plxi.
- - 63 Tcnpit Row.
( PsTlllu ttrUt.
' • 17/19 Clue SUMt.
BRANCHES:
CARDIFF ■ ' - 100 St. Mary Strwt.
DUBLIN • - - III Craftoa StrMt.
DUMFRIES ■ ' • ISI Irish StrMl.
EDINBURGH • 23 Daaaka Slrnt.
GLASGOW • - IS7 Wtit Ceorte Stritt.
LEEDS ■ > .
LIVERPOOL ■ •
MANCHESTER ■
NEWCASTLtONTYNE
NOmMCHAM
21/27 tni Sirtit.
I) Caitlt Strtet.
9 Albert Square.
4 Raral Arcade.
ai 27 Hailey Street
14 Low Pavimcat.
!l^ffe?g^^|^^i^Mi^^^S^^
pl
46
LAND & WATER
Mc\v 25, 1916
(ContinHtd from /lage U)
British Oversea Dominions and Colonies will to a large
extent taboo trade with Germany.
Table J. — Showing, for the Twelve Principal British Empire
Dominions and Colonies combined : —
1. — Their Imports from the United Kingdom.
II. — Their Imports from All Countries other than the
United Kingdom.
III. — Their Imports from All Countries.
IV. — The Loss of the United Kingdom's Lead over
Other Countries as regards the supply of Imports
into the Twelve Hri'tisli Dominions and Colonies.
Yearly Impotto
iuto tbe Twelve BrItUb Domlalons and
Colonlea.
I.— From Uw
II.— Vrom all
in.— Total Im-
IV.
-The United
Unit«d King-
Countries other
ports from all
Ki»l£d(iiii*fl liead
DECiDI.
dom.
than the United
Countries.
over other Coim-
1 K inKdom
(a-fb)
ttin. (a=b). ,
(»)
(b)
(e)
(d)
Million £
Millian £
Million £
Million £
]B»»-I8d9
106.2
66.7
172.9
39.5
18ai-lS90
110.4
89.5
179.9
40.9
1 882-1 891
112.8
72.2
185.0
40.6
1S«3 1892
lis. 3
73.9
187.2
39.4
1884-1893
113.7
74.8
188.5
38.9
1885-1894
114.4
76.2
190.6
38.2
1888-189.'.
115.1
77.5
192.6
37.6
1887-1896
11«.5
80.1
196.8
36.4
1888-1897
118.1
82.8
200.9
35.3
18J*1>-1898
118.7
85.5
204 . 2
33.2
18911-1899
118.4
89.2
207.6
29.2
18111-1990
119.2
94.0
213.2
25.2
18!I2-19()1
120.8
99.4
220.2
21! 4
lSfl:l-19()2
125.0
100.11
231.0
19.0
18114 19();!
128.9
114. «
243.5
14.3
189.'. 1904
132.7
122.9
255.6
9.8
189«-19ll.".
137.4
132.2
209.6
5.2
1«»7 19<1«
143.2
140.6
283.8
2.6
] 898- 1907
1.50.3
149.3
299.6
l.U
18m»-1908
156.1
159.2
317.3
—
1900-1909
163.9
105.9
329.8
-~
From p. 39fi •' "■•■ >•■"'■.■ Hkitisii Trade Book, Fourth Issue. Based upon the
various - - covcrinn tiie p<'rit>d 1880-1909.
Koto that ill ''-i. " <nher'<'.)uiitrif*s " .supphiuted the I'nited Kingdom
at preduitiiii..>i. r.^ ..' >~ ... ;..o marki't^ of British Dominions and Colonies. Prominent
among tiiese " Other countries " are Germany and the Vnited States.
The greater the extent to which German trade can be
killed by non-participation in trading with Germany,
by the British Empire and her friends, the more difficult
will it be for Germany to prepare again to attack us and
our Allies. Our aim should be to keep this brutal nation
deprived of markets in which to sell her production. If
Germany is allowed to raise her head after she is beaten,
the death's head helmet will be on that head in a few
years and once more this nation of murderers will be let
loose on civilisation. And Mr. Asquith promised our
merchants bent on the reform of our trade — a peace
book. My fellow citizens, whose sons with mine have
died for their country, we must band together to defend
our country against the future German menace and
against the future apathy and shortsightedness of those
in authority in this country. An essential reform to
meet the danger is the reconstruction of British Empire
production and trade without delay.
The Band of the Coldstream Guards will play at Royal
Botanic Gardens, on Saturday and Sunday afternoons during
the summer, beginning on Saturday week.
The Sixth Edition of the Cambridge University War List
has just been issued by The Cambridge Review. It contains
11,834 names of past and present Members of the University
of Cambridge on service. The following Colleges head the
list : — Trinity 2,670, Pembroke 1,164 ^^d Gonville and
Caius 1,147. AH the colleges show an increase. The
casualties in killed, wounded and missing amount to 2,004,
and the Honours List contains 868 names. At tlie end of the
war the Syndics of the Cambridge Univ-ersity Press propose
to publish, by arrangemt.-iit witli Tlit' Cambridge Review,
a complete official list of members of the l^niversity who have
served in the war, with brief biographical details of those who
have been killed, and a list of distinctions conferred.
Considered from the point of •'view of dramatic effect, Miss
F. E. Mills Young's novel. The Bywonner, is hardly up to the
le%'el of its predecessors, but as a picture of South African life
it is the best work she has yet done, and compares favourably
even with Olive Schreiner's one great book. The by-
wonner's daughter, Adela.is the central figure of the book,
and her tragedy is vividly pictured ; we are not nearly so
much interested in her brother and his love story, and, in
fact, the life goes out of the novel with Adela, some fifty
pages or more from its end. In spite of this, it is all
picturesque work, informed with thorough knowledge of
veldt life and people, and well above the average in character-
isation and stvle.
Motoring Overseas
By H. Massac Buist
THE war is exercising no less direct an effect on
motoring enterprise in the Empire overseas tlian
is the progress that has been achieved in automobile
design and manufacturing methods in the interval
of nearly two years since the start of the campaign.
The demands of it have been so great as to make huge drafts
on the stocks of horses practicallv throughout the world,
and particularly in Australia and Canada. A result has
been that to-day the overseas market for utihty .motor
machinery has reached proportions which, had there" been no
campaign, would probably not have been attained in less than
five or six years hence.
Here we may see something of the law of compensation.
Had the present demand arisen under peace conditions, the
bulk of the utility motor vehicles that would have been placed
on the market to meet it would have proved more or less un-
satisfactory. The experience necessary to make them
satisfactory would have had to be gained at the expense of
users in all parts of the Empire and over a period of years.
The average British manufacturer was content to evolve
vehicles suitable for service on developed British highways
and to be worked under conditions neither of extreme heat
nor of extreme cold. Generally his idea of supplving machines
of similar capacity for use overseas took the forrn of gearing
them lower, and of providing them with a greater ground
clearance, stiffer springs and stronger steering joints.
But because of the war he has been forced to supply vehicles
for service with our armies in all the several areas in which
arms are engaged. The unsuitability of the majority of the
machines for working under conditions either of extreme
heat or of extreme cold, over routes which we at home would
scorn to recognise as roads, with continual exposure iri that
war vehicles are usually parked in the open, was quicklv
and abundantly manifest. The old excuse " that it is no't
reasonable to expect a man to build motor vehicles to stand
that sort of abuse" no longer availed. Stern necessity
demanded that suitable machines should be standardised
and forthcoming in the necessary quantities ; also that that
work should be done against a strict time limit, our Russian
Allies, no less than ourselves, ha\-ing urgent need of ever-
increasing motor services.
Good Effect of War
Thus through the war, in less than two years a degree of
motor development has been attained which else would have
taken many seasons to achieve. The fruits of this artificially
rapid evolution are already available to the Empire overseas.
It may be objected that, by reason of war's heavy demands
on manufacturing at home, at present British motor makers
are not able to supply the demands of British users overseas,
who are therefore dependent for the most part on the American
industry. Such a statement is true as far as it goes ; but it is
incomplete. As concerns their best features, the larger sorts
of utility motor vehicles which America is supplying to the
Empire to-day are the result of our work towards solving the
transport problems presented by this war.
The reason is that the demand was so sudden and so great
that the only way to meet it was for our military authorities
to place large orders with the American industry, not for such
vehicles as it was then producing but, for machines embody-
ing this, that and the other features of design which our ex-
perience had enabled us to evolve.
The longer the war lasts the greater will be the demand as
w.ell for men as for horses, therefore alike in Canada, Australia,
South Africa, India and other parts of the Empire the need
for various types of motor machinery to supersede horse
service and the handling of which calls for fewer men in
proportion to work done, must continue to increase.
Nor should we conclude erroneously that the coming of
peace will put a period to such demand. To do so would
be utterly to fail to appreciate what the motor amounts to
as an Imperial factor. Let us have in mind that the effects
of this war on tire cost of living are world-wide. Even the
United States which has passed from the position of a
borrowing to that of a lending nation, is a country where the
costs of living are rising all the time. In some districts the
retail price of petrol, for example, is as high as it is here,
allowing for the fact that the English gallon is one fifth larger
than the American one.
The only way satisfactorily to overcome the problem of the
increased and increasing cost of living, which is manifest in
different wav's in different countries, is to enable the individual
iContinued on poe<: 4S.)
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
4:
The Original Cording* s. Estd. 1839.
High=Grade
Military Waterproofs,
The "SERVICE" Coat.
A trustworthy waterproof is a
positive necessity tor cam-
paigning, sini^e gettiri'; wet is so
oftt'u followed by ill-health, and, at
least, must cause real discomfort.
A "Service" Coivt ensiu-es com-
plete protection throufjh (inn rain,
and serves admirably either for
mounted or fjeueral military wear.
It is a slip-on which gives to every
movement, and ihas well-contrived
fulness to make any "stuffiness"
impassible. Useful features for
saddle wear are the leg straps, pom-
mel trap, and fan, piece within
deep slit at back.
One of the recommended materials,
Xo. 31, in colour an approved mili-
tary fawn, is a tough tboujji finely-
woven fabric, light in weight, yet
absolutely reliable for hard wear and
tear.
On approval.
When ordering a "Service" Coat, or if to be
sent on approval, height and chest measure
and reference, should be given.
New Illustrated List of waterproofs, boot*, &c„ at rtqueit.
«o.
4Ltd
J. C. CORDING & CI
Waferproofers to H.M. the King
Only Addre*srs:
19 PICCADILLY, W. &35 st. jamess st.
PRACTICAL
WRAPPERS AND
TEA FROCKS
O'
UR Stock of House and
Boudoir Wraps, Tea
Frocks and Negliges is
particularly well assorted. We
buy all the most exclusive Paris
Models and copy and ndapt
,, them in our own workrooms to
-''suit the present demand for
dainty, refined, yet thoroughly
practical garments at really
moderate prices.
Tea Frock, as skr'ch,
in rich cbiffon taffeta,
with full panel front and
\est of crepe chificn,
sIcKves also finii^hed
chiffon frlls, picot
tdgcd. Bodice lined silk
; [,tl waist on elastic.
In all colourings and
black,
P'i" 69:6
Also in rich shot satin,
98/6,
Or in potnpadour taffeta,
6J gns.
MARSHALL &
SNELGROVE
l-l.MlTEU
VERE ST. and OXFORD ST.
LONDON
ana at
SCARBOROUGH HARROGATE
LEEDS YORK
Our Book of New Tea Frocks and
Wrappers posted free.
iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiy^
ill
Feel depressed in the |
morning ? Get the |
Kruschen habit, and every ■
morning will find you fit 1
alert and cheerful. Half J
a teaspoonful — i n hot I
water — on rising — every |
morning ! 1
Of all Chemists 1/6 per 1
bottle. All British. |
SESSEL Pearls
are the finest re-
productions exist-
ing. They are
made by a secret
and scientific
process which im-
parts to them the
same sheen, de-
licacy of tone,
texture and dura-
bility of genuine
Oriental Pearls.
Brochure No.V^ on
request post free.
Old Gold, Silver, Diamonds, etc.
SESSEL (Bourn; Ltd.), 14 &
(Directly
B«autiful Necklet of
SBSSEL Pearls in
fitted case with 18-ct.
yold clasp.
Si 4s. Od.
Real Diamond Clasps
with SESSEL Pearl,
Emerald, Sapphire or
Rub.v centre, from
£2 2«. Od.
SESSEL Pearl Ear-
rings, Studs, S<iarf
Pins, Kinj^s with
Solid Gold mount-
ings, from
£1 lOt. Od.
taken In exchange or purchased for cash.
14a New Bond Street, London, W.
opposite Asprey.9.)
Offctrs can it filled at a minuli's mlict, which Is a treat relief u those en short leave,
ELVERY'S
STORMPROOFS
And TRENCH WATERPROOFS
l^i^ELVBRY'S WATERPROOFS are fiiiaranteodto re-
sist the heaviest possible raitis ami are strong and reliable.
Ppice 3tfns. Detachable Fleece Linings, a gns.
lA.\n t^ WATER says: " It is a good coat worthy of the careful
consideration of all otticers in nei-d of area! waterproof."
Short Trench Waterproof. !n all wci^;hts and made suitable
for riding if necessary, also (Jiving thorough iirot'-ctfon. Prices 63/-*
75>, B4,-. Also supplied with sheep sUin Uniii^s.
Waterproof KU. Leggings 14/6. Trench
Trousers 25/., Gloves 7/6, etc.. etc. Long
Rubber Thigh Boots with nailed leather
s.iles 45 ■ ■■ Tlie" Boot fertile Trenches. 'J^B'*
Khaki Rubber Knee Boots. 25,- (Naitcd
Leather Soles.. :*7,ti).
a
THE
[trench
Waterproof Specialists. {"WAHFR'
1 . » BOOT
\s
Elephant House,
31 CONBUITST., LONDON. W.
fO}ie ^ocrfrom .\c-.i' Jiona St.)
And at Elephant House, DfitLiN,
and CoKK.
48
LAND & WATER
May 25. 1916
SESAUNDERSl
EAST COWES
Contractors to the Admiralty
and War Office.
The
British & Colonial Aeroplane
Co. Ltd.
FILTON. BRISTOL.
CONSTRVCTOKS OP
Cie/w^ila/ive^.
COSTS ACTOKS TO
H.M. War Office & Admiralty.
Telegrams: Ttlfpht^nti : ) Private Branch
" AVIATION, BKJSTOL." 3906 BRISTOL, i Exchange.
(.Continued from pngc 46.)
worker to produce greater results for tlie amount of effort he
jmts fortli. To expect each man henceforth to do three men's
work would not solve the problem, because that would only
wear out men's lives untimely.
This being a scientific age, the obvious course is to employ
machinery to an ever-increasing extent. It does not tire as
rapidly as a man or an animal, and it can embody strength far
beyond the capacity of liuman or animal physique. No form
of machinery illustrates this more convincingly than the
motor. Hence its growing importance as an Imperial factor.
Before the war the world's motor industry was primarily
devoted to the evolution and production of passenger vehicles.
To-day tlie greatest amount of developmental and maniifactur-
ing enterprise in Europe is being concentrated on the utility
motor vehicle. Moreover, in tlie New World there are al-
ready over ninety utility motor vehicle producers. These
facts alone illustrate the extraordinary degree of progress
that has been made in a short time. Rut tliey do not give
the complete idea. Merc haulage of goods cither in bulk or
in retail quantities represents but one among several classes
of demand for motors in the Empire overseas.
During the last two years yet another notable branch of
the industry, the ultimate proportions of which we cannot yet
estimate with any degree of accuracy, has aiisen in coimection
with agriculture.
Agriculture's Demands
In this connection it is argued by some that the British
agricultural motor industry can never attain great proportions
because in most cases the machines it produces are too ex-
pensive for the small farmer at home to buy and too large
for the small fields that provide one of the most notable
characteristics of our scenery. In the latter connection,
however, the Britisher overseas will discover a notable reason
why the agri-motor manufacturers at home are producing
the sorts of machines which will be of the utmost use to him
on the larger scale on which he farms. Nor are those who
contend that the need is for much lighter agri-motor machinery
than we produce wholly in the right, for we make some quite
small varieties.
Of course the most widely agitated point at present touches
the question of price. Despite all the heralding of ])ublicity
agents, the fact remains that no firm in America has yet pro-
duced the much-talked-of half-a-million agri-motors in a
year. The time may come ; but it is not yet. In any case,
however ^v•e recognise the fact that some agri-motor manu-
facturers in the United States are already producing on a
scale much larger than anything our own motor industry
has yet attained, therefore there is no blinking the fact that
they can cut prices accordingly. But there is no pretence
that the cheaper American agri-motors arc intended to last
more than a few seasons. As the advantages of regularly
acquiring fresh types of machinery were never less in any
field of motor enterprise than in that of agriculture by motor,
and as the more expensive types of British-made machines
are very obviously built to last, I see no reason why users
in the Empire overseas should not find it at least as economical
to buy a higher, priced, longer wearing article in preference
to a lower priced one of much less durability.
Ear more important in connection with this matter is the
problem of design. It will take at least a decade before
the average of the workers on the world's farms will have
become engineers of sorts. Therefore agri-motor manu-
facturers must give more and more thought to producing
machinery that can be put into the hands of the ordinary
farm labourer of to-day, as distinct from instruments that
demand the services of a mechanic to maintain them. This
remark applies alike to the agri-motor productions of the
Old and of the New World.
Admittedly, inunensc strides have been made already to-
wards solving this problem ; also in regard to the no less
urgent matter of organising adequate systems for promptly
supplying users with any parts that may be needed froiir
time to time either as renewals or replacements. America
leads the way in this direction. In fine, we are only Ibeginning
to apprehend and utilise the motor as an Imperial factor.
By its aid, in the course of the next few years we shall both
open up and bring jnder cultivation vast tracts of virgin
country all over the world. Farming has already entered on
a new phase in Canada.
Apart from the transport of goods by road and track, and of
ploughing, sowing and reaping by motor, we have to recognise
that we have onlj' begun to employ it on colonial railway
systems, Most of our overseas dominions will soon be produc-
ing all, and more than all the liquid fuel necessary to work
their motors of every kind, including those to be placed
wholesale on their waterways for the cheapest of all forms
of transport.
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
49
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50
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
Half Hours with High Commissioners
By Joseph Thorp
" Half hours " is quite a modest euphemism^ as the various
Secretaries seemed to wish to convey to mc when they ap-
peared at what seemed to them appropriate moments with
important looking documents for signature ; documents of
he sort that capable secretaries always do keep by them for
the purpose of ridding their chiefs of importunate visitors.
I am gratified to think that in each case I survived the first
application of the document treatment.
.A High Commissioner is a sort of Ambassador with a
dash of Supcr-consid-General. The Office for which the
Dominions choose their most distinguished public servants
is one of rapidly developing importance and is shaping
itself according to our traditional method through e.xperience
and practice rather than according to a preconceived or
uniform plan.
The High Commissioner is strictly an official, representing
his government not himself. Canada's representative, Sir
George Perky is actually a Minister of the Canadian
Cabinet, a Minister without portfolio. Mr. Andrew
Fisher and Sir Thomas Mackenzie have both been Prime
Ministers. Mr. Schreincr has had a most distinguished
political and legal career in 'South Africa, and has twice
been Attorney General, and was Prime Minister of the
Cape before the Union.
This official aspect of the position inevitably restricts the
candour of the conversations, especially in war time when
every thorny question puts forth neiv spines. I can
make them no better return for their kindness than to respect
their candour and put the asterisks where these -were enjoined
me. My best service to readers of Land & Water is to
attempt to give some impression of these interesting person-
alities and of the substance of their ■ excellent talk.
I will attempt this in the order of my going.
THE COMMONWEALTH OF
AUSTRALIA
MR. ANDREW FISHER is a tall well-made
man, without superfluous flesh, a bearing almost
military, who has not yet reached the middle
of the sixth decade. About his speech lingers
the flavour of
his native Scot-
land, but no
trace you would
say of the mine
which he en-
tered when he
was eleven. A
man certainly
accustomed to
command. One
has to rub one's
eyes and re-
member that at
the age of twenty-three Andrew Fisher left Scotland,
but before that he had expressed opinions that were
considered of the "agitator" order. That was in the
middle 'eighties. We hadn't begun even to try to under-
stand our " agitators " then. I asked him how he
felt about all that.
" I am glad I went to Australia," he said. " If it
hadn't been for that, why I might have been still in
Scotland thinking seriously of the fate of old age."
" You must have enjoyed your strenuous life ? "
I caught a quickly passing expression of rather queer
dismay.
" Yes, I have. But I wouldn't have another day of
it over again. . . . No, I don't want to let Ufe go.
There's plenty to do, but it's an improving world,
despite the war.''
*****
Here then is the hall-mark of the man, who has
really counted and still counts in affairs— he is not so
much concerned to plume himself on what he has ac-
complished against odds, but to think chiefly of what
yet remains to be done.
I ventured to air a hope that we were nearing
a new day when we shouldn't be so foolishly afraid of
the power of Labour, but should welcome widespread
developments of that power, now faintly seen on the
hoVizon ; and that increased responsibility and fuller
experience would act as effective fly wheels.
" That's it. You have not been fair to Labour. You
don't understand it. You've not trusted it. An animal
trampled on will bite ; it has to. Of course, when
the power of two parties is better balanced you will
get fairer negotiations. You've been too apt to try
dragooning — oh, yes, on both sides, of course I admit
— ^but in the long run, in the average, it is kindness that
tells, sympathy and understanding.
" Our Labour problem out there is free of some of
Labour's worst troubles here and it has made us see
clearer and further in [some ways. We saw an obvious
danger ahead of us and provided against it. We're not
militarist, but military we had to be. Just as the ex-
perience of the war here is teaching Labour things it
didn't realise before.
* * * * * • ■
" But please don't talk of helping the old country.
We're in this because it is our cause just as much as
yours."
" I am afraid that was a bait of mine. Sir. I wanted
to hear you say that — just like that. Old ideas and
phrases die hard. We have, I think, almost got rid
of talking about Colonies and the old fatuous air of
patronage. . . . Perhaps the patronage now is a
little bit the other way ? "
The High Commissioner laughed.
" Oh, I don't think you need take that too seriously.
The Australian talks up Australia because he believes
in his country. We're a young country and no doubt
we've young faults.
" Well, as I have said already, we're not here to
criticise but to help win the war."
" I should like you to tell me some of the things
Australia has done in the way of help, so far as official
discretion permits."
" As to our share in the war. Well, we shouldn't
have been able to get ready so soon to do our bit if it
hadn't been for our system of universal military training
— though as you understand every man who has Come
over is a volunteer for foreign service. As to numbers,
well you appreciate the difficulties. It worfld be
indiscreet if I say that over 150,000 troops of all arms
have up to date left Australia for Europe. I needn't
tefl you that doesn't end our effort. We're all ' last
man and shilling ' folk. There are in training another
180,000, including cadets.
*****
" Finance ? Oh, that's a simple story. During the
first six months the Commonwealth Government had to
finance not only its own administration and its Army
and Navy, but also the States, which were affected by a
prevailing severe drought. The enemy within was much
worse than the enemy without. The Commonwealth
borrowed some 23 millions from the Imperial Government
to finance its war requirements and lent almost exactly
the same sum to the State Governments to enable
them to carry on their public works. When this
money was exhausted Australia realised that she must
stand on her own feet. The Commonwealth Govern-
ment raised a war loan, applied for 5 millions and
received 13 millions at the first call. Within six
months applied for a further 10 millions and received
21. That 34 milUons is not yet quite exhausted, and
I have every confidence that the additional loans
proposed in the House of Representatives by the Treasurer
wiU also be over-subscribed.
" A great deal of our abiUty to go on, naturally, rests
iContinued on page 52.)
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
51
' Lr Solo and M^
■'•%H^«\>»'
\I7HETHER living in town or country you
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4^ h.p. Motor Bicycle (for Solo and Sidecar),
ts great reliability and economy, combined
with the special advantages of the B.S.A.
Countershaft Three-Speed Gear, have made
the B.S.A. one of the most popular
comb nations for either long or short journeys.
1916 B.S.A. Catalogue Free.
THE BIRMINGHAM SMALL ARMS
Co., Ltd.,
78 Small Heath, Birmingham.
t
B.S.A
B.S.A
The remarkable pre-war demand for B.S.A. rifles — for target practice and game
shooting — continues, notwithstanding that supplies have been absent for some time. Fine
design and workmanship and marvellous accuracy are, of course, at the back of it all.
Manufacture will be resumed when machines are again available, and those who appre-
ciate the great value of a fine rifle— for field or range work — will be wise to wait-
There are still left in stock a few rifles of bores .25, .300, and .310, specially
suitable for rook and small game shooting. Full particulars post free.
TIME, FATIGUE AND ANXIETY SAVED BY
B.S.A. "SAFEXIPASXB."
Merely coat the bore of your rifle, gun or pistol barrel with a film of " Safetipaste." Arduous scrubbing
and periodic re-cleaning rendered quite unnecessary. " Safetipaste" kills harmful fouling immediately.
It is extensively used in army rifles at the front. 1 /- per tube. Write for further details free.
THE BIRMINGHAM SMALL ARMS Co., Ltd., BIRMINGHAM.
Makers of rifles and machine guns for British, Colonial, and Foreign Governments.
52
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
Colonial& Continental
Ci)urcf) ^ocietp
(Patron : H.M. THE KING)
urgently needs funds for
I.-ITS WAR ZONE CHAPLAINCIES
Its Chaplaioi ilill remain io Brus»el», Lille, and Croii. to
minister Io the Brilitb who are ilill to be found there.
Iti Chaplains in Partt. Boulogne. Rouen, etc.. have done^ noble
wcrk for our toldiers at well at for Bttttsh retidcnti. Several
of these Chaplains have been in danger ot their live* from the
eaenr.
II.— ITS GREAT WORK IN WEST-
ERN CANADA
Western Canada ha» suffered severely throuih the war: and the
Church hat suffered more than any other body, for a very high
proportion of Churchmen have left their homes to go to the help
ol the Mother Country.
This Society help* to maioUin Clergy *nd Lay Evangelists in
13 diocet«s of the West.
Whole districli will be 'eft without any minister of religioo it
its grants have to be withdrawn.
III.— ITS WORKERS AMONGST
OUR SCATTERED SETTLERS
EVERYWHERE
In the Buih d'orrtet of Auitratil. on the Eait African uplands,
in South Africa, the West Indies, etc., the Colonial anil
Continental Church Society aids the poor, the tcattered, the
strvggliog, and the newly am/ed Bnlisk settler.
Please Help Liberally NOW
Tpeasurer : F. A. BEVAN, Esq.
Secretary : Rev. J. D. MULLINS,
9 Serjeants' Inn, Fleet Street, E.O.
LORD GLADSTONE, Ex-Govemor ot
South Africa, speaking on liis experience
as an Imperial Administrator at the annual
meeting of tlie London Missionary Society, on
May 10, igifa, said : " The most experienced
men in South Africa say now — facing in-
numerable native problems in various parts
of the African continent — deliberately that
the best hope of solving those problems
happily and rightly lies in a forward mission-
ary movement of the Churches. I found in
South Africa the splendid missionary work
and workers self-evident. I have never
doubted the efficacy of missionary work."
LORD BRYCE, Ambassador to the
U.S.A., says : " Because Christianity
now lies under the reproach of having failed to
avert war between Christians, we ought to try
more than ever not to let missionary enterprise
faint or dag, in the firm conviction that
nothing but Christianity can eventually
secure the world's peace."
Zi)t Honbon itiijifiionarp ^ocietp
throughout the British Empire, in India,
Africa, the South Seas, Papua, and Hongkong ;
and through men like Livingstone, Chalmers,
and hundreds of less known men and women,
by education, healing the sick, and by
preaching, is doing its part.
Funds toward achieving the results spoken
of by Lord Bryce and Lord Gladstone are
earnestly solicited.
Treasurer : Mr. Evan Spicer, D.L., J. P.
Home Secretary : Rev. Nelson Bitton,
16 New Bridge Street, E.C.
(finnUnved trom pnge 50)
in the getting a prompt return for our great primary
products — that is, wool and wheat. That makes the
problem of transport, whicli is now receiving the careful
consideration of the Prime Minister in London, the
paramount problem."
" And what in your view does the future of Australia
chiefly depend upon ? " I said, asking the preposterously
overwhelming question without which no interview is
complete.
But the answer was not in the vague terms that such
a question usually invites. There was fire in the reply.
" On our education, as yours does. Programme —
well but we haven't time to talk of that. But, some
other day.
But here the Seci;etary came in for the second time
with a distinct air of finality and laid some real letters
before his Chief.
When I pulled out my watch with a hand tingling from
a very cordial handshake, I gasped. . . . But
I carried with me a much prized invitation to discuss
education and other matters under conditions necessitating
less official discretion on the one sideband less abject
politeness on the other. And distinctly, a picture of
a real man.
NEW ZEALAND
SIR THOMAS MACKENZIE received me in the
beautiful new offices of the Dominion of New
Zealand, just opposite the Tivoli site in the Strand.
I hope Sir Thomas won't mind my saying that
he might be
taken for a
Londoner. He
doesn't want to
be one I know ;
he is a New Zea-
lander through
and through
But as he says
the " youngest
colony " though
it is as sturdily
nationalist and
independent in
the best sense
of both words
as the other
Dominions — well, time hasn't altered its characteristics so
much New Zealand too has some of the best
things of our climate (omitting some of the most beastly
and taking volcanoes and geysers as a sort of make
weight). In so far as the country makes the man
they have distinctly the advantage of us.
As all -our world has learnt with the profoundest
sympathy, the High Commissioner's gallant son lost his
sight from wounds in Gallipoli, and that sorrow (though
not alluded to) made itself felt in the interview.
Mindful of my broken conversation with Mr. Fisher on
education, I thought the subject might serve as an
opening here. As it happens, no choice could have
been more felicitous. It was obviously the High Com-
missioner's real hobby, though " Who's Who " gives
" exploration, natural history and sport."
Sir Thomas has been closely associated with the really
admirable educational system of New Zealand and
spoke of its democratic opportunity and its ingenious
machinery. The system of Education Boards, chosen
not directly but by the popularly elected Committees,
and the delegation of real power and responsibility to
these Boards, draws an admirable type to this Splendid
opportunity of citizenship. I listened to a brilliant
(brilliant because so transparently sincere) exposition of
the ideals and achievements of an enthusiast. A few
points stand out in relief.
"Anyone capable of going from the obligatory primary
schools to the secondary and out from these on to the
University can do so. . , . Wherever there are
twelve children in a village a school is pro\ided. Where-
ever there arc less the dovcrnment provides £'6 a year
for each child to the parents in the lonely districts to help
pay the cost of schooling; at home. . . . It is arranged
iContinutd on page 54.)
M?
i\'
if)i6
LAND & WATER
5.3
presents many varied attractions for the Tourist and
Sportsman, and provides an ideal Home for British People.
It has a health}' and pleasant climate. The water is pure. There
are no snakes or noxious insects, nor any fevers peculiar to the country.
There are scores of beautiful lakes and hundreds of splendid rivers,
where the finest trout fishing in the world is obtainable — Rainbow,
Brown and Loch Leven being taken in very large quantities.
There are hundreds of miles of majestic mountains, ranging up to
13,000 feet. Comfortable Alpine hostels. Guides and all climbing
accessories are obtainable.
The New Zealand Fjords are admitted by travellers to be the
largest and grandest in the World.
The Government Tourist Department gives every assistance to visitors .
Excellent Steamship Services run from London and Plymouth direct
to New Zealand.
The Midsummer months in New Zealand are November, December
and Januars'.
Further Information is obtainable from
THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR NEW ZEALAND.
413-416 THE STRAND, LONDON, W.C.
||f
The wonderful natural resources of
QUEBEC offer unique opportunities
for the profitable investment of
British capital.
Abundant Water power is available and is almost
given away to new companies establishing bona fide
industries. Several municipalities are offering free
sites, exemption from taxation, and electric power at
very low rates to manufacturers. THE MINING
INDUSTRY provides the raw material of many British
industries, products including Molybdenite, Feldspar,
Magnesia, Graphite, Copper, Iron Ore, Iron Sand, and
Asbestos. The steel trade is booming. Hardware,
Enamelware, and Woodwarc offer excellent oppor-
tunities. New Pa|)er and Pulp Mills are urgently
required. AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS include
Wheat, Oats, Potatoes, and other Field Crops. Dairy
and other product* include Butter and Cheese, Apples
and other Fruit, Tobacco, Live Stock, etc.
QUEBEC
(OanadA).
For further particulars apply to —
The Agcnt-Gcncral for Quebec, 36 Kingsway,
London, W.C.
By AGNES GORDON
LENNOX.
MR. JOHN L ANE^S LATEST BOOKS
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THE BYWONNER
By F. E. MILLS YOUNG. Author of " The Great
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PIERRE NOZIERE
By ANATOLE FRANCE. Transatcd by J. LEWIS
MAY. Collected English Edition of the Works of
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BROWNIE
Author of " A Girl's Marri.ige."
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VIVISECTION : a heartless science
By The Hon. STEPHEN COLERIDGE. Cr. 8vo., 5s. net.
JOHN LANE, THE BODLEY HEAD, LONDON, W.
54
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
CHAMBERS'S ENCYCLOP/EDIA
A Dictionary of Universal Knowledge. 10 Vols.
Reprinted in li)15. t'loth, £5 net. ; h;ilf-inorn., £7 1 Os. net.
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• -nicwlmt Ijir^it-r fralr, and thniiyh thi**
1 om gliitl to h.ive the apijordinity
01 j;t\ 111,; yuii i]tt> upiitU'U Lur uliuL ti ii> vvucth. Id work surli a.-* mino It W an
opinion wh'w-U i* coustnnUv piit to the leH, and Ihave never known tliattcat to fall."
CHAMBERS'S CYCLOPEDIA OF ENBLISH LITERATURE
,-{ vols.. rIoUt £1 11». 6d. Tu-t; hHlf-iiion... £2 5s.net.
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that the railways, where necessary, take the children to
school free of charge, and springcarts are also hired for
that purpose. The teacher's pay is liberal. He is
recognised as a national asset. Our system of education
is secular, although from time to time colonists have
desired to introduce religious instruction, and the Roman
Catholics especially have pointed out the hardships under
which they labour in requiring to provide their own
schools. The system was brought to us largely by our
Scottish colonists. Otago, the pro\ance to which my
father went, was settled by the Free Church of Scotland,
and Canterbury by the Church of England. Large grants
of land were set aside in both . these pro\'inccs for
religious purposes, and churches still receive considerable
support from these sources. Other provinces were settled
by people from different counties in England. New
Plymouth, for instance, was settled by Devonshire people.
"A youth of ordinary ability will receive a grant in aid
during the later stages of his schooltime of £io a year ;
if of extraordinary ability, a grant of ^^40 over and above
his free education." ft sounded like the Millennium to me
and made me wonder whether the hard days that are
probably coming for the professional classes in the matter
of education mightn't drive some of us to apply for ad-
mission into this admirably alert young State.
I suppose I began apologising for something else, for
Sir Thomas got up and let me have it straight from the
shoulder. It wasn't a piece thrown off for publication,
as I saw, if I may tell it without indiscretion, tears in
his eyes.
" Don't go on apologising," he said. " Let me tell
you from watching you pretty closely during the war,
you're— you're a— a grand people/ Still as sound as
ever. It is a privilege to be here. Our fellows love your
men when they come across them ; their cheeriness,
their grit, their very way of pretending there is nothing in
it. Your hospitality to us has been astonishing. It has
only got to be known that we need anything and the thing's
done
" You know all this means a great deal to me. I
suppose the old country is less " home " to me than it
was to my faiher ; and to my children it is just a little bit
farther away still. Old bonds were naturally weakening
a little. That couldn't be helped ; it is just the passing of
time. But all this coming together in the war is just the
big thing that was wanted to pull us all together again, and
for all the dreadfulness of it, absolutely nothing could be
better for the future we all look forward to ... .
Oh, yes, of course there are things we don't like and per-
haps we shall have things to say in due time. But don't
you go a\\-ay with any impression that the young people
have any contempt for the old. England, or rather
Britain, will always be " home " in the old sense for
me and for my children and for theirs, if it keeps as
sound as it is to-day."
This was good hearing indeed. And I ventured,
catching at a hint, to touch on the vexed question of
Land Settlement."
The conditions of settlement which prevail in New
Zealand are very generous, and enormous assistance is
given by our progressive Government in encouraging
the workman to become his own landlord and to give
him a vested interest in the Dominion. However,
we want to win this war, and after that is done I
think there will be a wide field for the enterprising
spirits of the Old Country."
" Oh, of course we have got room for the right
men. And women ? Oh j^es. But they ought to be
real home makers, really trained. It does seem to
me that here as with us there is an astonishing neglect
of the science, or the art rather isn't it, of domestic
economy. Another of my hobbies, which I musn't ride
" By the way, this might interest you, though it is
nothing to do with the matter in hand. A Turkish
officer forwarded to this office a pound note which had
been found by one of his men on the dead body of one of
ours, together with a memorandum by the poor fellow
asking that the pound should be sent to his mother if
he was killed. As you know our fellows came back with
(Continued on page 56.)
May 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
55
Vf^OIMNDS
HATS
Unique
Distinctive
and Smart.
V. 271.— Bangkok
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E. 103. —
Black Lis^re
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flesh-coloured pink,
trimmed with black silk
bow at back and
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In nigger, burnt, navy,
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Catalogue of
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Post Free on
application.
/
E. 92. — Charming
Hat, straw brim, lined
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£. V_
V. 273. - Coarse
Straw Sailor Hat,
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and tie bow, in all
colours. « ^ if\
Price 14/9
WOOLLAND BROTHERS
95 to 107 KNIGHTSBRIDGE
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Jiny Regimenlal Sodge Perfectly Modelled.
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CORSETS
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HIP-BELT, as sketch,
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1
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Famous lor over a Ccnf ury
forTostCi (or Qnaliiy Tor Value
56
LAND & WATER
May 25, 19 16
tColiUnutd fiom patfe 51.)
a very high feeling of affection for the Turk as a clean
fighting man. You see he can be a gentleman in other
ways also."
THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA.
M
R. SCHREINER carries his aU but three
score years amazingly. I hope it is not out
of order to note that he is a singularly
handsome man and that one of our real
painters should
find it worth
his while to
make a study of
the clear, sun-
warmed skin,
the blue of ex-
ceechngly keen
wise eyes and
the warm grey
of the beard.
He speaks with
a finish and a
fastidious choice
of phrase which
1 do not attempt to reproduce.
I found, if I may be frank, his extreme official discretion
(while I could not but admire it) a little disconcerting. He
knew all my gambits and no doubt some scores of others.
My battalions of highly inteihgent questions were withered
by what I ma\- call his curtain fire. On nothing approach-
ing a controversial qucstion--and " are not most ques-
tions from certain aspects controversial ? " — would he
allow any comment to pass his lips.
Trade arrangements, zollvereins, ah, those were indeed
very delicate questions to discuss in detail at any time,
particularly during the war.- As General Botha had
said, let us get on with the war and win it. Arrange
after^vards. That seemed to him (for the purpose of this
interview) extremely sound.
The general feeUng of the Dutch in South Africa ?
Well, who could answer for the general feeling of any
body of men ? The broad facts open to all the world
stood for themselves. Clearly Botha's commandos in
South-West .\frica had their fair share of Dutchmen.
As to the troops going over to England, of course there
were less of Dutch than British blood. Sentiment
counted a good deal. And then farmers (you have an
analogous case in French Canada), were always less
alive to questions outside their immediate ken than
townsfolk. And it was worth noting that South
Africa had had one of its worst periods of drought, and
the men after serving in thousands in South-Wcst
Africa, simply had to return to the farms to save the
country's agriculture from sheer ryin.
And what of tlie futvuo ? Well, he could say that the
change tiiat had taken place in the fourteen years since
the war was all but unbelievable. To hive "heard and
seen the bitterness of some of the defeated in those early
days was to dread that a future of reconciliation might
be impossible. Yet the impossible had been substantially
achieved. The tolerance and wisdom of the British
Government, the sanity and faith of the men who
promised allegiance at Verceniging, education, in which
great strides were being made, intermarriage, which was
becoming more and more common, were doing this all-
important work.
******
Yes, the war would in South Africa as elsewhere,
strengthen the feeling of unity.
******
Only there were difficulties and dangers and no easy
solutions. " There never are easy solutions." Nor could
comprehensive statements be made.
******
The rebellion was a tragedy, but it had a happy ending.
*****
Yes, there -vill always be nationalist aspiration every-
where. But in South Africa it could be reconciled with
keeping complete faith with the fellowship of the Empire.
Indeed no other serviceable plan gives better hope for
South African nationalism.
*****
He would like to say that the War Office had been
extremely considerate towards South African applicants
iContinxted on imge J8.^
rrWE CAR SUPEREXCELLENT
■j( sIogM fnm ihe Fnni, uintd by a solditr-Jrivir m <harge of a Vauxhall :
he finest car on active service''
^ERT.AIN facts in the matter of motor-
cars and wnr service should be kept
steadily in mind by prospective buyers. One
is th;u His Majesty's Government is still, after
nearly two years' ex|)erictice of Vauxhall cars,
purdiasing every one that can be produced.
Another i^ that the Vauxhall factory is kept
wholly engaged on the building of staft" cars.
Apply these facts and you arrive ar the justifi-
cation for the above-quoted slogan. Take into
account' further that these military cars are,
except for details of equipment and finish, the
private cars of peace time, and you see that
there is the strongest personal reason why you
should form a cl^||la|||abiding idea of the
speciar distinction acfncvcd by tlic Vauxhall.
You can secure an option on a Vauxhall car for after-war delivery, without inonrriod -„ • i
obligation, by putting your name down on our w^irind li.. !„ '^: J"!!!."!;"""'™?4 ""? J!''"^'"*
-J « -• y «> 4 . - - .
after the war of consumer and producer. Please send for a copy to-day.
-umn^
sr -:^x^
A VAUXHALL PKIVArE CAB
VAUXHALL MOTORS LIMITED, 174-182 GREAT PORTEAND STREET W
ANO AT rSTItOGIIAD * '
May 25, TQ16
LAND & WATER
57
To the
"Friends of Soldiers
throughout the Empire.
HELP THE Y.M.C.A. IN ITS GREAT
WORK FOR OUR TROOPS ON ALL
THE FIGHTING FRONTS.
95
THE National Council of the
Y.M.C.A, appeal to all those who
have the welfare of our men at
heart ta help in the great work, they have
undertaken for the comfort of our Soldiers
and Sailors at the Military and Naval
training centres throughout the Empire
and behind all the fighting fronts.
The 1,200 buildings and tents which have
already been erected are doing magnificent
work and are crowded daily. If it were not
for these buildings thousands of our brave
soldiers would have nowhere to go for rest,
refreshment, recreation, and to write letters
home.
The rapid increase in numbers of our men
on Service and the growth of our line in France
has necessitated a considerable extension of the
work. An earnest appeal is therefore made for
gifts of every size to enable the full service of
the Y.M.C.A. to be extended to these new
military centres.
Will you help ? A complete building,
several of which are required immediately
behind the firing line in France, costs ;^450.
Large tents and marquees, more than one
hundred of which are urgently needed, cost £2^0
each. Quiet rest rooms are required for addition
to existing buildings — these cost ^^ 100 each. A
number of larger buildings (costing from ^^^o
to ;^6oo each) are also required for the extension
of the work in the Home Camps.
Do not delay.
The need of our brave men is urgent, and we ask
you to send your gifts to-day so that the great
work shall be extended and maintained.
Almost up to the Trenches."
POST THIS TO-DAY.
. L. Barclay, 12, Russell Square, W.C.
ileasure in enclosing £
towards the special work of the Y.M.C.A. for the
troops.
Name....
Address .
" Land and Water.
58
LAND & WATER
May ^5, igib
STANFORD'S WAR MAPS
War Map No. 17.
STANFORD'S HALF-INCH MAP OF THE
BRITISH FRONT IN FRANCE AND
FLANDERS.
A very clear and detailed Map, Coloured on the layer system, and
showing by a red line the approximate Battle Front, from Boesinghe
on the North to the Somme on the South, on March I, 1916.
One Sheets 22 in. by 42 in.i 2 miles to 1 in. (1 : 126,720). Prices!
Gsloured Sheet, 3a. ; mounted to (old in case, 6a. 6d.
War Map No. 16.
THE THEATRE OF WAR IN THE
BALKAN PENINSULA.
This Map extends to Temesvar and the Transylvanian Alps on the
North, Corfu and Brusa on the South, and from Sarajevo to the Black
Sea and Constantinople. It is Coloured on the layer system, and thus
forms a companion MaptoNos, 11 and 14, which are on the same scale.
One Sheet : 42 in. by 28 in. ; 18 miles to I in. (1 : 1,140,000). Prices :
Coloured Sheet, 5a. ; mounted to fold in case, 8s. 6d.
War Map No. 15.
SKETCH MAPof GERMAN EAST AFRICA
AND SURROUNDING TERRITORIES.
The Map is Coloured to show the present Political Divisions, and
includes Entebbe and Nairobi on the North, and Forts Jameson and
Johnston on the South. The great upland Lakes of Victoria, Tan-
ganyika, and Nyasa, as well as the smaller Lakes Edward, Kivu,
Moero, and Bangeulu, are marked.
One Sheet! 22 in. by 30 in.; 40-83 miles to I in. (It 2,587,000).
Prices! Coloured Sheet, 3a.; mounted to fold in case. 5s.
War Map No. 9.
THE SEAT OF WAR IN TURKEY.
Including from Buda-Pesttothe Persian Gulf,and from the Sea of Azov
to the Gulf of Akaba. The Suez Canal is included, and Egypt as far
as Cairo.
One Sheet: 42 in. by 30 in.; SOJmiles to I in. (1 ! 3,220,177), Prices:
Coloured Sheet, 5s. : mounted to fold in case, 8a. 6d.
War Map No. 10.
THE SEAT OF WAR IN ARMENIA.
Including Trebizond, Batum, and Tiflis on the North, Diarbekr.
Van, and T.ibriz on the South.
One Sheet: 30 in. by 22 in.; 15-78 miles to 1 in. (1: 1,000,000).
Prices: Coloured Sheet, 2s. 6d. : mounted to fold in case, 5s.
Central Europe.
STANFORD'S REPRODUCTION OF PART
OF THE GERMAN OFFICIAL MAP OF
CENTRAL EUROPE
(1 : 300,000). Enlarged to the scale of 4 miles to 1 in., and issued in
sheets about 25 by 20 in. The following sheets are now issued : —
Riga, Jacobstadt, Szawle, Vilkomierz, Konigsberg, Kowno, Wilna,
Lomza, Grodno, Slonim, Warsaw, Brest Litovsk, Pinsk, Radom,
Lublin, Kowel. The Map (printed in black, blue and red) is full of
detail, and embraces the area between Riga on the North and Cholm
on ihe South, Nowogeorgievsk on the West, and the marshes of Pinsk
on the East. This is the best map upon which to study the important
movements of the Armies on the Eastern battle front.
InSlieets:25by20in.;4milesto I in. (1 : 250,000). Price per sheet, 3si
War Map, No. 14.
THE SEAT OF WAR ON THE AUSTRO-
ITALIAN FRONTIER.
A detailed Map of parts of France, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, and
Italy surrounding the Austro-Italian theatre of war ; including on the
North, Dijon, Munich, and Vienna, and on the South, Marseille,
Ancona, and Spalato. Coloured on the layer system to show Eleva'
tions, with the present International Boundaries clearly marked.
One Sheet : 35 in. by 22 in. ; 18 miles to 1 in. (1 : 1,140,000). Prices :
Sheet, 4s. ; mounted to fold in case, 6s. 6d.
War Map No. 5.
THE NORTH SEA AND THE BALTIC.
Embracing the whole of the British Islands on the West, and FarSe
Islands and Aland Islands on the North, the Entrance to the Gulf of
Finland on the East, and Vienna and Paris on the South.
One Sheet: 30 in. by 22 in.; 50i miles to I in. (l! 3,220,177). Prices:
Coloured Sheet, 2s. 6d.; mounted to (old in case, 5s. ; mounted on
board to hang, 5s.
A New Map.
WORLD MERC ATOR. Stanford's New
Library Chart of the World on Mercator's
Projection.
Drawn to an Equatorial Scale of 350 nautical miles to an inch.
Four Sheets. Size complete, 78 by 54 in. Prices : Coloured Sheets,
14s.; mounted to fold in leather case, 25s ; mounted on rollers
and varnished, 25s. ; mounted on spring roller, £5
Particulars of all the best War Maps sold b^ Edioird Stanford Ltd. post free.
London: EDWARD STANFORD, Ltd.
12, 13. and 14, LONG ACRE, W.C.
CARTOGRAPHERS TO HIS MAJESTY THE KING.
T
(Continued /rom page S6.)
for commissions, and he was proud of the South Africans
both in the contingents and in the vaiious units of the
Army and Navy who had come over.
* 4i * * *
" With regard to finance, if you look through tliis
report of Mr. Burton's speech in the House of Assembly,
you'll get an impression of the temper of the House with
regard to the war and the satisfactory state of South
African finance. I don't suppose the details would
interest your readers, as they won't generally understand
the controversies that lie behind them."
H it was a strategical defeat I can at least claim a
tactical victory. I was an hour and some minutes older
and something wiser than when I entered. I had had
a lesson in official discretion, and had listened to comments
from the man as distinct from the official, and put by con-
sent outside the scope of this interview, of interesting
aspects of the Imperial problem.
THE DOMINION OF CANADA
HERE must be something in High Commis-
sioning wliich keeps the body young. You
would give Sir George Perley a dozen years
less than his publicly recorded age. You find
here the man
of b u s i n e f s ,
direct, to the
point, \vith his
decisive speech
and quick de-
cisions.
The question
of racial prob-
lems cropped up
from my South
African conver-
sation.
"Oh. the
French Cana-
dian ? Mostlj- a
farmer like the
South African
Dutchman, less
generally a lum-
ber man, is not
much interested
in world politics. W hat he is interested in is farms— his
farm. He is quite content to live under the British
flag and certainly wouldn't like any other.
. . . No, the French alliance can't be said to make
much difference. It is just that the farming class
never does see these things in the same way as the
townsman. And, of course, our settlers out West are
newer to the country and their links with the Mother
Land are necessarily much stronger. As to the detach-
ment of the farmer you have surely something of the
same sort here in England. Though I suppose the
squires modify this a little.
" Oh yes, Bourassa is an out and out autonomist.
He wants an independent Canada. Bourassa is able
and sincere, but naturally we're not in sympathy
with his separatism. Wbat we want, of course, is a say in
matters of life and death, as we have it in lesser matters.
*****
. . . Of course, Laurier has fav( ured our giving
every possible assistance all through. There is nothing
like a political crisis ; we're all of us wth you all the
time. When we have seen this thing through together
perhaps we shall be able to find some common ground for
close Imperial relations."
" Would you mind, Sir George, being a Kttle more
ex[)licit ? "
"Well, you know; I rather would mind ! "
" Oh yes, I know it's a delicate subject and by this
time I know something of the appalling discretion of High
Commissioners, but it's a really fundamental and interest-
ing one. How do you think we ought to set about getting
this question fixed ? "
" Well, you are asking rather a good deal you know.
I think I may say this that I don't believe in a set plan.
(Continued on page 60.)
May 25j 1916
LAND & WATER
S9
BARKER STORE
The finest Household Store in London
The Market Floor
A huge space devoted entirely to comestibles for the Table
-and daily the scene of the greatest animation and colour
Every need, to the smallest item in table and household economy,
is supplied from this great super-store by frequent daily motor van
deliveries to the residential districts of the West End and the suburbs
For the Toilet Table
On the first floor, with a five-lift service, is a series of
Salons of Continental charm and of especial appeal to ladies
Every need in requisites for the Toilet Table is met in this attractive
shop, with numberless other interesting- things in the way of leather
goods for personal and general use, fancy articles, stationery, books, etc.
The Men's Shop
The whole of the second floor is the man's domain,
where everything that interests him is to be seen
There are the tailoring rooms, specially fitted up for his
comfort and convenience ; the room for his shirts, pyjamas
and the hundred items of personal wear ; the hat salon
and the department for boots — everything in the one g-reat shop
Grand Restaurant
This magnificent apartment is on the 3rd floor
with the Man's Lounge and the Ladies' Rooms adjoining
Shopping Luncheons daily : West End Cuisine
Popular rendezvous for Afternoon Tea
Music : 3 to 6
John Barker and Compy., Ltd., Kensington, w.
I.U
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
(Continued horn page 58.)
I think if any group were to put up a scheme all the other
groups might fall upon it, more or less on principle.
" I have thought of the possibility of an Empir
Conference of not more than twenty-five members,
delegates from all parts of the Empire, sitting here in
London, hearing opini. ns and suggestions, discussing
everything fully, and eventually putting forward a draft
which had been approved by them all.
* • * * ♦
I think you would find that such a draft would
be accepted by all the Five Nations. But that's
promature. Let's get back to facts. The war, for
instaiKe.
" As to Canada's share in the war, I might remind
you that within three weeks of the declaration of war
we had 33,000 men fully armed and equipped, and
within six weeks they were ready to cross for their final
training. Then you know about Yprcs and the rest.
" As to patriotic gifts ; there is a Canadian Patriotic
Fund of $9,000,000 ; the Canadian Red Cross, of
83,500,000 ; contributions to the British Red Cross for
.S2, 000,000 ; to the Belgian Relief Fund for $2,000,000 ;
funds for $2,000,000 to the Special Machine Gun Fund,
and for miscellaneous purposes over another million and
a half. And, of course, more, for these are not actually
accounted to date.
" Then there were the gifts in kind. Here is a memo-
randum of them : Canada sent as a gift 1,000,000 bags
of flour, 500,000 bushels of oats were given by the Alberta
Government ; 4,000,000 lb. of cheese by the Quebec
Government ; 100,000 tons of coal was offered by Nova
Scotia (in lieu of this Sioo.ooo was sent for the relief of
distress) ; 100,000 bushels of oats by Prince Edward
Island ; 250,000 bags of flour by Ontario ; cheese and
hay by Prince Edward Island ; 1,500 horses by Saskat-
chewan ; 100,000 bushels of potatoes by New Brunswick ;
50,000 bags of flour by Manitoba ; 25,000 cases of
canned salmon by British Columbia, etc., etc. A very
large quantity of flour is now being sent from Sas-
katchewan.
" With regard to the wounded, here is a memorandum
from Surgeon-General G. Carleton Jones, our Director of
medical services. I'll take out a few salient facts.
" Besides the ordinary Canadian hospitals in England
there are three special hospitals for after-treatment —
Ramsgate, Folkestone, Buxton
" To Ramsgate go all cases of nervous shock ; bones
and joints that require further treatment ; and here also
the re-education and technical training of the soldier
goes on. The men also make the splints, crutches, etc.,
for the Canadian hospital authorities. At Folkestone
diseases and injuries of the eye, ear, nose and throat
are dealt with. In such cases needing immediate and
continuous treatment, the men are treated here instead of
being invalided home.
" Among the many acts of kindness we may specially
acknowledge that of His Majesty in putting Upper
Lodge, Bushey Park, at our disposal for the Canadian
convalescents and of Mr. John Walter in devoting Bear
Wood Park to the same purpose.
" Then as I think you know, the munition work over
with us has been put on a sound basis and is very
much more considerable than most people here have any
realisation of."
I next led that usual trump. Emigration. " Of
course we want men, the right kind of men. Sturdy
fellows from the land. Fellows also vrith initiative and,
at least, a little capital. There are magnificent chances,
especially in the western provinces, and of course war
must have its effect on emigration ; war always does.
And I think you've seen the kind of men we turn out."
" You mean the kind that looks you straight in the
eyes, and if you annoy it teUs you to go to etc. ?
Yes, we've all been enormously impressed with the faces
of your men and the Anzacs. I remember two of your
fellows I met from the camp near Hythe, and we had a
day together in London. One an engine driver ; one a
bank clerk. And there wasn't any difference in manner,
or speech or equipment between them."
Needless to say, Sir George takes the view of all big
Dominion men that Canada isn't fighting just to help
England, but to do her share for the Empire.
Perfect Tailoring at Moderate Charges.
WEST END:
215, 217, 219 Regent Street, W.
CITY:
132 Fenchurch Street, E.G.
(Opposite Mincing Lane).
ECONOMY AND TAILORING.
T T would be false economy, even in war time, to starve what is essentially a home industry, such as
-■■ Tailoring. To be well dressed does not of necessity mean extr.ivagance. A reasonable expenditure
on clothes is necessary. Moreover, good and well-fitting clothes counteracts depression and are a
fine tonic, especially in these times of nerve strain.
SERVICE OUTFITS.
No materials but those of guaranteed quality are used, the garments are all perfectly
tailored and regulation requirements are carried out in every detail. Price Utt od .ppiK<t>on.
A call invited or patterns sent on request.
Lounge Suit, as bkctcb,
£3 13 6
The fullest satisfaction is guaranteed.
SEN^D H. rrUBE OF
"BETULA ALBA JELLY"
To your friends with the British Expeditionary Force.
IT PREVENTS MOSQUITO, MIDGE and other INSECT
BITES, and Is therefore a COMFORT & NECESSITY to them.
loTaluable to Fishermen and all engaged in Outdoor Sports.
In metallic tubes 6d.i postage single tube 2d., 6 tubes 4d.
OSBORNE, BAUER & GHEESEMAN.
19 GOLDEN SQUARE, RECENT ST., LONDON.
DROITWICH
NATURAL
BRINE BATHS.
For Rheumatisnri, Arthritis. Sciatica, etc.
THERE IS NO SUBSTITUTE FOR THESE
WORLD-RENOWNED BATHS, WHICH CAN
ONLY BE OBTAINED AT THE SPA.
Lovely Country and Holiday District — Good Hotels, etc.
Illustrated Boc<klet Free Irom Baths Director:
J. H. HOLLYER, 36 Spa Officu. Droiiwich (Worci.).
J
Hunt Servants' Benefit Society and Hunt Servants' Health Insurance Friendly Society.
The Forty-Fourth Annu.il Geiwral Meeting of the Hunt Servants' Benefit Society, and the Fourth Annual Central Mectini; of the Hunt Servants' Health Insurance Friendly
Society, will b« held in the Subscription Room at Messrs. Tattersalls', Knightsbridge, Lontion, S.W., on the morning of Thursday, the 1st day of June, at Eleven o'clocl<
Nominations of candidates foi slection to the Conmittee of Management of the latter Society mu«t be given in writing to the Secretary, not less than seven days before
the Annual Genera* M«eli(^. H. W. WRICHT, Secretary, 40, Brompton Road, London, 8.W.
May 25, 1910
LAND & WATER
bx
The French Red Cross
By Hilaire Belloc
I HAVE been asked to say a word with regard to the
claims of the French Red Cross, and, though I have no
competence in such a matter, I am particularly happy
to do so from my knowledge of the work which the
London Committee has accomplished. This Committee
covers the work done for the French Red Cross not only in
the United Kingdom, but throughout the Colonies and the
United States. It was established by, and under the presi-
dency of, M. Paul Cambon, the French Ambassador, to act
as a national clearing house for the contributions of the
British Empire to the Red Cross in France. From small
beginnings the Committee has grown until its sphere extends
over the Mrhole of the United Kingdom, the Colonies, and the
United States. From all parts of the world contributions
have come in money and in kind, no less than in the form of
personal services. To collect all this material, to transmit it
to France, and to distribute it there, where it is most needed,
is the work of the Committee.'
Some 25 British hospitals, aggregating over 3,000 beds,
have been founded, staffed, and run by Great Britain for the
French wounded. The Committee acts for all of these and
contributes to their support in a greater or less degree.
Direct contributions of money ; drugs, dressings, clothing,
food, and stores have been sent to over 1^200 French hospitals.
Should resources permit, the Committee will assist the work
of 4,000 more hospitals which are working unceasingly for
the French wounded.
The Committee has sent out over 250 motor cars and motor
ambulances with British drivers, and these are working in
convoys close to the trenches, and for base hospitals in every
part of the country. The Committee has supplied and
equipped X-ray automobiles, one for each of the ten armies,
and these are moved to where the need is greatest, diagnosing
the wounds as they come from the field dressing stations.
Fixed X-ray installat'ions, douches, disinfectors, sterilizers,
and other necessary apparatus have been supplied in many
Red Cross hospitals in regions where the war has swept
away the resources of the Red Cross Societies. A fairly
full record of all this work of the Committee may be found
in the report, " The Work of the French Red Cross," published
by authority of the Committee.
"The question as to why Great Britain and her Colonies
should be making a special effort of this kind may be
answered in two ways. In the first place, the chief manu-
facturing provinces of France are occupied by the enemy,
thereby largely crippling French resources. Since the lirst
day of the war every able-bodied man has been mobilised,
and the country is filled with refugees from the invaded
departments. Many a home has not only lost its bread-
winner, but is also supporting these refugees. This is a special
burden which France alone of the western Allies has to bear.
No such trial as this has been imposed on Britain, where,
save for the transfer of men from manufacturing to military
activity, industry is practically unharmed, and the homes of
the people are virtually secure.
In the second place, as this war is testing the material
endurance of every nation, so it is trying the tempers of the
people. The North-Eastern corner of France, from the
Channel to the Somme, has seen the British Army and the
people there know what Britain has done, as dc those in
authority in France. It has remained, however, for the
Red Cross to spread throughout the country a special aad
generous message of good will from Britain, which would
have been impossible of communication through any other
channel. It is not long since that the French Minister of War
pointed out how important it was for the French people t»
realise the amount of good that had been done by tliis Com-
mittee in extending and cementing the understanding be-
tween the two nations, and he begged for continuance and
renewal of the Committee's efforts.
The multiplicity of claims upon the public at this moment
makes it a little difficult to speak for one more than for another,
but if there is one fund asking for subscriptions which
thoroughly deserves the support of the public at this time, it
is this, which is perhaps the most directly useful of all spon-
taneous actions undertaken in support of the common cause.
aI
I
Write for our
booklet, "Science
and Tyres." It
will interest you.
Every one a "Heavyweight"
'T^^HERE'S some good stufF
-^ there ! " remarks the expert
as he feels the vpeight and notes the
substance of the Henley Tyre. He
is right. There is good stuff there —
the best rubber, the best workman-
ship, and an experience of 50 years'
successful treatment of rubber.
When Henleys started making
tyres, their aim was to make the best
that could be produced. Now the
aim is to maintain the high standard
of excellence reached.
For durability, for resilience, for
all-round satisfaction, Henley Tyres
cannot be beaten. It is much to be
doubted if they can be equalled.
1 '.very " Henley " Tyre is a "heavy-
wei rht" with an extra stout casing,
and every Henley Tyre is
Made in England by British Labour.
Manufactured by
W. T. HENLEY'S TELEGRAPH WORKS CO., LTD.
Tyre Dept. : 18 New Union Street, Moorfields, London, E.C.
Telephone No. :
3886 Londoa Wall.
Telegrams :
" Hetewocol, Ave,
London."
62
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
THE SAMARITAN S SERVICE
MAY BE RENDERED BY YOU
TO THE BRAVE DEFENDERS OF
VERDUN
THROUGH THE LONDON COMMITTEE
of the
FRENCH RED CROSS
+
'T^HE Tribute of one Brave Nation to another is not paid in Words but in
-^ Sympathy. The Valour of France is immortalised in the name Verdun,
and every Briton can pay his Tribute to the Heroes of this great defence by
sending- a cheque to succour the French Wounded to H.E. THE FRENCH
AMBASSADOR, ALBERT GATE, LONDON, S.W., or to the Hon.
Secretary, 9, Knightsbridge, London, SAV., where gifts in kind will also be most
gratefully received. Cheques should be made payable to the Hon. Treasurer,
French Red Cross.
PLEASE HELP
THE NEED IS VERY URGENT
"Patrons.
H.M. QUEEN ALEXANDRA.
H.E. PAUL CAMBON,
French Ambassador.
'President.
VICOMTESSE DE LA PANOUSE.
I\Uiy 25, 1916
LAND & WATER
The Overseas Club
65
THE OVERSEAS CLUB is the work of a dreamer of
dreams who at the same time happens to be a man
of business and affairs. Hence it has succeeded be-
yond the wont of dreams. The central idea was
to it- to practical use some of that fine spirit of fellowship
wliich the scattered Britishers feel for each other, for the old
flag and the old country. Here was a great thing not less
real because intangible and imponderable. It needed a
conduit. And there were difficult days coming for the
Empire not only in war,' which was not explicitly in the
\ ision, but in peace. The Club was to.be a band of
brotliers that should know and appreciate something of the
privileges and responsibilities of British Citizenship.
It was inaugurated in 1910, on August 27th, Trafalgar Day.
It found a patron in Lord Northcliffe, to whom the severest
critic would not deny the faculty of imagination. He made
\'cry generous donations wliich saw it through the first
critical days of struggle, put the Overseas Edition of the Daily
Mail at its disposal as a velucle of propaganda, and remains
a generous and interested supporter. It now counts over
138,000 members. It has formally won its spurs ; for the
King has become the Patron-in-Chief — an honour only
accorded, very properly, to proved and stable institutions
whose record is absolutely above suspicion.
The club has roomy and beautiful premises with all the
amenities, in that imperial centre, Aldwych- These have been
constantly used by overseas visitors, especially during the war.
It has corresponding Secretaries all over the Empire, or, as
wo are now learning to caU it, with a truer insight, the British
Commonwealth, and a machinery for welcoming and introduc-
ing members in their travels.
The war brought it the opportunity of provmg its practical
value. It has done amazingly good work. Its msmbers have
presented an Overseas Club's Imperial Aircraft Flotilla of no
less than 69 aeroplanes at a cost of £103,000, and it is an open
secret that others not reckoned in this register were inspired
directly by its propaganda. It only needed such an oppor-
tunity to prove the substantial value of the organisation and
the capacity with which it has been guided and controlled.
On its more friendly and human side it has raised the sum
of £125,000 for tobacco and comforts for the troops. It has
distributed many thousands of pamphlets in various languages
in neutral countries by way of presenting the case of the
Allies as a counterblast to the extremely active German Press
Bureau. Its Members have sent several hundreds of cases
of clothing for the Belgian refugees. In a word, it is " doing
things." Most notably its Central Committee has used to
excellent eftect, principles and methods of business which are
so often wanting in such idealistic ventures. The Central
Committee of the Overseas Club do not think merely in terms
of " flag- waggery," though the flag means, as it ought to
mean, a great deal to them. They work for " an Empire
without a slum," for a change in " England's green and
pleasant land " quite Blakeian in its breadth and splendour.
Naturally as practical men they have to keep such visions
largely to themselves ! But perhaps the war is making an
atmosphere about us in which such prudences will be no
longer necessary. The point for the ultra-realists to remember
is that the Overseas Club pays its way and does what it does
promptly and with gathering momentum. T.
Chambers's Journal, one of the oldest and still one of the
best of monthly periodicals, maintains its standard of merit to
the full in recent numbers. A noteworthy item is a new serial
by " Taffrail," entitled "Pincher Martin, O.D.," a vivid
narrative of naval hfe in the present day — Marrj'at up-to-date,
with the joj's of coaling ship added. Breezily written, this
story of Pincher is worth reading— as, in fact," Chambers's is
throughout. In addition to giving a number of sidelights on
the war and its various fronts, a notable feature of the
magazine is its monthly review of science and arts.
Broken Music, by Helen Key (Elkin Mathews, is. net) is a
Uttle collection of poems of more than average merit, mainly
based on the war and its incidents. Fully half of the contents
bear the impress of Browning study, though there is enough
originality in the matter to justify' the manner even of the
" Grammarian's Funeral." Here and there banal sentiment
is expressed in banal phrase, but for the mo,st part the work
is distinctly original, and more than ordinarily attractive.
EDWARDS & SONS,161S159 Recent St.. London, W.
(of Regent Street), Ltd.
By Appointment
to
H.M. THE KING
H M. THE QUEEN.
Lady'i Finest PoHshed IWorocco Dressing Case, lined Rich Watered Silk, completely fitted Solid Tortoiseshell, Inlaiu Sterling Silver.
A large selaction always In Stock rrom £S to £200. Catajogue and Batlmatea poet freo on application.]
64
LAND & WATER
May 25, 1916
WOODROW, 46 Piccadilly, London, W., Sportme Hat Specialists
By Special
Jipt>ointmmn t
•o H.M. King
George V,
CATALOGUE
SENT ON
APPUCA TION
Special atten*
tion given to
Re-modtUing
and Rt •trim-
ming La $ t
Seasons Hat*
\
441*. — Damiy h.it iM |iutt/ colour Chrytanth«mum ^ 438W yet drc£«y n-cornered hat in
■traw, wittt oruwn uiai folUtxl baiKl of black chitTon string cuiour oru-yiMnthennjm straw wiUi underlining
left side in-
MOW.— Pretty hat in tete^le-negre Chrysanthemum
plait, top of brim formed of solt plealeJ Sevres blU' «;iliii
ril>bon. nnl59li€<i with tcte-de-negre vplret riIii>on
and sprays of clKTries with shad«d metallic foliage. J7/6.
A SELECTION OF HATS BY POST ON RECEIPT OF LONDON TRADE REFERENCE OR AMOUNT ON DEPOSIT.
Ultet. trimmed with blaclv and white marcuerites on , ^ trimmed bunches of pink and black satin
litht « lie of br m. and spray of small pink roecs on "' """■•'• '■■"""«™ , . , . , , ,, ,
l»ft side IS/- Bank5iii raws and .^hiidwl autumn foliac«. 3S/-
SOLE MAKERS:
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FOR ALL CLIMATES, WEATHERS AND OCCASIONS.
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These coats are
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THE YELTRA SPORTS MODEI Ideal in all weathers.
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for Leggings with an air of distinction.
Pigskin - - 35/- per pair.
Brown Calf- 42/-
Grey Canvas 21/- ,,
till
May
Sl<t.
Write for Illustrated Booklet and Instructions for Self-Measurement.
Urgent Orders executed quickly.
52 South Molton St., Bond St., London, W.
and 26 Trinity Street, Cambridge.
Advertisement Rates in "Land & Water
Ordinary Positions, per page and pro rata
Facing Matter
l^pecial Pusitii..D>
£30
,£10
£«)
The Country
of the Future
"^14 Or all A rd
•I tk* Bapire.
BRITISH COLUMBIA
An Ideal Climate— Magnificent Scenery-^Thc Most British of the Canndian
Provinces— A Land ol F.-uit and Flowers— Splendid Inland Waters— Possesses Vast
Natural Resources Awaiting Development.
Ths Canadian Province lor MIXED FARMING, FRUIT GROWING, SHEEP, HOC,
AND POULTRY RAISING, DAIRYING AND RANCHING.
CANADA'S MINERAL PROVINCE.
Total Mineral pro<luction from all sources to date over £100,600,000.
A WORLD SUPPLY OF TIMBER FOR A WORLD MARKET.
British Columbia has Timber in enomous quantities. In the largest sites, unsur-
passed in quality, suitable for practically every use to which wood can be put.
Full information on application to the Agent General lor B.C., British Columbia
House, 1 & 3 Regent Street, London.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2821 [v?1r]
TPTTTPQ'nAV TTTNF t rmf\ rREGiSTEREo Asi price sixpence
inui\oJJ/\i, jUiNr!. X, lyio La newspaperJ published weekly
By Louit Racmaehers.
Drawn ciciiimf 13 ;ur Laud and Wuli-r. "
What Plentiful Munitions Mean
To-day there was only artillery activity against our first line "
LAND & WATER
June I, 1916
THRESHER
S^GLENNY
(Dut/7iirer>s
Military Tailors
yJnlyS^cfcLcQss
1J2 &jSJ* Strand
L0JVn02\r
MAKERS OF THE
THRESHER TRENCH COAI
WINDPROOF AND
WEATHERPROOF
Recognised by the W.O. and officially
brought to the notice of all Officers com-
manding Corps in the B.K.F. early in the
Winter of 1914, the " Thresher " has
successfully met the severest tests of two
Winter campaigns, and has established
itself supreme for comfort, warmth, and
service.
Up to April 23rd, I9I6. 7.400 British Military
Officers have purchased genuine "Thresher"
Tren<h Coats. This fact alone makes it
unnecessary to publish even one of the many
generous and extraordinary testimonials that
have been received.
SUMMER WEAR,
The outstanding fact is that orders
from B.E.F. were received continuously
during last Summer, neither is there yet
any signs of the demand slackening, which
confirms our statement that the
" Thresher " with detachable Kamelcott
lining is the best garment for every pur-
pose and every season. The " Thresher "
self-ventilating system is protected. (Pat.
No. 14229/15.)
The "Thresher" with- detach-
able Kamelcott lining
Do. unlined
£ s.
5 10
4 14
d.
O
6
Do. lined Detachable Sheep 7 10
For Mounted Officers, with knee flaps
and saddle gusset, 15s. 6d. extra.
Send size of chest and approximate
height, and to avoid delay enclose cheque
with order.
Note. — That the first coat produced in
October, 1914, has been accepted without
anj' modification as the standard garment
for modem warfare.
Extract (Land & Water, May 25th)
by the " L. & W." Kit Expert. Doubtless
he had the " Thresher " in mind.
" In more than one case objections have
been raised against the oiled-silk lined
trench coat for summer wear on the ground
that it is too heavy ; the objection is a
needless one, for, when one comes to consider
the build of this pattern of coal, it will be
seen that its weight is equivalent to that of a
light raincoat, plus the few ounces weight
of the oiled silk interlining — when the fleece
or other detachable lining lias been taken out
of the trench coat. Objections on the score
of ventilation are equally groundless, for
the trench coat as now made is as well
ventilated, and as hygienic in wear, as any
other overcoat designed for military pur-
poses."
For full particulars of the Thresher
"Boimat," see page 26 of this
present issue.
" The ideal mattress for campaign-
ing work "('■ Land & Water," May 18).
June I, I 916
L A N D .^- W A r E K
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, JUNE 1. 1916
CONTENTS
PAGE
What Plentiful Munitions Mean. By Louis Raemaekcrs i
The Future of Ireland. (Leading Article) 3
Story of a Brandenburg Army Corps. By Hilaire Belloc 4
Sartcs Shakespeariante. By Sir Sidney Lee 1^
Bluebells (a poem). By Emilc Cammaerts i-i
The Navy at War. By Arthur Pollen i.)
South America and the M^ar. By Lewis R. Freeman 15
A " U " Boat's Victim. By Georgina Pennant 17
The West End ' 22
Town and Country -4
Choosing Kit ^"i-
THEFUTURE OF IRELAND
A FORETIMES if one raised the cry "God save
/% Lcland," it was deemed seditious, but to-day
/ % there is not a man or woman with a personal
•*- -^-interest in the sister island from whose heart this
prayer does not arise. It is their fixed determination
that so far as in them lies, a settlement shall be concluded
which shall render the future of Ireland secure from
troubles both within, and without. When the Prime
Minister determined to go over and examine the position
for himself, he took a step which won the unquahfted com-
mendation of all save a few bitter political enemies whose
first axiom appears to be that whatever Mr. Asquith
does is wrong. He was able on his return to state with
the strong authority which comes from experience that the
feeling in Ireland is universal for a joint and combined
ellort to obtain agreement as to the way in which the
Government of Ireland is for the future to be carried
on, and he has with the full consent and approval of the
Cabinet devised a plan of action which gives the best
promise of success.
The occasion is more propitious than appears on the
face of it. The possibility of a recrudescence of the
previous acute Irish differences and disagreements
directly peace was restored has hung like a heavy cloud
on the horizon. It has not only presaged discord at a
moment when harmony should prevail, but latterly it
has been foreseen that it might hinder other and greater
Imperial developments and neutralise much of the
good of that closer union of the various units of the
Empire which has been effected through the war. If the
solution of every problem, be it political, social, economic
or financial, is to be put aside until the war is over,
it is obvious many of them will never be solved at all,
and the nation will drift back into its former habits of
procrastination and inaction. This is a very real and
serious danger. But let us find an acceptable settlement
of the Government of Ireland difficulty, and it will be new
encouragement to tackle other complicated questions
which ought to be faced boldly without delay. It is
needless to say this settlement can only be based on
compromise, but compromise should be all the easier if
it be recognised that the opinion grows and gathers
strength among thinkers that one of the first great works
of peace will be to retonsider, and possibly reconstruct,
the constitution of the British Parliament at West-
minster so that all subjects of the King-Emperor, both
at home and overseas, shall be adequately represented
when Imperial problems are under discussion. This will
necessarily imply the delegation of local affairs to lesser
Parliaments. It would hs premature to declare that we
are within measurable distance of Home Rule all round,
but the omens point that way, and we may regard the
Irish settlement as the first experiment in constructive
statesmanship which this world struggle has caused to
be attempted within the British Empire.
In selecting Mr. Lloyd George as his ambassador, Mr.
Asquith has chosen wisely, and on the wisdom of his
choice the future hinges. These two— Prime Minister
and Minister of Munitions — have worked shoulder to
shoulder for many years. They who fish in troubled
waters and find pleasure and profit in the making of
mischief, have done their best to foster jealousy and
intrigue between the two, but without avail. The latter
willingly continues the difticult task which the former
has initiated, though it is obvious that if the success all
hope for be attained, the credit for it will rest primarily
with the Prime Minister. Mr. Lloyd George through-
out his political career has kept free from entanglements
in Irish politics, and he is both temperamentally sym-
pathetic with the Celtic character and happily endowed
with imagination. Lack of imagination is a distinctive
English trait ; though this quality has advantages in
these times of disturbance, it is not calculated to promote
concord where other peoples and races are concerned.
Yet in the coming years we shall be called upon to give
imagination a far freer rein if we are to place the political
imion of the Empire on a sure foundation, so it is as well
that this truth should be realised at once and difficult
tasks of this nature entrusted to imaginative men.
It is not our intention to discuss Ireland's troubles here.
No good can come of it. The story cannot be told in its
entirety. Public inquiries into general causes and
particular episodes are being held and the less discussion
there is in the Press the better. But we would par-
ticularly invite attention to the excellent example which
Ireland is giving England in certain social reforms,
notably the, reconstruction of village industries and the
development and extension of agricultural co-operation.
It has been Ireland's peculiar misfortune that owing to the
bitterness of party dissensions, it has been considered
impossible that any good thing can come out of her,
and no attempt has been spared by political opponents
to render futile schemes which are intrinsically sound
and wise. Yet at the present time movements are
prospering there which despite the political taint
that has ' been so unfairly attached to them, ought
not only to spread more rapidly in Ireland, but to be
extended to this country. England can learn of Ireland
and will learn, once we are rid of the dividing wall of
suspicions and misunderstandings. Already it is more
than half broken down by the gallantry of Irishmen in the
field, and it only remains for so much of the barrier as
still exists to be removed through the temperate and
conciliatory efforts of her leaders in the Council Chamber.
We would not have it thought that we minimise the
difficulties that lie ahead of the Cabinet, and its special
representative, Mr. Lloyd George. No wave of a wand
will cause men to change their deepest convictions of au
instant, and though one speak with the tongues of angels,
persuasion will not remove every personal animosity,
but realising that the spirit of conciliation has never
been more wiUing than at present, we entertain high
hopes that a plan of settlement is not impossible and that
before the war ends, it will be only the bare truth to
assert that permanent peace has been established in
Ireland. There would be singular satisfaction in such a
happy conclusion. The Kaiser thought to break Britain
through civil war in Ireland, and if he makes Ireland
whole through having forced Britain into war, and thus
brings about a permanent reconciliation between factions
and discordant elements which have persisted through
centuries, it will be fine, entirely fine.
LAND & W A i L R
June 1, KjiO
The Trentino Offensive
By Hilaire Belloc
THE three militarv movements of the week have
been the crossing of the ("iieck frontier by the
Bulgars and tiernians, the big and futile assault
renewed upon the defensive line of Verdun, and
.the continued Austrian offensive against the Italians in
the Trentino.
The first"' of these movements is not sufficiently de-
veloped for us to know even whether it is intended as aiH
offensive movement at all. It, may be a purely political
act, not even intended to menace, let atone to lead up
to the attack of the Salonika lines. We must wait for.
further developments before it is possible to give it any
commentarv at all.
The second movement— the massed attack upon the
Verdun lines, I will deal with briefly at the coiu'lusion of a
general survey of the ("lerman and French theses which
I append to the story I print this week of how a certain
German Corps disappeared in the fighting round Verdun.
.. The Austrian offensix-e deserves more particular treat-
ment, both from its novel features, and also because,
although it is still in process of development so that we
cannot yet define either its full objects or the measure
of success it is attaining, yet the immediate results and
the peril thev involve are sufficiently grave.
■ The ground o\-er which the new Austrian offensive is
-de\Tloping is an oblong about 30 miles By 45. This
oblong is roughlv bisected by the old artificial frontier
between the Austrian Trentiiio and the modern Italian
state.
Its importance consists in this : that the communica-
tions between the chief arsenals, depots, of men, etc., of
the Italians and their main I.sonzo front pass right in
front of the projection down from the Alps, which the
. Trentino makes. This projection, the southern main point
of: which is at Borghctto, a few miles from Lake Garda,
was specially designed when the frontier was drawn to
weaken the new Italian state and to strengthen the
Austrians. and the modern importance of railways has
greatlv increased its advantage.
There are two lines, roughly parallel, serving the front
upon the Isonzo and each connected with the mass of
peninsular Italy to the south of the Po and the industrial
centres and depots of Lombardy and Piedmont. The
first passes through Brescia, Verona, Vicenza and Treviso.
The second passes through Mantua, Padua, and so to the
Isonzo front.
The second, which is marked (i) upon the accompany-
ing map. is the principal line of communication.
The northern one, marked (2), has fewer sidings, fewer
facilities for rolling stock and, I believe, only a single
line.
It is clear that the enemy astraddle of the northern
line alone and in occupation of Verona or Vicenza, or
both^ — nay, seriously menacing the northern line — would
be a very great peril for the Italian main front and would
almost certainlv proxoke a retirement from it. The
enemy's occupation of the other main line, the southern
one, would still more clearly be fatal.
Now from the southernmost point of the old Austro-
Italian frontier at Borghetto to Verona is, as the crow
flies, less than 20 miles, and even by road and by rail not
30. Vicenza is from the nearest point of the frontier ex-
actly 20 miles as the crow flies, and further east at Castel-
franco there is a point almost equally near to that
frontier.
Finally the distance from the first, least important
lines of communications to the second absolutely riial
one. is between Vicenza and Padua well under 20 miles
of dead level ground.
We must also appreciate the fact that Verona and
Vicenza lie on the edge of the Venetian plain, and the
foot-hills of the Alps touch that plain ujwn a line
corresponding to the line bounding the shaded area upon
the map.
It is evident from all this that a passage of the
frontier, upon even a narrow belt, by the enemy here
would be of the very gravest importance, and it was
to prevent it that the Italian Commander-in-Chief
pushed forward in the first days of the war in order to
block the avenues whereby the enemy might attempt
such an advance.
There are two such avenues, as we pointed out last
week. The Val Sugana, or valley of the Brenta and the
Val Lagarina, or valley of the Adige. These valleys
meet at Trent, and the whole importance of Trent in
military as in social history consists in the fact that it is
Moimtaixious
ffHUlCoiuitty
Theatre of
Operations
I
To Piedmont
and Lombardy
' To Penuisutaf t)F Italy
June I, 1916
LAND & VV A T E R
I
■ Critical
IfAiisSriansnack
Valstixgrui alltlie
ToUccma. aid', .
M'ain Kailwaiis inl-l^m
20 SKiies . 30
the junction of the two great roads whereby not only
armies but trade pass from the Venetian Plain up into
and across the Alps.
We owe that position to a peculiar geographical con-
dition, which is that the lake from which the Brcnta
rises, Lake Caldonazzio, instead of being separated
from the valley of the Adige by a high watershed is
only separated frjm it by an insignificant " portage,"
open and level, in the neighbourhood of Pergine.
These two avenues, leading from Trent to the Venetian
plain, the valley of the Adige and the valley of the
Brenta, carry, as we saw last week, the two main roads
and the only railway's in the district. // is impossible for
the enemy to do anything serious against the Italians
iintil he is the master of one or other of these avenues, and
improbable that he will do anything serious until he is
the master of one or both.
Upon this account the main Italian resistance has
been massed in the two valleys, and in these, so far, the
enemy has not made good. When the blow fell the
Italian line ran between Roncegno and Novaledo in the
Sugana and just south of Rovereto in the Lagarina.
Upon the former sector, the Val Sugana, the retirement,
though uncovering the town of Borgo, has not exceeded
six miles. In the latter and more important avenue of
approach, the Lagarina, it has not covered as much as
four. At the moment of writing the Italian line stands
firm across both these essential avenues of approach,
after a fortnight of Austrian effort.
But if the Italians thus successfully hold the Lagarina
and the Sugana against direct attack, viay not those
valleys be turned? That is the serious problem of the
moment. An Austrian force failing to break through
on the upper Brenta or upper Adige might by getting
through the centre between these divergent valleys
appear on the lower courses of either stream and so be
masters of a road into Venetia, cutting off the defenders
of the upper valley. That is the danger.
In the centre, the base of the triangle of which the
rivers Brenta and Adige form the other two sides, there
has been a serious advance.
Let us examine the nature of that advance and the ^
opportunities it may afford of making the Austrians
masters of one or other or both of the great roads.
The frontier' here corresponds to the secondary water-
shed between the upper and the lower valley of the
Brenta and the upper and the lower valley of the Adige
Thus there is a torrent rising upon the frontier ridge and
falling into the Upper Adige near Rovereto, the valley of
which is called the valley of Vallarsa, which I have
marked (i) upon Map II. It has a tributary, which
I have marked (2) called the Terragnolo, while further
north a number of small streams fall into the Upper
Brenta. South of this ridge, a corresponding system
of torrents runs down to the Lower Brenta and the
Lower Adige. Those falling into the Lower Brenta are
the important torrents to notice. North of the great
knot or central mass of mount Pasubio (not quite 7,000
feet high) you have the torrent of the Posina, which falls
down to the mountain town of Asiero and becomes a
tributary of the Astico, another torrent rising a little
beyond the frontier. From the other side there falls
into the Astico the torrent of Val d'Assa, and upon a tiny
tributary of this is the town of Asiago. ;
Now the Austrians have not been able to force the
Monte Pasubio, btit everywhere to the north of it they
have reached the last ridges overlooking Asiero and
Asiago. Both these towns are served by light railways
commimicating with the main railway system of the
plain immediately bej'ond. The whole district has con-
siderable industrial importance in the manufacture of
woollen goods, and its occupation would lead the enemy
to the very edge of the plain, the line between which and
the foothills is marked, in this region, upon my sketch
map by a line of crosses, which show the dangerous
proximity of the region to the opeai country below. Were
Asiero and Asiago occupied — and it is difficult to see how
such occupation can be prevented now — there lies
behind them and between them and the perfectly open
country only one last ridge, running roughly as does the
line A B upon the above sketch.
But there is something much more important in the
~ enemy's reaching Asigao than its mere proximity to the
plains, and that is its proximity to Valstagna on the Brenta.
In order to see the importance of Valstagna let us
consider the following argument :
Supposing Asiero and Asiago to be occupied by the
enemy, and even supposing the last ridge A B to be lost
to the Italians, but the main jx)sitions in the great and
essential avenues of approach, the \'alley of the Brenta
and the valley of the Adige, to be still held by the Italians,
what then would be the position of the enemy ?
It is clear that he would be occupying a very danger©
LAND «.\: W A T F, R
June
1C)-[G
salient indeed. He has, to feed that sahent, only two
roads, and neither of these is tirst class.
If he could force .Mount Pasubio he would have a third
road, the road goinjj; from Kovereto up the Vallarsa, and
crossing the frontier ridge at C. So far he has failed to
force the Pasubio mountain ; his furthest advance up
the Terragnolo valley (3) along the best road is as far as
Chiesa at L). The only two roads he has as yet then for a
continued advance (which, remember, is dependent
entirely upon his preponderanct- in heavy artillery)
upon this sector, are tirst the road up the valley of the
Astico. where he has the advantage of holding the upper
land and being already well down upon the southern
slope, and secondly the road from Asiago up the Val
d'Assa, where he has a similar advantage. But these
two roads and the mountain paths of all that wijd land
give him no avenue of supply for a large army. He is
simply compelled by the nature of the case to force or
turn the two main valleys.
The Valley of the .\dige he cannot turn until he either
masters the Pasubio or forces his way across the pass at
C, in spite of the heights there dominating him. and so
gets right down into the lower country on the southern side.
The Brenta valley he has imfortunately a better chance
of turning. From .\siago, to th>^ nearest point of the
firenta road and railway at \'alstagna is only eight miles.
There is no road at all across the tumbled mountain land
there, but a successful action fought from Asiago would
give him the mastery over the Brenta valley at \'al-
stagna and its neighbourhood and even a threat to this
would compel the immediate falling back of the Italian
forces in -the Upper Brenta Valley.
The last news received ui)on writing these lines shows
us the enemy on the heights immediately dominating
Asiago and Asiero from the north. The enemy's posts of
observation look right down upon both towns in theii
valleys at not more than 6,000 yards from the Austrian
lines. But they show us this advance with no good
avenues of communication behind and dependent for any
success upon either reaching the lower Brenta valley
at the critical point of Valstagna, or forcing the Italian
positions on the Upper Brenta valley just behind Borgo.
Whether they will succeed in reaching Valstagna or
whether the slowness of pace inseparable from their
dependence upon heavy artillery will give the Italians
time for a concentration sufficient to prevent fult her
advance the next few days will tell us. So far (this is
written upon Tuesday evening with the matter (piitc
\msettled and still in full development) no judgment is
po-isiblo.
Story of a Brandenburg Army Corps
I PROPOSE this week to lay before my readers, by
way of an object-lesson to guide our judgment with
regard to the Battle of Verdun, the story now
available in some detail of one single German
corps ; of how it was selected and trained for the attack ;
how it suffered beyond anything its command had
thought possible ; how it was incapable of further effort
after one week of such losses ; how it was recruited ;
how one more attempt was made to use it ; taken to the
rear, rested , and how in two days that effort broke down,
. arid the corps disappeared for good.
I think that the matter (which I have not seen dealt
with at all in any English publication) will be illuminating,
and, for many of those watching the present phase of the
campaign, conclusive.
The 3rd .^rmy Corps of the Prussian service is composed
of Metropolitan and typically Prussian troops. It is
recruited from the Province of Brandenburg. It has
reputation in that service second only perhaps, to the
reputation of the Imperial Guard.
It was present, under the command of von Kluck, in
the attempted enveloping movement by the ist Army,
which ended so disastrously in the neighbourhood of
Paris, and the failure of which determined the Battle of
the Mame. It was present in the Battle of the Ourcq
when the French (ieneral Maunoury surprised von Kluck
and was himself so nearly counter-enveloped.
It stood some days later upon the lines of the Aisnc
when the (iermans dug themselves in. That was in
September. I')I4. For nearly a year the 3rd Branden-
burg Corps remained there facing first the British, later
the French, upon the limestone heights of the Soissonnais.
The hurried concentration of German troops to meet
trie gre<ii3* French offensive in Champagne last September
called dowi.n to that region certain elements of the 3rd
Germany Ai -my Corps. But later, with the month of
October it be{,|ins a series of adventures which it is of the
highest interest,"^ for us to follow, because they show how
thoroughly and from what long date the attack on the
Verdun sector w./vs planned, what that attack was in-
tended to do, and at what a cost it has failed.
I-'our months bef(\jre the lirst shells of the great bom-
bardment were deliV«^red against the Verdun lines, the
tody of infantry whicvi, ^ygs; ^q deliver the shock was
already carefully selectc*w ^nd prepared. The method is
familiar from half a dozi^^ great examples in this war.
A hammerhead of picked *ti|-oops separate from the rest
are collected and hurled at on^oint to deliver the hammer-
blow that shall break the Vpposing defensive cordon.
The^main difference between ^^ preparation of Verdun
and the other actions of the waiv.jj^ ^j^g greater expense in
time and in men which were ^ntcmplated. It was as
though the Germans had said y, themselves after the
attempt to envelop the Kuss^ armies had failed,
" We will stand or fall by one last great offensive against
the Western front." At any rate, this picked corps of
typically Prussian troops, tlie corps from Brandenburg,
was chosen with others to form part of this great new
agglomeration that was to strike the decisive blow. The
iirst part of their preparation for this task was to take
them away from the fighting line, to train and even feed
them specially for a long period ; to refresh thent
physically and morally in every way and produce by a
l^atient attention to ever}' detail and ample expense of
time the very maximmn effort when they should come
to be launched against the French.
Like the rest of those chosen for this great task the
Brandenburgers of the 3rd Corps were taken to the interior
just when the exhaustion of the imperfect effort against
Russia was apparent— that is, in the last third of October
191.S (i).
For nearly four months the special training, the repose,
the special feeding even of this corps and its fellows
proceeded far from the lighting.
At last, upon February 8th. it arrived upon the scene
where it was to undertake the work to which all this
preparation had been designed.
The 3rd Brandenburg Corps stood on February 8th
billeted in the country behind the hills of Ornes, that is
in Gremilly, Azannes.Ville, and to the north of those
\-illages. It formed the extreme eastern or left wing of
the great body which was to be launched a few days later
against the French lines to the North of Verdun, and on
the 2 1st of February it took the shock.
Let us review its strength and situation upon that day,
Mon4ay the 21st of February, the opening day of the
infantry work before Verdun. Only so can we under-
stand what followed.
The 3rd Corps had been given the task of driving the
French covering lines in on a front of not quite tw o miles.
Its strength in infantry actually present and designed
to take part in the shock itself was no longer the full
complement of 24,000 bayonets, but in the neighbourhood
of 20,000. These 20,000 consisted in two divisions of
about 10,000 each. These di\-isions were numbered the
5th Division and the 6th Division. We know a good
l^art of the composition of these divisions. They were
formed of three regiments each, or the equivalent of three
regiments, and we arc acquainted with the numbers of
fonr of these and a portion of the 5th. The 6th Division,
that on the extreme end of the "line to the east or left
was composed of the 24th and 64th regiments, and of a
body of Jaegers, while the 5th Division contained ^the
52nd regiment and the 12th regiment with a third element,
(i) It is possible that cert.iin olomcnts of the 3r(l corps were present
not in the fighting but in rosi-rvc durinR the, Serbian Kxpnlition -
hut the point is not certain. At am nitc, the grcnl bulk »f the f oios
was at rest at that moment.
June I, KjiG
L A iN D & W A T E R
the details of which I liave not seen published. These
divisions were not fully deployed. The elements of each
stood one behind the other in support, one regiment
lieing destined to take the first brunt of the shock ; its
fellows would replace or reinforce it later according to
the punishment it might have received.
In the mid-afternoon of February 21st, a cold and misty
day, the advance portions of the" 5th and 6th Divisions
struck the French covering line after that line had been
turned upside down by the previous intensive bombard-
ment. The main region upon which the shock was de-
livered here on the east or left of the German attack was
the wood of Herbebois, a wood recently cut, and full,
therefore, of comparatively large clearings \yith under-
wood grown up during the" last year or two. The Frencli
obstacles here were very thoroughly organised and tho
attack of the 3rd Army Corps was checked with heavy
initial loss.
On the next day, Tuesday, February 22nd, the attacks
were continued in a flurry of snow and failed to secure
an advance. They were further continued during the
morning of Wednesday the 23rd. But in the afternoon
the success of German troops further to the west pushing
in the centre of the French covering line compelled the
retirement of the French here on the east, and from 4 p.m.
onwards the French retreated before the advance of the
3rd Branclenburg Corps into and beyond the wood of
'Herbebois, and during the following night fell back
once more.
During Thursday the 24th and all the succeeding night
Ihi; French further retired upon Bezonvau.x village and
tlie wo(k1 of La Vauche, so that by the dawn of day upon
tlie Friday, the 25th, the whole l-'rench line was only just
in front of their main position, the Ridge of Douaumont
continued in a half circle to the Hill of Poivre, and so to
the Meusc at Bras. Upon the morning of Friday, the
25th. the 3rd Brandenburg Corps, which had thus been
held uj) at a considerable expense in men for neariy three
days at the wood of Herbebois, but had in the succeeding
two days advanced over neariy two miles of ground,
delivered an attack violent in proportion to the critical
nature of the moment. As they were the best troops
the Prussians were employing for this great shock, so
1licy had the chief task allotted to them.
The 5th Division on the west or right was checked, but
I he 6th Division mastered the ravine of La Vauche and
acquired, though with very heavy loss, the summit of the
ridge. The 24th Regiment rushed the ruins of the old
fort of Douaumont. and we had the famous message
upon which so much discussion has turned.
This Friday evening w^as the hour in which the enemy
believed that he had achieved his purpose ; the decisive
))oint was the ridge and fort of Douaumont, and he had
laid hands upon it. Heavy as had been the price already
paid it seemed as though the rest would be the mere
jjursuit of a broken enemy.
But the French had been fighting with a covering line
nnly, and upon the next day, Saturday the 26th, they
lavuichcd a body as large in numbers as the whole German
3rd Corps, to wit, the French 20th Corps ; they swarmed
back over the level of the Douaumont plateau and re-
covered the ground on cither side of the ruins of the fort,
though not tliose ruins themselves. In these the remnants
of the 24th regiment remained entrenched, and defied all
efforts to dislodge them.
In order to clear the situation and to relieve the men
in the fort from tiieir perilous outlying position, as also in
order U> push further on to the plateau, and make them-
selves really masters of it, the two divisions of the 3rd
Corps were ordered to strike again to tiie west and tiie
east of the Fort. Upon the west was the village of Douau-
mont : upon the east the wood of La Caillctte. It was
therefore the 5th or right Division \vliicli attacked the
village ; the 6th or left Division which attacked the wood.
Upon Sunday the 27th of February, the 52nd regiment
of the 5th Division threw itself against the French en-
ft-enche'd in Douaumont village and was broken. On
the next day, the 28th, its place was taken by the I2th
regiment which met with the same fate. Meanwhile
against Caillette Wood the 64th regiment of the 6th
Division and the Jaegers hurled themselves six times upon
the French lines in these same two days and were broken
back as their comrades of the 5th Division had been
against the village.
On Tuesday, February 2Qth, the 3rd Army Corps was
exhausted in energy and broken. It was past any further
effort and was called back to the rear.
The great mass designed for victorious shock, of which
it had formed one portion, had failed in its task and liad
suffered so heavily that it was for the moment ruined.
Its place had to be taken by reserves. The defence
of this sector of a mile or so from Douaumont Village
to the Caillette Wood was as a fact taken over by
the 113th Division. The two divisions of the 3rd
corps, the 5th, and the 6th, or what was left of them,
were withdrawn to positions right back again behind
Ornes, to be reformed after their terrible experience.
Actual Losses
But all these terms " heavy losses " : " terrible ex-
perience." and the rest are general. The reader will
demand, if he is to form a judgment upon even this detail
of the war, the ])roportion of losses.
From information unusually detailed which the Freni :h
authorities obtained later on that question can be
answered, and the answer is startling.
The patching together again of the 3rd Corps and the
replenishing of its enormous gaps with new human
material showed a necessity of replacing the cadres (that
is, the officers and non-commissioned oihcerswho are the
framework of any military body) to the extent of two-
ihirds. Of three regimental officers and sergeants who
had gone into action exactly a week before, on the after-
noon of Monday, the 21st of L'ebruary, two had been
hit by the evening of Monday the 28th. The corps had
no reserves left. F^verv one of its elements had been
thrown in and shattered. The Jaegers, who had been
most spared, received their worst punishment in the
Caillctte Wood in the last days. The 64th regiment of
the 6th Division saw its last units shattered in the same
place. The 24th regiment had spent itself in the tremen-
dous attack which had carried Douaumont Fort, while
of the 5th Division, the 52nd regiment, as we have seen,
had been shattered in front of Douaumont village two
days before the end ; the remnants of the I2th taking its
place had been broken upon the morrow.
We have no documentary evidence, I believe, of the
exact losses in the rank and file, and it is wise to suppose
that these were somewhat inferior to the 66 per cent,
losses of the cadres. But at any rate they were certainly
over half the effectives employed, and it is remarkable
that in looking round for material to fill the gaps the
chief remaining reservoir was only the young class '16.
During the period of recruitment behind the hues these
lads were povrred into this crack corps in such numbers
that many of the companies rehed for nearly half their
new strength upon the presence of such recruits.
On the fifth day of this remodelling, Saturday the 4th
of March, a message and an order of the day of the cus-
tomary rather sentimental sort (which perhaps we judge
rather harshly from the ignorance everyone has of a
foreign tempe-rament) reached the 3rd Corps from the
Commander-in-Chief of this group of armies before Ver-
dun, the Crown Prince of Prussia. He appealed to his
" faithful Brandenburgers," condoled with them over
their losses, emphasised the pecuHar value of the Prussians
among the (iermanic combatants, and told them how he
relied upon them for further and " decisive " efforts.
This piece of rhetoric is not insignificant, for it tells us
something of the effect produced by the immense sacrifice
already suffered and tells us even more of the hopes that
were still entertained of victory.
The 3rd Corps was not ready to inarch upon the day
following this appeal as had been hoped.
It was not until the evening of March 7th, Tuesday, that
its commander reported everything ready for taking up
again the dreadful business of a renewed attack.
The 3rd Army Corps was reconstituted indeed, but it
was no longer its old self. Less than half of the men
who had been given that careful long training of four
months behind the lines remained. Only a third of the
specially selected and instructed cadres, which had held
it together, marched out southward again to take the
field. Not only were most of its men new, but as we
have seen, a very large portion of them were of the
youngest tvpe of recruit. Most significant of all, the
8
LAND .V WA T E R
June I, 1916
3rd Corps even thus reconstituted no longer paraded any-
thing like its old numbers. The companies had mustered
just before the attack on Verdun about 200 strong.
They appeared upon the roll call of the 7th with an
average lessening — in spite of the new recruitment — of
40 per cent. They were upon the average 120 strong.
The change in tiic constitution of the corps and in its
monil after the business of the wiek before appeared at
once. A new attack was launched upon Wednesday, March
8th ; the jrd Corps being given its old sector with a slight
extension towards the South. It was thrown in, fully
deployed from Vaux Village right round to Douaumont
Village. It was no longer of the quality to do what its
predecessors of the same name had done only a week
before. The attack of the 8th failed. The attempt
to renew it upon the qth was even more disastrous The
losses (as is always the case with inferior troops that
fail in an attack) were disastrously large and out of scale
even with the fearful casualties of the lirst rtghting when
tiic jrd Corps was still composed of its original elements,
and still thought itself capable of victory upon its sector
of the line.
These last two days achieved the ruin of the unit.
In the night of Thursday, March (jth. the jrd Corps was
withdrawn from the action altogether and has never
reappeared.*
Here is surely a most striking piece of evidence, con-
crete and detailed with regard to the nat\ire of the
(ierman losses in front of Verdun. The nature of the
original attempt, its failure, its expense, are all before
us in this one example because we happen to have upon
it more complete evidence than upon any of the other
German elements used in the battle.
Even had we not further knowledge, such c\idence
would be conclusive as to the nature of the (lerman
wastage here, and the wisdom of the French restriction to
that mere defensive which has astonished Europe.
We know the way in which the first week of the fight-
ing ruined a body to which the most complete prepara-
tion possible had been given at the expense of four months
in time and of its absence during those four months from
all use in the field.
We know that 20,000 bayonets had been massed against
never more than 3,000 yards and at last against less than
2,000 yards. We know what in that first week it had lost
in officers and sergeants. We know the necessity it was
under of recniiting from the younger classes. We know
the changed temper in which it re-entered the field. We
know that after a bare two days' experiment in renewed
fighting it was hopelessly shattered and had to be finally
withdrawn.
I rep)eat, did we only know this we should have an
instructive and indeed decisive picture of the failure
before Verdun.
But the French have obtained one last piece of evidence
which clinches all the rest and which, read in connection
with all the rest, is overwhelming.
The French authorities arc possessed of evidence as to
the losses actually suffered by the corps during those 17
days of which only 10 were days of action.
it will be remembered that the jrd Corps had gone
into action on the afternoon of Sunday February 21st,
mustering about 20,000 bayonets. When its losses were
privately established after "the last and bloody defeat of
March qth, it was discovered that the grand total, in-
cluding of course castialties among the new recniits
thrown in, as well as among the original members of ti)e
force, ii'as nctual/v larf^cr than its, onj^inal total strai'^tlt.
22,000 men had been hit in that brief space of time.
It is no wonder that the corps had ceased, in any
mihtary sense, to exist.
The Moral
What is the lesson of that astonishing story ?
1 must begin by begging my readers to permit me a
rather dry piece of introduction in which much of what
has been said before with regard to the 'nature of the
• Since writing this I have seen U suggested abroad (but not con-
firmed, and the suggestion not backed bv evidence) that the body of
troops which appeared in the last few days' before Verdun and was made
the subject of numerous executions after a faihire to attack, was the
partially rci onstituled .^rd Corps brought back into the field after
more than .; month- ■' <'■ I'pse.
battle is necessarily repeated. But when I have again
put forward those general principles as clearly as I can
it will be easier to understand the immense significance of
what happened to the Corps whose fortunes I have just
described.
Roughly speaking, the Battle of Verdun was won
upon the olh of April. In other words it was clear after
the great attack of that day that the intention of the
offensive had failed and the intention of the defensive
had succeeded. For the intention of the offensive
was to break the Fjench front upon this centre ; while
the object of the defensive was to use that intention
as a means of making the enemy waste very many more
in proportion to his remaining numbers than the French
lost in the process.
This much being clearly settled nearly two months
ago, there succeeded ji phase which everyone studying
the war spent a good deal of energy in discussing, but
whicli no one could pretend at first fully to understand.
This pliase has consisted in a steady persistence in
attack after the I'rench defensive had manifestly made
good and after the only clear strategical purpose open to
the enemy had been irretricvabh' lost.
This phase still continues and there seems no particular
reason why it should not continue indefinitely : That is
until the Allies make their offensive movement or until
the enemy proposes to make a new attack somewhere
else— with such forces as may still remain to him.
So long as it continues the enemy loses far more men in
proportion than the men in the French sector opposed to
him. So long as it continues he allows the British to
accumulate their man power, and so long as it continues
he allows the Russians to make the fullest use of the
open water in the North and of the long daylight for
the pouring in of arms and ammunition.
Seeing that all the merely numerical calculations are
obviousi}- against the enemy and tliat the military problem
regarded merely as a mechanical thing (that is a thing
upon the map estimated by the number of bayonets, guns,
power of munitionment," etc., and presupposing both
parties equal in moral factors) is clearly solved at Verdun
already against the Germans, it follows that the (ierman
General Staff is persisting in attack for reasons other
than the strictly calculable military reasons upcm which
one usually expects strategical action to be conducted.
I have indeed seen one and only one explanation
modifying such a conclusion. It proceeds from the pen
of a man whom all his readers have learnt to respect,
who writes as a civihan and even as a professor, but whose
writing has, especially in the last few weeks, deservedly
attracted universal attention in Paris. .' If I read him
aright this critic (who may be read in the Dcbals news-
paper) conceives that the" enemy continues because the
French command will not now let him leave off. In
other words he is in the position of which one reads so
often tactically in the old battles, " he is no longer free
to break off tlie action." He is " accroche," " Hooked
on." If he ceases to attack he will be at once counter-
attacked under conditions which he cannot support.
This, I think it is suggested, explains the continued
waste of men upon his side.
Much colour is lent to it by the tactics the French have
been pursuing during all the last seven weeks.
Roughly what happens is this : The enemy masses a
vastl\' superior number of men to rush some sector of the
French covering line, usually he fails. Once in so many
times he succeeds. He gains some acres ; picks uj) not a
few wounded men in the trenches he has rushed. He
smashes up a certain number of trench mortars and
machine guns. But all that at an expense quite out of
proportion to the result. He pays in these attacks say
four of his men to put one Frenchman out of action.
But the French.. though not fighting for ground but for
numbers, usually reply to such a success by a counter-
attack in which they recover the ground or a part of it
at an expense in their own men superior to the expense
of the enemy.
On the balance they are still heavily the gainers. But
they would be much more heavily the gainers if they never
counter-attacked at all upon a 'large scale. Why then
do they deliberately sacrifice a certain fraction of their
orce in thus counter-attacking ? The critic whom I
have quoted would seem to believe that this is done in
June I, 1916
LAND & WATER
order to " hook on " the enemy and make it impossible
for him to stop his continued ruinously expensive and
futile attack.
It may be so. But I believe if one could get into the
mind of the German General Staff one would find that the
motives of the enemy's action were mainly based upon
his own initiative. I believe that he is attacking of his
own will for the most part. I believe from the long lulls
with which he has interrupted the action that he could
still break it off altogether without disaster. And I
consider that this motive of his is made up of certain
ingredients the proportion between which it is difficult
for us to judge, but the presence of all of which we can
confidently assume
It is certain that among the ingredients of the enemy's
thesis are : — -
(i) The conception that the continued losses of the
French though realtively far lighter than his own will ulti-
mately shake French moral.
(2) That the moral of his own army requires of the
enemy the actual entry of German troops into the geo-
graphical area called Verdun, or failing that the con-
tinued advance at no matter what cost and no matter
how slowly, from one point of territory to another upon
the sector of Verdun.
(3) That not only does the German army require such
moral stistenance, but that the German domestic opinion
also requires it.
(4) That neutral opinion would be affected particu-
larly in countries not military but economically powerful,
by the " taking " of Verdun town and is in some degree
aifected by the fact that the Cicrman armies in this sector
advance from point to point. For one lay civilian ob-
server who considers the nature of the offensive and the
defensive and is acquainted with the now rapidly decHning
man power of Germany, there are a thousand whose
estimate of success or failure is simply a movement upon
the map, however slight.
I say that these ingredients in various proportions make
up the (ierman thesis ; and of these it is clear thai the first
is by far the most important. The Germans must believe
that the continued strain, no matter at what cost to
themselves, is likely to (?xhaust French civilian endurance
and military vigour. He may be quite wrong. Per-
sonally I believe him to be quite wrong. But my point is
that he is working for a moral effect of which the chief
part will be experienced, he imagines, in France itself.
Upon the other side the French thesis is what we have
so often described : That so long as the enemy continues
under this erroneous impression h.e is playing the game
of the Allies.
Now it is very important, it we are to judge the value
of eithci thesis, to discover what the nature of the enemy's
sacrifice is. With this object I have given in detail the
story of the third Corps, and I think the enemy's immense
sacrifices may further be understood by considering the
thing as a whole
It is clear upon general principles that an offensive
thus conducted win always lose very many more men than
the defensive opposecT to it. Each party suffers roughly
the same losses from artillery pounding before movement
and the moment movement takes place the attacking
party loses out of all proportion to the defence.
\\'hcn movement has ceased the attacking party suiters
again in 'one of two ways. Either he fails to enter any
portion of the positions of the defence, in which case his
swarm flows back suffering terribly heavy punishment
from the opponent's artillery ; or he makes good, but
makes good upon a spot u'kich the heavy guns behind his
opponent's line have to a yard and immediately deluge with
ivhat the French call " crushing fire." The offensive has
not the same advantage against the defenders because the
line upon which the greater part will retire is not thus
accurately known. It has to be sought out and marked
down later. Against these necessarily highly superior
losses of the offensive the only point against the defensive
is that positions occupied by the offensive at the end of
its attack may be disorganised and suffer locally some
abnormal loss through disorganisation — but then it is
the whole point of a defensive to prevent that. If that
took place. on any large scale the defensive would break
down, and the continued and complete success of the
defensive policy for months in front of Verdun proves
that it has not broken down-
The Week's Events
.What has been happening this week at Verdun is a
mere repetition of all that we have been discussing here. It
has been on rather a larger scale than usual, but it ex-
emplifies every point precisely. You have attack after
attack which does not properly leave its trenches because
it is caught in the first bound — for example, the two
divisions trying to get out of the Crows' Wood last Sunday.
You have the first massed attack launched against the Mort
Homme which the French estimate at about 50,000
bayonets, repelled — -and leaving the very large proportion
of 15,000 dead. You have the French local counter-
offensive at Douaumont provoking another swarm attack,
estimated at something like two divisions, say, in practice,
20,000 bayonets, or a little less, and retaking, at terrible
expense, the ruins of the fort which are immediately
subjected to the " crushing " fire which knows every
yard of the spot, ^'ou have the heavy massing of men
ifor the rushing of Cumieres, the French local counter-
attack recovering half Cumieres, and you will certainly
have, before these lines are in print, another great massed
attack to rush Cumieres again with the usual quite dis-
proportionate expense in men : the preliminary bom-
bardment was already notified in telegrams of Tuesday.
I have not seen evidence as to the sectors from which
these fresh German divisions are drawn, save the pubhc
announcement by the French that they had identified
two Bavarian divisions, which had come from the
English front. But if the enemy is determined to play
the French game here he can still continue so long as our
defensive, which is strictly ordered upon every part of
the line, gives him rope. He may still withdraw divisions
from his ever weakening line (remember that his effectives
are now declining in number) to melt them away at
Verdun, and he will still tind that defence almost passive
and unpro\-oked to any great counter-move. It is for
him to decide the date upon which such a policy will de-
termine his inability to stand against the main" counter-
offensive of the Allies. At present he would seem to desire
a hastening of that date, and he is the best judge of his
own affairs.
Table of German Recruitment
IT is now at last possible to define with exactitude
the rate at which the German man-power has been
drawn upon in the course of the campaign. The
evidence with regard to the calling up of each class
is complete, and we can follow exactly the whole process
of exhaustion : The last reserves of the active army
all called up in the first three months, all normal recruit-
ment exhausted in the first twelve, the unfit men re-
examined and pressed in as far as possible in the autumn
of last year, the calling up of the very youngest lads in
December, and the complete drying up of recruiting
power by the end of 19x5.
I propose to put the whole thing this week in tabular
form before my readers.
' The publication of this all important matter has bsen
permitted in France. I take it for granted, therefore,
that its publication \\ill also be permitted in England,
for 1 have come to believe that the failure to inform the
public of vital things of this sort is due not to caution,
but merely to sloth and lack of co-ordination between
the various people responsible.
Indeed, there is no possible reason why such information
should help the enemy.
It will be found, and I shall comment upon the fact
in a moment, that tiie dates now officially known agree
very exactly with the approximate estimates which have
appeared from time to time in the columns of Land &
Watkr.
First, as to the original German active army. We
premised that the last recruits and reserves of this were
10
J. A N n \ W A T !•: R
JllIU
aJready summoned and present in October, 1914. (" Tlie
last reser\-es and the last recruits " was the phrase used).
As a matter of fact, that date after which no elements of
recruiting from the old active army are discovered is
November i>t. i<)i4.
On that date — November ist, 1()I4— all the ininio-
diately available men of the (ierman Empire had been
put into the field. Theactivearmy in a conscript country
means, of course, all those men still alive and of military
age and able to pass the doctor who have in the past
received full military training.
I need hardly point out that the exhaustion of this
recruiting ground, after only three months of war, was
never dreamt of when (icrmany fuolislily compelled
Austria to join her in an improvoked attack upon Europe.
The wastage had been at an enormously higher rate
than the (leneral staff had ever conceived possible.
Behind the .Active Corps was the so-called " ICrzatz "
I?eser\'e. Germany, it is well known, did not train everv
possible man as France did, for instance, or Bulgaria,
bhe thoiight it sufficient with her preponderant munbers
and rapid increa.se in population to train about half of
them. The excess, that is the young men tit for service
but not actually incorporated, were given a certain amount
of training, or at least most of them were. It was
calculated that the training could be supplemented during
the course of a war, and that this body would act as a sort
iii reserve for feeding tlie wastage of the army should a
campaign last so long as to begin to exhaust the active
army itself. These men were summoned by classes from
almost the beginning of the war. The man-p)ower of
this body was exha\isted on or before the ist of P^ebruary,
I()i5. After that date all the " Erzatz " reserve had
been called up.
This is in part ah explanation of the fact which has
been pointed out more than once in these columns, that
after February. 1915. no new German formations appeared
There remained the men altogether untrained between
20 and 35 ; the last of these had been called up bv the
1st of April. 1015. Upon that date all the " normal
methods " (as the phrase goes in conscript coimtries) of
recruiting the tremendous wastage had been employed.
The ycnmg classes '14 and 15 had been called up by that
time — as we shall see in a moment, and these also, lads
of 20 or little less, may be regarded as " normal " material.
Everyone who had actually been trained as a soldier,
everj'body who had been partially trained and kept in
reserve ; everybody who had not been trained at
all, but who was at least physically capable had been
summoned, the untrained however, only up to and in-
cluding the age of 35.
Technically, military age extends to 45, but in the
years between 35 and 40 (which are but a small proportion
of any army) the great mass of men are better used upon
comnnmications and subsidiary work than in the field —
though this modification applies, of course, far less to a
small professional army in constant training and with per-
petual selecting and weeding out than it does to a con-
script force : a point whi( h has been somewhat obscured
therefore in the judgment of Englishmen hitherto best
acquainted with professional armi<>s alone. The re-
maining margin of wholly untrained men between 35
and 40 had been all called up by the month of July, 1915.
In exactly the first year of the war, therefore, not
only had alj normal methods beim used, but every man
who was even technically of military age and who had
passed the doctor, was under arms.
There remained now only the "abnormal" methods.
The word " abnormal " is rather misleading, though it
is current, as I have said, in all conscript countries.
The word " exceptional " would be perhaps a more
accurate one to use in English. Part of these methods
are indeed abnormal, such as the use of men who
are not really fit. the " inefhcients " and the use of
very young lads. But other " abnormal " methods,
such as the taking of a boy just before his 20th birth-
day, or just after it — that is. a year sooner than the
practice in time of peace, are not " abnormal " in the
ordinary sense ; that is. they do not propose a strain
upon human nature, or the serious lowering of military
standards. At any rate., the " abnormil ' mrthods to
which all conscript countries have been reduced by the
severity of the war, and not Germany alone, includ? the
calling up of the younger classes imtil you g.:t quite
young lads of 18 and even include the using, wherever
use can be found for them, of men physically inefficient ;
the French call it " combing out of the cripples."
It will be remembered that I suggested many months
ago in L.\Nu cS: \\'.\Ti:K,and upon several occasions, that
this necessity for abnormal recruitment — the exhausticm
of the efficient reserves — might come as early as November
1915, and could not be delayed later than the end of the
year. The evidence now available amply confirms this
judgment and shows that it was in its tentative form too
" conservative." As a matter of fact, the "combing out
of the cripples" (an exaggerated and slang phrase) began
as early as October, 1915. Men who had failed to ])ass
the doctor were required to present themselves for re-
examination in that month and the process went on all
through November. It was very sc\ere.
Invalids Called for Service
I have received through private correspondents ex-
amples of its .severity. Men have been summoned for
auxiliary duties who were really invalids : men so much
invalids that they were regarded as invalids in .civilian
life. Men who have lost some necessary limb or organ,
an eye or a hand or even a leg, could be put to certain
duties and were put to them. Every possible man was
taken. For instance, in the duties of serving the heavy
artillery behind the lines a maimed man can do a certain
amount of work ; even a man with one arm can turn a
hand-wheel and help to traverse a gun. and even a man
with one leg can help to load a wagon with shell or drive a
vehicle ; and it goes without saying that the very worst
cases can be used in garrison work, the guard of neutral
frontiers and prison camps, etc. At any rate, by the
end of November, 1915, every possible inefficient who
could do anything at all had been drafted into the service.
As to the calling up of the yoUnger classes it was as
follows : The active army, the army that invaded France
and won at Tannenberg" included class '13, but not class
'14. In other words, except for the vohmtccrs its
youngest men were men of 21. I'or the year attached to .
a class in a' conscript system signifies the year within
which a young man attains his 20th birthday. The
youngest men who marched (except the \-ohmt'eers) in
July, 1914, for the destruction of iM-ance, were men who
attained their 21st birthday at some time in the year
1914. and as the armies did not move until the beginning
of August, that is, until more than half the year was over,
most of the youngest class incorporated in them (the class
1913), were men who had already passed their 21st birth-
day, while the rest were over 20'and approaching 21.
Class 1914, that is, young men born in the course of
the year 1894, a year younger than the youngest men
already m.the army, were called up in November and
December, 1914, after the first 3 or 4 months of war.
1 he ( .erman system is to train these recruits for a com-
paratively short time before they are fed into the lighting
units. It is a system which the French copied, dis-
covered to be a weakness, and rapidly abandoned ; sub-
stituting for It a much longer period of training. On the
other hand, while we mark its unwisdom, we must
remember that the German Empire had little choice.
In Its enormous wastage of men it had to use its new
recFuits as soon as possible; while the French were
supported by powerful Allies who had not used anything
like their available man-power.
^ '<f ^'fiV*" ^'^^^ ^'^^5 was not called up until the
month of May, 1915. The process of callii^g them up
lasted into June. At this point, the end of the first year
counting classes 14 and '15, all " normal " methods vvere,
as w.^ have seen, exhausted. But after this, after the first
year of war the process of calling up the young msn be-
!'.^nn»f -■'' a""'-^ [^''"^i '^'^^ ^^'^^^ ^^»^6 was actually sum-
moned in August and was all present at the training
rnn^^H^ Vf ?^ ^^Ptember. I have in these columns
.K , T ^""^^:^' ^'> the average period of training
mo h nn'['"^ "'' ''t' '" f^'<=™an.V as being about 4
nnw^vnl? Kr'"""""'^"'^ °" '*' '^■"^^^tv. Thc experience
imVli,^ ' f "'"r"- °^ ^'^^^ ^^^6 c«"'i'-ni'^ the
con ecZ Ti 'T '''''" ^ ^"°*^ '* ^'ttlc more than a
mu^ ir nn; .1.1 r f'.'""","'' ^' ^'^ '^^^^^ '''''^ ^^ Verdun,
put It ntothe held in large numbers just four months
hst' lie^'^h'^- H^^'l'^' ^^terwards, in^ DecembJi 9,
-last Derember-the last class. 1917. was called u,"
June I, 1916
LAND & WATER
II
It has not yet appeared in the field (I think) but it
must shortly do so.
From the above it appears that the man-power of the
German Empire had been called upon in its totahty by
the end of last year.
There now remains nothing but the lads who grow up
as the war proceeds. The class 1918, more than half of
whom at this moment are not yet 18 years of age, may
have beL^n already warned and will at any rate be warned
soon. Behind them at a year's interval come the class
Kjii), and so on. But the wastage of this war is many
times more rapid than the recruitment available from the
younger classes. IQ18 may be thrown into the fray
before the end of this year and allowing for the necessary
very numerous exemptions among such young boys, it
will not furnish more than 400,000 individuals and
probably less, and they will be of exceedingly poor
quality. The German wastage per year is not 400,000,
nor twice that figure, nor foivr times that figure. It is
more like six or seven times that figure.
The position may be judged by the following table,
which is both simple and accurate, and whiclr it would
be well to retain in all future judgments of the position,
for it presents in the most elementary form both the rate
of exhaustion of (iermany and her present situation.
TABLE OF GERMAN HECflUlTMEKT
Aug.l?T91+
Dcc.l?ti9i4'_
"Feb. 1?? 1915.
Aprai!fl915_
!Vfcill?^1915.
Jultil':tl915-.
Cl<Bs'14cdUediip.
QmslScaSHup.
H
a?
s <
<-' '^
" '.3
Jt4y3I-t!'li)J5 ANNIVERSA-RY of PECLA'RATION of W'AV..
EhTD of NORMAL -RICRUITMENT. BEGINNING oe
ABNORMAL RECRUITMENT
Augl«tI9I5_-i
SM>t.31??1915
Oa. 1S19J5
> Cla^ 16 caUed up.
-1 • ■ T ^- ' ^§E^ ^
; Men prcvuntsUf classed as unfit »,'tj •? t| ^' ,jj
Nny.^l^l<?15 ■• "ccmhed out" and called up. \ .g§^Q
Dec 31!? 1915 ] Class ^17 called t^.
1 ^?^f^3S
The Enemy's Own Evidence
The most remarkable piece of evidence confirmatory
of the above is the pains at which the German Staff have
been to confuse neutral opinion (and I daresay panicky
opinion among the enemies of Germany as well) by the
circulating to the neutral press of a statement which I
can only criticise as clumsy.
This statement was issued, I believe, in the course of
the present week, probably about Tuesday or Wednes-
day. It first indulges in generalities which have no
particular value, and which are only meant to produce an
effect, such as, that Germany has plenty of men " awaiting
the call to various fronts." In other words, that a great
many of the German men in uniform, like French,
Russians and alLother men in uniform, are not at any
one moment in the trenches. It then goes on to say tha't
Germany is so full of men that there is no real necessity of
putting men of over 40 into the trenches. As no belli-
gerent ever puts any appreciable number of men over 40
into the trendies, the statement is obviously addressed to
those who arc not seriously following the "war at all — to
what is usually rather irreverently called "genera! opinion."
But after these generalities, which tell us notliing, there
is a very remarkable piece of statistics divulged.
The German autliorities go on to tell us tJiat they are
assured from the younger classes " of 30,000 recruits a
month as long as the war lasts." 30,000 recruits a
month is 360,000 a year. As the reader has seen, I
should have put it a little higher. I should have said
that the lads (little more than bo^'s who form the lowest
yearly class available — for example, 1918 this year,
191 9 next year, and so on, boj's most of whom when they
are called, will be less than 18 years of age), might at a
squeeze have furnished 400,000. It would have been
400,000 of exceedingly bad material, but I think that
number could be combed out. However, the Germans
tell us it is less and we must be grateful to accept their
own- estimate.
Now this is the point where I call this German circular,
like so many of the German circulars, clums}'. It aims
at affecting the least instructed opinion among neutrals
and for that matter among belligerents. No doubt that
method has its value. But nothing is being done mean-
wliile to counteract the instructed comment which follows
on the, heels of every such misleading German statement.
The German War Office does not seem to be here properly
co-ordinated. The gentleman who has the task of
fabricating this sort of thing is not checked by his
colleagues whose business it is to read the serious com-
mentary on the war published in such papers as this
and proceeding from a v<>ry great mnnber of competent
critics at the head of whom I think we must continue to
put Colonel Feyler. This work is not composed of wild
statement. It is a mass of careful estimate and analysis,
erring no doubt often by some margin one way or the
other, often very uncertain and tentative from lack of
evidence, and at any rate always approximating to a
truth which can be definitely proved and which the
evidence, when at last available, thoroughly supports.
In my opinion the German War Office under-estimates
the value of such dry and detailed but continuous and
widely circulated work. It is fully present everywhere
on the side of the Allies, in the Debuts of Paris for instance,
the Manchester Guardian and the Morning Post in this
country, and in this paper. My readers will do me the
justice to note, for instance, the points already made in
this article, that the full evidence now available with
regard to the calling up of the various elements of German
recruitment not only generally tallies with the conclusions
come to in this particular paper, but as a rule shows those
conclusions to be rather conservative than otherwise.
In the same way we saw only a couple of weeks ago how
the private lists of deaths among the German medical
service gave very nearly the same percentage of error
between the truth and the official lists, as has been dis-
covered upon more general grounds for larger categories of
the German armed population.
Further, the enemy's losses and remaining man power
as worked out in these numerous calculations in French,
British and neutral critical journals (best of all in the
Journal dc Geneve) corresponds to what would be normally
his position in such a war as this on the analogy of all the
other belligerent Powers, whereas hjs statements propose
conditions so abnormal as to be miraculous.
There is in this very circular to which I am alluding
an example of those assumed miracles when we are told
that nearly g/ioths of the German wounded are fit
shortly afterwards " to resume the most arduous miUtary
duties." That is rubbish, and the man who writes it
must know that it is rubbish. You can keep the names
Sortes Sbahcspeaviana^
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
•
To Mr. Lloyd George on his IrLsh Mission.
Our S7iit
Is that yott reconcile them.
Coriolanus, V., iii., 135-6.
Munition-workers who forego their holiday-
Here pleasures court mine eyes, and
mine eyes shun them.
Pericles, I„ ii., 6.
Lord Q\w7.o\\ assumes his new office.
Noiv sits Expectation in the air,
Henry V., II.. proloiiue, S,
12
L A .\ i) eV- W A T 1-: R
Juno T, iqiG
of men who have been wounded on yonr lists, and a pro-
jiortion between 8 and Q/ loths can be put to some sort of
work, if we include as " work " anvihinf^ whatsoever
connected with the service of an army, but the putting
in of the word "arduous" makes, the whole thing
ridiculous.' The number of wounded men who can go
back to exactly the sjime work as they left before they were
wounded and do it as well is not q/ioths nor 8 loths.
nor 7 loths, nor even, if we take the severest tests, tpiite
6 lOths. And (iermany is no better off here than France
or England or Italy or anybody else. We ail have very
{^ood hospitals now with thorouglily efiicient and quite
sufficientlv niuiierous staffs We are ail Europeans, and
we are all human beings. Tiie nature of our projectiles
is all much the same. The character, effect and duration
f)f wounds inflicted does not in any miraculous manner
increase in severity when the body suffering them is
I'rench or English, nor as miraculously decrease when
the body suffering them is souie unfortunate (ierman.
Better Late than Never
My readers may be interested to read the following
seven passages.
1. People wonder whal ix really liafipenin-j al Vc-diin.
and lose Ihefnselves in coniectiires w!iv the German Command
persists in BUTTING ITS HEAD AC-AINST A STONE
WALL.
2. Ilindenbur^ is said to have observed that the military
situation of Germany is brilliant but without prospects.
It is a close enoujih approximation to the truth and the
REAL TROIHLE AT MAIN HEADOLARTERS MlSl
BE Tt) FIND A WAV OUT OF THE IMPASSE INTO
WHICH THE DECISION TO ATT.\CK AT VERDUN
HAS LED THE GERMAN ARMIES.
3. We regard the German persistence in error as sheer
obstinacy.
^. There has been scarcely any change in the situation
and none, certainly, to justity the immense sacrifice of
German life xvhich has marked this most tragic episode
(•! the ivar. The Germans continue to exhaust their armv
before Verdun to the point of extermination. They bring
up divisions in reserve from every quarter where one is to
be found, and each fresh contribution means a fresh assault
and a fresh repulse.
5. Our glorious .^lilies have held the cnemv at arm's length
for the last tuv months, have punished him .severely and
have prevented him from scoring a single point.
6. The Germans .... cheer up their country by
declaring that they are exhausting the French reserves, and
there is no wonder that they should try to do so, for opinion
in Germany is becoming enervated and depressed. The
Trench practice has been to give divisions a rest after .serious
fighting in order to prevent their quality from deteriorating
and Ihev can afford to do- so because thev have .\MPLE
RESERVES. The GERMANS ARE NOT I\ THIS
FORTUNATE POSITION.
7. General Pe'.ain has sold his ground, inch by inch and
• every inch at the price of German lives. He has never been
unreasonable, and when the Germans have been willing to
pay the exorbitant price which he asks for ground. they have
been allowed to have it.
The above extracts are not taken fro;n back numbers
of L.\ND & Water. They are quotations from the Times
of May 23th. Apart from the use of rather extreme
adjectives they confirm the view that has been repeatedly
and consistently expressed in this paper in the face of a
good deal of criticism. Its truth is proved in a remark-
able degree by the events of the past week during which
the enemy has secured insignificant local advance without
as yet any strategical result, and that at a gigantic cost
in men. H. Belloc
It was with regret that no mention was made of Newfound-
. land, " our oldest Colony " in the Story of the Nations, told
in the Five Nations number of L.\nd & W.\tfr last week.
Tlie contribution on which we were relying failed to reach us.
Wc lia%c now received details, but too late for this number,
riie omission will be made good in our next issue.
Messrs. John Murray have just issued a shilling volume
entitled Infantry Scouting, by Lieut. Cameron, a scouts'
officer with service experience of tlie work he details. The
book will be found a complete and concise exposition of
.infantry scouting, and is one to be recommended, not only
to officers specially interested in reconnaissance work, but
also to all infantry officers, who will find it of great assistance
in preparing lectures for their men.
Les Jacinthes (Blue-Bells)
By Emile Camm.aerts. ^
Lc ciel est toml^f par terre !
II y en a tant
Sous les bouleaux blancs,
Tant sous les frenes gris,
Q\x ou ne voit plus le vert des tiges.
II y en a tant et tant et tant —
Frisson d'amour, printcmps flcuri —
Que le vertigo
\'ous saisit.
11 y en a tant qu'on nc pcut plus
Marcher sans marcher dessus.
II y en a tant qui dansent
Et qui rient
Qu'on ne sait plus
Ou le ciel commence
Et ou la terre fmit.
Le ciel est tombe par terre !
II fait si bleu
Sous les frenes gris,
U fait si bleu sous les grands hetres -
FVisson d'amour, printcmps fleuri —
Qu'on croirait etre
En Paradis.
II fait plus bleu cjue les crevasses
De la Mer de Glace.
Plus bleu que les lacs d' Italic,
Plus bleu cjue les yeux
Des Bienheureux ...
Un bonne est tonibe par terre !
Tl est couche
Parmi les jacintjics, les bras en croix ;
Son kepi a roule
A quelques pas de lit.
II a un i^ctit trou rond
Au milieu du front.
II dort d'un profond sommeil!
F-t sa fete, sur la mousse,
Dans son aureole rousse,
Luit comme un soleil. . .
Mai, 19 16.
[.\i,L Rights Rhservkd]
Garden lovers will find much to awaken tlieir interest in The
Well-Considered Garden, by L. V. King (B. T. Batsford, Ltd.,
8s. 6d. net.). Mrs. King is American, and she writes of
American flora and .American gardens, but the root principle
of successful gardening is the same throughout all the world,
and the chief charm in this book lies in the fact that its author
loves her subject, and had lived with and studied it in no
common degree. The series of photographs with wliich the
work is illustrated adds greatly to its value, but all devotees
of the garden will find that the text will keep them interested.
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
AND AFTER
JUXF..
"The Empire on th« Anvil" Ity Sir CH4RL|;s lcc,«s, K.C.B.. K.C.M 0.
Sea Power in its Dual Relation. Uj Commander K. Hamilto.s Cikrey, R X
Tlie Iritti Enigma AKam:
<1) What is Wrong in Ireland? nv .Tosei'H R, Msher.
(2) An Appeal tor an Iriili Entente: a Le«ton from South Africa,
Hy J, tlKRC XIIERIIIAN u'ommiifioiier lor llerfiiiie tn the Vnion
<•/ s„„l', Mrirn).
(J) The Sinn Fein Retiollion. By the Upv. Koin.iiT IT. Mirr VY I,ilt D.
Thp Future ct Asiatic Turkey. liv .1 I'mi^ ' lUiiKK't
Demociacy and Diplomacy. H> the Itioht Hon. the Etirl of CkomVr' G C II O M
Shakespeare and the French Mind. By Jom;i'H liEicoiin (I'roletsor al Knnlhh
nt Miintitellirr I iiirirullf .
Some Caueee ol Misconception: the Imprenioiw of an Englith Rtsidenl In
,.. .'."■ .. .,. ... , "V CHARI.F..S !>\WHARN.
Education after the War. Ity Arthur C. Bensos, C.V.O., LL I), (i/aslcr or
Mtnuiiilt'tte I'ttUfi,'. <'amhridfle).
Benedetto Croce and his Activities, Bv Doroi.AS AixsiIR.
The^Blble 01 the Jap..ne88 Soldier. By Professor J. H. I-o.wtord Uormerly
N»"onal Railways after the Warr a Reply to Mr. HytKlman. By Alfred
By linHERT M.ACHRIT.
Th< Resurgence of Russia.
Trials to Com« :
O) Preparation for Peace By Arthpr Paterson iSecrtlary Social Wellart
.\^.<"r}rtl,n,t I'tr l.nmloH). ' ■•'
(2) Our Soldiers after the War: a Suggettion. i
By C«pt.ain OEORCE S, C. SwiXTON.
I.oikIuh: .Spottiswoode. Balbntyne A Co.. Ltd.. 1, Xew-.rtrcet SqiLxre.
June I, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
The Navy at War
By Arthur Pollen
LAST week T was one of a party on a naval
tour. Wc saw something of the coast patrol,
of shipbuilding, of the two main divisions
of the Grand Fleet. At the headquarters
of one of the sections of the, trade route defences we
saw a sample of the new navy that the submarine
blockade has called into existence. Apart from the
captain in command and a staff of perhaps half a dozen
naval officers, practically the whole of this force is
commanded by naval pensioners, merchant, trawler
and drifter skippers, and mates promoted to command
on the strength of an aptitude shown since this force
was organised. The crews a,re wholly taken from
the trading craft, the fisheries, the coasters and longshore-
men. Besides tliis the attack of hostile aircraft is part
of the commanding ofhcer's duty. He has, therefore,
fixed and mobile guns, and great coveys of seaplanes,
from the largest to the smallest, under his orders.
The chief part of the work lies in the keeping of the
war route clear of mines and the unceasing patrol main-
tained to counter the submarines. These are grim and
glorified forms of fishing and pf deep-sea hunting. Tire
sport of kings has become the sport of what, in more
normal times, is one of the least royal of classes. Only
those to whom a sport is a business could have developed
the thing so rapidly and with such astonishing success.
It is fierce and merciless, and calls equally for courage
and for cunning. It has created a new brotherhood
between the Royal Navy and the coasting and the fishing
navies — a brotherhood born of a common danger, fostered
by a common aim, and crowned by an uncommon success.
Mine-sweeping is always a perilous business, for excellent
as is the design of the German, mine, and, if possible,
still more excellent its workmanship, it does not always
happen that these devilish contrivances keep their depth.
Their cables do not always hold, and the rule that a
mine, once the cable is broken, is thrown out of action,
is one too often dishonoured, by non-observance. And,
apart from mines, the sweepers are exposed to gun attacks
from submarines. So while those specially detailed for
the larger game of submarine hunting both seek and
encounter the greater danger, all, though unequallj^ are
exposed to it. ■ •
The keeping of the war route for merchant ships is a
different job entirely from sweeping for the safe passage
of the main fleets across the North Sea. And the sub-
marine patrol is again a totally different thing from that
maintained for carrying on the commercial blockade.
For these again entirely new naval forces have been
created. Both are hazardous, and the second incredibly
exacting, in that it must be carried on in all weathers.
To all of tliis work the merchant navy has contributed
officers and men with clieerful generosity, a personnel
which has only taught us in war how high a character is
developed by the sea service in time of peace. If you
take the merchant, fisher, and coast trade men now
serving under the white ensign, and add to them those
who, in the service of the nation's suppl3^ have faced the
new perils of the sea, you will find that there is but little
margin left for slackers. If, the Government has been
rutiiless , in commandeering ships, the Admiralty has
never had to conscribe the men.^ It was splendid to hear
the tributes of the naval men to' tlieir new comrades, not
less splendid to see how perfectly the fishermen and others
have fallen into naval ways and learned the few naval
arts they did not know ahead}'. . ,«, „,,.. w.-l
Next on the Tync and Clyde, wf see the, two main
centres of shipbuilding. The' reader will have seen
elsewhere picturesque and detailed accounts of. these,
written by the very able journalists who composed the
party. For myself I find it anything but a,siipple busi-
ness either to analyse my impressions of what I saw, or
indeed to recognise e.xactly what those impressions were.
To say that seeing is believing is not so obviously true
as it sounds. You may in point of fact see so much as to
become incredulous. On the Tyne and Clj'de shipyards'
and engine works are not numbered by threes and fours,
hut by the dozen. It is not the biggest of these that turns
out, and has turned out for years, a thousand horse-
power a day. Here are battleships and battle cruisers,
light cruisers and destroyers, patrol ships and mine
sweepers, some finishing in the tide way, others on the
stocks, some actually beginning to grow upon the slips !
before another keel, on a parallel set of blocks, is ready
for launching — a bewildering panorama of noisy activity
Mammoth Works
What, at a single visit, are you to make of a firm that,
in its ordnance munition works and ship-yards, employs
between 60,000 and 70,000 hands ; is turning out every
form of vessel from the fastest and most heavily gunned
capital ship to the latest of motor-driven patrol boats ;
which makes every nature of naval gun from the 15-inch
to the i2-pounder, and every form of land gun from the
giant howitzer to the British equivalent of the 75 ; that,
on the top of all this, is grinding out shells — from mon-
strous things that stand nearly 6 feet high and weigh
the greater part of a ton, to i8-pounder shrapnel and
high explosives— -and is completing, all told, nearly
20,000 of all kinds per day ? The only single impression
that is left is that Sir Edward Grey, so far as these two
centres are concerned, was well within the mark when
he told our Russian visitors that Great Britain was all
out to win. Here at least every man, every machine,
eveiy atom of our working capacity is pledged to the
great cause.
Then came the visits to the two bases between which
the Grand Fleet is chiefly divided when not at sea. On the
Tyne and Clyde we had seen ships in the making. At these
two bases we saw the fleet in being. The lines of battle
cruisers, the vast array of battleships, the attendant
flotillas of cruisers and submarines, even the seaplane
ships and the destroyer depots, and the main auxiliaries
for engineering, water suppl^^ etc. — with fleets so com-
posed the great Spithead Reviews had familiarised tis.
What was a revelation was to find how in war a fleet, to
keep in being, calls for the attendance, in addition not
only of almost uncounted colliers and oil ships, but for an
incredible array of mine sweepers and patrols, to clear
for it a safe passage and to screen it from submarines.
Certainly the fleet to-day is a very different force from
that with which we began the war. The odds against
the enemy to-day seem, on paper, to be hopeless.
It is, indeed, impossible to see these vast Armadas,
still less possible to converse with the Admirals, of
officers and men who handle. them„ without wondering
what are the enemy's leal views of his prospects at sea.
The famous Navy Law said it was German policy to build
a fleet so powerful that the strongest navy in the world
could not attack it without being so reduced in strength
as to be a ready prey to weaker Powers. The German
fleet would have to fight, and the neutral navies would
have to seize the opportunity which the expected^ — but
Pyrrhic — victorj' of the British would afford. Is it the
coyness of the neutrals that explains German bashful-
ness ? Failing this, so Bernhardi has explained to us,
the British fleet was to be reduced by attrition.
Mines, submarines, bomb dropping aircraft were
to take a steady toUi of our swollen numbers. \\'cll,
in 20 months of war the fleet has grown by nearer 20 than
10 of the largest capital units, so that the triple attrition
has not beeji very effective. There were anxious months
no doubt, when inadequate protection made the sub-
marine menace hideously serious. Nothing but an
incredible vigilance, a heroic continuing effort, could
have brought the mine danger to safe proportions. Only
the cultivation of an excellent skill in gunnery could have
brought the aircraft threat to nothing. But the simple
fact remains that attrition as a policy has not succeeded.
When attrition had done its expected work, two other
principles were to be employed to complete our
34
I \ \ ! ) .\ W A'T ]•: K
juiic I, i(ji6
disiuni fit lire. Shi|)s wire to bo Jiccrtcd (torn our llitt
and su its strength reduced by the sucrilicc of sinj^le
vessels to harry the trade routes. A battle cruiser let
loose ujHjn the Atlantic would attract two or three to
catch her. Then another would follow the lirst, and then
a tliird, so that three or four (jcrman ships would reduce
the British strength by nine or 12. Diversion would
complete the work of attrition. Finally, the principle
of division would make all things ready for the master
.stroke. A couple of anny corps escorted by the older
battleships would be sacrificed in an invading raid. The
British fleet -already weakened —would have to send
]X'rhaps half its units to avert the blow, then the un-
divided German fleet would fall upon the hapless re-
mainder. Skilfully laid minefields, daring destroyer
attacks, cunning ambushes of submarines, all these
devices would be brought into play, and the distracted,
diverted, divided British fleet, with its harassed and
impatient commanders would finally be crushed.
It was a lovely programme, but many things were
n«rded for its success. The chief of these were tiiat the
(ierman fleet should be willing to risk everything for
\ictory, and that the British commanders should be
driven, by their own disappointed ambition and public
unpatience, to a frenzy of insane imprudence. Of the
(ierman wiliingiKss to lake risks we know only tiiis, that
they liave taken mighty few so far. Of the j)rospect of
our Admirals losing their heads, those who visited tlie
fleet can form a fairly good opinion. Sir David Beatty
may be what he looks, the personification of the eager
fighting spirit, but it is an extraordinarily calm, level
headed, self-contained incarnation at that. As for the
Commander-in-Chief, he has long been the very type of
imperturbabilit\'. Twenty months of the greatest respon-
sibility and the greatest strain that any man in any part
of the fields of warhas undergone, find him to-day without
an added grey hair or an added wrinkle. Aifd as the
Commander-in-Chief, so every officer and man seemed
also. It really looked as if continuous "service, without
a day's hoHday or a moment's remission of incessant
duty, must certainly be the best prescription for perfect
health and perfect nerves. When one reflects upon what
all these men have been through, what sea cruising means
to-day, the incredible standard of skill that is being main-
tained, and the drills, practices and discipline that it
calls for, the thing is a perfect wonder. Never has the
fleet had less sickness ; never have so few oflicers broken
down or become unfit. One thing is sure. Any German
hopes that are built on the supposition that the fleet is
war weary are doomed to disappointment.
Peace and the President
.\s has Hiot been unusual, the only outward ;mkI
visible sign of naval war has, for the last fortniuht,
Ix'en the under water attacks on shijjping. Lull details
are not published of these, but it would appear that
jiractically all the ships that have suffered in home
waters have run upon mines, and all those sunk
and damaged in the Mediterranean have suffered
from submarine attack. In our issue of May 18th
we showed the home casualties between April 20th
and May I5tli inclusive. So far as positive infor-
mation goes, therefore, there is no evidence that the
( iermans have failed to keep the undertaking which they
have given to the United States. We have few details
as to tlie circumstances in which these attacks were madi'.
We are simply not told if ships were visited and searched
or provision made for the safety of the crews. But in
certain instances no such provision could have been made.
There is naturally, therefore, some curiosity to know
whether Dr. Wilson will repeat in the case of Austria
the action he has taken in the case of Germany. So far
the Persia correspondence has not been followed up.
Meanwhile due acknowledgment should be made of
the fact that for the best part of a month, British and
neutral ships in the neighbourhood of these islands have
been free froiu the ravages of submarines. The emanci-
pation— temporary though it may be — is one of real
value, and in finally insisting upon a doctrine laid down in
February, 1015. President Wilson has shown that where
lie has the will he possesses the power to compel belli-
gerents to observe a civilised code in war. There
seems no reason why this same ix)wer should not enforce
in the Mediterranean the standard of conduct which it
has exacted in the t hannel and North Sea. Tardy though
the diplomatic triumph of Washington has been, it is so
real a triumph that we are left wondering why a capacity
to enforce right action, which should have been obvious,
was not exerted earlier and over a wider field. Even if
America were to compel the .\ustrian limpire to yield
as Germany has >aelded, the fact would still remain that
secret mine laying on the trade routes is a gross and
hideous violation of civilised practise, whose criminality
has only been obscured by the greater villainy of the sub-
marine campaign. There are real difticulties, no doubt,
in taking the same action here as in the latter case.
But it certainly seems odd that no action should be taken
at all. The first American ship to suffer under the war,
the Evelyn, perished by a mine. And the practice of
using them in this way is not only inhuman, but unlike
the attacks by submarine, forbidden not onlj' in implica-
tion, but specifically by international agreement. In this
matter Germany lias not only been shameless in action,
-,ho has been defiantly shameless in speech. In the first
of all the Berlin replies, America was warned as cynically
IS the passengers in the Lusitania were warned, that the
whole war area would be indiscriminately mined so that,
aj)art altogether from submarines, no neutral shij) could
enter it in safety. This threat in face of the standard set
up both by precedent and the Hague Conventions might
surely have given the American Government all the
material necessary for taking a Ikm attitude. The
weakest points in the American position in these matters
are first, the immense lengtli of time between her first
protest and the effective threat of action, secondly, the;
limitation both of protest and action to submarine attacks
only, and lastly confining the protest to attacks on ships
carrying Americans.
It is of course a larger weakness that the protest has
never extended beyond Germany's sea crimes. And this
is much emphasised by Mr. Wilson's somewhat unfortun-
ate address to " the League for Enforcing Peace." I
call it unfortunate, because in tliis address he encouraged
Americans to think that their Government would have
a natural right to a voice in the after war settlements,
on the ground that whether they wished it or not, the
States of .\merica were partners with the rest of the world
in the grand affair of civilisation, and that all that affected
liumanity affected them. He sketched out in terms that
could hardly bs improved, the main outline of what the
civilised nations should combine to maintain — the free-
dom of weak nations to choose their allegiance ; their
right of immunity from unprovoked a,;^gression ; the
right of all peo])les to the free and orderiy use of the ocean
highways. To have achieved such freedom of the seas
for the whole worlds shipping is the justification and
boast of a century of British sea supremacy.
To vindicate the right of small peoples—like
Serbia and Belgium— to choose their own allegiance ; to
win back for them the lands of whicli they have be;'n
despoiled ; to guarantee Flurcipe from any renewal of
the present horror of unprovoked war — these are not
things that the nations of the worid must combine, after
the war is over to secure— it is precisely to secure them that
the war continues. Had President Wilson been defining
the object for which the Allies are now fighting, he could
not have put their ])urpose into happier terms.
If the American ideal of a civilised code of inter-
national life is realised, it will be by the heroism of the
Allied nations, by their financial sacrifices and by their
industrial efforts. All thinking men would wish the
world to .settle down to a new life once this war is over.
And when it comes to organising this new life, the
American help will be vital. But two things have to be
done first. The military power of Pmssia has to be
crushed, and those who crush it must decide what restitu-
tion IS due, what guarantees of future safety are necessary.
1 he problem in all its immediate aspects will be European,
and one in which America would hardly have a title to
co-operate, nor could co-op(>ratc usefully. Mr. Wilson's
speech seems to imply something different.
Arthur Pollen.
June T, 1916 LAND & WATER
South America and the War.
15
By Lewis R. Freeman
[The very remarkable figures showing Great Britain's
share of South American trade on which Mr. Freeman
bases his article have only recently been issued and
are noiv for the first time published in this country.]
ONE of the most remarkable, as well as one of the
most encouraging developments of the war — -
from England's standpoint — has been the manner
in which British foreign trade has been main-
tained. That this has been done in spite of an unpre-
cedented demand on home industries and unparalleled
ocean freights, and in the face of the decreased buying
powers of practically all of the overseas markets, only
accentuates its importance on both scores. That imports
would be greatly increased by the war, and that exports
would be greatly restricted, was, of course, a foregone
conclusion. But, staggering as the figures of the aug-
mented imports — principally represented by foodstuffs
and munitions — have been, the fact that Great Britain,
notwithstanding the handicaps mentioned, has been
able to bring back her exports almost to pre-war figures
is even more remarkable.
British exporters, it now appears, have been able to
maintain their hold upon practically all of the markets
of the world that are open to them from the seas, but that
they have been notably successful in this respect in one
quarter of the globe, where it is especially desirable
that such a hold should be maintained, was brought clearly
to the writer's attention during a study he recently made
in Washington of some late facts and figures relating
to Latin American trade placed at his disposal through
the courtesy of the Pan-American Union.* '
The Ideal Market
The South American continent, as has long been under-
stood in England and Germany, and, more recently, the
United States, offers a nearer approach to the theoretical
ideal of a market for an industrial nation than any other
of_ the great geographical regions of the world. The
" ideal market," it is generally agreed, is a country which
is very rich in natural products, but which, through
scantiness or inadaptability of its population, is not
capable of doing much in manufacturing itself. This
allows an exporting nation to market its manufactures in
such a country with negligible home competition, and
to take its pay in the raw products which it must get
from somewhere in any case. China is not such a market
because, with unlimited coal and iron and an enormous
and energetic population, it will become— is rapidly
becoming, indeed— a great manufacturing nation itself.
Africa is not an ideal market because the producing,
and therefore the pxnxhasing, power of its great savage
or semi-savage populations is too small. Similar, or
equally potent, objections will be found to apply to all
of the other great non-industrial regions of the world.
Only the various countries of South and Central America
—rich in raw products, but lacking in iron and coal and
with scant inclination in their peoples toward modern
industry — hold out the promise of being able to buy as
much as they sell, of realising the " commercial ideal " of
" fair exchange " on a broad international basis.
The South American Republics have probably been
harder hit by the war than any other group of countries
outside of Europe. This is due to the fact that the
commerce and finances of South America were so largely
dependent upon Europe that any disturbance of con-
ditions in the latter could not but quickly be reflected
in the forn)er. South America— being a "non-manufac-
turing region— a producer of raw materials rather than
elaborated commodities — has been able to buy only
about so much as it could sell. This is shown by the
fact that, at the beginning of the war, that continent's
• This organisation, it may be in order to explain, is maintained
by the twenty-one American Republics for the development of good
understanding, friendly intercourse, commerce and peace among
tliem. It is pro-North and South American rather than anti-European,
and its headquarters in Washington is the only place in the world
\\hcre one may studj- Latin .American problems free from bias,,
exports and imports very nearly balanced each other
at something like two hundred million pounds each.
It followed naturally, therefore, that as soon as Europe
became unable or unwilling to buy South American
products, this acted automatically to restrict that con-
tinent's ability to buy those of Europe. It was this
sudden contraction of South America's principal markets
as well as the drying up of what had been its principal
financial sotirces, that operated to cut down the trade of
the various republics from ten to thirty per cent, during
1914-15, and to make some form or other of moratorium
necessary in every one of them.
In the trade of South America up to the time of the
war, as in that of the rest of the world, Great Britain had
a very considerable lead, with Germany second, and the
United States a very close third. Eor several years
the relative shares of the two latter countries were in-
creasing more rapidly than that of the former, though
Britain's actual lead was fairly well maintained. With
the closing of the seas to Germany, the trade of that
country quickly became an almost negligible quantity,
and, especially in the first months of the war, that of
Great Britain was greatly cut down.
Unfulfilled Anticipations
Immediately after tlie outbreak of the war the general
feeling in commercial circles on both sides of the Atlantic,
was that the United States would at once succeed to the
South American trade of Germany, and to such of that of
England, France and the other European nations as these
would be compelled to relinquish. That this very
natural expectation has been fulfilled only to a small
degree is due to a number of causes, the most important
one of which is doubtless the fact that the huge war
demands of the belligerents have left the American
factories little opportunity to turn their attention to
more remote and — for the time being — less profitable
markets. Shortage of ships and Sovith America's decreased
buying power hav.e operated to the same end.
Nor was the United States, as it transpired, to have
anything like the anticipated monopoly in foreign markets.
Englancl's industrial vitality had not been sufficiently
reckoned with. Once the sea lanes were cleared of Ger-
man raiders and industry at home got its second wind,
Britain began to make good in commerce the " bull-
dog's " dictum she has so often made good territorially,
and " What we have we'll hold " may well have been the
war motto of British exporters in their plucky up-hill
fight to keep their hard-won foreign markets. How well
they have succeeded nothing could show better than the
mounting figures of British exports during the last
eighteen months.
How remarkable is Britain's achievement in so nearly
keeping its export trade up to pre-war figures may be
best appreciated from the fact that, in spite of the great
industrial mobilisation in the United States, the trade of
that country with all of the world outside of Europe does
not show a dollar of increase for the year 1915 as com-
pared with 1914. Roughly speaking, the total value oi
the exports of the United States for 1915 were, two
hundred milhon pounds greater than for 1914. Since
this figure is almost exactly equal to the value of the
increase of exports to Europe for the same period, it will
be seen that America's trade with the rest of the world
has no more than held stationary in spite of the elimina-
tion of the competition of Germany, Austria and Belgium,
and the unprecedented war demands upon the industries
of Great Britain, France and Italy.
The trade and finances of the Latin American countries
have been adversely affected by the war in direct pro-
portion to their previous dependence upon Europe.
Those least affected have been the ones having the closest
trade relations with the United States.
Argentina, Brazil and Chile are the most advanced
commercially, as well as politically, of the South American
repubhcs, and by far the greater part of the foreign trade
of that continent is in their hands. Argentina was
i6
I A N D & W A T E R
jLine I, 191 J
extremely hard liit by the outbreak of the war, but the
worst effects of the blow were felt only until about the
end of 1014. Its recovery in exports during 11)15 has
been one of the most spectacular commercial develop-
ments of recent times. Argentina's imports fell from
£82,000.000 in 1013 to but little over £32,000,000 in 1914,
a loss of £30,000,000. Exports decreased during the
same pieriod from nearly £1)4,000,000 to less than
£68,000.000, or over £26,000,000. The total loss in
foreign trade was in excess of £56,000,000, a huge sum
for a country of less than 10,000^000 people.
Argentina's Foodstufis
But Argentina, producing staple foodstuffs where all
of the other South American republics dejx^nded almost
exclusively upon luxuries, was in a strong position for a
" come back," and the more than £80,000,000 worth of
the products of her fertile lands which were exported in
the first nine months of 1015 is not only greater than
for any other similar period in her history, but also
e.xceeds by a good margin the total exports of any other
complete years save only those of 1012 and i')i.^, Argen-
tina's foreign trade for the whole of 1015. the figures
for which are only just to hand, are as follows : — Exports,
£100,000,000 ; imports, £44.000,000 ; total, £153,000,000.
The following table, giving the percentages that the
imports of the six leading countries bear to the total of
Argentine imports for the last live years is a highlv
interesting record, especially in the light of the figures
for 1914 and 1915. The almost total elimination of
(jermany in 1915. and the more than ten per cent, in-
crease of the imports from the United States for the same
year, are apparently its most striking features ; but I
found commercial experts in \\'ashington inclined to
rate the manner in which Great Britain, in spite of the
turning of so many of her factories to munition works,
was shown still to maintain her commanding lead, as an
even more significant circumstance. There is a salutary
lesson for the I'nited States in this, they say, for Eng-
land's ability to hold her own in the face of great diffi-
culties is very largely due to the huge amount of British
lapital invested in Argentina railways and other in-
dustrial enterprises. No more striking illustration has
ever been furnished of the persistent loadstone money is
ioT trade.
isn 1912 l»m 1914 1S1'>
Countrirs. Per cent. PMcent. Percent. Percent. Percent.
United Kingdom . 29.6 30.8 31. i 34.0 32.0
<icrmany.. .. 18.0 16.6 16.9 14.8 t^.^
United States .. 14.3 15.4 14.7 13.4 23.6
Italy .. .. 8.0 8.5 8.3 9.2 9.7
]•" ranee .. ..10.4 98 9.0 8.2 5.9
liclgium .. .. 5.3 5.3 5.2 4.4 b.5
If any Englishman has been inclined to harbour doubts
regarding the industrial strength of his country, a study
of this table — in the light of all that has happened in the
course of the last twenty-one months — should go a long
way towards removing them. In spite of all her un-
precedented industrial, financial and military efforts for
herself and her allies. Great Britain supplied a larger
percentage of the goods bought by Argentina in the year
1915 than in any one of the preceding years of peace. More-
over, the figures, had I the space to set them down,
would show more or less the same thing for nearly every
country in South America.
Business conditions in Brazil, due to a number of causes,
but notably to unsound finance and the decline of the
coffee market, have been going from bad to worse for
some time, and the war only served to precipitate a crisis
which would have been inevitable eventually in any case.
Over a hundred million pounds of Brazilian bonds of one
kind or another are held abroad, and irregularity of
interest pavmi-nt has, in many instances, been the rule
rather than the exception, for many years. This state
of affairs was, of course, greatly aggravated by the war.
The decrease in Brazil's foreign trade as a consequence
of the war was rather staggering. Imports fell away
from £66.000.000 in 1913, to but little over £33,000,000.
practically lifty per cent. Exports fell from £62,000,000
in 1913 to £44,000.000 in 1914. This startling decline
continued during a part of 1915, but an improvement
during the last quarter of the year in exports gave a slightly
increased total for the twelve months. Imports fcil
away to less than £30,000,000, however, about forty-
five per cent, of the total for 1913- All countries suffered
in their trade with Brazil for 1915. but England managed
~ to maintain practically as good a lead in the percentage
column as in the case of Argentina.
The principal factor in Brazil's commercial troubles is
colTfee, always that country's most important item of
export. Something like half of the world's coffee supply
is raised in the State of Sao Paulo, but owing to un-
scientific growing, marketiiig and financing, the industry
has been in a bad way for some years. With the war
this condition was accentuated not only by the shortage
of shipping, but also by the fart that coffee, being more
or less of a luxurv, was one of the things Europe began
to do without. The same causes operated to depress the
Brazilian tobacco industry, and the heightened demand
and increased jirice of rubber has not been enough to
offset the loss in the two other great commodities of
export. In a general financial and industrial reorgani-
sation, the. first forerunning signs of which are evident
in the increased activities of several strong American
houses in the great repubUc, lie Brazil's best hope of the
restored prosperity her incomparable natural resources
so fully entitle her to.
Chile's Nitrates
Chile, through nitrate, like Brazil through coffee and
the southern of the United States through cotton, was
another region that was the harder hit by the war as a
consequence of carrying' too many eggs in one basket.
In 1913 the output of Chilean nitrate was approximately
3,000,000 tons worth, at the prevailing price of £8 per
ton, £24,000,000. The shortage of shipping folfowing
the outbreak of the war, and the cutting off entirely of
the German market, caused a slackening of the demand
which forced the price down to £5 per ton, just about the
cost of production. As a consequence, all but 36 of the
134 nitrate '* officinas " closed down for a number of
months. But by 1915 the increasing demand for refined
nitrates for use in the manufacture of explosives increased
the demand, and the price went up to over £9 per ton,
with the indications good that this very satisfactory figure
would be maintained through iqi6. The present "capital
investment in the nitrate industry of Chile is over
£30,000,000, about one-third of which is British, and this
has proved a very important factor in enabling England,
there as in Argentina and'Brazil, to maintain her strong
commercial lead. Chile's foreign trade fell off about
twenty per cent, in 1914 as compared with 1913, but
much of this was regained in 1915, and the present rate of
increase will make iqi6 very close to a normal vcar.
A study of the trade figures for Peru. Ecuador,"Bolivia, .
Uruguay and the other. less important South American
republics reveal conditions more or less similar to tho^
prevailing in the three leading ones — German imports
practically negligible, Great Britain steadfastly holding
its own, and the I'nited States registering smali but con-
sistent gains. From the American standpoint perhaps
the most encouraging feature of the situation is less in
the actual gains made than in the evidence that American
bankers and exporters are at last learning from England
the important commercial axiom, that trade follows the
dollar quite as persistently as it does the flag. .American
loans to or in a number of South American republics, and
increased American investments in mines, water-power
projects, railways, packing plants and other industrial
enterprises, will unquestionably be more strongly reflected
in the American trade returns of several years hence
than in those of to-day.
A significant fact, calculated to have a very important
bearmg on the " trade war " which will be launched in
South America immediately peace is declared in Europe,
was brought to my attention by an official of the Pan-
American Union just return-d from a swing around tho
southern continent.
" Except for the south of Brazil, with its 400,00.-)
Teutons," he said, "and th- Chilean army, which is
commanded by the ex-revo!utionisla and" soldier of
fortune. Gen. Koiner, every part of South America is not
only actively pro-Ally, but vigorously anti-German as
well. This will be of small moment one way or the other
as far as the course of the war itself is concerned, but,
unless I am greatly mistaken, is bound to tell heavily
agamst Germany in it6 efforts to regain its lost markets
after the war,"
June I, 1916
LAND & WATER
17
A "U'' Boat^s Victim
By Georgina Pennant
[Miss Pennant was a passenger on board a Japanese
steamer which was sunk by an enemy submarine in
the Mediterranean Sea. She gives in this article
a graphic description of her exceptional experiences.'^^
TWO to three o'clock on a warm sunny afternoon
is a drowsy hour on bioard ship. There is no
breeze, and a big Japanese hner shdes steadily
through the blue waters pf the Eastern Medi-
terranean, on which yellow gleams of sunlight play.
Most of the passengers are dozing, some on deck, some in
their cabins, for the previous night for the first time
during the voyage there had been a certain amount of
anxiety which had kept us a.wake. All day a small
white steamer had hung about, not half a mile away ; to
the unsuspecting passengers she was an object of interest,
the only one in the waste of waters ; but her innocence
was only skin-deep — it began and ended with her white
paint. She was a Dutch boat (so called), and had been
sending off German wireless messages in a code, which
aroused our Captain's suspicions, for this'is an approved
method of communicating with submarines.
On hearing this, most of us had sat up rather late, and
had slept uneasily, for though darkness is a close time
for submarines if a ship shows no light, yet night was
hardly night just then with the full moon of southern
skies shining down upon us. However, nothing had
happened, and in six hours we should be at Port Said.
All an.xiety was at an end, as the Captain had himself
assured me that morning, when bringing an Italian
wireless message for me to translate for him. It referred,
so he said, to a remote danger which did not concern us at
all, being a warning that there was an enemy submarine
in the " Cirelian Canale " — there was an interrogation
mark after the former of these two words, and we could
not make out what it liieaiTt ; but thought it should have
been " Sicilian '.' ; I heard afterwards that the operator
had tak n it down incorrectly.
A Tremendous Explosion
It was getting on for three o'clock— my siesta was over,
and I was standing up in my-cabin finishing my packing.
Suddenly there was the report of a tremendous explosion,
a sort of reverberating, roaring boom, which shook the
ship from stem to stern ; she stood still and quivered,
and I fell over the berth. It made me think of a bird on
the wing being shot.
Then overhead on the deck I heard the confusion of
many sounds. The slap of running feet on the boards
comes back to me distinctly, and voices calling in different
languages, most noticeable being those of the Japanese
crying "to-marine, to-marine." Or so it sounded.
My fur coat hung on a peg near the door ; quick
as thought I snatched it up and raced down the passage
and up the stairs, collecting a lifebelt from an empty
cabin on my way. We had had no boat drills or warnings
how to act in an emergency, but I knew which boat to
make for. No. i starboard, nearest the bridge. In rough
weather in the Bay of Biscay the boats had all been swung
out and lowered to the promenade deck, but at Gibraltar
they had been hauled up to the top deck, which was
reached by a steep flight of steps. I heard a voice say
in husky, unnatural tones, " Torpedoed through the
bows."
Men were already perched on the davits, swinging out
the boats, and passengers and crew were fast assembling,
some tying on ship's lifebelts, others struggling into
Gieve waistcoats, and puffing and blowing into the
tubes which inflated them till they slowly assumed the
proportions of a motor tyre round their chests. There
was no panic, nothing like a scene — no one uttered a
shriek or a cry. One had to correct one's estimate of one's
fellow passengers in a crisis hkc this. A strong, deter-
mined-looking man going out to take up a post of im-
portance, who I had thought looked equal to any
emergency, was one of the very few who seemed abso-
lutely terrified, while a Spanish Jew, who ate- and ate
till he swelled visibly and the whites of his eyes turned
yellow, was of the greatest use in launching the boats,
even stopping an Englishman from stepping in by saying
" The women must go first." Perliaps the most helpful
of all was a young man, who some people had thought
wa.s a German spy at the outset of the vc^yage. One
middle-aged couple were a marvel of calmness, as -'icy
stood on the deck he said to her, " 'What about a hat ? "
She answered, " Plenty of time to run down to the cabin
and fetch one." And off he went, returning with a new
solar-topee and his dressing-gown, which the lady was
very glad to wear later on.
Getting into the Boats
As soon as the boat was at the level of the deck, we began
climbing in, which was not very difficult though you had
to get over the oars as well as the gunwale. There was no
confusion, though my boat being nearest the gangway
was very much over-crowded, as people came tearing up
the stairs and got into the first one thev saw. I begged
several of them to go on to the other boats ; there were
four more on this side, some of which I saw being lowered
comparatively empty. Even as we were going down half
a dozen or more stokers and engineers, who had been busy
in the engine-room up to the last moment came pelting
up on deck and hurled themselves over the rail among us.
So far as we could then see, the ship looked as usual, and
I remember thinking, " It is all very well to get into the
boats, but we shall be getting out again directly." Then
I caught sight of the Captain, who stood near us on the
bridge ; he was a very brown Japanese, not yellow at
all, but his face was deathly w^hite and streaming with
perspiration, and I knew tJie ship was doomed. But
his composure and presence of mind were marvellous.
While directing all the launching operations he was also
dictating the log to an officer who stood beside ' him,
which was brought and thrown into our boat before we
reached the water.
Being lowered in the boats seemed a most dangerous pro-
ceeding, though mercifully most of us did not know then
how dangerous. Recent wrecks where the ship has listed or
could not be stopped have shown this. We only dreaded
being stove in by banging against the ship's side in going
down or when we reached the water, or being upset by
the two ends not being lowered evenly. This very nearly
happened in our case ; at one of our davits was the chief
steward, whom I had nicknamed " Too muchee trouble,"
as he always said it when asked to do anything special.
He lowered his end much too fast, and at one time we
were at a very perilous angle but the Captain shouted out
directions and we were promptly straightened.
Getting out the oars was very inconvenient owing to
the crowd, and I had a blow in the face from the blade of
one, luckily only a cut and a bruise, but it might have
knocked my teeth out.
Some Impressions
It is very difficult to be natural at a moment like this.
You feel as if you are acting a subordinate part in some
great drama where you can do nothing except not hinder
the main actors. The actual lowering cannot have lasted
more than two minutes, but it seemed endless. I know
I had time to count the people in our boat — 63 — to think
as we passed the port-holes of my cabin how all my
possessions there would soon be floating about, to notice
that all the other boats from the starboard side were afloat,
and rowing hard and already some little distance from
the ship ; and worst of all to be seized with a fear that
we with our big load might not be far enough aw-ay to
avoid being sucked in when the ship sank. That was the
time when I felt most frightened. I never thought I
should be drowned. And all the time the Japanese
talked without ceasing, and even laughed ; it was dis-
concerting not to understand anything they said, but I
am sure their light-hearted indifference to death and
danger created an atmosphere which made it easier for
all of us.
Somehow the oars wore got out, and the boat warded
off the ship's side at the perilous moment of reaching the
i8
T, A N D & W A T E R
Juu
<-• I,
lyiO
water. Ivowiiif; wa-, st.utcu witii much vigour, it nut iii
a concerted maiiiur. 1 folt very sorry for the two
Japanese stewardesses — hitc arrivals— who sat on the
floor of the boat with their heads bent down to be out of
the way of the oars ; they must have been most uncom-
fortable, but never uttered a word of complaint.
Soon wc were 40 yards or more from the ship, going
round behind her, and our hearts lightened. She was now
settling down evenly by the bowi. with no list at all, a
wonderful thing so far as we could judge, the torpedo
must have gone clean through her, and the water must
have entered evenly from both sides. This was one of
the many things we had to be thankful for, as all the
boats on the ship had been safely launched.
Value of Soap
At Marseilles when watching the cargo coming on board,
I had noticed a great deal oi soap (destined for Shanghai)
in the forward part of the hold ; if, as I imagine, it was
here the torpedo struck her, it would be greased and
hastened on its way by the soap instead of making a hole
in only one side.
The rowing improved after a little while ; as they pulled
the Japantse kept time by chanting a sort of sing-song,
just two or three words;" they sounded like, " Oshima
Toi, Oshima Toi."
The stern of the ship was now coming up out of the
water with the screws slowly revolving. The Captain with
one or two others was still on board, and we felt very nnich
afraid it might be part of his code to go down with his
ship, and were greatly relieved and cheered heartily when
the last boat which had left the port side put back and
took him off. Before leaving lie had been into every
cabin on the ship to make sure that not one was left
behind. Just before leaving one of the sailors ran up the
Japanese Flag, so that our poor ship should go down
ll>ing her colours. There seemed something so pathetic
about this that we were all touched.
The arrival of the Captain inspired us all with confi-
dence. Hitherto we had seemed such a forlorn and help-
less little fleet adrift on the ocean, the over-crowded
boats progressing slowly, while the emptier ones were
already stme distance away. Our boat was now about
one-eighth of a mile away from the ship. The great red
stern was fast coming up out of the water, and towering
over us, while black smoke poured from her funnels, a
wonderful but awful sight. Some hid their eyes and
could not bear to look at her, but I could see and think of
nothing else.
A ship has more personality than any other non-
sentient thing, and to witness such an end as this must
fill the coldest heart with emotion.
The Last Farewell
Still there was nothing hurried or undignified about
her. Slowly she heaved forward in a most deliberate
manner till she was literally standing on her head nearly
half out of the water, the screws pointing straight up to
heaven. Then she began steadily sinking, but there
was no rapid plunge, she merely subsicfcd in a calm
and stately manner. It was a most impressive and
solemn moment. One minute she was still there— ^the
ne.\t she was gone below to join — alas — too many of her
sisters in the underworld of the Mediterranean ; and what
a glorious death salute her crew gave her. They all
stood up, cheering, shouting and waving ; it was more
like hailing a victory than mourning a loss. One could
hardly believe that it was only thirty-five minutes since
she had received her death-blow. There was no regular
whirlpool, only a rough swirl where the sea had closed
over her ; spars, chairs and bits of wreck, all danced on
the surface of the troubled waters. An explosion, not a
loud one, and a cloud of steam were the only signs of the
tragedy.
Calm settled down again ; we pulled ourselves to-
gether and began to think of our own fate instead of the
fate of the ship.
It was now that I first saw the submarine, or rather, her
periscope, which from our lowly position only looked like
i large funnel. She was evidently keeping near to be
ready in case there was any attempt to rescue us. She
.soon disappeared, but subsequently emerged three or
four miles aw;iv to have a last look round.
Tiie jjioeiKi! of the Captain made all the difference
to our well-being. A comparatively empty boat came
up and took off about twenty of our load, while one which
had a leak was abandoned altogether. A ship's ofiicer
was put on each vessel to take command ; ours was the
chief engineer, whose name, " Funkiwashi," had always
amused me. Then the roll was called, and to our great
relief we were told that no life had been lost either of
passengers or crew, 28^ in all. Another piece of good
news was next circulated. A wireless message asking for
help had been despatched before the ship sank, and an
answer had been received from Port Said to say that a
salvage boat would be sent for us.
Nine of the ten boats were now roped together in a long
line, about 30 feet apart, while the tenth, which contained
some of the crew, rowed about independently. Sails
were hoisted and oars put away, for it was our object to
remain as near as possible to the scene of the disaster.
Though very calm, there was a slight swell, and the
motion as we lay and flopped was very trying to most c f us,
some of the crew even succumbing. Some women and ; mill
children had begun being seasick almost as soon as the
boat reached the water and they managed to keep it up
practically all the time.
Feeling more at ease as to our prospects, we took stock
of our fellow flotsam, and tried to make the best of our
position. I was sitting at the side of the stern, and had
the gunwale to lean against, but there was only a narrow
bar to put my feet on ; however, I had my shoes on,
though no hat, so was much better off than the two ladies
next me, who had come away with only stockings on
their feet, and were also bare headed. Underneath the
bar lay several stokers and cooks who were lightly clad,
and found it warmer there. Later on a mackintosh
sheet was cut in pieces to cover up those who felt cold.
A Merry Purser
The purser and his under-study were both in our boat.
The former was a bald, elderly man, who chuckled merrily
if spoken to. I did not at first recognise him in the boat,
for he had completely concealed his uniform with a long
drab mackintosh ; on his head was a brown Homburg
hat, and he spent some time in fitting his hands into a pair
of new doe-skin gloves. Perhaps he had hopes of being
taken for an American citizen if captured.
We were much exercised by seeing flames rising from
the Captain's boat, and heard afterwards that he was
burning some very important papers which must on no
account fall into enemy hands.
The sunset that evening was a glorious sight. The west
was afire with golden brown, when it died down an orange
glow came over the sky and lingered long, while on the
other side the full moon got up out of the sea, looking
gigantic at first ; as the darkness deepened the moon-
beams playing on the water were like drops of liquid silver.
Our little fleet then looked most picturesque, iialf the
sails in brilHant light the other half in black shadow,
while from time to time a brilliant red flare, burnt on one
of the boats to attract attention, cast lurid reflections
in the water, the dark figures against this glowing back-
ground had quite a theatrical effect. About six o'clock-
much too soon— we began thinking that the rescue boat
might turn up. Now and again lights showed in the
distance. Some nearer, some further, and iilled us
with hope which quickly turned to despair, as one after
another they made off. One came so near that the ropes
were undone and we all rowed hurriedly towards her;
she was a very small vessel, and on hearing that help
had been promised us she prom])tly made off.
No doubt any ship which stojjped to pick us up would
have been exposed to the danger of being torjiedoed, but
that excuse cannot be made for the Dutch neutral boats
which travel fully lit up and are perfectly safe from
attack. Two came quite near and looked at us ; then
these Priests and Levites of the ocean passed by on the
other side. A cruel disappointment.
Nine o'clock came, ten o'clock, still no sign of help ; we
all did our best to be cheerful, and luckily it was very
still and warm. Biscuits were served out and some
people were glad to nibble them, but I never felt the
least hungry or thirsty though at first I had an odd parched
feehng in my mouth. From time to time I slept fitfully
for a few minutes, my head on the gunwale, my feet on
(CoiK/nued en page M)
June I, 1916
LAND & WATER
19
«^
^Si<
Remarkable letter
from an Onoto user
at the Front : —
«T HAVE had rather
J. a bit of luck.
Yesterday I went
to the sheds here where
lost kits are stored, and
got my valise, which was
lost on the Peninsula,
with nearly all that was
in still, including my
dear old Fountain pen
and writing case. I tried
the pen j ust for luck, and
I'm blowed if it did
not start off right away I Not
a bad advertisement for the
Onoto — after nine months."
^^
The Onoto fillsitself fromany
ink supply — cannot leak — is
always ready for use— is British.
The Military size
fits the soldier's pocket;
Prices from 10/6 to £5-5-0
Onoto
IHE Pen
Thomas De La Rue & Co., Ltd., Bunhill Row, London.
NEW PIPE TOBACCO
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A smoking mixture of great individuality and charm.
Blended by hand from the finest growths of matured
Oriental and Virginia tobaccos, in \ lb. tins. Per lb. 12/8
J lb. upwards post free.
SPECIAL DUTY-FREE PRICES FOR THE!
FORCES OVERSEAS.
Quantities of J lb. to 5 lb. (by Post), 7/- per lb.
„ ., 6 „ „ 10 „ „ „ e/9 „
„ II „ „ 20 „ „ „ 6/6 „
„ 20 (by Freight) 6/- „
Overseas Postage Extra.
FORTNUM & MASON, Ltd.,
182 Piccadilly, London, W.
For Active Service
on Land, on Sea
or in the Air.
BURBERRY
embodies more advantages than
have ever been combined in any
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Burberry Naval and Military Kit made in
special cloths, woven and waterproofed by
Burberrys' exo'usive processes, is
Unrivalled for its powers of excluding wet
and wind ; its healthful self-ventilation ;
luxurious warmth in cold weather ; its
airylightness, strength and durability.
Illustrated
Naval or
-liV 'iffl Military
'^'' J Catalogues
Post Free.
Tielocken Burberry
A great favourite on accoxmt
of its smart appearance;
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method of adjustment — no
buttons to fasten or lose.
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Burberry Trench- Warm
combines the services of THREE
coats in ONE, which can be worn
separately or together. A
WEATHERPROOF that keeps out
the heaviest downpour ; a light
Camel Fleece SHORT-WARM ; and
a thick, double-fronted TRENCH-
WARM for the severest weather.
LYME REGIS
PLEASANT HOLIDAY'S
A MORE pleasant retreat than Lyme Refsis,
on the western border of Dorset, with its
lovely bay, garden coast and glorious
surrounding pastoral scenery, would be diffleult to
find. The quaint streets .ind diminutive harbour.
The Cobb, imp.%rt an old-world ohann appreciated
hy those seeking a restful holiday. Langmoor Gardens situated at a consider
able elevation above the Marine Parade, provides a delightful alternative to
tHe beaeu. Prom the sheltered paths and seats among the thiek belt of trees
magntfloent views of th« bay can be enjoyed, as also from the golf course. The
nmneroiis country and cliff walks are very flni-, including the famous Landslip,
CSiarmonth Fields, Golden Cap, etc. Safe Iwating and bathing, ;nd the usual
out-door pastimes. Rail connection wiith all parts. Corridor trains from London
(Waterloo) in about 4 hours.
Send Id. stamp to Secretary, Advertising Committee, for Illustrated Guide and
information.
The Naval Burb»>rry
unlike Rubber or Oiled-Silk interlined
coats, provides an effective safeguanJ
against rain or tempest or cold, yet i«
healthful and comfortable to wear.
Ever increasing sales of self-ventilating
"Burberrys" prove that they give
satisfying protection without the need
of heat-condensing linings.
Oiled-silk condenses heat as quickly
as Rubber.
The body needs air as much as the
lungs. To ionore this simple fact
brings immediate discomfort, creates
fatigue and counts serious trouble.
Then the cumbersome weight of an
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le;s said about it the better !
Burberry Air. Warm
Designed by expert aviators.
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NNVAL OR MILITARY WEATHERPROOFS
Until further notice BURBER'YS CLEAN
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BURBERRYS
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Bd. Malesherbes PARIS & Agents
^o
LAND & W A T E R
June I, 1916
ICentinutt from pagt M)
the bar. The night wore on ; eleven o'clock found us
still waiting and watching, but the moOn now shone down
on soma despairing faces.
It was after midnight when suddenly a small black
vessel bore rapidly down upon us showing no hght. She
stopped djiJ, rollin? hjrribly ani challen^ad us in
French. Quickly the Captain shouted back, "Camarade,"
and a signal of lights was sent .up to say we might coma on
boird. Oars were got out and a babel of Japanese voices
arose talking and shouting. But everything was per-
fectly orderly. There was no fighting or stru^^ling to be
first in getting on board, which the ship's crew told us
afterwards they expected, for she really looked too small
to hold us all.
Our Rescuer.
She was a French patrol boat, heavily armed, an old
tug really, and the oldest boat in the French navy,
but she was the only one at Port Said with steam
up. The Captain superintended the disembarkation most
carefully ; it was rather a difficult job as the ship rolled
tremendously all the time. I managed very well with
a good spring, but some people got rather hurt getting on
board. The sailors told us they had had their guns
trained to fire on us, as they took us for a submarine
decoy or screen. They had been first to the scene of the
wreck, but we had drifted five or six miles away, and they
had only found one empty boat floating about there,
and had concluded that the rest had gone down.
There was no room to spare when we were all on board ;
guns and a torpedo took up some of the Httle space there
was. My place was sitting on the very dirty deck with
my back against the cabin window, but we were packed
so tightly that I had to settle with the lady next me when
I was going to change from side to side, as there was
literally no room to move.
The cabins were desperate little dens where the men
fed and slept. The women and children were taken down
to one, and the lightly clad Japanese took possession of
the other. I could see them through the window I was
leaning against. Stokers and engineers lay packed like
sardines on the floor. Down the middle ran a narrow
table, and there the Japanese barber lay at full length.
On the little benches on cither side sat stewards and
stewardesses all fast asleep, with their heads in two rows
on his body — really a most comical sight.
The French sailors were most hospitable ; they fetched
mattresses and rugs and distributed cigarettes and hot
coffee and tea. which some people welcomed, though I
could not touch it.
We got on very slowly with our heavy load, doing
barely seven knots an hour. Eight of our little boats
were fastened on behind, so that there should be something
for us to take to in case of an accident (which was not an
unlikely contingency) ; /they impeded our progress con-
siderably, and four were lost before Port Said.
It began getting light before seven, and the passengers
with go.)d sea legs made their way about and related their
experiences. Everyone had fared very well on the
whole, though a missionary who took a gloomy view of
things, said even the men in his boat sobbed and wept
whin no help came. Someone else had had two rather
hysterical French girls as fellow passengers ; one had
bt'en looking for her gold purse and had delayed leaving
the ship so long that she had had to go down a rope which
had cut her hands badly. Some other late starters were
two lady missionaries, but they were so neatly turned out,
I think they must have been dressing for the wreck ;
they refused to cheer up even on the French boat ; they
were out to be miserable, and miserable they would be.
One Iriend of ours had rather an amusing experience.
She and her maid had both got Gieve waistcoats which
the maid took up on deck, but found her mistress already
in a boat which was being lowered, so gave one of the waist-
coats to a Swiss gentleman who was climbing in. and told
him to give it to " that lady in the red cap." The Swiss,
a man of resource, at once put it on himself, though he
had a ship's Ufebelt in his hand, and finding a flask of
brandy in the pocket, "he helped himself, and generously
handed it round to others. Meanwhile the real owner,
having no life-saving appliance at all, asked the Swiss
if he would kindly let her have the ship belt as she saW
he had on a patent one. and he actually had the effrontery
to give it to her. When the boat's crews were read-
justed, the maid rejjined her mistress, and at once
spotted the Swiss as tha mm to whom she had given the
Gieve. The lady felt that this was more than she could
bear ahd requested the gentleman to return her waist-
coat at once, which, very shamefacedly he proceeded to
do, making off to the o:her end of the boat, where however,
he was well chaffed by some girls who had witnessed the
whole scene.
It got very hot by nine o'clock ; the sun blazed down,
and I was forced to tie a dirty pocket handkerchief over
my head. The mole at Port Said was a welcome sight,
and we were soon in the mouth of the canal. Here an
unexpected ovation awaited us. Three big French men-
of-war which lay there had their decks manned with
cheering men, the admiral stood saluting us, and the
bands played the Japanese National Anthem.
We next passed the two Dutch liners which had glided
by us looking Uke fairy ships the night before, leaving w?
to our fate ; the Japanese gave them a very different
reception, giving vent to yells of execration which one
hoped must make them feel ashamed of themselves.
We had to go on board a small pilot boat to be landed,
but before leaving the French ship, the Captain shook
hands with all the passengers ; we were proud to do so,
and glad of the chance of thanking him for all he had
done for us. I can only say that if one has got to be
wrecked, ours was a very well-behaved wreck as wrecks
go, and the behaviour of both passengers and crew was
beyond all praise.
Some Fashion Notes
Heavy French crepons are being much used for summer
coats and skirts and very attractive many of them are. They
are thick enough to hang and cut remarkably well, and the
crinkled surface of tlie material is in itself a decoration. For
tennis and country weir a suit of this description is unrivalled,
for it is cool, comfortable and cheap. Tan coloured crepon
suits are amongst the best examples of their kind, and have
an added advantage of not showing the dust at all.
Many women are wearing the new corded cape collars.
These are just the same shape as postillions used to wear in
the old coaching days, coming well down over the top of the
shoulders. White washing collars of this kind renovate a
last year's muslin gown surprisingly well, bringing it up to date
with a minimum of trouble. There are also shoulder capes of
taffetas but these are hot looking and not particularly smut
or becoming to many women.
Many of the latest umbrellas are so short that they pack
most conveniently into a week-end suit case. They
finish with a loop of pigskin or some other leather and hang
over the arm, for they are far too short to be a convenient aid
to walking. An en-tout-cas of this kind may also be seen,
but the notion has not yat spread to sunshades.
A boldly embroidered djibbah ol Egyptian cotton is an
idea for people wanting an inexpensive evening wrapper.
The chief charm of a djibbah is the ease with which it can be
shpjx;d on. It goes readily over the head and fastens on one
shoulder with a couple of tiny buttons and loops or invisible
fasteners. Many people then seize the opportunity to dis-
pense with the daytime corsets and wear narrow tea gown
belts to which suspenders are attached.
Trains once more are making their appearance, but they
are by no manner of means the appendages of yester year.
The new trains are quite distinct from the short skirted dress
beneath and hang loose from the waist downwards. We
have been accustomed to frocks of diaphanous material, and
trains of satin or some such weighty fabric, but the usual
order of things was reversed the other day, with a frock of
heavy dull black crepe de chine allied to a train of gold em-
broidered tulle. The train spread out like a great fan along
the flofjr, and at the end was a tliick border of Greek patterned
gold lace weightingdt and keeping it in its right position.
Developments in the wav ol liairdressing liave resulted in a
large plait brought well to the top of the head and twisted
round in a single loop at the back. This is a style ot dressing
which only suits the possessor of very regular features and
people with large heads should undoubtedly shun it. Every
body now is twisting their hair in a loose knot and securing
it at some special angle at the back of the head, particularly
in the evening, when no hat combats this mode of dressing.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2822 [vt^I'R]
THURSDAY, JUNE 8, igi6
tregistered ast price sixpence
La newspaperJ published weekly
'iimmmmimmifm
mmmmmm^f-K
.,^5W
^
/■'
'^afJUl^fjp
By Louts Itaemaekers
ToutV^y-
Draii'ii exclusicely /or ■ Land am; » i
The Spirit of France
LAND & WATER
June 8, 1916
THRESHER.
^GLENNY
£ry J^ppoinhneni i:o
H-Mt/ieKFnj
SUZB-
Miliiary lauors
\DnIy S^cfcLCQSs
zojvnoj\r
i^aj
THE LAST 18 MONTHS'
EXPERIENCE
of supplying Military men with the best
quality, material, cut and workmanship
has fully justified our expectation that
increased business would enable us to
keep prices on the pre-war basis, in spite
of increased cost in every item. This will
be proved by a glance through the
useful 70-page booklet issued for the
convenience of those receiving: n
CommiAsion and of Officers under
orders for abroad. It contains every
possible item of an Officer's Uniform and
Equipment with prices. Fresh editions
are continually being brought out, so
this Guide is always up to date with the
latest information.
The custom of printing testimonials has
now become so general that the value of
them from an advertising standpoint is
apt to be over estimated. We must,
however, quote the following, as the
implied suggestion might well be
taken as advice by anyone receiving a
commission : —
" R.A. Mess,
Island of St. Helena,
5ih March, 1916.
" 7 received per the mail yesterday the
uniform and your account. I have to
again thank you for the excellent fit, and
very much regret I did not come to you when
first taking a commission. Your letter of
the /\th, etc., etc.
An interesting analysis for 12 months
shows that by the 1.417 Officers who
have entrusted us with their complete
Uniform when receiving a Commission,
every line Regiment in the British Army
is represented, with the exception of two
—the Royal Irish and the H.L-I. We
shall be glad if any Gentlemen receiving
Commissions in these Regiments will
allow us to complete our record.
" A firm established as Military Outfitters
during tlie Crimean War and Indian
Mutiny, with the outfitting experience of
the South African War and the two Egyptian
Campaigns well within the memory of many
of its Staff, is entitled to deal with the sub-
ject of Military Outfitting with some degree
of aM//»on<y."— (" Land & Water," March
23)
WRITE FOR GUIDE (3)
TO KIT AND EQUIPMENT
THRESHER U GLENNY
152/3, STRAND, LONDON.
MAKEIVS OF THE
THRESHER TKENCH COAT
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY. JUNE 8, 1916
The Table of Contents appears on page 7
KITCHENIiR OF KHARTOUM '
That to\wr of stnnf,'th
Which stood four square to all the wintU that blew.
IN this hour of grief, while the nation mourns the
death of Field-^hirshal Earl Kitchener of Khartoum,
these words of Tennyson on the death of the Iron
Duke, the great Field Marshal of the Napoleonic
wars, inevitabl}' recur. For Ivitchener was also a tower
of strength which stood unmoved amid the fierce tempests
of this mighty Continental war, and round which the
miserable sijualls of partisan jealousy and spite fretted
in vain. His very name ins]>ired confidence in the
breast of our Allies for they knew what he had accom-
yilished in otlier years under other skies ; our enemies
recognised in him a modern Cadmus from whose sowings
armed men spraijg into being by battalions. His hnal
public act in London before lea\ing for Petrograd was
to meet face to face, on his own invitation, acrid critics
of the House of Commons. He spoke to them and they
spoke to hina openly, and a new confidence in the War
Minister and a clearer understanding of his policj' and
methods were engendered.
Courage, steadfastness and de\otion to duty were the
mainspring of liis career. " His hfe was work." He
was a type of man much better understood in the outer
wards of the Empire where actual achieveuK-nt is
reckoned at liigher worth than it is here at home among
the haunts of politicians! Never believing in talk, either
as a preliminary or afterwards, he left the deed to speak
for itself. He was of the same mould as John Nicholson
and the Lawrences who by sheer strength of character
maintained our rule in India during those terrible days
close on si.xty years ago. Of all the many and varied"
types which our blood breeds, there is none to whom the
British l-jiipire owes more than to those c|uiet men of
action who jiever fear to shoulder a rcsi)onsibility, be it
ever so heavy or dangerous ; who center on their work
determined at all hazards to see it through to a finish,
who, scorning popularity and the tinsel of success, will not
be moved from their purpose by any attacks which
tongue or pen can frame. It is a breed, thank Heaven,
which shows no sign of failing in these islands, and
although it is only gi\-en to the few to rise to the heights
which Kitchener attained, the others recognise in him
a true brother and a comrade and rejoice in his rewards.
The grip which this great soldier had on national senti-
ment arose from tliis one fact. >K lonely man lu^ was
in the sense that he did not mi.K freely and easily with
his social equals ; his tastes were not their tastes ; the
very conditions of his existence in the early i)art of his
career fostered a natural love of solitude. But with
all this he must l)e written as one who loved his
fellow men. Before Kitchener entered the British Army,
he, then a youth, faced death lighting as a volunteer in
the French ranks against Germany in 1870. He met his
death at the hands of his first enemy while on his way
to confer with the Emperor of Russia and his Cieneral
Staff, thus at the beginning and the ending of his career
he forged new bonds between fireat Britain and her
greatest and most gallant Allies.
Thougli born in Ireland Lord Kiichencr was an
L nglishman on both sides. The familv whose name he
has lifted to a high place in the history of the nation
were of old Hampshire stock. Was it pure coincidence
that the Hampshire should have been the warship chosen
to bear him on his last voyage ? His father, Lieutcnant-
("olonel Horatio Kitchener of the (jth Foot, was
born on October 2Tst, 1805, the day of the battle of
Trafalgar; he himself dies at sea on June 5th, 1916,
almost before the echo of the guns of the. battle of Jut-
land has died away. This connection of the two greatest
sea-tights of modern times by two lives covering a period
of III years, is in itself extraordinary.
From that day, over forty years ago, when he who
was to become Britain's most famous Minister of War
took up surveying and ai"ch,eolog\' in Palestine, he seems
never to have varied his work. True, the material
changed — from stones to men, but he has always been
engaged in clearing away from the relics of the past, the
debris and waste which Time has heaped up ; in some
instances restoring the edifices to their ancient purposes
and in others rebuilding on the old foundations. It
must have been then that he acipiired that wise appre-
ciation of time which has always marked his enterprises
and reforms. Whether in the Soudan or in South Africa,
at Simla or in Whitehall he never allowed himself to be
hustled. He slowly won the Soudan back to civilisation
and incidentally flooded Darkest Africa with light ; he
restored peace to South Africa, and in the process re-
established the jMCstige of Great Britain for honourable
and straight forvvard dealing ; he reorganised the army
of India and his work has stood what in those
daj's was con.sidered the supreme test of all — a Eurocean
conflagration ; he has gi\'en Britain an army comparable
with the armies of the great Continental Powers. He never
commanded or hoped to command in France or else-
where; the forces which he had called into being, but he
has died on active ser\ice ; he has fallen doing his duty,
and at sea which is the greatest and most famous of all
Britain's battlefields, and thereby he. has entered into a
new command of his own men. Henceforward, Kitchener's
Army is led up the steep slopes of self-sacrifice by
Kitchener himself.
When the first news of his death reached London,
people would not believe it, they thought it must be an
uncomely joke ; but as the truth was borne in upon, them
they were stunned. It was almost as if death had
visited every home. It succeeded so quickly to the
sudden losses of the naval battle that minds paused
]XTplcxed between time and eternity. Death , takes on
a new guise when men pass away so rapidly in the middle
nf their work, in the prime of life, or in the first flush of
manhood before the promise can be fuUilled. E^'eryone
realised this to the full on Tuesday ; you heard the same
thought echoed and re-echoed. " Lord Kitchener is
dead ; we mourn him but we must not grieve as men
without hope." And those familiar sentences from the
most exciuisite threnody in the English tongue were
recalled: " Death is swallowed up in victory. 0 death,
where is thy sting? O grave wlncre is thy, victory?
1^'ornrerly they had sounded in our ears as chords of solemn
music, breathing ct)nsolation ; nowtliat we sec them clearly
to be triumphant \'erities, living aaid evea'lasting truths,
they ring out like a trumpet call, simnuoninig and inspiring
the living to stronger action. Tlie work cf),ntinues though
the hand that moulded it perishes ; the body dies, but the
soul lives on. There is no sting in the gruve when on
either side men jiress forward to one immortal goal and
when li\ing and dead battle togrther for i n orniptiblc
principles. Whether individually avc li\-e or di • signifies
nothing, if that liigh cause for whi:h we fight wins. Lord
Kitchener's death will not interfere with the work he had
undertaken, nor shall his passing delay, birJ; rather
shall it hasten the victory to which he looked forward.
L A X D &• W A r !■ R
Juno 8, 191G
The Battle of Jutland
By Arthur Pollen
I.N the early afternoon of Wednesday. May 3i>t, a
battle— «hirh, from the number and power of tlie
>hi|)s engaged on eaeli side, no less than from the
important and signal character of its results, must
t*' regarded as by far the greatest event in the history of
modern sea war — was begun between the battle cruisers
of the British and tierman fleets. The action Wiis fought
in niist\- weather in which contact between the two fleets
was occasionally lost. The fighting, therefore, was
necessarily of an intermittent character. More especially
was this the case in its later phases. From a quarter
to four until a quarter to five the engagement was between
the battle cruisers pnly. By this time von Hipixr had
been driven back on to the High Seas Kleet and the
British fast squadron, reinforced by four Queen Elizabeths
fought a holding action for the ne.xt hom^ and a quarter,
drawing the (lemian High Seas Meet towards the forces
that were apjiroaching imder Admiral Jellicoe. During
this phase the British squadron was greatly outnumbered,
of course, by the (iermans, but at 6 they were reinforced
by Rear-Admiral Hood with three further battle cruisers,
and at 6.20 by I^ear-Admiral Sir Robert Arbuthnot with
four armoured cruisers of tlie Defence and Duke of Edin-
burgh classes.
Shortly after 6.30 Sir John Jellicoe brought the drand
Fleet on to the field of battle, upon which von Sheer
retreated incontinently. From seven o'clock until dark-
ness fell, the bad light, the thick weather, and the dis-
orderly retreat of the German squadron made anything
Ijke' an artillery duel between the two fleets impossible.
'Oie. ,( ierjuan destroyers did all in their power to hamper
tjlie jHirsuit by the British Dreadnoughts, and when
pursuit 'by the capital ships was made impossible by
darki«?ss, the British destroyers were sent forward amongst
the rierman. ships. . There then followed a night action,
the pursuit being carried on by the British cruisers and
destroyers until three on the following morning, when
such of the (ierman Fleet as survived had reached the
mine defences of their main base. The Commander-in-
Chief then recalted his fleet, and at daylight made a
systematic search of the scene of the previous day's
engagement, but without finding any disabled ships.
At noon the British force returnccl to its bases, refuelled,
and 24 hours later was once more ready for action.
Thus the Germans, who had entered the North Sea,
according to their own account to engage and destroy
the British ships that have been systematically
sweeping the waters north and east of the Horn Reef,
attained the first part of their objective only. They
did succeed in engaging. But the consequences were
<lisastrous. The plan of o\erwhelming the British fast
cUvision with superior numbers was defeated by the
masterly handling of the British force, combined with
the effective use that force made of its artillery. So far
from Sir David Beatty having been overwhelmed, he
succeeded admirably in his main object, which was to
draw the German Fleet into a position where Sir John
Jellicoe s squadrons could engage it.
The enemy was only saved from total destruction
by mist, and by the approach of night. Not only did
his whole plan miscarry, but he was driven ignomi-
niously from the field, and with a very heavy loss
in ships and men. The British Fleet suffered far
less severely, and that the losses were not greater must
be attributed very largely to the tactical skill with which
they were handled. The three capital units that were
lost owed their fate largely to bad luck — a matter which
I will touch on later. Thus the net result of the first
contact between the main sea forces of the two belli-
gerents is that the field was left in thfc jxjssession of the
British: that the (Ierman Fleet was driven to seek
safety behind the defences of Heligoland ; and that it
lies there now, having suffered the loss of many more
ships than we have, so that its relative strength is dis-
proportionately retluced. The Germari defeat, there-
fore, has ccrtainlv been signal and has probably been
final. It is diliuult to < onceive a combination of circum-
stances wliich can tempt or drive them into action again,
nor au\- condition^ of action likely to be more favourable
th.in were thosL- of .May 3rst.
The Story of the Battle.
The King, in noble words, has thanked the victors and
paid royal homage to the heroic dead. A week hence the
slain will hv commemorated at St. Paul's. It is the only
way in which the nation can join in the homage of their
King. But need the honours to the living wait till the
tribute to the great dead is paid ?
My readers will natiually wish to have something like
a reasoned and consecutive account of this tremendous
event. The official conuuunicjues have been exceedingly
meagre, but they have been supplemented by certain
scmi-ofhcial accounts of the action and by stories from
officers and men who took part in it. Much interesting
information has come, too, from British and neutral
fishermen, who appear to have carried on their occupations
regardless of the fact that the fate of the German Navy
and the command of the sea were being decided on their
fishing grounds. The Germans, too, have issued both
an official and semi-official summary of these events. I
have attempted in the following pages to collate all the
available information and to elucidate it by a series of
sketch charts to illustrate the principal phases of the
action. But I offer this narrative and these sketches
with considerable reserve. Practically nothing is known
of the movements of the main fleets after contact was
made round about seven o'clock in the evening. Of the
pursuit from then till darkijess all the accounts arc
most confused. And of the final phase — the night attack
by the British light craft on the flying German Fleet —
nothing is known whatever, except that the Commander-
in-Chief seems to have recalled all his units at about
three in the morning of June ist. 'The narrative and
sketches then, are offered for what they are worth, and
no more can be claimed for them than that they contain
nothing, as far as I am aware, inconsistent with reliable
information to hand. Though the positions of the Fleets
are, I beUeve, generally correct, the sketches arc not to
scale.
It is unnecessary to say t^iat they are incomplete.
But on one point the reader must be warned. The
sketches indicate only the general direction and character
of each movement. In the phase, for instance, in which
Sir David Beatty, weakened by the loss of Indefatigable
and Queen Mary was reinforced by Admiral Evan
Thomas's four Queen Elizabeths, I have indicated the
courses of the British Vice-Admiral and of the German
Fleet as straight and continuous. It is most improbable
that this can represent the events of an hour and a
quarter of fighting. So, too, with the rest. At many
periods during the afternoon the shifting mists and fogs
made it impossible for the British to see their opposite
numbers in the German line, and again and again the
gunlayers had no other mark to aim at but the flashes
of their opponents' guns. These conditions not only
made gunnery extremely difficult, they made it quite
impossible for participants to keep any clear recollection of
the courses steered. With this preface, I will proceed.
(1) The Disposition of the Opposing Fleets.
Tliis sketch indicates the approximate position at
2.15 of the forces engaged in the course of the afternoon
of Wednesday, May 31st. Sir David Beatty was at
position I, steering south-east or east-south-east. He
had with him four Lions, I ndef a ligablc and New Zealand.
There were of course also some flotillas of destrovers ant
probably more than one squadron of light cruisers.
Throughout these sketches the small craft have not been
indicated, but they must be assumed to accompany ail
of the main so.uadrons. Slightly asteni and a little to
•June 8, 1916
L A N, D & WATER
'^ JclUcoe
Hood,
I Beatty
Thomas
ffom
TieeF
Titles ^
rr
Plan I. — The opposing forces at (approximately) 2.30 p.m. 31st May.—
1.— BEATTY: Lion (flag), Tiger. Queen Mary, Princess Royal (flag),
Indefatigable, New Zealand (flag) ; E. THOMAS : Barham, Valiant,
IVarspile, Malaya. 2.— JELLICOE : Iron Duke (flag), a b d Battle
Squadrons"; HOOD : Invincible (flag), Inflexible, Indomitable.
ARBUTHNOT : Defence, Warrior, Black Prince, Duke of Edinburgh ;
3.— VON HIPPER : Hindenbmg. Derflinger. Lutzow. Seydlilz. Molike ;
4.— VON SCHEER : With 3 Koenigs, 5 Kaisers, 4 Heligolands,
4 Westphalens, and 6 Pre-Dreadnoughts.
the southward of Sir David Beatty, Rear-Admiral Evan
Thomas, flying his flag in Barham, commanded a squadron
of four Queen Elizabeths, the name ship only being
absent. Some 75 miles north by east of Admiral Beatty
was the Grand Fleet under Sir John Jellicoe, steering a
south-easterly course. With Sir John Jellicoe was a
squadron of three battle cruisers under Rear-Admiral
Hood, Invincible, Inflexible and Indomitable, and, in
addition to light cruisers and small craft, Sir Robert
Arbuthnot's squadron of four armoured cruisers of the
Defence and Duke of Edinburgh classes. Ten miles to
the north-east of Sir David Beatty, von Hipper — who
commanded in the affair of the Dogger Bank, January,
1915 — was in command of five German battle cruisers,
Derflinger, Lutzoiv, Moltkc, Seydlilz, and either Von der
Tann or Hindenburg, probably the latter. This squadron
was heading north by west ; and some 60 miles astern of
him was the High Seas Fleet under Vice-Adnjiral von
Scheer, consisting of all the German Dreadnoughts, six-
teen in number. He also had with him half a dozen
pre-Dreadnoughts of the Deutschland and Braunschweig
classes.
The Opening Round.
It was when the fleets were so disposed that the ad-
vanced light cruisers of Sir David Beatty and von Hipper's
squadrons sighted each other and Sir David thereupon
closed the German squadron at top speed. Von Hipper
immediately turned his squadron eight points to star-
board, and steered cither east or east-south-east, and a
stern chase followed. After about an hour and a half
• the battle cruisers got within 18,000 yards of the enemy,
now bearing north-west from them, and opened fire. The
four Queen Ehzabeths had necessarily been left behind
in this chase. The mist being thick and visibility poor.
Sir David Beatty closed the range fairly rapidly and ten
minutes after the engagement had become general
Indefatigable was hit, blew up and sank. Twenty minutes
later Queen Mary shared the same fate. One German
cruiser was also sunk at this stage. Von Hipper had
meanwhile been gradually changing course southward,
Sir David conforming to the same movement as soon as he
had got to a range that it was imprudent further to
reduce. His squadron, it must be remembered, had
now been reduced from six to four. Southerly courses
\<ere followed until, at about a quarter to five, the entire
fleet of German Dreadnoughts was seen comjxig straight
up to von Hipper.
Von Hipper
'6eaify -^^
f
^Voti
Scheer
o Titles Sb
Plan II. — (approximately) 2.20 p.m.
The Holding Action.
The latter then put his helm over, turned 16 points to
starboard and took station at the head of the German
line, where he had three Koenigs and the five Kaisers
immediately astern of him. The gradual turn south-
Hood
-High Stas
\ Ftat
\(VonSdieer
Horn
Ree/
Plan III. — 4.45 — (approximately 6.20 p.m.
wards had enabled Sir Evan Thomas to bring up his
squadron, and when Sir David turned 16 points, so as to
keep a course approximately parallel to the enemy's,
but a position slightly ahead of the German line, Admiral
Thomas was able to fall in behind the battle cruisers, and
. engage both those of the German battle cruisers that had
survived and the leading ships of the German Dreadnought
fleet. At this stage of tJie action the British fast division
had manoeuvred itself into a position so much in ad-
vance of its opponents that the leading enemy ship
bore about 40 degrees abaft the beam. There ensued
an action lasting for about an hour and a quarter between
these very disproportionate forces. But the English
ships had the speed of the German, and seven out of the
eight vessels had guns that would have been much more
effective at long range had the weather conditions per-
mitted of their being used to the full advantage. It is
vmcertain how many of the German battle cruisers were
still in action at this point. Certainly not more than four,
possibly only three. But even with a lesser number,
the German force would be 19 ships to the British 8,
I. A X D \ W A I 1-: k
June 8, 191 G
and obviously it was Sir David's duty to draw them
iiurtinvard. rutlu-r tliau to seek dose aiui deoisivi- action.
The Heroic Hood
At about 6 odock the hrst reinforccuuiit hoiii Ihit
firand Fleet came upon the seene, and Sir David now
W'infi bulliciently ahead ol the (icnnans to execute tlu-
)iyl)t niaiiuuvre. turned eic'ht (mints to starboard, thus
r+
JcUtcoe
\ Arbiithnot
ThrmusV Bcotty
icitn*':-
ri.SMS'^i'l— >
Plan W. Approximately <).^0— T.O p.m.
forciuf^ the (icnn;m'hne to tiu'n also or be enfiladed,
shortly after this turn, say at about 6.10 or 6.15. Admiral
Hood with Iininciblc. Iiiflcxihlc and 1 udomitahle swung
i:allantly into line alnad of the Vice- Admiral, and at
unce opened a very accurate lire on the leading German
^lups. Almost immediately, however, Injincih'.c shared
the fate of Qitecn Mary and ludcfatigithlc.
The Dash of the Cruisers
Sir John Jellicoe's fleet was now deploying for an im-
mediate attack on the German fleet. To enable the
(,rand Fleet to make its attack. Sir David Beatty forged
head as fast as possible to the east, after ordering Rear-
A Iminil Mvan Thomas to take station with the battleships.
Tiie battle cruisers had by this time done their task and
the finish of the action was to be Jianded over to the
Commander-in-Cli|ef. The Germans, to whom the immin-
ent participation of Sir John JcUicoe in the action was
ipparent, promptly sent destroyers and light cruisers
forward to hamper the British advance by torp>~do
attacks. It was apparently to ward off or thwart these
that Sir Robert, Arbiithnot — who was some little distance
ahead of the battle stjuadron with his four cruisers— made
a dash at the advancing line of light craft. This brought
Inm under the lire of tlu' German main fleet, and two of
his ships, one of them Ih-jcncc, the flagship, were immedi-
ately sunk, and a tiiird. Warrior, was disabled. It w; s
at this stage that Warspite (("aj^tain Phillpotts) dib-
tingtiished herself by her brilliant shielding of Warrior.
The Grand Fleet and the German Flight
The next phase of the action was the short and in-
decisive engagement between the main fleets. It was
indecisive largelj' because the fog had become thicker,
and short because von Scheer realisc-d the hopelessness
of a regular artillery combat with the British Commander-
in-Chief's forces. But it lasted long enough to show
von Scheer what would happen if it continued. Iron
Duke and the other leading ships got in some useful
salvoes, but hardly had the leading squadrons become
6:
JcUicocs pursuif
Plan v.— Grand Fleet joina action, opproxiniately 7—7.30 p.m.
Plan VI. -May 3!sl. Appro.ximately 8.0 p.m. till mldiiljilit.
en,gaKed than a disorderly flight began, tiie dt'tails of
which are far too confused for Narration or diagrammatic
reproduction. So long as daylight lasted the German
destroyers and light craft did all that was possible to
protect their main forces. F"irst they sent up biragcs
of sm.)ke, which mixing with the fog and mist, made a
barrier impenetrable to sight ; secondly, they darted
in groups of four and five out of this barrage to launch
torpedoes against the ad\ancing British ships. In tin
result the German F'leet was well off in its flight before
Sir John Jellicoe could either locate its position or shake
off the destroyers for an organised pursuit. The pursuit
was, however, carried on until the gradually, fading day-
light made gunnery imi>ossible and the battleships consc-
cpientlv useless.
Sir David Beatty, in the meantime, in pushing forward
eastward to enable the battleships of the Grand Meet to
come into action, had a .second objective in view as well
In getting between the German Fleet and the coast of
June 8, 1916
LAND & WATER
Jutland, he headed off the possibiUty of a (jerinan retreat
into the Sound or any attempt, by cither single fast ships
or commerce raiders, to break past the British fleet and
gain the Atlantic. There seems some authority for
supposing that, almost as darkness fell, that is at 8.30
or shortly afterwards, he exchanged shots with the group
of ships that had been leading the German line before.
Plan VII. June 1st. Daylight till noon.
At this stage there were seemingly only two German
battle cruisers left, but the Kociiins and Kaisers that
composed the rest of the squadron could not be-usefully
engaged in the light that gave the British 13.5 guns ho
range advantage.
The General Chase
The final stage of the battle was the pursuit of the
retreating German ships by the British destroyers and
light craft. This continued for no less than si.x hours,
and it was hot until three in the morning that the Com-
mander-in-Chief was satisfied that all such German
ships as could still steam had found their way behind the
mine defences of Heligoland and the main German bases.
All l:)attleships, cruisers and destroyers were now recalled
■ — the battle cruiser squadron being at this point as far
south as latitude 35. By daybreak on the anniversary
of the glorious lirst of June, "the victorious British fleet
reformed and made a systematic search of the scene of
the pre\'ious day's engagements, it was a vast area
that had to be swept. The lighting and jjursuit had
extended by daylight alone over an ecjuilateral nearly
100 miles by 100. But by noon no trace of friends or
enemy had been found and the fleet returned to its
bases.
INTERPRETATIONS AND GOMMENTS
(1) The leading of the B.G.F.
Such, in the briefest possible outline, were the chief
movements of the Fleet on this memorable day. Com-
ment is Dcrhaps as premature as criticism must be ill-
CONTENTS
PAG!
The Spirit of France. By Louig Kacmaekers
Kitchener of Khartoum. (Leading Article)
The Battle of Jutland. By Arthur Pollen
The Trentino Front. By llilaire Belloc
Sortes Shakes[)earian;e
The Prime .Minister. A Character Sketch
Raemaekers and the Red Cross
Kitchener's Grave (Poem). By James Douglas
( iermany s Mistakes (Strategical) . By Colonel I'-eyler
Letters to a Lonely Civilian
The Hohenzollern Ghost. By F""rancis Gribblc
Tile West End
Our Oldest Colony
Town and Country
Choosing Kit
,1
4
10
16
if)
17
IcS
20
22
24
24
xiii
judged and out of place. If then I proceed to attempt to
elucidate certain aspects of the tactics and strategy
(•mi)loyed, or the character of someof the most striking
incidents, it is because on many of these p(Mnts judgment
, has ahx-ady been ])ronounccd, and in almost every case,
a judgment, on the face of things, patently unjust.
Take, for instance, the suggestion that has been made
many times that the loss of Queen Mary, Indefatigable
and Invincible is to be explained by their having been
employed " in rash and impetuous " tactics, or sent to
engage a superior force by the " over-confidence " of
the admiral resi)onsible for their movements. One
< ritic has gone so far as to say that the, opportunity
afforded the German Conunander-in-Chief to overwhelm
an inferior British force with greatly superior numbers
was exactly what the enemy was looking for. No im-
j)artial examination of the events, as I have recorded
them, affords the slightest justification for any such
aspersions. When Sir David Beatty, with his six battle-
cruisers sighted von Hipper with five, he certainly went
for them at his top speed and fought them as hard as he
could. Von Hijipcr ]:)robably thought that he was
carrying out his own j^lan and not Sir David's, in falling
back upon the German Higii Seas Fleet, and, doubtless,
when he effected a junction with that force, at a quarter
to five, thought he would get the opportunity which
the Times critic says he was awaiting. If so, he must
have been signally disappointed by the skill and
adroitness with which the British Admiral defeated his
intentions. I'or the manceuvre had enabled von Hipper
to join the main (kanian sc]uadron, also emibled Rear-
Admiral I''\an Thomas to join Admiral Beatt>'''s sc}uadron,
and the Ikitish ships haA'ing now a minimvnu sj^eed of
25 knots, were able to keep the entire (ierman Fleet in
play, without exposing themselves unduly, for a period
of no less than an hour and a quarter, during which Sir
David acted the part that in the first hour's engagement
fell to von llijjper. But the difference betwetm the two
exponents of the same man<cuvre was this. Yon Hipper
led Sir David Beatty into what was no trap at all, and
Sir Da\'id led von Hipper and Von Schecr into a veritable
trap, from which they only escaped by incontinent
retreat and the favour of the weather.
If there were anything in this criticism, surely it would
he sujiported by some facts. But Indefatigable and
Queen Mary were, lost, not when Sir Davitl was engaging
eight shi})s against nineteen, but when he was engaging
six shij>s against fi\-e. Again Sir David Beatty's cruisers
were continuously in action from 3.40 till nearly seven
o'clock. We do not hear that Lion, Pr.inccss Royal,
Tiger, New Zealand. Indomitable or In/lcxible were' at all
seriously hurt. Yet had they been continuously, or
even, rashly and imprudently exposed : if. at any stage',
they had been trapjied and overwheliued, surely more
than one of the lirst four would haw been knocked to
pieces between a quarter to five and si.x, and f)ne at lea.st
of the others' before a cpiarter to se\-en.
(2) The loss of the B Cruisers
It is time the myth that the Battle Cruiser Fleet
is led by a dare-devil maniac should be laid to rest.
'i>int it needs the rarest kind of couraa:e to <-xercise
8
L A N 1) cN: W A T E R
June 8, 1916
tactical skill ot the highest order in the face of great qdds,
is obvious. But if skill is useless without the courage,
so is the couraf;e dangerous without the skill. And it is
primarily to skill that we owe last week's victory.
As to the true explanation of the loss of the three ships
that did blow up, the Admiralty, no doubt, will give this
to the public if it is thought wise to do so. But there
can be no harm in saying this. The e.vplanation of the
sinking of eai h of these ships by a single luck\' shot —
lioth they and practically all the other cruisers were hit
repeatedly by shots that did no harm — is, in the first
place, identical. Next, it does not lie in the fact that
the ships were insufhciently armoured to keep out big
shell. Nc.\t, the fatal explosion was not caused by a
mine or by a torpedo. Lastly, it is in no sense due to
any instability or any other dangerous characteristic
of the propellants or explosives carried on board. I am
free to confess that when I first heard of these ships
going down as rapidly as they did, one of two conclusions
seemed to be irresistible — either a shell had penetrated the
lightly armoured sides and burst in the magazine, or a
mine or torpedo had exploded immediately beneath it.
But neither explanation is right.
(3) Sir Robert Arbuthnot's self-sacrifice
The manceuvrc in this action that is most likely to be
criticised is that of Sir Robert .\rbuthnot's squadron of
cruisers. The result seems to show that the risk taken
was almost prohibitive. I say ", almost " because clearly
if by the sacrifice of these ships cither the Germans
were kept from flight for a sufficient period to enable
the Grand Fleet to get up. or if the manceuvrc increased
the speed of the Grand Fleet's advance by thwarting
the effort to check it, then the improved prospect of the
battle squadron's guns coming into action was worth
a very heavf sacrifice indeed. The success or otherwise
of the manotuvre does not, of course, in the least affect
its tactical or strategical Tightness. The admiral in
command has to play the cards in his hand. If there was
a reasonable chance of his lead taking the trick, it was
manifestly th^ right lead. That his sacrifice was not
rewarded by such contact being obtained as could finish
the business of the enemy is therefore irrelevant to
appraising its merits. It remains one of the most glorious
and inspiring memories of a historical day.
(4) Destroyer Tactics
The lay reader may be puzzled at finding that the cliicf
role of the German destroyers was to attack the British
ships by daylight, and that of the British destroyers to
attack the Germans at night. The weapon of the des-
troyer is the torpedo and the range of the torpedo in
action is not absolutely so many yards, as is the range of
the gun, for the reason that the time of its maximum run
is so long that the target can travel an immense distance
while the torpedo is on its journey. Thus, if a torpedo
can go 10,000 yards at a uniform speed of 30 knots, and
is fired at a squadron advancing at 20 knots, clearly
the squadron will advance some 6,600 yards while the
torpedo is travelling 10,000. 16,600 yards then is the
effective range of the torpedo at the oncoming enemy.
But if a torpedo is fired at a retreating enemy, the dis-
tance that the enemy goes while the torpedo is travelling
must now be deducted from the torpedo's range. The
;50-knot torpedo then would not hit a 20-knot battleship
retreating along the line of its passage, if the initial range
were greater than 3.300 yards. The retreating force,
theri, is armed with a 16,600 yard weapon and the pursu-
ing force only with a 3,300 yard weapon. But at 3,300
yards in daylight the destroyers have very little chance
against the battleships's guns. In a daylight pursuit,
therefore, the destroyer is of far less value than in a night
.attack. But its defensive value in a daylight retreat is at
its maximum.
THE COST OF VICTORY
The losses suffered in this battle have naturallv been
exceedingly heavy. The British navy has lost. Queen
Mary, Invincible and Indefatigable, battle cruisers,
Defence. Black Prime and Warrior, armoured cruisers,
and eight destroyers. Between 5,000 and 6,000 officers
and men have perished, a loss that it is difficult to face
with equanimity. But heavy as this loss is, the enemy
loss has been far heavier. They have lost two Dread-
nought battleships of the first class, and several others
have been so battered as clearly to be untit for work for
many months to come. Two of their latest battle cruisers
are gone also, and a third is either lost or disabled. Since
the Iseginning of the war Germany has produced a new
type of light cruiser armed with six-inch guns. Two of
tiiese have been sunk and two light cruisers of an earlier
tj'pe as well. Six destroyers and a submarine complete
what has been officially announced. In the fleet, how-
ever, the opinion seems to be universally held, that the
German losses were far heavier than this. But it neces-
sarily happens that in an action fought over 10,000
square miles of sea, largely at night and entirely
in misty and foggy weather, there should be wide
uncertainty as to the ultimate fate of many ships
crippled and apparently disabled. It will be surprising,
however, if serious additions are not made to the list we
know. Von Scheer did not probably have under his
command all the Dreadnought ships completed, but
whether that total before the battle was 16 or 20, a
reduction by two is the loss of a very serious percentage.
The British Dreadnought fieet remains in the meantime
what it was before. Of battle cruisers we have fcst three
out of 10, the Germans two out of six, and we have none
disabled and they certainly one. The loss of Sir Robert
Arbuthnot's armoured cruisers is undoubtedly a heavy
one, but their military role is far less obvious and im-
portant than it was when they were first designed in pre-
Dreadnought days. Certainly the loss of four light
cruisers by Germany is a greater handicap to the prospec-
tive employment of the enemy's fleet on any future occa-
sion. F'or Germany's cruiser losses have been serious
from the beginning, and her margin now must be an
extremely narrow one. The most difficult point to
determine is the extent of Gennany's destroyer losses.
Six are claimed for certain, but the total is likely to
exceed that very greatly.
The Worth of Victory
It should be borne in mind, however, that though the
actual losses of the enemy are far heavier than ours, our
victory would have been worth winning Xvith the tale
of lasses reversed. In the first week of war Gcrmanv
was deprived of the whole of her overseas trade, and
before the end of the second week of war. Great Britain
was using the sea as the high road of her military com-
munications. In the 22 months of war the (rfrman
navy has attempted no stroke, cither to restore her trade
or to interfere with our reinforcing and supplying the
army that must pro\'e decisive in the continental war.
Never before has a Power possessing a great fleet waited
inertly for so long in face of so heavy a loss as our sea
blockade is causing, or in face of so dreadful a military
menace as our army in France holds out. Precisely what,
after so long a patience, brought the German navy out on
May 31st is uncertain. Its professed object, as we ha\-e
seen, was to attack the squadrons that had been in the
habit of cruising off the Danish coasts. But would such
an enterprise have been ventured on had there not been
some impulse from witliin the country, some fading
confidence in the higher command, some despair at the
stringency of the grip on Germany's food supply, that
made it absolutely necessary to restore the dynasty's
prestige and put heart into "a despairing people ? 'Fhe
very promptitude with which this great defeat has been
held up as a great victory seems to lend colour to the
idea that the German navy was to sacrifice itself gallantly,
After Quinncy's, Mr. Horace Annesley Vaclicll's new book.
The Triumph of Tim (John Murray, 6s. net) is in the nature
of a disappointment, for Tim is rather an ineftectual person.
His varied adventures- for the hook is no less tlian his life
story— make good reading ; out in California, on board shi]),
and in the rest of the phases through which Mr. Vachell
conducts him, he holds the reader, for the adventures are
worth reading, but all the time we feel that Tim himself is
not as good as his author tliiuks. The vicar, too, who has
some share in the making of Tim's life, is mildly exasperating,
and the only character who merits whole-hearted admiration
is Daffy, the heroine. Mr. Vachell's skill saves. the bo^k
from mediocrity, but it is not up to his usual levcL
June b, 1916
LAND & WATER
so long only as the name of the German success could be
claimed afterwards.
It is this point which lends significance to. the event.
And it is because (jermany's greatest necessity now is
a renewal of the national moral, that it is the Allies'
greatest necessity to strike at the instrument of its
restoration, regardless of what the blow may cost. Had
in point of fact the British attack on the German fleet
been " over-confident " or " rashly impetuous," had our
success been gained at a loss disproportionate to that
which the enemy had suffered — but nevertheless re-
mained a success, then the sacritice of ships and men
would seemingly have been rightly incurred. It was
the plain duty of the British fleet to thwart the purpose
of the enemy at sea, whatever it might be, and to drive
his fleet back into harbour at whatever cost in ships and
men.
The News and Its Reception
This truth, it seems to me, was so obviously the key
to the whole naval position, that I must confess to com-
plete astonishment at the way in which the news of this
event was broken to the people of this country and in
some quarters received by them. The first announcement
was made on Friday evening at seven o'clock, in the form
of a statement issued by the secretary of the Admiralty.
Apart fron> the known losses of the British fleet and the
supposed losses of the enemy, this statement told the
public nothing but the following facts.
An engagement had taken place on the afternoon of the
previous Wednesday off the coast of Jutland. In its
first stage the battle cruiser fleet, supported by fast
battleships, had engaged the German fleet till the British
main forces appeared. The action between the main
forces was brief, because the enemy took advantage of
a low in\'isibiUt3' to avoid action. Finally, the enemy
had retreated to his harbours.
To anyone with the faintest understanding of things
naval, two things were clear. First, if the enemy had
any object in being at sea, he had been thwarted in ob-
taining it. Ne.xt, the day had ended with Sir John
Jellicoe in possession of the field from which the enemy
had been driven. It was evident, therefore, that our
sea command had been vindicated ; that the victory
was ours. The statement of losses made it, it is true,
appear tliat the cost of victory had been heavy, but
relati\'ely to the size of the two navies, the enemy's losses
were at least as serious. The. victory might not be
decisive in the sense that there was no enemy fleet left to
fight with ; but it was obvious that the enemy's plans,
no less than his hopes had been defeated, and that he
was in certainly no better a position than he was before
to dispute Great Britain's control of the North Sea.
Subsequent statements, it must be remembered, added
nothing almost to these 5ubstantial and eloquent facts.
They did put the GeiTnan losses higher, and limited our
destroyer casualties to eight. Bvit the evidences of
victory were patent from the first communique.
^^'hethcr the Admiralty was right or wrong to leave
the interpretation of this statement to the intelligence
of tlie newspapers that reported it, is a point that is
difficult to decide. That we had won was clear. It
may have seemed wiser to let the absurd German state-
ment have a start, so that the truth, when fully known,
should have a still greater effect. For once, the facts
were allowed to speak for themselves. And the result
was startling. Mr. Balfour's administration has ever
since last autumn been subjected to alternations of
sniping and curtain fire from a certain section of the
press. If Mr. Balfour had ordered the circulation of
Friday's statement with- no other object than to let his
enemies in, he achieved it to admiration.
A small section of the press, small in numbers, but
highly important from its circulation and popularity,
read in the Admiralty's report nothing but the list of the
ships sunk, and immediately lost its head. The Times
treated the event as a German " success snatched from
us upon our own element." " We have suffered," it
said, " the heaviest blow at sea we have met with dming
the war. . . we engaged, perhaps in over confidence,
in a long running fight again.st" ships more nuriierous,
stronger and more heavily armed. . . and we have
suffered heavily." The Daily Mail and the Daily
Chronicle found the result one that could not be " re-
garded with satisfaction." The latter paper declared
that a feebler force had been sent " far forward into
enemy waters, to be almost overwhelmed by its stronger
adversary." and that this policy " is directly traceable
to the influence upon naval strategy of civilian alarm."
The Weekly Dispatch asked " ^^'hat was wrong last
week? . . . The British navy was beaten. . .
Why did we fail ? . . . The fight itself was mis-
managed. . . . Lord Fisher must be recalled to the
Admiralty at once." The Daily News mourned over
this " gravest disaster " and foresaw a serious danger of
diminishing confidence in the administration of the navy,
and called at once for the retmn of Lord Fisher " in this
hour of the country's urgent need." The Observer would
have it that " we had missed victory." " that our
strategical object had not been obtained," that " it was
a public duty to be plain " and " nothing could com-
pensate for the absence of Lord Fisher from Whitehall."
Elsewhere we were told that we could not dismiss from
our minds the thought that soriieone had blundered.'
Of London papers the Morning Post and the Westminster
Gazette put the matter from the first in its true light,
but even the Daily Telegraph, exceptionally sane as
a rule on naval subjects, warned us not to be too gloomy
or to indulge in undue pessimism — as if a measure of
gloom and pessimism would be wholesome !
It is an odd way of commending a new naval chief to
forces fresh from victory, to tell them that he alone can
rescue them from the disastrous consequences of defeat !
And it is as unfortunate as it must be unjust, that Lord
Fisher's name should have been coupled with views almost
too repugnant to professional intelligence and feeling to
be called ridiculous.
But on Saturday and Sunday last, it was not the
ridiculous side of it that I saw. The news that a near
relative had been severely wovmded in the action took
me to one of the bases and was the occasion of various
visits to the naval hospital. Here were men who h^d
taken part in the great action, had been knocked out of
shape, or burned almost out of human recognition on
this glorious day, and they had come into hospital
counting their sufferings as nothing weighed against the
greatness of their deeds. It was certainly pitiful when
one of them said to me, " We were a bit bucked with-
ourselves when we came in here, but look at these papers.
They tell us we have been beaten ! " The thing became
tragic when one heard of widows and bereaved mothers
having their grief embittered by the thought that the
lives of husbands and sons had been lost in a failure.
It should not, one would imagine, need a very robust
faith in the British navy, to make one slow to believe in
defeat. It was once supposed to be a characteristic of
the race that we did not knov.- when we were beaten.
Now it seems we do not know when we have won.
" The sailors, naturally enough, are broken-hearted that
they have not sunk every German ship. The result, in
this respect, is so contrary both to their expectations,
and to their knowledge of what their guns could and
would have done, had it been possible to see, as to
seem a much smaller thing than obviously it is. But
there is no reason why the nation should measure its
gratitude by their disappointment."
But there is another aspect of the matter that must
be noted. It is not necessary, if ever we are defeated, to
scream at once that someone has blundered. It is con-
ceivable that defeats may come without any blunder at
all. It is certainly not very generous to imply either
that the Admiralty— though this department can look
after itself —or that naval oflicers, who cannot do so, have
brought disaster on us by rash tactics and ])rofessional
incompetence. Time, in this instance, will vindicate the
accused. And the time will not be long. But however
ignorant and ill-conceived, these hasty judgments give
pain. They have been persisted in, after the least
observant must have realized that our tactics had
succeeded, and they are not supported by any fact.s
known to us. They are a poor return to those who risk
not only life and limb, but honour and name in the
country's cause. Arthur Pollen.
Professor^ L. P. Jack's article " A Bad School of
Statesmen." ojcmg to the sudden demand upon our space,
has regretfully to be held over until next week.
LAND .\ WATLK
Ulli.
The Trentino Front
liy Hilaire Bclloc
THK interest of the war by land this wcfk (ix;ndin};
furthir dcvelcnTnient^ upon tlu* Nouthcin Kussiaii
front) still ixmrca on the Trtntino ; and. what is
more, it is prubiibly in tine pn-st-nt week, certaii^^ly
in tin.' iinmctliati' fntnn\ tliat wt- shall know whether this
nnjMftant otUnsivc u|K)n llu- rncmv's part has failed or
>uri ceded.
file threat news of the week, by sea, should not obscure
for us the capital value at this loonu-nt of the Trentino
Theatre ; nor slmnld the nevis of Ihe Knssian movement
of which only the bepinnin{;s are apiwrcnt at the time
these lines are written.
Tlie i)tYen>ive will sueroed if it gels across, or even
imperils, the communications feeding the main Italian
front on the Isoii/.o. If it is dclinilely stopind short of
buch an objective it will fail.
^ fifninsnLar Italy
AdriatLC
Sea.
The communications of the main Italian army are the
two railway lines, the northern one through Vicenza and
X'erona, the southern one through Padua, both leading to
the Isonzo front. The southern is the main one and the
more important one because it lias been from the begin-
ning the one most remote from peril, and the one by which
must shortly arrive the masses of recniitmcnt, while it also
leads to the industrial areas of the north.
But the northern one is also important. It is not a
^ingle line, as I erroneously suggested last week, but a
d(»uble one. and the enemy in possession of it would not
only threaten within a few miles all the commimications
of the main Italian arniv on the Isonzo, but would -.dready
' ■ in possession of half those communications.
This Verona-N'icenza line luns of comse on the edge
ol the \enetian plain just under the mountain country ;
but the en<my's immediate object is not to " reach the
l)lain." but to secure otic of the lito, or preferably both.
Of the great avenues of supply by u'hkh alone a large army
can bf maintained if it is to attempt an advance across
that plain, and meanuhik to secure a certain third inferior
line of sHpplv uhich, as we shall see in a moment, exists
hd-.c-cn thr /„ -.
(ieiiing into the plain merely because it is a jjlain ;
getting out of the mountains merely Ix-causc they are
mountains, means under modern conditions hardly any-
thing. A strong defensive line established across a plain
at the mouth of a mountain valley is overlooked indeed
from the hills, and to that extent suffers a disadvantage.
Further, the points at which a line across a plain i an be
attacked arc indelinile in ninnber, whereas the points upon
which a mountain line can be attacked are limited in
"imber.
Ihese arc not the main things. You will get examples
over and over again in this war of a strong defensive
line well held in Hat country and even in flat cotmtry
overlooked by neighbouring hills. What you never get
in this war. what you cannot get in the nature of. things
is an offensive pursued upon a sector behind which there
is no proper avenue of supply.
We all know b\' this time that the modern offensive
consists, as against an entrenched line (not in a war of
movement) of concentrated heavy artillery hrc followed
by intimtry attack for which it is the preparation.
\\\ offensive under siege conditions has always consisted
of these elements since artillery was invented, but the
l>eculiarlv novel character of the ])resent operations since'
the spring of last year is the weight of .shell which it has
been found necessary to deliver over a restricted sector
and within a restricted timeifthat sector is 1o h- itijirkrd
with success e\en by great masses of troojis.
This great weight of shell nuist be brought up some-
how. Mach missile weighs from 60 lbs. up to several
hundredweight. The mere handling of such masses
inx-supposes artificial <dnmumieation of .some sort. The
nuiving of them in large bodies ])resupposes railways for
general sujiply and good roads for petrol traflic between
railhead and the guns. Short of such ample conuimnica-
tion modern concentrated heavy artillery lire is physically
imptissible.
The reader is actpiainted with the conditions of com-
inimication upon the sector, about 40 miles across as the
crow flies, which is the scene of the Austrian offensive^
Von have two great divergent valleN's, the Val Sugana
and the \'al Lagarina, valleys of the Krenta and' Adigc
respectively. Between them you have only one really
good road which runs from Ro\ereto up the \'allarsa
and acniss the frontier by the l-"uga/.zc pass just behind
the block of the Pasubio ^fountain. It runs doiftn on
the south side of the Posina ridge to Schio, and then linds
a single line of railway continuing the communication
to Vicenza.
North of this good road you only have two interrupted
roads, not so gootl, one leading to.Asiero by the ravine
(if the Astico, the other leading to Asiago. Neither could
supply a large force advancing southwards.
It the Austrians could have pushed down the
Adige valley or the Brcnta valky, or both, that would
have been {he tirst and most obvious thing for them to
do. But they failed. For it was obviously at these two
points that the Italians had to ])ut up their strongest
resistance. In the Adige valley they only managed
to carry the northern end of the Zugna ridge. They occu-
pied the Zugnatorta but they have failed, after nearly a
fortnight's effort to carry ("onizugna. On the further
side of the Adige, between the Vul Lagarina and Lake
(iarda, they have been held absolutely : the Hne still
passing just south of Afarco and through Mori.
In the Val Sngana it has been the same story.
They have got the Italiaiis back a few thousand yards ;
uncovering the rather open piece of valley at JBorgo.
They have failed to dislodge the Italians from the natmal
position lying just down streani east of that town.
It has therefore been their business to try and get at
the lower part of one or both of these two great avenues
of approach, the Adige Valley and the Brenta Valley by
going round through the wild country between, since
they could not get at them by going straight forward.
And going round meant attacking in all the central
mf)uutain mass between the two rivers. Apart from
the guns which they have spcciallv massed for their effort,
they were helped by the fact " that they had long
established works on the Folgaria plateau and in the
La\arone district. They forced the frontier here, as we
know, up to a salient in crescent formation (AAA) the
most advanced points on which are the towns Asierf)
and Asiago.
What progress have they made or are they making
towards jiroceeding from this saHent on to either the
Lower Brenta valley or the Lower .\dige valley ?
It will be remembered that I jKunted out last week the
obviously critical pciut . f Valstagna, and .said that if an
advance could be made by the Austrians from Asiago
towards \'alstagna, so that the latter point should come
under effective fue, the Italian positions on the Upper
Brenta near Borgo would be turned. Towards this
Tunc 8, 1916
L A N D &' \y A T E R
It
VICENZA
Miles
20
objective the enemy has in the interval made no progress
whatsoever.
It is exceedingly diflicult country.
.\siago lies in tlie centre of a sort of shallow basin,
which itself is part of the sm^face of a great plateau.
The plateau is called the " seven villages," because there
was here a settlement of seven isolated German-speaking
villages which only in modern times learned to speak
Italian. It was long ago a sort of barbaric (ierman island
cut off from the ci\ilisation around it by the diflicultv not
only of communication, but even of water supply.
This plateau is cut by the deep ravine of the Astico,
but save for the exception of that valley is bovmded every-
where along the south by an escarpment (B B on the map),
whence the land falls very sharply down into tiie plain.
It seems to have been thought impossible hitherto by
the Austrian Higher Command to force a waj-jdown the ex-
ceedingly rugged, and in their latter part exceedingly steep
paths w-hich lead from Asiago to Valstagna lay the wild
Valtrenzela, with the Italians holding in strength the
natural position formed by this escaipment of the plateau
B B. They may attempt this easterly move, but time is
getting on and they have not yet attempted it ; and to
attempt it with the Italians on the position BB (on
May II.) right in front of them untouched would be
extremely perilous.
Their chief effort has been against the other limb of the
problem set them. They cannot here, indeed, directly
approach the valley of the Lower Adige, as they might
hope to approach on the other side the valley of the
Lower Brenta. In this central moimtain push of theirs
they have come to within eight miles of Valstagna u])on
the valley of the Lower Brenta ; but the valley of the
Adige, as the map shows, turns further and furtlier away
from them as it goes south. They are a full thirty miles
away from its lower portion in the neighbourhood of
Verona.
What they can hope to do and what they are attempting
to do is twofold :
1. They are attempting to get hold of the central part
of the Adige valley by turning the positions the Italians
have so stubbornly and successfully held upon the Zugna
ridfie.
2. They are attempting to get hold of the subsidiary
line of communications, the road from Rovercto to Schio,
whence a single line railway leads to Vicenza.
The first of these eftorts has been conducted as follows :
The road from Rovereto to Schio runs up the
Vallarsa to the Fugazze pass. This pass is rather
more than 3,000 feet above the sea, about 3,000 fee'
ab,ove the plain, and about 2,000 feet, I believe, above
Schio. They have pushed along this line as far a?
the point of Chiesa, whence their front tiuns outward
a;4ain slightly round Mount Pasubio, which they have
J. A N 1) .S: W A 1 1'^ K
Juno 8, i()i()
IV
WalsCaQtia
ftafum Tron^
s- "lilies' 10
1
failed to cany. Tlicy cannot push down llu' Adigo
valley much beyond .Marco, and the Italians still
strongly hold the height of the Conizugna which is about
5,ooo feet abo\'e the sea, though theyliave lost the lower
summit of the ridge to the north, tlie Zugnatorta. Just
south of the Conizugna and immediately above Chicsa,
is a pass (without a road) called the Buole pass. It is
only 700 feet below the peak of the Conizugna. I have
marked it on the above sketch Map III. with the letter X.
The enemy are fighting as hard as they can up from the
valley at Chiesa to force the ])ass of Buole and so to come
down on to the Adige valley. If they could do that they
would cut off the Italians to the north, and would about
double the present strength of their hold upon the road and
railway that follow the Adige valley south of Rovereto.
Probably their main dihkulty consists in the fact that the
Italian batteries on Mount Pasubio command the Buole
pass. But how far it is thus overlooked and with what
effect only those on the spot can know. At any rate,
this attack upon the Buole pass with the object of getting
into the middle of the Adige valley is the first part of the
present Atistrian effort.
The second i)art is an attempt to get hold of something
second best in the way of communication. That is, the
excellent road of which we have already spoken w-hich
runs from Rovereto behind the mountain of Pasubio to
railhead at Schio.*
If they can get this road they would have an avenue
of supply down towards the plain only second in value to
the two main avenues of the Brenta and the Adige.
rhey would lay a light railway, of course, immediately
along the road and they could feed with munitionment an
advance towards Vicenza. The crossing of the northern
line at Vicenza would be a blow of capital importance,
and I repeat that the excellent road from Rovereto to
Schio with the rail beyond gives an avenue of supply if it
were once thoroughly held by the Austrians, for an
advance on Vicenza.
They have been all this week fighting hard to obtain
full possession of this road which runs from Rovereto to
Schio and the possession of this road depends upon their
being able to turn the Pasubio position.
The Italians on Mount Pasubio stand, and have stood,
for now three weeks, against all attack. It is the moun-
tain block which dominates all that country. To push up
• There is .a tramway on to a point a mile or two higher up the
valley, but Scliio is the point where the most natural transhipment would
take place between road traffic and rail traffic.
the road behind the Pasubio the Austrians found im-
possible. Thev got as far as Chiesa and were there held.
The Austrians must therefore try to get round, and that is
what they are now doing.
The Italians on Pasubio can be amply supplied by the
smglc line railway from Vicenza to Schio and thci up
this excellent road C C, which runs behind the mountain,
the road which the Austrians are trying to seize.
In.'portance of Posina Ridge
It is obvious that if the Austrians from A (iii the above
I\Iap IV,) were to strike across the Posina Torrent, through
to a point between Schio and the pa.ss of Fugazze, the
position on Pasubio would not only lose its importaftcc,
but probably its guns and its men as well. The Itahans
would have to withdraw everywhere from the road
between Rovereto and the point W'here the Austrians
had got in behind them. And the Austrian ma'in effort
at this moment js being made to effect this : — To get upon
some part of the road south of the Fugazze pass and
so turn the present Italian hold of the Pasubio momitain.
Let us see w'hat the local conditions of this effort are.
There runs from the Pasubio mountain block (which
has two i)caks, one B about 7,000 feet above the sea,
and the other E, rather over 6,000) a ridge, steep and with
high crests, which I have marked on the accompanying
Map IV. with tiie letters E E E. The summits of this
ridge are from 1,200 to 1,600 feet lower than the Pasubio,
and these chief summits, or teeth upon the sharp edge of
the ridge, which I have numbered i, 2 and 3, arc Mount
.•\lba, Mount Posina and Mount Cogolo respectively.
The ridge ends sharply at the gorge of the Astico, but is
continued beyond the .\stico in the ridge D U D, .which
stretches on to Valstagna, and is also held by the Italians.
The Austrians are engaged in an attempt from the region
.\in the above Map IV. to carry the ridge E E E, to cross
it and to reach the main road somewhere about Valli
dci Signori. They have crossed the Posina toiTent
and have got a footing in the villages of Bettale and
Posina, and are now doing their utmost to force their w*ay
up the steep slope to the summit of the ridge. The peaks
of this summit are about 2,000 to 2,500 feet above the
torrent, and the niain attack is against the slopes of
Mount Alba and of Mount Posina, but we may take it
that the whole of this stccji and high bank is under attack.
Up to the moment of writing the Austrians have had no
success here, and the position covering the road is still
solidlv in the hands of the Italians.
Losses in Front of Verdun
WITH the continuation of the German offensive
rhythmically, month after month, in great
intense efforts succeedirig the long intervals of
preparation, opinion in this country seems to
have wavered somewhat upon the fundamental point pf
all, the fact that the German tactics, as well as the
main (ierman strategic policy here — which is a continued
offensive— necessarily invol\-e very much heavier losses
to the enemy than the enemy inflicts upon the French.
NN'hat the enemy thesis is in its continued attack, how
June 8, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
far it is political and how far strategic, has been more
discussed than any other matter in the war — and has
been less decided.
He may be merely playing for time. But whatever
his thesis may be, it is clear that the whole French thesis
in this struggle reposes upon the apparently elementary
truth that the offensive at Verdun is far more expensive
than the defensi\-c.
As a general truth this has been affirmed over and
over again in these columns. It is upon the face of it
impossible to believe the opposite, if only from the fact
that the French have refused a^ counter-offensive of any
magnitude during the whole business, while the nature of ■
modern defence makes the losses of the offensive, ■
save those of a very rapid and successful offensive or of
one where the losses are quickly cut, necessarily higher
than the losses suffered by its opponent.
Nevertheless, the German authorities instruct their
press to repeat continually the legend that the German
losses are actually inferior to the French upon this sector.
One inspired writer said half ! And whatever Germany
says about her losses or any other matter is religiously be-
lieved by a certain section of opinion here. It may be
of service, therefore, if we go into some detail on the
matter, though I have already dealt with the rough proof
more than once.
Those who are on the offensive in such work as that
which is going on at Verdun act as follows :
First they deliver a very great number of large calibre
high explosive shell over the advanced trenches they are
about to attack, delivering at the same time a certain
proportion of shell upon points behind the lines : Points
where they believe, or have discovered, a battery to be
established : Points through which men and supplies
must pass to reach the advanced trenches.
Under this intensive bombardment the advanced
trenches are virtually obliterated in a certain number of
hours. A few machine gun shelters will remain and
possibly a few sections of trench which men can still
hold. But the design and the effect of this continued
bombardment is to obliterate the defensive quality of the
first line.
Now it is never possible to be certain of the extent to
whiclt your initial bombardment has really destroj'ed
your opponent's defensive powei-s in these first lines.-
You do not know in what strength he was holding them
to begin with, nor exactly where his principal fire-power
may lie when you come to advance, nor even what de-
fensive elements may have escaped the effects of the
bombardment. But, at any rate, during this preliminary
stage the attacking party is suffering no losses in direct
connection with attack ; the defending party is certainly
suffering some losses and may be suffering heavy losses.
Meanwhile, the defenders are also at w'ork busily de-
livering shell against places where they believe the
attackers' batteries to be situated, upon his communication
trenches, and other points through which men and supplies
must pass and, of course, upon the enemy's own advance
trenches from which the attack will be launched. The
defence cannot be quite certain of the line from which
the assault will spring. It is further handicapped by the
fact that the offensive concentrates fire upon points
chosen by itself, and a counter-concentration is not possible
at short notice and in equal strength.
From all these causes it is reasonable to suppose, and
it is in fact the case, as many months of experience have
taught all the belligerents, that during this preliminary
phase the losses of the defensive are superior to the
losses on the side which is about to attack.
How much superior depends upon a hundred local
accidents. But the capital point to seize in the nature
of the losses suffered during this first phase is that, short
of excessively bad management or bad quality of troops
which cannot hold a line save very densely, or the effect
of surprise, the main losses of neither party are suffered
during this preliminary phase.
It is in the second phase that the really heavy losses
appear.
This second phase opens in one of two ways : Either
a whole large body leaps out of the trenches to the attack
and attempts to rush the battered trenches of the defence
immediately before it or — what is much the commonest
plan now in front of Verdun — comparatively small bodies
arc sent out as a sort of skirmishers to find out what
resisting, power remains to the battered lines. In the
second case, if the skirmishers find that the defensive
power is greater than was expected no main attack is
launched ; while if it is found, or thought to be found (for,
of course, the defensive attempts to deceive) sufficiently
weakened by the bombardment, then the main attack
follows in a great swarm, sometimes as many as five men
being allowed in it (exclusive of all reserves) to the yard
run.
Here enters a point of considerable moment in this
discussion. What is the enemy's formation in attack
before Verdun ? Some people speak as though he always
came on in very close formation on which the play of
fiel-d-gun, rifle and machine-gun fire is murderous. Others
aflirni that he has abandoned tliis old tradition of his
and attacks in open order.
The discrepancy in evidence is simply due to the fact
that the enejny uses both methods ; one witness has
experienced the one,' another the other.
For instance, the great attack on the eastern slope of
Mort Homme two months ago, the Silesians were disposed
in successive waves of assault. But in the attack before
Cumieres the other day, there were dense columns ;
columns as dense as the old formations. Whatever
the reason for such a murderous plan, that was the fact
as reported by actual witnesses in the French press.
The moment these considerable bodies appear they are
a target not only for the remaining advanced rifle and
machine gun fire of the defensive Hne, but for the field guns
of the defence, which have, of course, studied every yard
of the ground over which the attack must pass.
It h in this phase that the heavy casualties occur. And
during this phase one of two things must happen. Either
the great main effort of the attack, even if it be repeated
over and over again, fails to get home or, at last, some of
its elements do get into the battered trenches of the
defence and occupy them. If there is great momentum in
the attack they even push on well beyond towards the
second line. In the first case, the losses of the attack are
overwhelmingly greater than those of the defence. They
may be ten, twelye or twenty times greater. There is
no comparison between them.
In the second case, the attack must also normally lose
much more than the defensive, but not so enormously
more. For there will be a considerable amount of hand-
to-hand fighting in which many of the defenders will be
killed and wounded, and all those over whom the attack
passes and who survive will fall into the hands of the
attackers as prisoners, and will be permanently lost to
their own side.
So far we have the mathematical certainty that the
offensive will lose more than the defensive. It will lose
rather less during the preliminary phase, but during
the second phase, which is the only critical one in the way
of losses, it will lose enormously more if the attack fails,
and considerably more even when it succeeds. The only
exception to such an obvious truth is to be found wheia
the quality of the defence is so poor that it has to be
densely packed to meet attack at all, and breaks down
Sovtes Sbakespeaviattae
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
To the British Navy.
T/ie grace of Heaven
Before, behind ihec, and on every hand
Emvheel thee round !
Otbcllo n., i.. 8S-7.
The Braggart Enemy.
The man thai once did sell the lions skin
While the beast lived, was killed iviih
hunting him.
Henry V., IV., iii., 93-4.
The German Fleet off Jutland.
They that of late wc^-e daring with
their scoff's
Areglad and fain by flight to save themselves.
1 Henry VI., III., ii., 113 4.
T|
L A N 1)
\\' A T K R
June 8, jqiG
tlio moment the attack approaches : a modifuation of
thus kind does not ap])Iy, ol cours«\ to what iV f,'oin^' on
before Wrdun where tlio defence is skilful and stubborn.
It will be clear from the above that a verv considerable
element in the deciding of what extra losses the attack
snlTers is the ])ro|Mirtion of successful to nnsuccessfn!
assaults. We can tabulate pretty accurately this pnv
portion in front of Wnlnn. Coimtinf,' only the main
attacks deli\ered by iarne bodies of, say, at least a brigade.
i: soems to work out rouj,'hly at about hve to one. To
one occasion in which ymi ha^'e the successful rushing of
the advanced elements, such a>< was accon>plished by a
couple of (iennan Divisions between the Mort Honuue
and Cumieres the other day, you have, I think, about
live exactly similar ixcasions in which a main a>sault rs
broken. And the exjK'nso of these is further added to
by the fact that the attempt is usually made up of several
successive failures in the same day.
If the fighting round Wrdun consisted simpl\- in re-
jn-ated German attacks usually failing but siicceeding
once in, siay. about five times," and therefore f^radually
eating into the French lines without reactions against
such an advance, the tierman losses would be immensely
higher than the French. They might be fourfold.
Bui there is another category of fighting here as wc
all know. The defenders launch counter-attacks, some-
times recapturing, sometimes faihng to recapture certain
sections of their line which they think critical.
Whenever action of this kind is uiideti;ikrii tiie roles
arc reversed.
The force whicii i> upon the whole im im defensive
is for the moment attacking and loses proportionately.
If these counter-attacks were as numerous, and carried
out with as large forces as the main attacks of the offensive
we might expect the losses on both sides (o be equal,
but we know as a matter of fact, that these counter-
attacks are nothing of the kind. They are always
hx-al, delivered over a comparatively small front, arid,
what is very important, <chai a point taken in a counlcr-
ttltack is abandoned it is abandoned as a rule b.-fore the
heaviest pressure of the reltirninii enemy, has been jell. In
such cases the territory yieldecl is innnediately subjected
to the fen d'ccrascment, wliicii can always be delivered
upon an enemy mass, the position of which is exactly
known. It is a tactic which cannot be employed of course
when territory is lost in tlie confusion of ari assault, but
it can be employed, and is employed, when the retirement
is delibcTate. "It wa^ emj^loyed, for instance, at
Donaumont fort on the 23th or 26th of May, and it was
employed two days ago \ipon the north fosse of Vaux.
It is a tactic possible only to a defensive which intends
to remain a defensive, fot it is a tactic only open to a
force which is willing to yield ground on condition of
making an enemy pay the price for that ground.
1 have no more certain information on the matter than
any reader of this. I receive private -letters dealing with
\'erdun now and then and have heard information second-
lumd,. I read the accounts in the foreign press- often
by eye-witnesses — and I have followed, of coursi-, tlie judg-
mt'Uts of the chief writers upon the Continent. I do not
juetend, therefore, to anything but an estimate or a guess,
but 1 will suggest that even in the present stage of the
struggle, with the French nearly stationary and the great
attacks following each other at considerable intervals,
there is a disproportion between the two sets of losses of
more than two to one.
The Southern Russian Offensive
Tt is unfortunate for the ]nnposes of this article that
the offensive which the K\issiajis have undertaken against
the .\ustrian lines south of the Priiiet, or rather the news
of it, .should only be learned in London just as these
lines are written. No details enabling us to analyse the
great movement or to conjecture its probable dexelop-
ment, or even its main objective are jet available.
We are told (by the Austrians) that the heaviest fighting
has taken place a little south of the centre of the line-
but there is nothing sufficiently definite to guide us to
even the most general statement at the moment of writ-
ing. We can only await further developments. The
facts as contained in the two communiques, Austrian
and Russian, are as follows :
After a preliminary bombardment, undertaken ap-
parently upon all sections of the southern eastern front
from the I'ripct to the frontiers of Roumania, the Russian
infantry attacked last Sunday upon sectors covering the
whole line and had before reening made 13,000 prisoners,
and had also captured a certain (unnamed) number of
The inteiisixc bombardment was proceeding as the
infantry advanced. The main weight of the pressiire
was u\yim the watershed between the Styr river and the
Pruth, with especiallx' -"^ '"•■ li'-htiiig in the neighbour-
hood of Okna.
Till- I'lUssian local au\aui c wa.- most j)ronounced im-
mediately to the north-west of Tarnopol, and appears
to have o\erla|)|)ed upon cither side the specially-
strengthened position of I\uzpow, to the west of the
latter. Strong attacks were also delivered in the region
north-west of Dubno. The whole affair is apparently
onl\' beginning, and at the moment of writing ( fuesday
evening) no details arc available upon which to pass any-
considered judgment.
The German Glass '17
Onr of tlie principal objects of speculation with tlie
Allied command at this moment is the exact time when
tiie (icrman class iqij (the last of the contingents called
up) will be compellerl to appear in the field.
I have recci\ed not a few accounts from private sources,
some of them detailed accounts, of the presence of the 1917
class already in the field. But I have seen no evidence
that give these isolated instances the value of a general
polic\-. I have seen no evidence, official or even private,
of any considerable numbers of the 1917 class yet present
in the fighting units.
The date generally given as the latest upon which tli.
Kji; class will appear in considerable force — that is, the
latest date to which the Germans can ]>ostpone calling
upon these lads for the maintenance of their effectives-
would seem to be the end of the present month. That, at
least is the general opinion upon the Continent, both
among the Allied students of the war and neutral students.
I presume that the fixing of this date as the last moment
of entry for the class is based upon intelligence from
within Gerniany. Common sense would lead one to
belie\e that it could not be postponed \ ery nuich later.
.Aluch of Class I()i7 has already been kept back later than
the other young German contingents. It was first called
up a little before the corresponding French class, because
the German effectives arc .somewhat more exhausted in
proportion than are the French. The French began
calling up their 1917 elass in January. The Germans
began calling their 1(117 ^'l^^s in Deceniber. The incor-
poration went on through January, and the tail end of
It lasted through February. But "even though the Ger
mans c(mtinued their incorporation of the i()i7 class uj)
to the \ery end of February that would still give a full
four months between the date of the incorporation of the
last of these and the end of the present month, and six
months since the first were called. Four months is the
average length of time after which the (iermans think it
safe to put newly trained men into the lield.
There is, by the way, interesting evidence also to hand
of the use of iqi6 before this class was put into the
furnace of \'erdun. Some prisoners taken from tlii>
class were found to have already seen service in Serbia.
Presumably onl>- after the occupation of Serbia was com-
pleted, and used only for policing and garrison duties.
H. BKii.Oi
Aulcs on Slnvl l-i-li!u!!^. a sixpennv manual issued by
Messrs. horsier (.room and Co.. is tlic first book of anv kind
that has appeared devoted to tliis subject, and, in viewof tli-.-
pn.bable diange that will come over the Flanders front with
the end of the trench warfare, it is one that recommend^
Itself for study by militarv men. Ilinls for Flioht Sub-
J.ieulcnanis (is. net), publislud bv the same firm, is a booklet
of common-sense advice for the" Roval Naval Air Service.
written by a ftiglit lieutenant, and containing many useful
tips. Other recent publications b\' this firni are Gunnery
iormiihe Simplified lis. net), by Lieut. L. N. Rawes, K.A.,
and Musltetrv (M. net), the latter a verv -handv little intro-
cfucton- study of the mechanism of the rifle, care of arms,
and the meanmg of " musketry " as the term is at present
applied to the use of tl.e ,in<- :M,d irainin" iturein
June y, i<jiO
LAND & WATER
15
The Prime Minister
A Character Sketch
THE judgments of history di)(in llie nu-n who con-
trol events in the great crises of the world arc
often widely different from contemporary criticism .
There is no reputation more tmassailable to-
diiy than that of Pitt. Yet few men suffered svuli a
running fire of attack as he did from tlie critics of his
jiolicy. And Lincoln, whose name has become a fixed
star in the lirinament of history, was harried, insulted
;'nd traduced by Horace Crreelev in the " New ^'ork
Tribune " with a \-irulence that has become historic.
ft is well to remind oinselvcs of these things to-day.
When a week or two ago a well known newspaper invited
from the publip '" Ten shillings Groans for Asquith "
as a form of contribution to the Red Cross Fund I asked
myself what history would be likely to say about those
"groans." Would it endorsL^ them.or would it marvel at
the vulgarity, the hysteria, the le\ity that prcxluced the
appeal ? \\'ill its judgment be for Mr. Asfjuith, or for
the critic; ?
History's Verdict
In attempting to answer these questions we must
remember that history will not see this vast conflict as
we sec it, in momentary fragments, in flying day to day
glimpses, by half lights and vague hints, through the
haze of rumour and the emotions of our ho})es and our
fears. It will see it in the large, by the light of full
knowledge and by the understanding of those great
currents and tendencies which we see so dimly, but which
are fashioning the decision and upon which the momentary
incident, which seems so big to us, floats like driftwood
upon the surface of the torrent. The historian will see
the forest. We can only sec the tr:es. He will see
motives and complex causes ; we can only sec results.
It would be imjiertinent to aijticipate his judgment ;
but it is not impertinent, it is even neccssarj', to suggest
some considerations as to what his judgment will be. And
this, not in the interest of Mr. Asciuith. I suppose tliere
is no man who has played a great part in the affairs of this
country who has been more indifferent to popular ap-
plause, less moved by criticism, more obstinately reliant
upon the sanctions of his own mind. He is" York-
shire " to the last iibre — a sort of sublimated Y"orkshire
manufacturer, saturated with Oxford culture, but carry-
ing the original grain of the timber into every detail of
his life ; a little brusque in his manner, as the Yorkshire
manufacturer is ; very scornful of all forms of flummery ;
brief and lucid of speech ; suspicious of cant in others
and avoiding it with a sort of intellectual horror himself;
more attached to principles and to historic tradition than
to adventurous empiricism, but with a healthy distrust of
his imaginative limitations tliat keeps his judgment open
to the empiricism of others ; a man who bears opprobrium
with a scornful shrug of the shoulders and a silent tongue,
and upon whom flattery is as much wasted as water
on a duck's back.
But from the point of view of the country it is extremely
imiiortant that we should try to understand what history
will have to say about Mr. Asquith. For it is only by
that detachment of vision that we can range ourselves
on his side or the side of his critics. And we have to
do one or the other. We have to trust someone in this
tremendous crisis of our history. Is he the man to trust,
or can we do better ? And let us start with the elemen-
tary reminder that whomsoever we trust it will be a human
being, and, for that reason, a fallible instrument. The
choice is not between a miracle and a man, between per-
fection and imperfection ; it is between relative perfection
and imperfection. ^Ir. y\squith would be the first to
disown irvfallihility. He cultivates no fanciful fictions
about himself, does not pose before the mirror, and has
no dreams of personal triumph. He is, indeed, singularly
impersonal in his habit of thought. An acute critic has
said of him that he has no jealousy, no vanity and no
egotism. I think that is the strict truth. The sugges-
tion that he clings to office for the sake of power and profit
is made either in total ignorance of the man, or in malice.
F"ew men are more free from the \ice of ambition or the
•])assion of j)ersonal power, and in regard to the baser
suggestion, it is enough to remember that he gave up
an income at the bar of £15,000 a year when he took
office -at £5,000. He has no small ends to serve and it is
tliis fact which gives his actions that rare magnanimity
that always marks them. He wants no man"s place in
the suli, and is content to let anyone have the limelight
rather than himself, ^\'hat lie is conc<>rned about is
getting the thing done, and the man who <"an do it is
welcome to the rewards. In all his career there has nc\T'r
been a breath of suspicion in regard to his jjrobity or his
honour. He })reserves both with a' certain haughty
liisdain of temptation. I should not like to be the
l)crson who suggested a " job " to him. I think I see
the glare of his eyes and the swelling of the nostrils at the
hint that he is that sort of man. He has a family of ^ons
as brilliant as any in the land, but thej' have had to
make their own fortimes and they have had less chance of
public pickings than if they were outside the circle of
))atronage. They have taken their place in the army
without ad\'ertisement, one of them has been woundi^d,
and none of them has had any sort of favour either of
advancement or service. They are not of the stuff that
asks for soft jobs and preferential treatment.
Personal Motive Power
What, then, is the motive that hits kept this man at
his post in the face of every form of slander and abuse ?
^^'hat has enabled him to survive a succession of crises
each of which has threatened to engulf him ? I think the
secret is his austere devotion to the cause and his clear
\'ision of the jjart he is called upon to play. It is neither
vanity nor ambition that governs that vision, but the
plain understanding of the essentials of victory and of
the bearing of his own personality upon them. There are
many swifter a id more supple minds, but there is no mind
which sees the struggle with more detachment, with a
more constant grip of fundamentals, with a clearer dis-
crimination between the momentary incident and the
permanent tendency. He is not the sla\-e of moods,
but sticks with grim obstinacy to the vital things. It is
easy on a superficial survc}' of his actions to convict him
of weakness here, of infirmity of purpose there, of slow-
ness of vision, and of many other deficiencies. To this
critic he seems faithless to i)rinciples ; to that he seems
blinded by his traditions to the shattering impact of reali-
ties. On this side he surrenders a friend who is virulently
slandered ; on that he allows a curious latitude to those
who are obviously pursuing independent and even un-
friendly courses.
All this is puzzling until one grasps the underlying
thought that resolves all the seeming contradictions into
one motive. That motive is the steady consolidation of
all the forces of the country and of the Allies for the
struggle. In the midst of the Najiolconic wars Pitt was
once asked what was the most important quality in a
statesman ? Various answers had bqen given by those
about him. When the question was put to Pitt, he
replied " Patience." Some years ago Mr. Asquith, in
a speech, recalled that famous reply and declared his
agreement with the verdict. of Pilt. It is that declara-
tion which re^•eals to us the secret of his polic\' in tiic
midst of the stupendous stornr that has overtaken the
world. What was the chief peril with which that storm
threatened us ? It was that under the shock the nation
would give way to passion and panic, that internal
|jolitiral disagreements would break it in pieces, that the
Allies would be beaten before they could consolidate
tiieir power^ that the Alliance would collapse before it
could discover a solid basis of co-operation and under-
standing— in a word, that Germany would win before the
Allies had had time to collect their forces,' marshal their
strength and learn how to win.
That calculation has been defeated. It has been
defeated by the patient and sagacious statesmanship of
Mr. Asquith. Through two years of unprecedented peril.
lb
LAND cS: W A T 1-: R
June ci, lijiG
in the midst of a torrent of niisrcpri-scntation and mis-
un<>-'rstanding, in the face of dirticulties of incalculable
gravity, enveloped by cabals, tugged at oti this side by the
fierce partisans of his own school, assailed on that side by
the suspicions of the opposing school, he has p\irsued the
one dominating purpose of his policy with unHinching
tenacity. He has turned a blind eye to the cabals, he
has been patient with the impatient, he has led this
body of thought by persuasive tolerance from one side
and that body of opposed thought from the other side,
he has smoothed away personal hostilities and softened
ancient political asperities, and all the time he has been
collaborating to make the foundations of the Alliance
deep and enduring. The stem ordinance of restraint that
he has imposed upon himself has carried him through
crisis after crisis. In the eyes of his enemies he is always
about to fall and at the, end of every attack he is seen
to be more firmly rooted than before.
Mr. Asquith's Influence
And the reason is as creditable to his traditional
opponents as to his own merits. The influence which he
exercises over the Conservative members of the Cabinet
is notorious. It has brought them under the censure of
a certain ' section of their Press which openly charges
them w ith the betrayal of their cause. It is a foolish
and unjust charge. The truth is that, Uke Mr. Asquith,
they are living to-day for a cause more precious even than
their party. They sec in Mr. Asquith a disinterested
passion, a liigh sense of public duty, an entire forgctful-
ness of self, r^d a masculine comprehension of the com-
plex factors of the struggle that command fheir confidsnce
and draw out the best that is in them, " I went into the
Cabinet " said one of them " believing that Asquith was
an extinct force : to-day 1 know he is the only thinkable
leader in this emergency."
He has made mistakes, as Pitt made them, as Lincoln
made them, as everyone who has to deal with the in-
tractable elements of human life and the incalculable
forces vi war must make them. But in the large estimate
which the future will form of the mighty doings of this
time, it is not a very hazardous forecast to say that the
achievement of Mr. Asquith will stand out as the supreme
personal contribution to the victory that awaits us. He
has ke]it a cool head and a iirm judgment in the midst
of a reeling world. He has carried every element of the
nation with him step by step in the task of converting
it into one vast instrument of war. He. has formed the
nucleus around which the various and often conflicting
forces of a Democratic society have cohered for a common
purpose, and he has kept the mind of the country steadily
lixed on the great end. In a very real sense he represents
that English rock of dogged purpose and unfaltering
endurance upon which the schemes of Napoleon finally
broke and upon which those of the Kaiser are doomed
to break. They will break all the sooner because, happier
than Pitt, he has been able to keep the Alliance, on whose
integrity victory depends, invulnerable to the machina-
tions of the enemy.
Kitchener's Grave
By James Douglas
Nobly her warrior sleeps with Drake and Hood
In the old grey shrine whose walls are her green waves,
Hero not least of her heroic brood.
Soldier of soldiers in her gra\'e of graves.
Her tears are salt as her own spindrift blown.
Her heart is sad as her own sea-mew's cry,
Over her eyes a mist of grief is thrown.
But his voice whispers : " Britain shall not die ! "
Out of the deep he calls, out of the deep
His valiant voice rings like a clear sea-bell,
Out of his sleep he calls, out of his sleep :
" Go for\varcI, Britain ! Forward ! All is well ' "
While on her head the battle-thunders broke,
While round her face the battle-lightnings played,
Her seas were sorrowing o'er their grudging stroke,
Her waves were grieving o'er the shroud they made-
Her billows knew the warp and woof they wove.
Have they not woven it a thousand years ?
Bitter their guardianship, and dark tlieir love,
And pitilessly pitiful th'eir tears.
Stand strong, thou smitten isle ! Glory in death
More glorious tlian too much inglorious life.
Stand, as he stood, like granite : breathe thy breath,
As he breathed his, in calm, unwearying strife.
" Death in the tide of duty full and free.
Death in the wind of victory brave with brine.
Death in the arms of my unconcpiered sea —
If thir, be (1( ath." quoth Britain, " be it mine ! "
L'ndcr Three i-laf^s, by St. Clair Livingston and Ingeborg
Steen-Hansen (Macmillan and Co., 3s. Od. net) is a concise
and rather impersonal record of tlu; work of two nurses in
Belgium. France, and Serbia. The most attractive part of
the i>ook is that wliich deals with work in Serbia before its
final overrunning liy tiernians and Biilgarians. The last
chapter of the book curries the story on to the retreat from
Monastir, and one feels ^ the end that even the fate of
Belgium is better than tliat of Serbia. As a study of life
among the human wreckage of war, this book is one of the
best that has yet appeared.
Raemaekers' Gift.
With a total of nearly four million pounds, the Times
Red Cross Fund stands as one of the most remarkable
charitable enterprises of the war — and, in fact, as one of
the greatest contributions to the relief of suffering ever
organised by a private corporation. A recent contribution
of note to the fund is made by Louis Raemaekers, who
has given the first set of signed proofs of his cartoons to
be sold in aid of the Fund for the benefit of the French
and British Red Cross Societies.
The nominal value of this set of. artist's proofs of the
world famous cartoons, of which there are 150 subjects,
is one guinea each, but this set, forming the first im-
pressions taken from the approved plates, would naturally
be of greater \-alue than even under normal circumstances.
This is still farther enhanced by the fact that each plate
is stamped with a die which records that it was given by
the artist, whose signature it also bears, in aid of the work
of the French and British Red Cross Societies.
The work of Louis Raemaekers is well known to readers
of L.AND & W.\TER, in black and white i-eproduction , but
this set is produced in " four-colour facsimile," which
gives practically the same delicacy and power as in the
original drawings — only an expert could tell the difference
if reproductions and originals were placed side by side.
Such subjects as " The Yscr," corpses floating on
their way to Calais, " The German Tango," " Barbed
Wire," and " The Zeppelin Triumph," have already won
world-wide fame. The gift of this set of proofs is worthy
of its object ; Raemaekers has given the best that is at
his command in aid of the greatest humane enterprise
that the war has called into being. The full set of 150
subjects has already been purchased by Lord Furncss.
Sortcs Sbahespcaviaiux
B, SIR S UNEV LEE
Earl Kitchener. ^ ,. , , ,, ,
• C wittmely death !
Kint Lc«r. IV.. Ti.. 256.
Thou ha{d)$l that in thee indeed^ which
I have greater reason to believe novo than
ever, I mean purpose, courage and valour.
Oihello. IV.. ii.. 216-8.
Thou art mighty yet;
Thy spirit walks abroad.
Julius Gtcsar. V., iii.. 94-5.
June 8, 1 916
LAND 5: WATER
Germany's Mistakes
1,— Strategical
By Colonel Feyler
17
[Colonel Fcxlcr. Su'ikci'laiid'x distinguished military
critic tchose itritings arc follo'iccd carefully by students
of the li'or throughout Europe, contributes to Land &
Water three articles on " Germany's Mistakes." The
first, which appears below, deals unth her strategical
blunders. Next xveek Colonel h'eyler ivill write on her
political and ajterwards on her moral mistakes.]
IT is only when the full consequences become mani-
fest that one can obtain a clear insight into the errors
committed by a staff or by an army at the beginning
of an action. In the future, when Germany has been
vanquished, it will be of absorbing interest to examine the
mistakes which will have led to the downfall of so power-
ful and so formidably prepared an Empire. From a
military point of view, such mistakes can be classified
imder four heads, to wit, tactical, strategical, political and
moral, each succeeding variety more grave than the
other.
Tactical mistakes are those committed on the actual
battlefield by subordinate commanders, or even by
private soldiers ; strategical mistakes are those of a
General Staff in the preparation of military operations
and in the orders issued for the purpose of ranging the
armies in order of battle ; political mistakes may be
made by a belligerent Government in its resolutions re-
garding the declaration and the conduct of war, and
may have effect on mutual relations with other States,
and lastly, moral mistakes are such as, whether com-
mitted by Government, General Staff, commander or
soldier, outrage individual or national consciences.
All these mistakes may be repaired, but under very
unequal conditions, for the reparation needs time in pro-
portion to the gravity of the mistake.
Tactical Blunders
Tactical mistakes can usually be corrected immediately
or at no long interval after their commission. On many
occasions a failure at one point of the held is balanced
by a success at another. Such mistakes are so common that
the victor of an action is not he who fails to commit any,
but he who succee'ds in committing the least. Strategical
mistakes are of deeper import, for a single one may spoil
a whole battle or even a whole campaign. Woltke wrote
that a strategical error at the beginning of a war might
compromise the whole course thereof.
Still more serious are political mistakes, for they may
put in danger the very existence of the State. For in-
stance, Napoleon III. foresaw a struggle with Prussia ;
nevertheless he allowed her to crush Austria alone at
Sadowa, thus imperilling the interests of France and
necessitating a new war, at much greater risk, in an effort
to counterbalance the effects of the first. Unfortunately,
this new war merely aggravated conditions, and forty-
four years were to elapse before another attempt was made
to settle the same question. And lastly again, moral
mistakes may have to be paid for by the shame and
humiliation of countless generations.
Which of these faults can be laid at Germany's door ?
If appearances do not mislead, all ! This is why Ger-
many's position in the war seems very grave to all who
can see further, so to speak, than the mouth of a 420mm.
liowitzer. There is nothing to prevent the Germans
winning yet more victories, for the last word is not spoken
until the last gun has ceased fire. Napoleon saved
himself in infinitely more critical situations ; but then
he was Napoleon — and even he eventually succumbed.
It is too early to discuss the tactical mistakes ; these
are rarely decisive, and the Allies ha\-e probably com-
mitted just as many as the Germans. Such errors can
only be of general interest if their nature and frequency
betray a mistaken general method. Such a study would
need an exhaustive examination of numerous actions.
Strategical errors make themselves more immediately
manifest. We can already ask ourselves whether the Ger-
mans did not commit a first mistake in 1914 in passing
to the left bank of the Belgian ^Meuse, and a second, even
more apparent, in sweeping blindly forward between
Paris and Verdun. ,We may further ask whether the
first mistake was not due to too blind an adherence to
Moltke's strategy, nor the second to ton literal an applica-
tion of the tactical theory of a pursuit which is to make
the victory doubly complete. Lastly we may ask whether
these two errors do not reveal a state of o\'er-confidence
reinforced by under-estimation of the enemy. These can,
however, be but passing questions, for, in strategy as in
tactics, it is the subsequent facts -which lead to a definite
conclusion, and we may not simply say " It was a mistake
to act thus " without seeking to laj' down the correct,
or at least a less objectionable, course of action.
With this reservation then (for a detailed examination
is impossible until the end of the wa*) we can safely state
that the two mo\'ements above quoted have c\;ery appear-
ance of being strategical mistakes.
Crossing the Meuse
The disadvantages consequent upon the crossing to the
left bank of the Meuse have shown themselves to be the
following : A great loss of time, whi'ch postponed the
moment of the general attack just when one of the essen-
tial conditions was that this attack should be immediate
and overwhelming. To keep in alignment with the left
wing in Alsace, the right wing had to march for several
days which would have been better employed had it
kept to the right bank of the river. This loss of time was
aggravated by a resistance superior to the expectations
of the German Staff, who had imder-estimated the
value of the obstacles to be overcome, thus leading to a
further delay in the general attack and the loss of the
strategic element of surprise which was the fundamental
point of the operation. A second disadvantage of this
movement between Meuse and Scheldt, was the extension
of front thereby involved, necessitating a large increase
in the forces engaged, whereas the plan. of a campaign
against France and Russia simultaneously advised strict
economy. Proportionate reserves, too, had to be con-
•stituted. A third disadvantage was in the extension of
lines of communication in an enemy country, which
immobilised considerable forces.
The consequences of the second strategical mistake,
namely the blind rush between Paris and Verdun, were
even more immediately conspicuous, and the German
armies were forced to beat a hasty retreat out of the trap
into which they had rushed. Quite truthfully, this was
described as a " concentration to the rear " and quite
inaccurately as a " voluntary retirement." No one will
easily believe that the German Staff led their advancing
columns forward till their heads almost reached the
Seine with the intention of withdrawing them bC3'ond
the Marne only forty-eight hours later. They retired
because they were taken in flank, and they were taken ill
flank because their higher command, precisely as in Bel-
gium, failed to appreciate the true value of the obstacles
to be overcome.
Since that moment the second strategical mistake has
not ceased to manifest its consequences. The weaker
the German forces grow, the more hampering is the effect
of the great extension of their lines. Moltke's saying,
that such a mistake may compromise the whole course
of a war, threatens to find confirmation.
Camp Craft, by Warren H. Miller, editor of the American
journal, Field and Stream (B. T. Batsford, Ltd., 7s. 6d. net.)
is a practical work devoted to camp lore, with an introduction
by Ernest Tliompson Seton. Cooking, shooting, tents, camp
comforts and organisation, are'a few of the subjects treated,
and, though camping is considered from the American point
of view, lovers of the open air in this country will find the
work a mine of information on the practical side of cnmping
out, and the nearest way to comfort and the perfect health
that comes of life in the open.
la
L A N D c<v W A T E R
June S, 1916
Letters to a Lonely Civilian
[These hi/ers. which will appear weekly, are from the
pen of him who wrote "Aunt Sarah and the W'lir."
MY Di:ak You,— Every " Lonely OfliciT " has
liis letter-bag — even the \er>' Lonely One who,
in some odd romantic. moment is driven to
advertise for it ! And there seemed to be just
ii tinj,'o of envy in your tone when you — a Lonely Civilian,
often far afield inthe service of the State — si)uke of tho
snowing-under of a Soldier-Solitary who had thus publicly
appealed to a benevoletice he found, to his confusion,
he had underrated. So I made the ready promise of
the rash ; an.d passed my word that you should hear from
nie weekly in your favourite paper.
You told me you had e\en more than your usual
leisure for reading just now, being a diplomatist and
therefore a bit out of a job NVhereuixm I quoted
('arlyle pat : " Diplomacy is clouds : beating of your
enemies is land and sea." And then, little fore-knowing,
I sat down and wrote to you an every-day letter, with a
])un here, and a parado.x and pretty bit of gossip there-—
all in ink that has a little gall for an ingredient- -or my
chemistry has gone rusty. Then, before I could post my
missive, the news came. The North Sea blotted out my
characters, as though they were sins.
Of course I spare you recapitulations. All other
papc^rs shall be taken as read ; and for me remain only
such domestic episodes as those that may Iwlp to bring
home the big issues— elusive by their very size ; such
episodes, too. as may easily miss any other recorder.
Ascension Day passed, and we did not know. The
next daj' brought rumours — but we had heard so many
of their sort. On that evening, however, came the
Admiralty announcement. 1 read it o\er three times,
and I read it \et again. So it was really true ! Then
I passed fromthe general, itself overwhelming, to the
particular — overwhelming too. For I had just left a
friend— the bearer of a familiar name — who, when the
war began, was the devoted father of four sons. One,
when that fateful Fourth of August caihe, was already
in the Welsh Fusiliers ; another, an Oxford undergradu-
ate, loving life, loving poetry, instantly transformed him-
S'.>lf into a subaltern in the Koyal Scots. Quite early in
the war — within the short space of one week — these two
boys gave us their young lives. Now the anniversary
of their deaths had passed ; those who lovexl them, and
could never cease to lament them, had entered ujion ■
outwardly normal ways — even an unbroken night's slecj)
had begun to re\-isit their pillows. For they had even
this to reconcile them to life — a third son, sixteen years
young, a gay and guileless middy on the Iiuicfati'^ablc.
'• Your haj^py son " had been the signature of his last
letter home. How strange that I should be writing
it ! He could not have brooked so much ])ubli( ity. His
fellow middies would never have let him hear the last of it
—and that Lieutenant, whom he had to wake for the
morning watch ! I have to pull myself together to
realise that these too, are gone — they will read no more
any human writing. And what it means for these now
thrice bereaved parents— you will understand. I leax'c
it at that. It may be I have said too much ; but private
griefs are now no more. Into the larger family of the
nation merges each one of those five thousand households
to-day united in a coirimon loss.
Politicians, who used to shake their heads over the
arbitrariness of our laws of primogeniture, might now feel
altogether at ease. Prti|)ertv now passes by right of a
sad rotation to the younger born ! The lifty lighting heirs
of peerages who have made way for their juniors are only
part of a multitude of other elder sons of answering
renunciations. 1 know cases where two, and even In the
instance already quoted where three, brothers, heirs to an
estate, have in turn laid down their inheritance, lea\-ing
the succession to a boy not yet emerged from the nursery :
a family tragedy, but wliat a memory for that young
heir, and for England !
^'ou will have seen that some other friends of yours
and mine already advertise for sale their lovely house in
which we were so happy as fellow-guests — among its
beauties that \-ision of the sea from the front windows.*
Their son, their only son, has passed away witli his
ship ; and the sight of the sea has become unendiuable
to those who li\ed by the lo\-e of him. You remember
how Mrs. hJrowning, while yet Elizabeth Barrett, lost her
brother, Edward, through the foundering of his boat in
Babbicombe Bay ? Henceforth "even the sound of the
sea becauK! a horror to her." I suppose these are things
that cannot in any useful way be argued about. But the
earth is still beloved of UK-n and women, though plotted
out in unforgotten gra\'es ; and the sea may claim to be
in some sort the kindest and most decent place of sepul-
chre. Anyway, the Angel of the Resurrection was as
cognizant of the elemental water that shall gi\e up the
Dead that are in it, as he was of the closer clasping arms
of .Mother Earth : and that's what most matters. How
have the waves of the sea been likened, by the poets we
both li\e by, to a hundred things, from a lamb's fleece
and a horse's mane to human wrinkles ! But to many
all eye those billows will henceforth stand up as grave-
stones. Nameless, yes ; but the names of those who
die at sea for lingland are writ on that water.
Talking of names, somebody said to me the other day
an ob\ious thing, which yet might easily escape unie-
marked. The Kaiser does not know the names of our Dead :
but our Dead know the name of the Kaiser. What
ghosts will yet arraign him when he reaches the shades !
Not his will be " the sprightly port " that makes the
ghosts gaze. Napoleon will need to cower no more —
he will hold up his head — amid his comparati\'ely in-
sjgnilicant cohort of accusers.
I. ike me, I'm sure you scanned with mixed feelings the
Honours' List last Satmday — that morning of Deathday
rather than of Birthday Honours. 1 own I saw all the
time between the lines the name of the man who had given
three sons to England, but I knew it was not on the
printed list, and I knew, too, that no name there could
rank with his in equality of sacrifice. A new irrelevance
seemed to have sudclenly entered into all human
reckonings of distinction. AH the same, I didn't lind
myself at all among the cynics when I saw that an
O.M. had gone to Mv. Balfour in recognition of
his distinguished services to Literature and Philosophy.
Why not ? An unlucky moment, I grant, for the an-
nouncement ; but the time wasn't of his own choosing ;
it was all in the ordintuy course ; and so I couldn't
waste that still strangely conjmon commodity, a smile,
on the man who surfeited my ear with the stale W'histler
persiflage about Leighton, the master of so many other
roles, also " a bit of a painter." I'm only glad we have a
First Lord who is also a lover of Letters and of Philosophy
-the things which really do count for Mankind-in-t he-
making.
Ordiinuiiu'ss is ind(x'd a great need for us all just now ;
and in defence of the exercise of it even in the date of
publishing a list of Birthday Honours, battle or no battle,
just because it's due,. I will tell you a not tod outlandisli
story. There was a great Italian Saint (at least one
church in London bears his name in its English version)
who was jjlaying cards with his friends when a question
arose— how really mucli more to the j)oint than any ever
asked in Parliament ! "If you had only a minute to
live, what would you do with it ? " That was the in-
stant proposition. One card-player said he would hasten
into church, another he would kneel down right there ; —
but the Saint : " And I would go on with my game ! "
On this same ])arallel of ordinariness. I could not be
severe on the ('iramnKuian of the family who i)outed a
us\ial jKiut over a little lapse of the language he loves
e\en in an affecting Admiralty notice. So and so, it
said. " was not on board. All the other officers on board
were lost." Had Literature's O.M. (affectionately hailed
" Old Man " that day by a friend never before so
familiar !) passed an Admiralty clerk's superfluous and
even rather misleading " other " ?
How shall I sign myself to you ? Y'mi said, when last
we talked far into the night"-(there are no fri«?nds like
new friends)— tliat I was your double in many of my
reflections ! So let me sign DovBi.E-Yor, whicli is more
concisely written as what hajipens to lie also mv own
Christian initial— w
June 8, 1916.
LAND & WATER
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LAND & WATER
June 8, 191J
The Hohenzollern Ghost
By Francis Gribble
THEY speAk of the ghost as The White Lady.
Her local habitation is a certain tower of a
certain old Schloss— old, for BerUn, that is to
say — on the banks of the Spree, built by the first
King of Prussia, who was envious of the glories of Ver-
sailles ; but 1 had never heard of her until she cropped up
in the course of a conversation during my involuntary
sojourn in the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg in wartime.
It was on the day on which my host gave a party in
honour of a huge salmon trout which he had caught that
morning in the Our. No friends of Prussia were present,
and speech was consecjuently free. We discussed the
fish, and then we discus.sed the war. Some one pro-
duced an almanack containing the predictions of Madame
de Thebes — a prophetess whose reputation, I fancy, no
longer stands exactly where it did ; and then, superstition
having been approached, someone else said :
I hear, too, that the White Lady has been seen. It's
a good sign. Something is going to happen — something
that they won't like. Wait and see."
We waited and we saw. What happened was the Battle
of the Marne. The Germans have never yet formally
admitted that they did not like the Battle of the Marne ;
but tliey have not challenged our credulity of boasting
of it as an agreeable experience, so that we are entitled to
our own estimate of their feehngs.
Luxemburg, it may be, took an exaggerated view of
their disappointment ; for Luxemburg claimed to have
heard from a charwoman, who claimed to have access to
the waste paper basket of the General Staff, that Germany
had lost no fewer than 160,000 prisoners in that action ;
but that is a side issue. The main point is that the
mention of the White Lady and her warning aroused my
cariosity, and started me on pliant asmological research.
" Who was she ? " I asked ; and it appeared that
no one knew for certain.
" What does she do ? " I asked ; and there again I
came up against conHicting'versions of the Hohenzollern
ghost story.
According to some, the White Lady wandered nightly
through the passages of the Palace, and only entered the
royal apartments on the eve of the death of a member of
the royal family. According to others, the spot which
she ordinarily haunted had never been discovered, and no
one ever saw her except a prince who was about to die.
According to all, however, her apparition was a presage
of misfortune.
It was agreed, too, that she was the mistress of one
of the Electors or Margraves of Brandenburg ; but
different authorities gave different Electors and Margraves
the credit. There was no evidence which could fairly
be called evidence ; but the most convincing story —
artistically convincing, I mean, of course — identifies her
^vith a certain Agnes von Orlamundc of whom a certain
Margrave Albert the Handsome was enamoured.
" Willingly would I marry this beautiful widow," said
Albert the Handsome, " if it were not for four eyes which
watch and worry me. '
The beautiful widow thought that he referred to the
four eyes of her two children, and she killed those children
by piercing their eyes with a golden pin. But the Mar-
grave really referred to the eyes of his father and mother,
who objected to the marriage ; and when Agnes dis-
covered her error, her remorse drove her mad, and she is
still condemned to haunt the earth.
Perhaps that story is true — it has a truer ring, at all
events, than any of the others ; and, in any case, Berlin's
belief in the White Lady is firm, and as well founded as
any such belief can ever be. She not only may be seen, —
she actually has been seen, not once but often in the course
of the tragic Hohenzollern annals. And the apparition
has always been followed by disaster. She was seen on
tbe eve of Valmy, and again on the eve of Jena ; and even
Princes for whom she has remained invisible have lived
in dread of the visioui If Frederick the Great was pro-
tected from the terror by his scepticism, William I was
not. Attended by a trembhng aide-de-camp, he once
spent the whole of a long and anxious night searching for
the White Lady in every one of the six hundred apart-
ments of the Palace ; but his hour was not yet, and there-
fore she did not appear.
There have been sceptics, as there are everywhere —
sceptics who have vowed that, if ever they met the White
Lady, they would speak to her aud solve the mystery ;
but the only sceptic who ever tried that experiment paid
for his rashness with his life.
It hapf>ened in the reign of Elector Sigismund — he
whoso daughter married the illustrious Gustavus Adoiphus.
The sceptic was one of the Elector's pages ; and it
happened that, one night, he saw the White Lady coming
towards him in a dim corridor. He made a bold gesture
of gallantry, taking her by the waist and asking :
" Well, Madam, where are you going ? "
There was no word of anger or of answer. The White
Lady had a key in her hand — the key, doubtless, which
was to have admitted her to the royal apartment for which
she was bound ; and she rapped the page on the head
with it. He lived long »!nough to tell the story, but no
longer ; and Elector John Sigismund himself died in the
course of the following day.
And then there is the story of the White Lady's appear-
ance to Fredenck I., the first of the Kings ol Prussia.
This Frederick, like so many of the Hohenzollerns, was
a bad husband. His first wife, Leinbitz's friend, Sophie-
Charlotte of Hanover, kept sedulously out of his way ;
but his second wife was of the House of Mecklenburg,
whose members are not distinguished by meekness or any
tendency towards self-effacement. She put up with a
good deal ; but when the King, envious as has already
been said, of the splendours of Versailles, came to the
conclusion that a Montespan or a Pompadour was essential
to his dignity, if not to his comfort, and established the
Grafin von Wurtemberg, the wile of his Prime Minister,
as his maitresse en litre, the point of her endurance was
passed, and she resolved to act.
" Throw that woman out," she said one day to her
lackeys ; and the lackeys threw her out — nght out into
the street.
One can imagine the scandal and the royal wrath. All
Berlin talked about it, and neither King nor Queen
forgave the other. Melancholy, indeed, preyed upon the
Queen's mind, and unhinged it ; and the rest of the narra-
tive may be given in the words of one of the most recent
historians of the Hohenzollern House.
" The King," we read, " had fallen ill, almost at the
same time as his wife, and had not been informed of the
Queen's condition. She, one day when she was more
excited than usual, escaped from the room in which she
was kept under observation, passed along a gallery,
and entered her husband's apartments through a glass
door which she smashed with blows of her fist. The King
was asleep. Hearing the noise, he awoke with a start ;
but he had neither the time nor the strength 'to rise from
his bed. The Queen had thrown herself upon him, cursing
him as she did so. Terror overcame him when he saw her
half-clothed, attired in white, her hands and arms splashed
with blood. Some officers who were on duty in an adjoin-
ing room heard his cries and ran in and rescued him ;
but Frederick was so affected by the experience that he
fell into a fever. He moaned, as he got into bed :
" I have seen the White Lady. It is all over with me. "
The next day, he died.
Of all the many stories told of the apparation of the
White Lady, that assuredly is the most dramatic, unless
we give the palm to the story that it was for sudden fear
of her that Frederick William turned tail from the
French at Verdun, in 1792. The truth contained in them
cannot, of course, be exactly measured ; but one can, at
any rate, affirm with confidence that they are believed.
The Hohenzollerns believe in the White Lady, and so
do their Prussian subjects. Whenever there is reason to
apprehend disaster, either to the realm or to the rulers
there are always those who look up to the Palace window,
by night, fearful lest they should see a white form gliding
past them in the darkness. We may be quite sure that
there are many watchers for the White Lady now ; and
we may be not less sure that presently we shall hear that
the White Lady has once more been seen.
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2833 r^^™^]
TRTTPQnAV TTTNF tC roTfi tregistered AST price sixpence
itlUKbJJAi, JUINXL 15, lyiu La newspaperJ published weekly
hy Lolll:i ttu:::iue!i^-
Pr'ni:!! excluni'-flfi :or ' hand und W'nUr
Der Tag
Admiral Wilhelm " Thank God, the Day is over "
LAND & W A T 1-:
June 15, 191(1
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THURSDAY, JUNE 15. 1916
CONTENTS
Der Tag. By Louis Raemaekcrs i
The Economic Conference. (Leading Article) 3
The Russian Offensive. Bv Hilaire Belloc 4
Battle of Jutland {continued). By Arthur Pollen ii
Epitaphe (A Poem). By Eniile Cammaerts 13
Letters to a Lonely Civihan ^4
A Bad School for Statesmen. By L. P. Jacks 15
Sortes Shakespearianae. By Sir Sidney Lee 15
The Air Board. By F. W. Lanchester 17
Union Jack Club Extension: Special Appeal 19
Choosing Kit ^ -^
THE ECONOMIC CONFERENCE
Two weeks ago we spoke of the endeavour to
arrive at a settlement of the Government of
Ireland difficulty, "as the first experiment in
constructive statesmanship which this world-
struggle has caused to be attempted within the British
Empire." The Economic Conference which began in
Paris vesterday, is, if we look at it aright, the second
serious attempt in the same direction. Its importance
from the Imperial point of view is emphasised by the
presence of the Prime Minister of the Australian Common-
wealth and the Canadian Minister of Trade and Com-
merce. That Mr. Hughes and Sir George Foster should
be taking part in an international council which has for
its main object the defence of the peaceful nations of the
v,-orld against renewed treacherous aggression after the
war in almost the very hour that the men of Canada
and Australia arc lighting heroically in the trenches
against the onslaught of Germany, is in itself an event of
singular significance. We have pointed out that a
solution of the Irish problem might possibly be the easier
at this time in that the constitution of the Imperial
Parliament would be one of the first questions demanding
revision when peace was given back to us. That this
is an accurate view is established by the proposals placed
before the Irish Parties wherein it is stated in distinct
terms that immediately after the war an Imperial Con-
ference of representatives from all the Dominions of the
Empire will be held to consider the future Government
of the Empire. But at Paris the supreme right has
practically been conceded, and freely conceded, to the
Dominions of representation when questions affecting
the Empire as a whole are under discussion with the
friendly Great Powers of Europe. This is an immense
stride towards Imj^erial union on a sound -and common-
sense basis. It will be cordially welcomed by all men
of thought throughout the British' Empire.
We speak of the Paris Conference as an economic
conference which is, of course, quite correct in that it
deals with questions of trade and commerce. But
we must be on our guard against confusion of ideas, for
with Germany commerce is not peaceful barter, but
preparation for world-power at a future date. Not a
nation or state e.xists which is not suffering from Pots-
dam's cunning and cleverly organised trade campaigns.
The number of German firms which have been conducting
prosperous business in these islands and which are now
being closed down is amazing to most people. There
does not appear to be a single industry which has not
been eaten into by Teuton traders who, like the lesser
vennin of the tropics, have a curious instinct for
LAJNU(X\VAiI^K 6
assimilating themselves to their surroundings and counter
feiting the very substance on which they work destruction.
While that is so at home, it is far more the case in the
Dominions and Colonies. We hope that Mr. Bonar Law
may signalise his administration of the Colonial Office by
tabulating exact figures and facts from all parts of the
Empire showing how Germany has eaten into British
trade during the last two decades. We ought also to
have details of the way in which British traders have
been welcomed in (jerman Colonies, and how they have
been allowed to carry on their business without let or
hindrance (if such instances exist, which we doubt). We
know that not only have British firms received no en-
couragement t(j plant themselves in Germany, but no
obstacle or injustice has been spared to prevent them
taking root there except through German Agents.
Not a person in his senses can believe that the free trading
of the past will be permitted to Germany in the future,
if it can be prevented.
Can it be prevented ? We believe so, but not easily
or without sacrifice. All trade questions are in them-
selves complicated and intricate, and this question of our
economic relations with Germany after the war is still
further involved in that we shall have to deal with an older
intellect than the Teuton and with a race of world-wide
ramifications and outstanding ability and age-long
experience in trading. Germany's peaceful penetration,
as it is called, could never have attained its gigantic
dimensions in so short a period had not the organising
and executive power been largely furnished by Jewish
brains. It is folly to blink that truth, for it will be a
dominant factor in the future. Mr. Hughes in one of
his earliest speeches in London said : ." We may be sure
that the great commercial interests of Germany drank in
with avid zest the teachings of Treitschke and Bernhardi."
Evidence abounds that this was not the case ; Ger-
many's great commercial interests lived in terror of these
very teachings ; this w(jrld-war atos a continuous night-
mare to them, for possessing to the full those fine qualities
of the Jewish blood, patience, perseverance and far-
sightedness, they saw world-power within their grasp
provided nothing occurred to alann the rival nations
for another twenty or at most another forty years. The
Declaration of War, or to be more exact the Battle
of the Marne, when the quick destruction of France was
seen to be impossible, was the end of .their dreams for
the time being.
As certainly as the sun will rise to-morrow, thesa
same brains, directly peace returns, will plan and scheiTle
to build up their ruined hopes on the old foundations.
Doubtless already they are hard at work^ No prejudice
can obscure the truth that the rapid coniniercial rise of
Germany throughout the world has been a miracle —
an achievement of which any nation has the right to be
proud. It is the purpose to which it has been turned
that is the danger, and the Powers will deserve neither
pity nor mercy in the future if they shut their eyes to it.
We may be certain of two things ; first, that the enemy's
commercial interests will do everything in their power
to persuade the Allies that Germany after the war will be
a new (iermany, and therefore safeguarcls will be un-
necessary ; secondly, that no attempt wil' be spared to
foster and develop confiicting interests and trade rivalries
between the Allies. Against both these perils we must
be on the watch. It seems an elementary precaution for
the Allied countries to agree on withholdiiig from Ger-
many for a period of at least five yeai'-s, but pre-
ferably longer, all most-favoured-nation clauses and on
miposing adet[uate trade restrictions to enable the
economic conditions of their own people to revert to the
normal. Though this involve sacrifice, it were nothing
as compared with the sacrifices we have endured owing
to our neglect of adequate precautions in the past.
LAND & W A TE R
June 15, 1916
The Russian Offensive
By Hilaire Belloc
THE new great Russian offensive upon the southern
part of thf Eastern front has now so far developed
that we are capable of understanding its nature
and appreciating the alternatives before it.
It is, of course, upon the same model as the other four
great offensives of the series in which it forms the fifth,
the other four being the Austro-dennan offensive upon
the Dunajetz undertaken on the last day of April, I()i5 ;
the combined Allied offensive in Champagne and Flanders
undertaken last September : the (ierman offensive upon
the Verdun sector imdertaken upon the 21st of last
Ecbruary, and the Italian offensive in the Trentino
undertaken on the 14th of May.
The lessons previously learnt in the course of the war,
notably through the partial French offensives in Artois
during the spring of 1(115 'ind during the (ierman un-
successful offensives against the lines of NN'arsaw at the
same time, have been ajjpreciated by all the belligerents
and" may be tabulated as follows :
<""(i) A modern defensive line upon which sufficient time
has been spent for its consolidation and equipment with
defensive weapons, for the examination of the ground
in front of it. and for the perfecting, if necessary, of com-
munications leading to it from the bases and of lateral
communications, can be held with a minimum of about
or a trifle less than two men to the yard run. That is,
rather more than 3,000 men to the mile, which figure
tovers, of course, much more than the mere defensive
line, including all local rescnes and also, of course, every
branch of the ser\-ice in the armies holding the front,
but excluding the men upon main comnumications.
When we say that this minimum of men will " hold "
a modern defensive line we mean that this is what ex-
perience has proved to be the minimum in the present
war for the withstanding of such shocks as have been
delivered when conditions of armament were fairly
fequal between the two sides.
(2) Such a line being established and reposing upon
flanks which cannot be turned, can, it is presumed (but
hardly yet proved) be broken by a combination of two
offensive factors :
(a) Prolonged and intense artillery preparation : That
is, the delivery of a \ery great weight of high explosive
lafge calibre shell, far superior in amount for the space
and time in question than had ever been prepared for
Yintil the later phases of this great campaign.
■ Thus, the Allied artillery preparation of Champagne
last September was quite tenfold or more than tenfold
the artillery preparation of nine months before.
To this preparation by heavy artillery, which flattens
tout the advance trenches, interrupts more or less all
communication with those trenches, bewilders, confuses
and throws into disarray the men defending the line, is
added intense work from the field guns against the
obstacles before the trenches, especially with the object of
destroying the most effective of these obstacles, the
barbed wire entanglements.
(b) The launching, immediately after this artillery
preparation ceases, of great masses of infantry which
fccupythe region devastated by the artillery, capture
, he sur\'ivors of those who held the advance lines and
push forward as far as they can towards the second line
of defence beyond.
Each of the great offensives has been based upon these
two main principles combined. They are no more than
the extension, upon a prodigious scale, of similar princi-
ples which have governed all siege work since the intro-
duction of artillery and firearms in general. It is onlv
the vastly increased mass of shell that must be delivered
. within a given period and over a given area as well as the
•vastly increased effectives for the infantry work following
which distinguishes this attack upon the modern defensive
from the older siege model.
The object of such an offensive is immediately the break-
'ing of the enemy's front and ultimately the envelopment
of so great a portion of his armies as shall leave the
remainder in a position of manifest inferiority. Such
an ultimate result, were it ever attained, would be a
true ." decision," that is, the campaign would, in that
field at least, be won by the belligerent who should attain
that ultimate object.
So much being said with regard to the main principles
now discovered to be essential to a great offensive against
modern entrenched and unturnable lines, there remain
to be considered a number of points in which the great
offensives ha\e differed among themselves, partly through
the accumulation of experience after each attempl and
the consequent development of or changes in the methods
of attack ; partly through the different conceptions of
war held by the various commands.
The Element of Surprise
Thus it is clear tliat the element of surprise is of great
value. If a complete surprise could be effected it would
be decisive. But it is also dear that the element of sur-
prise has been largely eliminated from modern warfare
by the use of aircraft, while it is further evident that the
accumulation of ^■ery large pieces and their munition-
ment is an affair so slow and ponderous that rapidity,
a main element in surprise, is largely eliminated.
Roughly speaking, the Allies have attempted to produce
this element of surprise by prefacing their o'ffensives with
general bombardments all along the line, which might
leave the enemy in doubt as to the sector to be ultimately
attacked in force, while the Germans have regarded
expenditure of ammunition along the whole line as a waste,
believing apparently that no true surprise is possible.
Their preparations against Verdun were not prefaced
by a general bombardment ; neither were their prepara-
tions against the Dunajetz nine months before. On the
other hand, the Austrian accumulation of munition and
guns in the mountains before their recent offensive in the
Trentino was certainly capable of concealment from the
Italians in some large degree, and the element of surprise
entered considerably into the first success of that offen-
sive. Before \'erdun and upon the Dunajetz the Ger-
mans made their preparations in such fashion that whether
through their own fault or from their contempt of the
element of surprise, the Allies were well acquainted with
those preparations weeks before the offensive was de-
livered.
Again, there has been development in, and also dis-
cussion upon the size of the sector against which the
offensive should be delivered. On the whole, the Allies
have depended upon the theory of attacking large sectors
and the enemy upon the whole has believed in attacking
smaller sectors. The .A.llies in Champagne attacked upon
a front of nearly 17 miles, and at the same time attacked
in the north upon a front of at least 8, if my memory
serves me right, making a total of 25 miles. The two main
thrusts on tte Dunajetz by the Germans and Austrians
were nothing like so extended, and the thrust upon the
sector of Verdun originally covered less than eight miles'
The difference between the two schools lies in this :
The one maintains that if you attack upon too narrow
a sector then, should you break through, there is danger
of your troops that have got through being cut off by the
re-closing of the enemy's line. Thev point out thai the
flanks of the gap being still open to' attack, if the gap is
too narrow it may develop into what the French call a
" hernie " that is, a sort of pocket or trap for the attackers.
The enemy's thesis would rather seem to be that though
an attack on an average sector has to be of this extended
nature to be safe after its success, yet if you carefully
choose a particular sector where' circumstances are
favourable to you, you may safely attack on a 7iarrow
front with the added advantage, of course, of much greater
concentration of lire, and a greater weight of men per
yard. Thus, each of the Austrian attacks in the Trentino
June 15, 1916
LAND & WATER
has been upon a comparatively narrow Iront, a thing made
possible by the fact that the ItaHan flanks in, moun-
tainous country could not rapidly .support the centre..
Similarly, the attack on the Verdun sector was made
over the narrow front of less than eight miles, the flooded
Meuse preventing the French left flank from supporting
its centre easily, and the French line turning a sharp
corner on its right — so that if the short front between the
flooded Meuse and this corner were broken, the whole
sector would go.
Another set of differences lay in the different con-
ceptions of various belligerent commands with regard to
the best way of holding the advance portion of the
defensive line. In general the Germans have believed
in holding this densely. True, they have put very few
men in the very first trenches, but their first line as a
whole they have always held strongly, with the result
that if the offensive got in, the enemy lost a comparatively
large number of prisoners in the very first phase of the
attack. The Allies, on the other hand have, upon the
whole, and especially the French, pieferred to put forward
bodies as small as they thought safe for what may be
called " covering lines." Thus, the losses in prisoners
during the first shock of Verdun were only one-third of
the corresponding losses in the same period of time during
the first shock in Champagne. Finally, the following
development has occurred differentiating the later
offensives from the earlier.
The first great offensive on the Dunajetz broke through
the Russian front completeh^ and provoked an immediate
retreat. The Allies in the West considering this lesson,
made a similar attack with one blow in the September
following. They failed to get through, and their failure
was a subject of an elaborate memorandum upon the part
of the German observers of the action, which may be
seen quoted in America. It was to the effect that
these offensives in the future had better be conducted
by progressive moves : That there should not be one
attempt with all one's forces to break through since
the second line would almost certainly hold one , up,
at least against equally prepared opponents. There
should be a mastering of one advance belt, then the bring-
ing up of the guns and further ammunition for the master-
ing of a second belt, and so forth. It was upon this
method that the enemy acted in the Verdun sector, and
it is upon this method that he is acting in the Trentino.
When we compare the various measures of success of
each of these offensives, we find the following table :
(i) The first of these great offensives, that of the
Austro-Germans against the Dunajetz in the last days of
April and the first days of May 1915, completely broke
the front opposed to it and provoked an immediate
retreat of the Russians. This retreat was precipitate
until the line of the San was reached. There the Russians
rallied about twelve days after the opening of the great
action and from that moment, from just before the
middle of May 1915, to the exhaustion of the enemy's
effort at the end of September, effort after effort to en-
velop any considerable portion of the Russian Army
failed. There were half a dozen such efforts, the last
and greatest being that round the saUent of Vilna. We
may say, therefore, of this first of the great offensives,
that it was successful in its immediate object of breaking
the defensive front opposed to it, but failed in its ultimate
object of enveloping a portion of the broken line and thus
achieving a decision.
(2) The second of the great offensives, that of the Allies
in the West was less successful. As it was rapidly halted
by its commanders, as it " cut its losses," to use the verna-
cular phrase, the losses inflicted upon the enemy were
very high in proportion to the expenditure of effort by the
Allies, but it did no more than occupy the first line of the
sector attacked. It failed to carry the second line and
to break through. The immediate object, therefore, was
not reached and the ultimate object was not even
approached.
(3) The third great example, the offensive against the
sector of Verdun, was even less successful because the
first line which the Germans carried, just as the Allies
had carried the (ierman first line five months before, was
hinly held, so that the losses of the defence were not
heavy in proportion to the expense of the attack, while
the determination of the Germans to continue the attempt
right on to the qth of April, by which date the defensive
had finally won the Battle of Verdun, made of this third
offensive a really disastrous failure. By that date the
losses of the offensive were quite out of proportion to
the' results originally obtained and were already far more
than double the Allied losses in the offensive of tive months
before. What has gone on in front of the sector of Verdun
since that date, the repeated assaults against the French
lines, has no longer been any idea on the part of the Ger-
mans of breaking the French line (a thing they now know
to be impossible in this particular case), but only of an
effect partly moral, partly political and partly of usury
in men and munitions, by a combination of all of which
they hope to render the Allies more willing to discuss
peace.
(4) The fourth of the great offensives, that on the
Trentino, is still in progress, but so far it would seem to
move upon a model not unlike that of Verdun, and">so far
it has quite failed in the first or immediate object of break-
ing a front and has therefore not approached the ultimate
object of enveloping a portion of the enemy's forces and
thus attaining a decision.
What of the fifth ? \\'hat of this last great offensive,
the attack of the Russians upon the Austrian defensive
line in Volhynia and Galicia ? That experiment is also
in progress. With regard to it also we cannot yet affirm
that it has attained its immediate object^hough it
seems probable ; still less can we affirm that it is approaich-
ing its ultimate object. We cannot say at the moment;
of writing that the defensive line is broken so as to bes
compelled to a general, immediate and precipitate re-
treat ; still less can we say the line will be incapable of;
re-forming as it retreats, that a permanent gap will opea
in it through which the Russians can advance, and thu=i
envelop the southern portion of the Austrian line. If tho
Russians can do this they will have obtained a decision.
But such a result has not yet been obtained, and we have
not the elements before us to judge as-yet the probability
of its attainment.
What we can do is to examine in the light of what has
just been described with regard to the general character
of these great offensives, the extent and the nature of the
Russian success at the moment of writing.
The line with which we are concerned should, if we are
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L A N P ^: ^V A T E R
June 15, 1916
to understand what is happt-ninf,'. be closely followed
upon the forcpoing sketch map I.
The centre of the Eastern front from the lakes of the
Dvinsk ret;ion rif,'lit down throuiih the marshes of I'insk
to the lower c(•llrs^•^ of tlie Kivcr St\r is a rt'Kion of forest
and marsh quite improjx'r to lar^'e niiiitary movemeiUs.
and this is especially true of the southern part of tlu>
central portion, the marshes of Finsk themselves. Ihev
is no exact boiuularv traceable for this region in which
the numb<MS required to holil a line (or for that matter
to attack it) ar«- far below the normal and in which, more
properly speaking, there is no true line at all. Hut when
we come to the limit of tjlaciation, that is, to the southern
edge of the area which was co\ered by ice in early times,
the quaternary formations of sand and alluvial nnul
gradually ceasi- and one reaches the tertiary cretaceous
formations King to the south in the non-glaciated area.
The chariuter of the laiuls. ape. as of the ground, changes.
From this point southwards the movements of troops on a
large scale is possible , roads, railways and multitudinous
human habitations appear.
The River Stvr. which rises near the town of Brody
and flows noithwanl into the Marshes of Pinsk. i)asses
just before it reaches the marshy region under a group of
low hills lying above its right bank and marked upon
Sketch Map i with the letter " A." Just at this point
stands also on the fight bank the village of Kafalovka.
which we may regard as the northern limit of the line
useful to operations. Hev'ond this village to the north
nothing effective can U- done. To the south the country
is ground for a campaign
Just south of this little group of low hills a railway,
which is the arter>' running south of the marshes, crosses
the River Styr at Tchartoriisk. The station and large
village of Tchartoriisk (now, of course, long in ruins), lie
.ipon the left bank of the Styr. a situation which gives
them greaJ^ importance. For the Russians seizing them
|X)Ssess a bridge-head across the river— here for long the
chief defensive obstacle in front of the Austrian line.
This ruin and bridge-head of Tchartoriisk were taken
bv the Russians some time ago, and they have held them
ever since. But inunediately to the south the original
Austrian line against which the Russians have just struck
lav open uptoithe river and fcjllowed it as far as the bridge
of'Kolki. Here the line crossed the stream and proceeded
southward as follows :
It ran jnst in front of the villages of Silno and Kar-
Eilovka. At this point it is worth while noticing that a
nc of marshe^ lies here immediately to the east. 1 have
marked them B B upon the sketch. It was this line of
marshes which formed the true covering of the Russians
in this district for many months, and they occupied
Karpilovka as a sort of bridge-head t)eyond it. Their
front trenches, then, reached just south of Karpilovka
to the second of the railway communications, the im-
portance of which 1 will deal with in a moment, the railway
between Rovno and Kovel. South of the railway there
comes a fairly dry region of rolling land, the principal
village in which is called Olyka. This is a region of con-
siderable importance in the line, the name of which," the
region of Olyka," will be remembered by many of mv
readers as appearing in recent communi(pies, and we shall
see a little later on why it is so important. Thence the
hue continued southward until it struck, immediately
in front of Dubno, the third of the main lines of com-
munication which it crosses, the railway through Brody to
Lembcrg. At this point the .\ustrians began to rely as
a defensive line upon the upper course of the river Ikwa
which flows past Dubno. Roughly speaking, the old
front followed the line of the Ikwa, but the stream, which
is here no formidable obstacle, was in Austrian hands,
and the Russian front lay east of it, passing near
Kremenietz. Then it crossed the old political frontier
between the Austrian and Russian Empires, enter-
ing the Austrian province of Galicia. The old
frontier here corresponds to the watershed between
tile basin of the marshes of Pinsk. that is of the Styr and
of its tributary the Ikwa, and the great basin of the
Dniester, which river is the artery and in some sense the
creator of Bukovina and of south-eastern Galicia. With
the watershed the ground and landscape change. The
Dniester basin is hard exposed sandstone, a bare
plateau through which the great Dniester itself runs in a
deep cleft as do its tributaries, which come in singulariy
parallel lines straight from the north to jom its stream ;
the ^trvpa, for instance, along which the old front ran
down as Lr as the Dniester. After crossing the frontier the
line covered the town of Tarnopol and crossed, not far from
the station of Jezierna, the f(uirtli great line of com-
munications bv "road and rail, that leading frorn Tarnopol
to 1 emberg. "liefore reaching the Dniester the line crosses
the lifth and sixth main avenues of communication ; the
fifth being the railway just soulli of Tarnopol and leading
to Strvj • and the sixth the railway through Buczacz
which "a little way off to the west joins the main line
from Czernowitz through Kolomea and Stanislav to
Strvj and l.emberg ; Leinberg we see again is the great
railway centre, as it is also the great road centre of the
whole "country. After reaching the Dniester the old line
left to the Austrians this formidable obstacle as far as
( )kna statiiu), which is at the end of a little branch railway.
Immediately after this point the line ended upon the
Roumanian frontier.
There was, therefore, on the extreme left, grave diffi-
culty presented to a Russian advance in the deep valley
and broad stream of the Dniester covering the Bukovina
and the main Russian effort to effect a breach m the
Austrian line must necessarily be made, not to the
I^ussian left or south, but to their right or north.
Such was the front along which the general bombard
meut opened upon Saturday, June 3rd. The mere ele-
ments of the map show one at once that a real Russian
advance to be properiy supported must rely upon the
whole nexus of railways which con\'erge ripon Lembcrg.
An observation equally elementary is that if the Austrian
front were really broken then to break it not far south of
the marshes would be to isolate the great mass of it
lying from the neighbourhood of Lutsk to the Roumanian
frontier.
The Russian effort then has been for now a week, and
still is, so to destroy the Austrian resistance in front of the
right centre of the Russian line, iij front that is of the
region of ()l\'ka marked 1) upon Map I, as to permit
the cutting off and turning of everything Austrian to the
south of D. The immediate object is to break the front
and compel a retreat in front of D. But attainment of
that immediate object will have but an imperfect
result unless the ultimate object is also attained and
unless the Russian advance can be so rapid and the
Austrian retreat compelled to be so precipitate that in
some such direction as the large arrow marked E E upon
the .sketch map, an advancing Russian body can turn
all the Austrian positions to the south.
If the Austrians prevent this, and if the main Russian
advance can only proceed northwards towards Kovel,
no final result will be achieved.
\\'hat the Russian forces attacking are we do not know.
What we do know is that they have a great advantage
in number.
We also know roughly what the Austrian divisions (with
two (ierman divisions added) come to upon this front.
The total of men corresponds to that minimum necessary
to hold a defensive line, which has been everywhere
apparent in the later stages of the great war. The line
as a whole — that part of it which is subject to attack —
is somewhat over 200 miles long, and the total of the
Austrian forces present upon it at the moment, plus the
two Cicrman divisions (one of them the 3rd division of
the invariably included Guards corps), is just under
700,000 men.
Such then are the conditions of the task. The Russians
started from the line we have described, evidently sur-
prising their opponents, who did not believe they were
read\- to take a general offensive yet ; bombarding the
whole enemy line (upon the French model) in order to
make him doubtful as to where the main blow would be
delivered, they, were none the less compelled to choose
some one region where their pressure should be far more
severe than in any other. They were compelled to such
a selection because the concentration of heavy artillery
and of niiinilionment and of men required for a main
stroke is only possible upon a front of some few miles.
The region where the concentration was effected was
that of Olyka, and, while the Austrian line as a whole
has given way somewhat in many points, has stood
in others, the main blow upon which c\-crything must
I
June 15, 1916
L A N D & WATER
depend has been struck from Olyka westward against
Lutsk.
Let us see how far this plan has developed.
In order to do tliis we must first tabulate the com-
muniques sent us by our Ally, compared with con-
temporary connnunitiues sent us by the enemy. When
we have them before us in their order, and only then,
can we know how the affair is progressing.
The Story of the Advance
The first notice of the advance is telegraphed from the
Russian War Ofhce on Monday, June 5th, and deals with
the lighting of Sunday, June 4th. Immediately after-
wards there reaches; London a corresponding com-
munique from the War Office at Vienna. Putting the
two communiques side by side what we get is this :
After an artillery jireparation developed along the whole
line (which we learn, later, began on Saturday the
3rd, late afternoon) from the marshes of the Pripet
to the Roumanian frontier, the Russian Infantry attacked
upon so many sections of that line as to make this lirst
stage of their offensive almost general. But the Austrians
felt specially strong pressure in the region north-west of
Tarnopol and on the southernmost end of the line, or
near the southernmost end. Of the e.xtent and nature
of the first advance that day, Sunday, June 4th, we are
told nothing, but the Russians had counted by evening
13,000 prisoners.
Next day, Monday, the extent of the nature of advance
was also denied us, though it was evidently progressing.
The Austrians continued to note a general pressure along
the whole fighting front of over 200 miles, but the only
definite piece of news is the Russian statement of prisoners
and guns. They tell us that up to the Monday evening
they had counted 480 oflicers and 25,000 men, 27 guns
and about 30 machine guns.
The third batch of communiques deals with the great
action on Tuesday, Jime 6th. By the evening of that
day the Russians count 900 officers, over 40,000 rank and
tile and 77 guns, 134 machine guns and a great number
of search lights, field kitchens, stacks of arms, reserves of
ammunition, and material generally. They further
inform us that certain of the enemy's batteries were
captured intact. While from Vienna we learn that in the
course of that day a retirement was ordered of the
Austrian troops in front of Lutsk. The retirement, the
Austrians also tell us, was undertaken dehberately and
was not interfered with by the enemy's pursuit. Mean-
while, on the extreme north of the line, just before the
marshes begin, on the low hill of Rafalovka, the Austrians
tell us that the Russians were held. We are also told in a
more general fashion that the other Russian wing to the
south was generally held, and the impression is conveyed
that at this southern part of the line, the Russian left
centre, the Russians were stopped at the Hne of the Strypa.
The next set of communiques refers to the fighting of
Wednesday, June 7th, the fourth day of the great action.
On that day the Russians tell us that they reached, but
did not pass the whole line of the Strypa, counted 11,000
of the rank and iile as prisoners, but only 56 officers— at
least that is the form in \vhich the telegram reached Lon-
don—and further large stores of arms, field kitchens, etc.,
and material in general, while the Austrians tell us that
on this same day they established themselves on the
Stry as a defensive line and on the Strypa.
Meanwhile, it is on that same day, Wednesday that
the Russian occupation of Lutsk is ofiicially mentioned
though the date of it is referred to as Tuesday. The state-
ment presumably signifies that the first units of cavalry
following up the Austrian retirement entered Lutsk on
the Tuesday evening, and that the town was occupied as a
whole during the following day.
With regard to the action "of the Thursday the news
becomes more detailed, and we arc beginning to see the
thing as a whole. In the course of that dav the Lower
Styr below Lutsk was crossed by the Russians. They
appear to have crossed in front of Rafalovka in the
extreme north, and they certainly crossed at the extremely
important railway bridge, Rojichtche, a short day's
march north of Lutsk. The Russians report on the
same day the first captures of German prisoners and the
capture of a certain though small number of heavy guns,
tanks of asphyxiating gas, and balloons packed "for re-
moval. Nothing appears to have been done on that day
in the extreme soutli where the Russians were holding
the railhead of Okna north of Czernowitz. A little
further north on the I'^ussian left centre an important
development was recorded. Tlu; Russians here crossed
the Strypa line, which thenceforward was no longer
available as a defensive line for the enemy, and certain
of their units, presumably cavalry, reached the left bank
of the next river westward, the Zlota. By the even-
ing of that day, Thursday, the fifth day of the battle,
the Russians counted 64,714 of the enemy rank and file
in their hands, and 1.143 ofiicers.
On the Friday a large quantity of war material was
captured. We are not told upon what sector. The
number of prisoners returned for that day was small.
The next day, Saturday, in common with greatly in-
creased masses of war material the Russians counted 409
officers and 35,100 soldiers taken prisoners as well as 30
more field guns, but only 13 machine guns, and what is
oddest of all at first sight, only five trench mortars. On
the same day certain German units appeared at the impor-
tant bridge-head of Rojichtche, and helped the Austrians
to try and take it back. The Germans also here lost
2,000 prisoners and two guns. On the same day the
Russians entered Dubno and what is apparently a cavalry
force got round to Demidovka, seizing Mlynov on the way
—-the importance of this will be apparent in a moment.
On the same day upon the Russian left there was a
very heavy and successful blow struck in the neighbour-
hood of Czernowitz, covering the whole country in front
of Okna and permitting a rapid Russian advance up the
further southern bank of the Dniester, so that this
formidable obstacle was turned right up to the Bridge
of Zaleszczyki at F.
That is exceedingly important, for if the Russians can
turn the Lower Dniester line as a whole, the Buko\-ina
is theirs.
Lastly, we have the news, reachinj,; London on Tuesday
and referring to the fighting of Sunday. It is very im-
perfect because storms had interfered with telegraphic
communication in the night between the southern front
and the capital, but it informs us that the number of
prisoners captured to date, or at least the number to date,
was 114,700, of whom 1,700 were officers. We were
further told by both sides that there was sharp counter-
attacking by the enemy a few miles north-west of
II
MAKStlES of PITfSK.:
Pezetaysl '
<^ ^ r ■ Sunday Jcute If ^
Kolonti
CKrnowitzT'
; «« ICWM
8
t A N D eS: WATER
June 15, 1916
Buczacz upon the Lower Stry*pa, and exactly the same
kind of action by him north-west of Tarnopol.
The New Line
Putting all this together in order to draw our con-
chisions from it. the- first thing we niu>t ostabUsh is the new
Russian hne as it stood on tlie evening of Sunday .last
(-since which no official news has reached us at the moment
of writing this), that is after exactly eight days of lighting.
We have that line now nmning as follows :
It nins just west of the Styr instead of just east of it
from Rafalovka down to Kolki. At Kolki tliere is a point
where it recrosses the Styr to its old position on the western
bank, but inunediately above Kolki it passes to the
western bank again and well in front of it. thoroughly
holding the important bridge-head at Rojichtche. thence
it proceeds west of Lutsk to Demidovka. South of this
last point it was evidently still in rapid movement at the
moment the despatch was sent and we have no clear trace
of it. but we find it again in the hilly country about 12
miles north of Tarnopol, not far from the station of
je/.ierna on the railway from Tarnopol tf) Leiiiberg.
South of this it f(jllows the Strypa, but upon the west
side of the river, and covers Huczacz. As it approaches
the' point where the Strypa falls into the Dniester it bends
sharply round, keeping ever\-\vliere on , the wrong or
northern side of that stream, which here runs in a fairly
deep valley between sandstone slopes and is a formidable
obstacle. That obstacle is not crossed until the neigh-
bourhood of Okna, but thence the Russians have sent
bodies along the southern bank of the Dniester until they
.threatened the Austrians holding the bridge of Zalescyzyki.
Significance of these Movements and of the
Numbers and Dates
The reader has now before him the measure of the actual
territorial ad\ance made b\' our Ally in this great week
of effort. We see how much more pronounced it is in
the neighbourhood of I.utsk than elsewhere, how it is
held for the moment upon the two main railways A and
B converging on Lemberg from Dubno and Tarnopol
respectively and how it is pressing on the extreme left
in front of Czernowitz, while hardly advancing at all as
yet on the extreme right just south of the marshes.
But we all know by this time that the measurement
of territorial advance or retirement is the least significant
of all indices in the present great war. All that we are
! really concerned with is how far the Russian advance,
its form, its rapidity, thedamage is has inflicted, brings
the Allies towards a decision.
The official story, given in , the - communiques (I
purposely neglect all nnoflicial-accounts, tempting though
i they are) shows us in the first place that permanent des-
|triiction by actual capture at the hands of the Russians
I i.s between a fifth and a sixth of the total force opposed
•to them. These figures are certainly accurate. The
; policy of the Allies, like that of the Central Powers, in
the matter of prisoners is perfectly well known. The
Allies either say nothing of the prisoners they capture
or in the case of great offensives mention an exact tale.
The Central Powers have preferred-^and it is well within
their rights — to begin with exaggerations within the
limits which their opponents may for the moment be
• led to believe ; for instance the number of British pris-
oners which the (iermans have claimed at various times
is very nearly double the number now discovered to be
in (ierman hands. Each party reaps the fruit of its
policy.
But while the Russian figures are true we must re-
member that they almost certainly include wounded
and unwoimded, and some proportion, though probably
a small proportion of men who have died since thev wen-
captured. Only those on the spot can make even a
rough estimate of the probable proportion between the
numbers thus actually fallen into I^ussian hands and the
total Austrian losses, temporary and permanent, in this
drive. It is not extravagant, however, to suppose the
total losses somewhat more than double the captured,
wounded and unwoundid. and to set them at least at a
quarter of a million. They may be less if (a matter we
cannot determine from the news to hand) there has been
rapid and orderly retirement upon large sections of the
line : though even in that case one would imagine large
numbers of the wounded to be evacuated and saved.
The total losses are quite certainly not less than 200,000.
The next thing to note is the comparative regularity
of the daily returns. The large number given for Sun-
day, the small number given for Saturday afe probably
due to the imperfection of the returns upon the former
day which swelled the return uj)on the latter day. At
any rate the daily steps run thus in thousands — 13,
nearly 15, over 15, 11, very nearly 14, and in the last
two days between 18 and 19 each.
Note further the comparative losses in officers and men.
Tt remains nonnal throughout in about one officer to
60 men. In a rajiid retirement such a proportion is
conmion. If units are captured whole it is, of course,
higher : more like one officer to 35 men.
As to the guns, we notice a capture of 77 guns, nearly
all field guns, in the first three days. Not quite double
that niunber in the first eight, so there has been a fairly
regularly progressive rate in this item also. On the other
other hand, the comparatively small number of machine
guns taken and the still smaller number of trench mortars
would seem to mean that on- those sectors where the
enemy retired, the retirement was continuous without
any attempt to dig in and resist from line to line. In a
word, the figures of prisoners and guns taken point in
general at once to surprise and to the rapid regular
hillowing up of retirement where retirement has taken
place, but not to a completely broken line.
But the most important point of all has yet to be
decided. What is the form of the Russian advance and
of the enemy's retirement, and how do they seem to affect
the immediate future ?
It is clear from a glance at the foregoing Sketch Map II
that only in one region has there been any considerable
retirement of the enemv's line. That region is the region
where the main blow fell, delivered from Olyka towards
Lutsk. Now supposing such a push to be continued
what does it mean ?
A drive of this sort can only be sujiplied bv the railways
and the main roads which in this undeveloped and flat
country follow the general lines of the railways.
To this fact add another fact. Any turning movement
to cut off the mass of the Austrian troops must aim at
Lemberg. Lemberg once occupied you have the centre of
all the Galician railways in your hands. You utterly
paralyse everything to the south.
But for an advance on Lemberg you have only the
two converging lines, apparently, the one from Dubno
the other from Tarnopol, which I ha\'e marked A and
B upon the map. The one from Tarnopol (B) is being
fiercely contested by the enemy, who has here held up
the Russian forces in the hilly country about 12 miles
north of Tarnopol for the whole week. It is by the
nothern railway (A) that the best chance of an advance
turning the Austrian positions to the sovlth lies, for
this railway can be got hold of by striking south from
the extreme point of the advance beyond Lutsk. Already
a Russian body has passed through Mlyno\-, occupiecl
DemidoN-ka and so turned to Dubno and compelled
the Austrians here to fall bark upon the railway hne (A).
A continued advance westward from Lutsk permits of
this process being continued indefinitely.
It is possible also that the Russians have anothei
avenue of supply. It is said, I do not know with what
truth, but it is obviously probable, that the enemy in the
course of his occupation of the country has constructed
a railway to continue the old railway (C) through the
intervening stage (D) and thus directly connecting
Lutsk to Lemberg. If this is the case the meaning and
value of the great stroke at Lutsk are at once apparent
in a new light. For if tliere is a new railway from Lutsk
to Lemberg direct it enormously increases the turning
value of the Russian forces now in the Lutsk region.
Meanwhile, as I have already said, a failure to turn
the Austrians round by Lutsk "and a mere shepherding
of the Russian advance up northward towards Kovel
would effect nothing linal. It would compel a retirement
of the enemy's front in the central marshy district ; it
would rearrange the line to Russia's advantage and would
gain territory. It would not advance the war.
As to the general chances of the ultimate Russian
object : the permanent division of the Austrian line,
the cutting off of the southern portion and a true decision
June 15, 1916
LAND & WATER
being thus achieved, the factors would seem to be as
follows :
1. As an initial blow the Russian success is miich
greater than the corresponding Austro-German success
of last year. It shows a very much larger number of
prisoners and a very much larger number of guns.
2. But, on the other hand, the Austro-German blow of
last year took all the Russian Carpathian positions in
flank, because the Russian lines were bent round in the
shape of the letter L and the blow fell upon the corner,
or foot of the L, rolling up the stem. The Austrian line
■ in this case is not so menaced. It presented no refused
flank for the Russians to strike at, therefore it has a
much better chance of reforming and making a stand.
3. The Russian retirement then provoked stood for
some time upon the line of the San. But it could not
maintain itself long on one line, though it stood time and
again after its first stand upon the San. It was unable to
stand permanently on any line because it lacked munition-
ment. This will not be the case with the Austrians.
They will be amply munitioned as they fall back upon
their main depots. And such a line as that of the Bug
in front of Lemberg or any other they may have pre-
pared further west would, if they could rally upon it,
find them at least not short of missiles, which was the
true cause of the Russian retirement last year.
4. On the other hand, the great Russian retirement
last year gave the enemy no true decision on account of
these two things in favour of Russia : An indefinite space
on which to retire and indefinitely large numbers from
which ultimately to recruit. The enemy has no such
adxantage in the present state of the war. He is ap-
proaching the exhaustion of his reserves in numbers, and
any retirement continued for say a month uninterruptedly
would be disastrous for him in the way of space.
Upon the whole the chances are much more in favour
of the Austro-Germans reforming their line than of the
great decision being arrived at in this field immediately.
But only the future can show whether the event will
follow those chances or no.
Pressure upon the Trentino Front
It would be a great error to imagine that .the Russian
offensive will immediately relieve the pressure upon the
Trentino front.
E.xtraordinary ideas of that sort get about at this
stage of the war, based on the assumption that the enemy
have been able to whisk vast masses of men from place
to place in a few days by rail.
As a matter of fact, the enemy's handling of railways
had not been superior to that of the Western Allies. He
has never done anything equal in rapidity or exactitude
to the moving of all the I3ritish divisions right round
from the Aisne to Ypres. Still less anything that can
compare to the swinging of the 4th corps 120 miles from
the extreme right to the extreme left of the Allied line vuhile
the battle of the Manic was actually in progress and just
behind the line of that battle.
The truth is here, as in almost every other matter, that
the great modern industrialised nations are much of a
muchness in the handling of machinery, with slight differ-
ences in favour of the one or the other belligerent in
particular categories.
Now with all the good will in the world and with all
the exactitude of organisation conceivable it would be
impossible for the Austrian Empire to despatch adequate
reinforcements from the Trentino to the Galician front
in a less time than several weeks. A single division
occupies 80 trains at least. The special" concentration
upon the Trentino front, over and above the original
•garnishing of that line, is not less than 10 divisions, pro-
bably more. And it was the winter's work — a thing
long and carefully prepared against the spring oppor-
tunity for advance in the mountains. But more of a
factor in time (in proportion to the amount of material
to be moved) even than the transmission of men and
field artillery, is the movement of the big guns and their
munitionment. These have been painfully established
in the mountains of the Upper Adige and Brenta basins
after what was certainly months of preparation. Not less
painfully a large head of munitionment was piled up
behind the emplacements. You cannot suddenly transfer
an organisation of that kind for a distance by rail equi-
valent to the distance between Rome and London, and
that with no advantage of parallel lines at your service
such as exist in the northern part of the enemy territory.
By at least three great arteries parallel to each other the
enemy in the north can bring troops from west to east and
east to west, yet he has only been able to handle a com-
paratively small proportion of troops in this fashion,
and that at great expense in time. For the swinging of
troops from the Trentino to the Galician fronts you have
at the very most two such arteries, one through Vienna
and the other along the Drave valley and so through
Buda Pesth, and until the mouth of the Brenner Pass
you have one double line of railway only along which to
move the whole of that enormous business. It would be
simply impossible to get back any large number of guns
to the Russian front; still more impossible to accumulate
a large mass of munitionment for them during the pro-
gress of thi^ great offensive, the checking of which or the
gaining of a decision through which will be known in the
next few days. It is indeed probable that the effect, of
the Russian offensive in relieving the pressure on the
Trentino will be apparent in the course of the month,
for it is probable that men will be transferred. But they
will not be transferred in such numbers and they cannot
be transferred in such time as to cause an immediate
relief upon the Trentino front in the next few days. In-
deed, the pressure upon the Trentino has been continued
during the whole week which saw the unexpected Russian
advance, 900 miles away. And we shall do well to notice
the fortunes of this continued Austrian offensive against
the Italians because, as has been apparent ever since
the first blow was struck, now nearly five weeks ago,
success in this quarter on the part of the enemy would
give a decision. It is the only place in Europe
where the Allied communications are in peril from- a
flank attack. Let us see, therefore, how things have
stood in the past week.
My readers will remember the general position as it
was expressed in last week's sketch map, which I repro-
duce here
VICENZA,
JUcbe deAztded B B B
iylCaHanf.
Miles
The Austrians for their advance must ultimately control
the Brenta and the Adige valleys, one of them at least
and better both. Otherwise they can never possibly
munition and feed and do everything else necessary for
a large army.
Pending their possession of these two avenues there is a
second best, which would suffice for temporary needs if the
advance could be rapid, and this second best is the road
from Rovereto to Schio over the Fugazze pass. The
Austrians after a month of fighting have failed to get a
grasp even of this second best line of communications.
They have got their line into a big salient which occupies
the .\siago plateau, the plateau of the " Seven Villages,"
and from that place, withUheir heavy guns placed just
behind the northern crest of the plateau, they are
making alternate efforts to the right and to the left.
10
T AND Sc W A T E R
Juno 15, 1916
To the right they were trj-ing to seize iho road from
Kovereto to Schio by forring the Posina ridge, that is
the steep, bare mountain bank which frowns two thous-
and feet and more over the bed of the Posina torrent to
the west. On the left the\- were attempting what would
be a ver\' much more important thing, if they succeeded
in reaching the Brenta valK'\- in tlu- neighbourhood of
\'alstagna. This would cut off the whole of the I'pper
Brenta. and would bring them very near to the issue
from the mountains an<l the possession of the whole of
this avenue of rommunication.
Last week there was a lull in the effort towards the
Austrian left, towards the Brenta valley, and a particular
intensity in the efforts towards the Austrian right on the
Posina. That effort to force the Posina ridge failed
altogether.
This week the effort has been the other way. There
has been a lull on the Posina and the main part of the
hea\v guns and tlm^ mass of the infantry have been used
for the effort upon the left and centre and the reaching of
the Brenta \alley at Val-^tagua or the point of Schio by
way of Cogollu.
Now let us sec what the conditions are which govern
that effort.
Imagine a rather thick book near the edge of a table
and up against the side of the book a saucer with a rather
high rim. The book stands for the row of high mountain
ridges and peaks bounding the plateau of Asiago to the
north and west. That is from the direction this Austrian
offensive has come. The saucer stands for the hollow
upland plateau of the Sctle Comuni or Seven Villages,
of which the little town of Asiago is the chief centre.
The edge of the table below the level of the saucer is the
rocky crest of that exceedingly steep bank which falls
down three thousand feet into the Brenta valley.
Another way of e.xpressing this condition of the ground
is by way of a section taken from north-west to south-
cast frorn the high mountains of the frontier ridge to the
gorge of the Brenta near \'alstagna.
^eaks StD 6oooPt:
A
IV
Rim oPBasem. ^ '
Highest Peaks
4f00tD4700ft.
LastCresi about
, 3000 ft
You have the high ridge at A with peaks as much as
6,000 feet and 5,500 feet. It falls on to the hollow plain
of Asiago some 3.000 feet above the sea. The outer rim B
of this hollow tableland rises again into peaks of as much
as 4,500 and 4,700 feet in height and a general crest about
a thousand feet above the plain of Asiago.
Beyond this ridge or crest there is another step down
to the last rock\' crest C, and thence the sides of the
Brenta gorge fall very steeply indeed down a stance, in
some places, of as much as 3.000 feet.
In order to prevent the Austrians getting out of this
basin the Italians have seized the edge or rim of it. and
if we notice the points upon the accompanying sketch
map we shall see in what fashion they hold this rim and
liow the Austrians arc trying to break through their
line.
Up into the high mountains northward from the Asiago
plain run clefts, passes and torrents. One of these
valleys is that known as the valley of Campo Mulo from
the huts and pasturage in its higher flats. And on the
eastern side of this valley stand the two peaks of the
lUaletla and the Little Maletta. each about 5,500 feet
high, the latter having behind it the highest peak, about
6,000 feet, 'and the (Ireater Maletta.
The Italians hold all that ridge which overhangs the
valley of Campo Mulo from the east. Proceeding further
to the south one gets a cleft in the rim of the basin, and
this cleft is that profound ravine called ^'al Frenzena.
V
//' ■!.._ ..\'^ ^msp. » -w I—
ASIAfiO ' / sA
/ %
VdMaffUi.
i
which leads down by nothing better than a rough mule
track to Valstagna.
Now the Austrians have certainly set foot in the upper
part of this cleft, but there is some discrepancy in the
evidence as to the exact amount by which they have
been able to proceed down it.
They cannot go down the cleft so long as the heights
overlooking it are held \>\ the Italians, They have to
carry those heights progressively on the right and on the
left side of the cleft in order to be able to advance down
it at all. In one of their communiques they claim the
capture of a Maletta height and they tell us they are in the
viOage of Ronchi, the positioA of which will be noted
upon the Sketch Map V. The Italians have not denied, I
believe, the .\nstrian occupation of Konchi, but they
tell us that their positions at the head of the valley of
Frenzena have been slightly advanced in their counter-
offensive of the last two or three days. As we are not
quite certain to within say half a mile where the line runs
at this point I have marked it upon Sketch V with notes
of interrogation.
When we get further on the bend of the rim the position
becomes clearer. All along the high ridge which runs
south of Asiago the Italians hold commanding positions
and the Austrians are trying to push them up and over
those positions, just as they were trying last week to push
them up and over the corresponding positions of the
Posina ridge away'to the west. That is what is meant
by all the matter of the communiques about the fighting
in the neighbourhood of Cesuna, a little village south ol
Asiago, and of various mountains which are either the
foothills or the main slopes of the rim. The Monte
(engio, for instance, the Monte Marco, the Monte
Busibollo are all main heights upon the rim of the plateau,
while the hill which the Austrians claim to ha\-e taken
is one of the foothills.
The other central issue from the upland plateau of
Asiago which the Austrians are trying to force is that
marked C upon Sketch V.
Its capture would not give such great results as the
issue of the Val Frenzela on to the lower Brenta. But it
would still have the effect of turning the whole of the
Schio-Rovereto secondary avenue of communications,
and further has the advantage of possessing a light line
of railway and a road. This is the Co.gollo gap which
opens jvist beneath the Monte Cengio. The disadvantage
of this issue is that the heights upon both sides are very
nnich better supplied from the Italian bases, having good
roads and a railway immediately behind them, than are
the heights in the Val Frenzela. On the other hand, if
it is taken the Austrians are very near to turning the
whole of the Rovereto-Schio road.
The last communiques up to the time of writing,
Tuesday afternoon, leave the matter, thus, with the
.•\ustrians relaxing for a moment their efforts against the
basin of the ridge and still attempting both the Cogollo
and the Frenzela issues from the upland hollow plateau
of Asiago. There is, however, this much development in
the situation, that the Italians are now undertaking
successful local counter-offensives which seem so far to
contain the enemy,
June 15, 1916
LAND & WATER
Capture of Fort Vaux
11
The events of the present week, in particular the develop-
ment of the great Russian offensive, forbid me space to
deal at any length with the Verdun sector. I propose to
analyse the position more thoroughly next week, but it
may be worth while pointing out briefly what is meant
by the entry of the enemy into the ruins of \'aux Fort.
As every one knows the word " fort " in this con-
nection has no relation to the old purposes of the forts
surrounding \^erdun. Permanent restricted works shelter-
ing heavy artillery disappeared in the first days of the
war. But these dismantled works are ready-made
obstacles and ready-made shelters. A comparatively
small number of men holding them can do a great deal (if
execution against an attack attempting to carry them,
even when that attempt is brief as in the counter-attack
of the French 20th army corps in the ruins of Douaumont
on the 26th of February — which, it will be remembered,
failed to carry the ruins — or the very brief and successful
recapture of the fort of some weeks ago, or the equally
brief counter-stroke whereby it fell again into German
hands two days later. But if the attempt to recapture
such a place is prolonged, the disproportion between the
losses of the assailants and those of the defenders becomes
prodigious. A determination therefore upon the part
of the enemy to acquire such a piece of ground at no
matter what cost gives the very fullest opportunity for
the practice of the French tactics upon the Verdun sector,
Avhich is, not to preserve particular areas of ground, but
to inflict a maximum loss upon the enemy with the mini-
mum loss to themselves. On the other hand, the pos-
session of the fort of Vaux was a very valuable one for
the Germans and the effect of its loss to the French must
not be minimised, for it was the last good observation
post over the Woevre plain possessed by the French to the
east and north-east of Verdun. The fort of Souville is
higher. It stands on the top of the down lying behind
the fort of Vaux, which latter is built upon the shoulder
of the down just before the bank plunges steeply down into
the plain of the Woevre below. But you have no good
observation of the Woevre from the distant back summit,
although it is higher. From the fort of Vaux you had one
of the best observation posts in the whole district. I
believe at the present moment there is no French observa-
tion post left which directly commands the plain of
the Woevre in this district. Further, the possession of
this spur upon the shoulder of the down gives the enemy
an entry upon the Vaux ravine.
But when we have weighed the loss and the gain it
still remains true — and would that every writer upon the
war would steadily keep it in mind — that the main under-
lying ideas before Verdun are, upon the German side to
occupy the French by a continual offensive, to wear down
their moral by losses which, if inferior to the Germans'
own losses, may yet, they hope, have an ultimate effect ;
impress opinion at home and abroad by an approach
to the geographical point of Verdun, and possibly after the
exhaustion of their useful striking force to enter the ruins
of the town itself. While, on the other hand, the French
conception of the fighting is the compelling of the enemy
(since he is determined, after his loss of the original battle,
to continue an offensive of usury), to lose the very largest
number of men possible in proportion to the numbers that
must be lost by the French in order to inflict that damage.
In general, the Germans believe that by wearing them-
selves out they are also wearing out the French, and that
with the wearing out of the French the whole allianct:
will lose its moral. The French believe that the Germans
are wrong in this calculation, and th"at their error will
cause them to exhaust their forces at such a rate as to
make the counter-offensive, when it does come, innnediate
and crushing. The future will show which of these two
theses is right, but the gradual advance of the enemy
over this sector at an average rate of about 300 yards a
month since the first main line was reached upon the 26th
of February, is not the approach to a fortress and has
nothing to do with the " taking " of Verdun. The more
we use that meaningless phrase the better the enemy will
be pleased. H. Blllog
The Battle of Jutland
By Arthur Pollen
SINCE writing the general sketch of the battle of
Jutland which appeared in last week's Land
& Water, I have seen no additional infomia-
tion published that seems to be of material
\aluc. In his speech in the City, Mr. Balfour dealt with
the position created by our victory in terms that were
just, statesmanlike and moderate, but he gave no further
details to assist us in forming any clearer picture of the
event itself. The Commander-in-Chief has paid a splendid
tribute to the brilliant assistance given to him by Vice-
Admiral Beatty. " No Admiral," he says, " could wish
to be better served." And he has thanked the Flag
Officers, officers and men of his fleet who are upholding
the glorious traditions of the Navy. But in speaking of
the victory he, like Mr. Balfour, speaks with perfect
modesty of the British performance. Sir David Beatty,
in addressing his men, maintained that the enemy's
losses must be heavier than ours. Sir John Jellicoe
contents himself with saying that they are at least equal.
There is no attempt anywhere to pretend that the losses
are crushing or to give official sanction to the convictions
held by many reliable officers as to the actual damage
the Germans have suffered. And no doubt a moderation
in these claims is right and proper.
The whole world has paid its respect to the candour
with which we have admitted our own losses and
our under-statement of those which we believe we
have inflicted. This candour was strikingly exemplified
by the fact that in the first communique, not only was
every known loss published, but all ships not actually
heard from by the afternoon of June ist were included
amongst those that might be lost. \\'hen it came,
therefore, to giving a corrected list, the actual losses
turned out to be smaller than might have been anticipated.
Similarly too, little if anything was made of the damage
we had inflicted. At the beginning of last week the
Admiralty put the probable losses of the Germans at four
capital ships, four cruisers, nine destroyers and one
submarine. Yet in his message to the fleet. Sir John
Jellicoe, as I have stated, speaks of them only as at "least
as heavy as ours. But this message seems, though only
published on Tuesday, June 13th, to have been written
at least ten days earlier. After a careful sifting of the
evidence available to me, I have formed the opinion
that the Admiralty statements of a week ago must
be considerably below the truth. It is highly probable
that two more capital ships arc sunk, that the loss
of cruisers is 7 and not 4, of destroyers 15 and not
9, and instead of one submarine at least three were
sunk by the British and probably one by the fler-
mans themselves. But I admit without any hesitation
that no estimate can be reliable until all the evidence is
thoroughly sifted and impartially compared, and I have
only suggested these figures, not as definitely established
German losses, but as indicating that there is- evidence
of much higher losses than we have claimed.
The Enemy Losses
The course that the enemy has followed in this
respect has been strikingly unhke our own. He began
by putting foi-warda claim to victory that — in the face of
his retreat and his total inability to seize the fruits of
victory — was patently fatuous. The only losses he
admitted were the small cruiser Wiesbaden, the
pre-Dreadnought Pommerii, the Fraucnlob. and some
12
LAND & W'A T E R
June 15, 1916
torpcdu buats. It was perhaps pardonable that he sliould
claim to have sunk many more British ships than actually
went down. It was as easy for him to be mistaken in
such a matter as for us. Ihick weatiier, bad li{,'ht, the
fact of a night action, all these things would make the
losses of one side uncertain to the other. But the attempt
to conceal liis own losses must from every point of view,
e.xcept the German, appear a fatal mistake. A very
different list has since been admitted. The Lutzow
and the Rostok, the loss of which till June 8th was denied
" for military reasons," ha\ e now to be added. \\'liv,
one may ask, are these losses admitted now. The in-
ference is obvious. The liernums lied about their losses
in the tirst instance, for without the lie the legend of the
fruitless victory could hardly have got currency even in
(iermany. They have admitted a small part of the truth
now in the hope of concealing the larger part kept back.
The point is not of \er\' great interest, for in this
matter our opponents are only following in naval matters
the course they have pursued from the tirst with regard
to their losses on land. It is a courses that deceives no
one outside (Iermany, but is, one must suppose, justified
if it deceives and consoles the (iermans. At this stage
of the war it is very doubtful if neutral o])inion is of
much importance, but if it is the incident of the Lntzow
has this value, that all (icrman olilicial statements about
their successes, their failures, their losses, their prisoners
and their booty will be treated not merely as suspect,
but as deliberate and calculated untruths.
While we have no fresh information to alter our general
\\c\\ as to the course or the result of the Battle of Jutland,
careful reconsideration of the evidence already in our
j)Ossession prompts me to no material alteration in the
opinions that have already been expressed. There were
one or two palpable errors in the accoiuit which I pub-
lished last week, and I have to thank se\eral corre-
spondents for pointing them out to me. It is also clear
from letters I have received that the preliminary dis-
position of the forces and certain features of the action
present considerable difiiculties, and not only to lay
readers. I cannot this week deal with more than one
or two of these.
T
^ JclUcoe
¥
\V'\_,Arbuthncrt-
Hood.^
^
1 5^ .VcHH^r
fe\\VonSch«er 1
TUeT
0 TtfOes *"
E
Disposition of the Fleet
First let us make it quite clear what their relative jx)si-
iions were. And here I have to make a correction. In the
first of the seven diagrams I gave last week, I gave Sir
John Jellicoe's, Beatty's, von Hipper's and von Schecr's
positions at approximatch- 2.20. This was an oversight.
The tinii should have been approximately j. 45, when fire
was opened. I reprint the diagram this week. And to
get the position of the two battle-fleets at 2.20 the reader
must imagine Sir John Jcllicoe to be about in the top of
the left-hand corner and Admiral Scheer to be somewhere
just off the Horn Reefs, and both Sir David Beatty and
Vice-Admiral Hii)per further to the west. By 3.45,
when the action began, they would have closed to the
position in the diagram.
The plan of the action followed by the British Fleut
was undoubtedly tljat formulated by the Commander-in-
Chief. He had not on this occasion to consider any new
or unrehearsed problem. The fleet was embarking on a
manoeuvre which it had performed on innumerable
previous occasions. The task allotted to each section
of the fleet was the result of past experience and a careful
consideration of all the probabilities. The objective
was to bring the enemy's fleet as a whole to action. The
plan, therefore, had to take into consideration a thousand
contingencies and obviously could not be the best possible
plan for dealing with any particular one of them. The
(|uestion is in point of fart one that can only be discussed
intelligiblv wliiii all the experience and iiiformation
available to the Conunander-in-Chief are known, and
conclusions, as misleading as they may be unjust, will
be put forward if the disposition of the fleet is discussed,
as if tiie position and plans of the enemy were known
before the British Fleets left their ports.
British Prisoners in German Hands
A fact which has puzzled a great many people is this.
Indcjati^ablc was, as we saw last week, sunk within ten
minutes of the battle cruisers opening fire on von Hipper's
squadron. The action continued in a south-easterly and
southerly direction for an hour after this, and then our fast
division led the (icrmans northwards for another hour
and twentj' minutes, when, after the entry of Hood and
Arbuthnot into the field, the way was clear for the (irand
Fleet, and the action ended with the disorderly flight
of the enemy. How then did it happen that the (iermans,
if driven off the field, should be found after the battle
with prisoners from Indcjati'^able ? The explanation is
really qiute simple. Von Hipper, we must remember,
when the first contact was made at 2.20 until .J.45, when
the action commenced, was always to the north and
eastward of Admiral Beatty. He had no doubt distri-
buted his destroyers well ahead of him when cruising
northward, so that when Beatty made him turn and fall
back on the High Seas Fleet, he would be follourd by
the destroyers that had jMeviously been his advance
guard. These destroyers would, in the ordinary course
of things, pass over the scene of the engagement a quarter
of an hour or half an hour after it had taken place. Our
own destroyers, in the meantime, which had been ahead
of Sir Da\id Beatty, would probably ha\c remained
ahead of the squadron. Consequently our destroyers
would not pass over the field of the action. There is
nothing surprising then, in the (iermans having found a
few survivors, and it is gratifying to know that they had
the humanity to save them.
I have to make two other corrections in the account
of the action which I gave last week and in the diagrams.
First, it seems clear that Rear-Admiral Evan Thomas's
battleships got into action before 4.45 ; they seem to
have fallen into line behind Sir David's battle cruisers
The City of London Rose Society holds its annual show at
the Cannon Street Hotel on Tuesday, the 27th inst. Last
year the Society was able to liand over /()5 to the British
Red Cross Society as the result of this show, and this year
it hopes to do better.
The oak-trees at Aslistcad arc being devastated by cater-
pillars. Mr. Comptun Merryweatlicr writes suggesting that
the trees be sprayed with cluomate of lead. This was done
successfully in Richmond Park three years ago under similar
circumstances on the advice of Mr. Maxwell Lefroy, Mr.
Merrywcather lending the necessary pumping apparatus.
The Women's National I^and Service Corps is, we are in-
formed, in urgent need of recruits, more especially among
educated women. This Corps, whose president is the Duke
of Marlborough, is recognised by the (iovernment as th(^ cen-
tral voluntary bodj' for enrolling girls and Women of the pro-
fessional and leisured classes for work upon farms. Short
trainings from four to six weeks can be arranged. It is
found that the presence of educated women acts as an incen-
tive to local female labour. Of course not every woman, be
she educated or not. is suitable for farm work, InU many of
them ha\e shown extraordinary aptitude^
June 15, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
in the course of the southorly pursuit of von Hipper. I
was also wrong in supposing that Sir Robert Arbuthnot's
dash with the armoured cruisers was made after Sir
David Beatty formed the gap between himself and Evan
Thomas. The incident took place while the battle-
cruisers and fast battleships were still fighting as a single
squadron.
Effect of Shell Fire
Far too few details as to the effect of modern shell
fire on modern ships are as yet available for it to be safe
to draw sweeping deductions. But when it is remem-
bered that the bad light made it necessary to engage at a
range which this war has taught us to consider only moder-
ate it seems astonishing that the battle cruisers should have
( ome through such severe punishment with such insigni-
ficant injuries. One hears of a ship receiving over fifty
hits of II and 12-inch shell without losing a knot of speed,
one-tenth of her complement, or having one-quarter of
her guns out of action — as an actual fact, needing no
essential repairs to make her just as fit for fighting at the
end as she was at the beginning of the action, and suffer-
ing no damages that very few weeks in dockyard cannot
put right again.
This is a thing that should perhaps make one cautious
in believing every enemy sliip that was for any time
under effective fire must be virtually destroyed, or
shot to pieces. But it must be remembered that all
through the action the British were using guns of far
heavier calibre and, consequently, throwing far more
destructive shells, than were the Germans. From 3.45
till 6 o'clock, Sir David Beatty's force was firing first
four, then three broadsides of 13.5's and four broadsides
of. 15-inch guns. Only one of his ships was armed with
12-inch. We can take it as certain also that in the
short tinie that the Grand Fleet was engaged, it would be
the 15-inch and 13.5 gun ships that were principally in
action. Where, therefore, there is reliable evidence of
these ships having brought enemy vessels under a succes-
sion of salvoes, it seems reasonable to suppose that he
must have suffered, hit for hit, far more heavily than we
did.
Spirit of the Fleet
The Navy has had to wait so long for its first big battle,
so many of the officers and men and ships had not been'
in action before May 31st, that to the vast majority
this was their baptism of fire— the first test to which
their professional skill, long training and above all,
their spirit had been put. Those who knew the Navy
best have been least surprised at the triumphant egress
of all from this ordeal. Those deeds of daring that end
in death naturally claim our first tribute and impress
themselves the more deeply upon our memories, so that
the gallantry of Hood, the splendid heroism of Arbuthnot
and his fellows on the cruisers, and the last hours of
Onslow, stand out pre-eminent. It is much to be
hoped, however, that of the innumerable instances of
courage, intrepidity, of light-hearted facing of risks, and
of the cheerful bearing of suffering, the more picturesque
and striking will be recorded and preserved not only for
the honour of their heroes but for the encouragement of
future generations. Many yarns are current already,
and as a first step towards the desired anthology I
note the following.
An officer of one of the light cruisers was reported in
the official return as "severely wounded." Whitehall
immediately received a telegram respectfully but ardently
protesting against so misleading and humiliating a des-
cription. " I have only got a chip knocked out of my
shin and shall be ready for duty in a very few days "
The P.M.O. was promptly wired to for a full description
of this officer's injuries. It turned out that he had the
right leg fractured, and left tibia chipped, a large piece
of shell embedded in his groin, and seventeen other cuts
and wounds.
In the 6-inch battery of one ship an enemy shell set
fire to a cordite charge, and there being others in close
pro.ximity, the officer of quarters at once gave orders to
clear the battery. Before the order could be obeyed, two
boys were knocked over by the ignition of a second charge
A naval chaplain went back, brushed the burning pro-
pellant off them and pulled them out, and got badly-
burned about the face and hands in doing so. With
every feature disfigured and almost blinded, he was led,
almost by force, below. The pain must have been ex-
cruciating. But he protested he was an absolute fraud,
not a bit hurt and that they ought to be giving their
attention to people who were seriously injured.
Another chaplain, hit in the spine, was told by the
doctor that he only had a few hours to live. He sat in
the chair, conversing cheerily with those around him
till death came — -by fat the least concerned of all in
the company.
It is said that Sparrowhaivk having lost the whole
of her fore part lay throughout the night of the 31st
and 1st a helpless wreck. Early in the morning a cruiser
was seen approaching. It soon became quite clear that
she was an enemy. The men in the Sparrowhawk had
no conceivable means either of attacking, or of defending
themselves. There seemed no alternative to death or
imprisonment. They watched the approach then of the
cruiser with none too pleasant anticipations of the result.
Suddenly, to their amazement, without a gun being fired
or any notice being taken of them, the enemy cruiser
up-ended and sank in half a minute. She had not ap-
peared to be badly damaged ; there was no explosion
or explanation whatever. Arthur Pollen
Epitaphe
By Emile Cammaerts
TO' the Memory of Sergeant Jacques Bouvier,
aged 23, killed at Dixmudc, while relieving
a comrade buried under his dug-out, in an
advance post.
II n'est pas mort,
II est parti.
II a force la porta de sa vie.
II a franchi,
D'un bond, le seuil dc son sort.
II n'est pas mort.
II est sorti
' D'un monde qui etait trop petit pour lui.
Couvrez le tambour d'un voile noir.
Couvrez son corps
Du drapeau de la Victoire.
II n'a pas eu, comme d'autres, la patience
D'attendre jusqu' au bout.
II n'a pas eu, comme d'autres, la prudejice
De boire k petits coups.
II n'est pas mort.
II est parti.
II a vide sa coupe jusqu' k la lie.
II a franchi,
D'un bond, le seuil de son sort.
II a fait, d'un geste, tout ce qu'il avait a faire,
II a dit, d'un mot, tout ce qu'il avait at dire,
II a livre sa guerre
Et souffert son mar tyre.
Battez le tambour at petits coups xas,
Portez son corps
A petits pas.
II n'est pas mort,
Mais nous mourrons
Chaque fois que nousi songerons a lui
Et que nous nous souviendrons
Que nous ne I'avons pas suivi.
11 n'est pas mort,
Mais nous vivrons
Bien des jours et bien des nuits
Sans jamais voir la ]Dorte d'or
Qui s'est ouverte de\iant lui.
Plantez une croix sur son tombeau—
II n'est pas mort —
Gravez son nom, son numero,
Et tirez sur son corps
La salve des heros 1 .
[All Uichts RESERinol
14
LAND & WATER
June 15, 1016
Letters to a Lonely Civilian
By the Author of "Aunt Sarah and the War"
MV DEAR YOi;.— Kitchener in his death has
-ulved, at least for me. one of the minor and
later enigmas of his hfe. Early in .March he
u;-s>ired a Cabinet Colleague that the War
\Mnikl be over in three months. That Cabinet Colleague
foiild not at all tell what " K " meant— he was even
^'ainsaying his own famous forecast of a three years' term
III fighting. Again, dining with friends in St. James's
Square a day or two later, " K " solemnly assured a
fellow-guest : " It will all be over in June." Everyone
who heard it wondered at a forecast which facts seemed
to falsify on the very face of it. And now we have the
only conceivable clue. For June has come, and all iS
over — for liim.
Kitchener's most noticeable features were his eyelids.
Eyes may dull or may brighten ; but it is the lids that
really lend e.xpression.by their shape and bv their minute
muscular contractions. In shape, his were quite the
most soldierly ever seen. The cut of his lids proclaimed
war — they made weapons of his eyes. The upper lids
weighed thoughtfully upon the iris; and the grave
eyesight of the man — of the miUtary man — looked from
a kind of ambush — not a stealthy ambush, but a coura-
geous and strategic. I have heard people liken his eye
--must one really say his eyelid ? — to a tiger's. That
illusion was a little helped by the colour-scheme of cold
blue orbs set in a dark ruddy face — the deepened palette
to which the earlier pink of his complexion had given
place. His smile further flattered the fancy. Someone
who told a funny story at a party at whicl: " K " was
present, and wlio was asked afterwards if " K " had
laughed, replied : " O yes, he just showed a fang."
So laconic was his speech he could not ha\e borne more
than a single word— (" Thorough " was the one word
chosen) — for the underline of his heraldic device. His
utterances were so simple as well as so brief as to be at
times doubly disconcerting. " What are they doing ? '
he would ask, when a crowd came out to welcome his
entry into a town, or his arrival at a port. " What a
lot of people ! " became quite a formula with him on
such occasions and even at private gatherings, ^^'hcn a
Mayor read an address which informed him of things
(things he had done !) his expression became that of a
scolded schoolboy. It was a frankly bored expression
when, early one May morning, he was taken prisoner to
the Academy by a picture-adoring Duchess. Con-
noisseur of china though he was, he brought to Burhngton
House — say the soldier's eyelid, rather than the artist's
eye ! Sometimes the sejitiment. behind those bare sen-
tences of his, was itself a little bit of a surprise. Once,
when he had desired a girl to continue dancing in his
presence, he explained : " She is so like a figure on a
vase ! "
"Thorough " in life, in death he was a Man of Four
Mitigations. Long since he said to a friend, with a
shyness which in him was never unmanly : " A soldier
.should not marry— he doesn't knon- what may happen to
him." And now the comfort is that the close company
of his private mourners do not incLude a father, a mother,
a wife, or a child.
As you may imagine, Ostedey Park made altogether
welcome the baby-girl that has-, been born to Lady Jersey.
War-time vastly changes ma nv an expecting motlicrs
anticipatory sex-preferences : sc iiiic will say it changes them
unpatriotically. The coining event is "itself shadowed
nowadays by the blackness of 1 )attlc ; and the ancient joy
of a man child being born into the world gives place to a
new delight in the arrival of one of thcsrt/V/sex. Is it really
true, I wonder, that bi)\ s gai n on giris in the birthrate
after a big war ? Anywa\-, th' 2 time is at hand when that
popular superstition can be put to a decisive test. In
so long a war, we need not ev en wait till the end to dis-
cover whether the heroism th: it tills the air does or docs
not fill the cradles with jwten tial heroes. I own to being
incredulous ; and the latest figures of the Registrar-
(icncral do not reprove my lack of faith in this particular
display of Nattire's obliginglj'- benign opportunism.
Very old people still recall that a bygone Lady Jersey
was si'milarh- pleased, in the middle of the last century-,
by the dibii't of a baby— that time a boy, and not even
her own ! .\ telegram from France told her, one morning,
that her friend, the beautiful Empress Eugenie, was
" expecting " that day. Hour after hour was passed in
eager anticipation of "the final bulletin ; and dinner was
prolonged that night by the Jerseys into an era. But
not till six the next morning did the message come which
might mould history. Do you quite realise that the
Empress-mother of that morning is now at Farnborough —
she, too. in her turn, anxiously waiting bulletins from
France, but, alas, of death instead of birth ? A woman
who kept her ninetieth birthday a month ago coaching
herself in the most alert methods of modern aviation !
And can yoii imagine the Prince Imperial the man of
.sixty he might now be ?
r'm sure I can't. The Zulu assegai gave him im-
mortal youth— in some poor way the compensating
.gift conferred, during these last months, on so many an
English mother's sacrificed son.
Stevenson, you remember, knew a middle Lady Jersey
— the grandmother of the four little Villiers children in
the Osterley nursery to-day. In an impublished letter,
written by Stevenson's wife from Samoa to a friend in
P-ngland, she says : " People wonder how we can bear tlie
dullness of our life here. In truth we live in a whirl of
excitement. To be part of a living Opera is not dull,
nor do I believe you would find it so. Lady Jersey has
just been visiting Mr. Haggard, brother of the novelist.
I believe she intends publishing her impressions of
Samoa- -it would be an amusing paper. She has turned
the heads of all the male population of the Island, and
leaves us, I should think, well pleased." And as, in
the magazine article this Lady Jersey did afterwards
publish about Samoa, she inodestly omits all mention of
this concerted movement of male heads. Mrs. Stevenson's
letter adds a completing Footnote to History.
One of the things which first made me your friend was
your saying that you didn't know the woman with whom
you'd not been a little in love. Women, you said, never
seem to know how nice they are — how nice men find
them ; and men, though they feel the thrall, don't care
to talk of it. I think that's true. If men said all they
felt (and a little more), they might subject themselves
to a reproof I once, in youth, received at the tongue of
the great Gladstone. Other topics failing, I was remind-
ing him of a party at which I had first met, among others,
himself, his wife, and the Hayters ; and I said, " I fell
in love, at sight, with Lady Hayter." " I grant you
she's very intelligent," deprecated this great literaiist,
whose voluminous speeches you may search in vain for
an image. " But I fell in love with her," I insisted.
" O, well, she's a charming woman, and hey husband — "
but luckily, before the last significantly accentuated
sentence was comf)leted, soincbody came along, or a
Commandment had been quoted ! Lady Hayter later
became Lady Haversham, but she remained in dark
ignorance, as women commonly will remain, of a conquest
made across a dinner-table I "
"The country has a right to have me, but not to shave
me," remarked the least foppish of men to me the other
day in view of his coming conscription. Middle-aged, he
has never yet used a razor. Why should that weapon
be compulsory ? I think bearded Lord Latymer might
reasonably have put shaving soap down oii his list of
minor war economies, even for the civiUan. For the
soldier, with all the discomforts of camp and trench, the
razor, in novice hands, is an instnmicnt of torture which
Parliament really should abolish. In different places
and times, shaving has been variously considered a sign
of effeminacy, of servitude, of liberty, of renunciation of
the world. It is as a mark of servitude only that it is
regarded by my bearded friend. In the Crimea our men
were liberated from the lather ; and, in this war, the
French soldier's very name indii atcs his full freedom to
be hairy— he is now the poilu. W.
June 15, 1916
LAND & WATER
15
A Bad School for Statesmen
By Professor h. P. Jacks
MR. LESLIE STEPHEN, in his essay on
Disraeli's Novels, rebukes the people who extol
the man of deeds above the man of \\ ords. True
to his profession as a man of letters, Mr. Stephen
believes there is nothing like literature. " I will con-
fess," he says, " to piTferring the men who have sown
some new seed of thought above the heroes whose names
mark epochs in history. I would rather . . . leaven
a country with new ideas than translate them into facts,
inevitably mangling and distorting them in the process.
. . .1 would rather have been Voltaire or (ioethe
than Frederick or Napoleon ; and I suspect that the
historian of the nineteenth century will attribute more
importance to two or three recent English writers than
to all the English statesmen who have been strutting
and fretting their little hour at Westminster."
If the different clauses of this statement are put
together it will be seen that Mr. Stephen's examples are
somewhat confusing, and that he is not quite consistent
with himself. He begins by preferring the man of words
to the man of deeds, and ends by preferring the position, of
a writer to that of a Member of Parliament. The latter
person Mr. Stephen, by a perverse change in his angle
of vision, chooses to regard as a man of deeds. This is
gravely open to doubt. To be sure, the statesmen who
strut and fret their little hour at Westminster are engaged
in talking or making speeches about action to be taken.
But talking about deeds is a very different thing from
performing them. By confusing the two things Mr.
Stephen unconsciously becomes the ally of the most
dangerous delusion of our times. The delusion is that
talk will do the business, or in the more concrete form,
that I am a man of action because I spend my time in
making speeches, or even in preaching sermons, about
actions that have to be performed by other men.
Houses of Verbiage
Because seven hundred gentlemen are discussing how-
children ought to be educated or drunkards reformed,
it does not follow that any child is being taught what he
needs to know or that any drunkard is being saved from
■ his doom — nor indeed that they ever will be. The con-
trary is often the truth. All the time these gentlemen
are making speeches the children and the drunkards are
passing beyond their reach ; the children by growing
up into men and women, the drunkards by drinking
themselves to death. When the speeches are prolonged
through several generations, as they have been in both
the instances given, the net loss is very serious. It may
suit the politicians to " wait and see " and talk about
it in the meantime ; but the children and the drunkards,
to say nothing of the great currents of history, neither
wait nor see. The result is that the people in whose
interests action was first proposed are in their graves
before the seven hundred are ready to act. Others no
doubt will have taken their place, but if those who have
been lost in the intervals could be summoned from their
resting place I doubt if they would agree with Mr. Stephen
in classing the seven hundred as men of action. They
would rather support Carlyle, who regarded the Houses
of Parliament as essentially Houses of Verbiage, and they
would have told Mr. Stephen, who preferred the man o'f
vords above the man of deeds, that with such a preference
Parliament was undoubtedly his proper place.
The truth is, of course, that Mr. Stephen and many
others who talk about " ideas ruling the world " and
" words being mightier than deeds " have in mind a very
particular class of ideas and a sort of words which is by
no means common. There is a story about the Shah of
Persia which illustrates the point. "Somebody had pro-
posed to this potentate that he should go to "the Derb\-.
The Shah refused.
" Do you suppose," he said, " that I am so ignorant
as not to know that one horse can run faster than
another ? "
The answer, though interesting, was irrelevant. ' For
the object of the Derby is not to demonstrate that one
horse can run faster than another, but to show which
horse can run faster than which. In the sajue way the
statement that ideas rule the world is irrelevant as ap
answer to the man who is inquiring whether this world is
well governed or ill. Little is gained by knowing that
ideas rule the world until you know further whether the
ideas in question are good or bad. The worst kind of
world, in my opinion, would be a world ruled by an idea
— and that idea a bad one. Nor is there any consolation
in learning that words are mightier than deeds. What
words ? " The pen is mightier than the sword." Well,
what if it is ? I would rather live vmder the might of a
sword that is clean than under the might of a pen that
is dipped in lies and venom.
Foolish Idolatry
One may carry the idolatry of " ideas " and " words "
a httle too far. One may carry it to the length of not,
knowing a good idea from a bad one, or of taking every
windbag for a prophet, or of thinking ourselves men of
action because we buy the Daily Mail.
If our legislators spent their time in legislating there
would be some justification for classing them, with Mr.
Leslie Stephen, as men of action. But a scrutiny of their
proceedings soon reveals the fact that they do nothing
of the kind. Tlie legislator, if he happens to be a promi-
nent man, spends much of his time, probably the greater
part of it, in repulsing the attacks of his opponents and
in counter-attacking. This process is dignified by the
name of " debating " ; one might almost sa\' it is canonised
under that name, for there cannot be a doubt that " de-
bating " is regarded by most EngHshmen as a holy
occupation. Now, nobody, not even the most abandoned
heretic, would rail upon debating, if the object kept in
view during the debate were the merits of the measure
under consideration. But in the ordinary course of our
Parliamentary procedure this is not always the case.
The debate becomes a war of minds, conducted for its
own sake in the first degree and for the public good only
in the second. The interests of the debaters, their seats
and their reputations, are the interests primarily at
stake, while the public has to content itself with the
residual policy which is left in being when the various
warring factions have settled their accounts and reduced
each others forces, so far as possible, to immobility.
To say that the remnant of wisdom thus left over repre-
sents the popular will is a transparent fiction which
deceives only those persons who are bemused by phrases.
Instead of being what everybody wants the result is
often what nobody wants or ever wanted.
The truth is that the people have in Parliament a
big Debating Society, not always of the first class, in
which debating has become an end in itself, and where
Sovtcs Sbahcspcaviana:
By SIR SIDNEY LEE
To the Russians.
Goal and your arms be praised, victorious
friends !
Richard III., V., v., 1.
The Economic Conference.
It is like we skat I have good tradiv^r
that way.
1 Henry IV.. II.. iv., «1.
Kino- Constantine and his Mini s te rs .
To wiljul men.
The injuries that they themselves procure
Must be their schoolmasters.
Kins Lear, II., iv.. .'iOS-?.
x6
L A N D & WATER
June 15, 1916
the interests of the conimuiiity arc; exposed to,; death,
mutilation, capture or a precarious syr/iyal ^fci^sding as
tlie fortunes of parUamentary warfare sway "to one side or
the other. By means of certain well-estabhshed fictions
the pubUc has persuaded itself that this orgy of debating
is " government." and even comes to believe in course of
time that this is the only way in which a people can govern
itself. The fiction is maintained by the fact that, at the
long last, something dehnite usually emerges from the
orgy, which may be either a positive measure or the
destruction of one. This result, which is held up as
representing the will of the people, does not represent
even the will of tlie majoritv in power, but only so much
of their will as their opponents have not succeeded in
thwarting. Home Rule is a case in point. There are
many others, and history has nothing more pathetic to
show than the readiness of the British public to accept
these by-products of debating, these survivals of the
parliamentary war of minds, as corresponding to the will
of the people. They are not what we want, but what we
have accustomed ourselves to put up with.
Now and then, however, a situation arises which
reveals to us. with a kind of shock, that the issue of great
affairs cannot be left to dance attendance on the fortunes
of a Debating Society. How often since the outbreak of
the present war has the formula been spoken in the
House of Commons — " The interests of the nation render
it undesirable to discuss the question raised by the Honour-
able Member." Sometimes no doubt the motive of the
answer is the need of secrecy ; but more often it is the
need of effectiveness and promptitude, qualities for which
(iovcmment by Debating Society does not provide the
favourable conditions. To teach us this is one of the
beneficent functions of a great war. During the last two
years we have been learning that a great Empire docs not
exist for the purpose of providing seven hundred game-
some debaters with subjects for a series of lively evenings.
It is important, no doubt, that speeches should be made ;
but it is more important that the Empire should be
maintained ; and the two are not always compatible.
Time, A Doubtful Ally
Mr. Lloyd George has recently informed us that time
is a doubtful ally. He was thinking of the conditions a
government has to face under a state of war. But is not
the saying equally applicable to a state of peace ? Is
not time a doubtful ally, nay, often a clearly treacherous
ally, when social reforms are in question — education,
public health, housing, poverty, hunger, race-suicide.
These things do not stand still, like Joshua's sun over the
Valley of Ajalon, patiently waiting without change until
a factious assembly has made up its qiind what to do
with them, and submitted its proposal to the House of
Lords. They are going from bad to worse all the time !
Indeed, when the final measure comes out, as " amended
in Committee and modified by the House of Lords."
it is not infrequently found applicable only to a state of
things which has passed away, and to be inadequate to
the new and worse form whicla the problem had taken in
the meantime. Ireland once more !
If you tell me that these things cannot be decided in a
moment and that time is required for their solution. I
assent : but I assent on the principle which dictated the
sapient remark of the Shah about the Derby. I know
that all problems require time for their solution, and that
some require more than others. The question is how
much time do these require. Will they tolerate the delays
involved in a whole epoch of speechmaking. wire-pulling,
caucus-mongering, and parliamentary antics ? Can they
be safely left to wait until all the secondary interests which
have gathered round the macliincry of "popular govern-
ment have adjusted their chaos of differences, until the
newspaper press has exhausted its controversies and its
venom, until every one of the lighting factions has been
given the time it needs to accomplish its supreme desire
— that of dishing its opponents, under the pretence of
promoting the popular will? Even if the popular will
be allowed to have a definite form of existence — a point
on which I coiifess to having doubts — it is to me incon-
ceivable that it should ever get itself expressed by a
process such as this.
There is a party at the present moment which is
contending that ail questions of foreign policy should be
frantly submit ttjl' to Parliament and so made the subjects
' ; of democratii* contr|l. I am doubtful in the first instance
whether a "'democracy " is really competent to manage
, it J relations with foreign states. It would be, no doubt,
if the people always clearly knew what they wanted and
were in one mind about the matter. But there is nothing
about which a people is in so many minds as about its
foreign policy — a fatal state of things for effective control
of any great question affecting peace and war. However
that may be, we should not get democratic control by
submitting these things to Parliament. We should get
control by Debating Society — a different thing alto-
gether. Were such a course adopted wc might predict,
with confidence, the speedy downfall of the Euipirc.
New Order of Statesmen
The present war has revealed, both by its inception
and its progress, that what the government of a great
empire needs most urgently is an order of statesmen who
combine far-seeing vision with an aptitude for prompt,
decisive, silent and even masterful action. How to find
such statesmen is a problem which can only be solved
through great changes in our whole national ethos,
through a reformed education and indeed through a
reformed morality. But the first step to its solution is to
realise that our Parliamentary system neither produces
such men nor trains them. Parliament may be a good
school for politicians but it is a bad one for statesmen.
The kind of political wisdom it fosters is the kind which is
skilful in handling majorities, in guiding debate, in counter-
ing intrigue, in dishing opponents, and above all in re-
ducing a number of factious interests to their lowest
common measure — which is seldom the measure of the
nation's needs or its dangers.
All this may have its uses. It certainly requires enor-
mous ability in the men from whom it is daily demanded.
But the ability so developed is not statesmanship. Nay
more ; it is a kind of ablility with which, for obvious
psychological reasons, statesmanship rarely co-exists. In
the turmoil of parliamentary warfare " vision " is lost,
the near usurps the place of the distant, and the great
currents of history, on which the fate of empires depends,
become invisible. Worst of all the habit of liailing
until controversy has exhausted itself and faction grown
tired unfits men, both temperamentally and niorally,
for swift decisions in matters which admit not of "a
moment's delay. In Parliament the argumentative habit
is developed at the expense of insight and promptitude,
which are the statesman's gifts. The consequence is
that our great Ministers become not rulers of the nation
or its destinies, but riders of Parliament— a very different
thing.
For Parliament is an institution with an independent
life of its own — a life most imperfectly co-ordinated, some
might say not co-ordinated at all. with the essential in-
terests of the State. The very perfection of the Parlia-
mentary machine largely defeats the purpose for which
Parliaments were originally created. It becomes an
end unto itself. Its political energies, its intelligence, its
wisdom are used up in maintaining its own balance. The
interests on which its vision arc concentrated arc
primarily its own. Immersed in its atmosphere states-
men become, and can hardly help becoming, myopic.
They acquire that blindness to "things as they are "
which suffered them two years ago, and the nation which
blindly followed them, to drift unprepared into the
greatest crisis of the world's history. What else indeed
was to be expected from men whose training had been
in the narrow cockpit of British politics— of men wiiosc.
wits had been kept at the stretch for years in mastering
an endless series of fierce but petty storms — strikes.
Ireland, suffragettes, trades unions, tariff reform and all
that devil's dance of concessions, compromises, sops.
bribes, manipulations and adjustments, with its wild
accompaniment of speechmaking in Parliament and
dt monstrations outside, which, in normal times, does duty
as our " political life." A worse school for statesmen
it would be impossible to imagine.
The fault is not theirs. It lies with the public which
creates, maintains and applauds the school, and then
complains because its atmosphere has failed to produce
the men who foresee the hour of destiny and act swiftly
when it strikes.
June 15, T916
LAND & WATER
The Air Board
By F. W. Lanchester
17
THE creation of the Air Board, under the presi-
dency of Lord Curzon, may be regarded as in-
augurating a new phase in the development of
military and naval aeronautics. Apart from
the multitude of minor problems of greater or less magni-
tude with which the Air Board is, and will be, faced, the
whole fate and future development of the air branches of
our Services may be said to rest in its hands. It is true
that the Board has no executive power, but it possesses
that which will probably prove as effective — the President
has the power, in order to avoid a deadlock, of going to the
War Committee of the Cabinet for authority to decide
any point that may arise, or on which disagreement may
exist.
There are some (with whom I am myself inclined to
agree) who regard the Air Board, or at least an Air Board,
forming a link between the Services, as the right and
appropriate solution to the control of our air forces.
P'rom this point of view the air branches of the Services,
just as the artillery of the Services, will remain under
separate control ; the War Office and Admiralty being,
as at present, respectively responsible for the air efficiency
of the Army and of the Navj^ There are others who (I
think without sufficient consideration) assume that an
ultimate solution must be sought in some kind of amalga-
mation of the two branches into an Air Service under
an Air Minister. I have previously discussed this
cpiestion to some extent in these columns.* I now
return to the subject to consider the alternatives with
greater analytical exactness.
Permanent or Temporary
The point of importance at the present juncture is
broadly whether we are to regard the present Air Board
as a good and — humanly speaking — permanent solution
to the problem ; or whether, as strongly urged by Lord
Montagu, and as actually foreshadowed by Lord Curzon,
we look to an Air Ministry and single Air Service as the
probable outcome. Lord Curzon's actual words -f are :
Having said so much, I should like to add for myself
that I think such an Air Department is destined to come.
I see before myself, before many years have passed — it
may be even sooner — I paint to myself a dream of a
single Service under a single head, under a single roof,
with a single organisation. Such a unification I cannot
believe to be beyond the administrative genius of our race.
But if I am right in that, I would sooner see it come —
as in the past few months I have seen military compulsion
come — as the result of a concordat between all those who
are interested in the matter, as the result of a cordial
acceptance of the principle by both services and both
Departments, and with the avowed support of the Secre-
tary of State for War and the I'lrst Lord of the Admiralty.
The Board which has been appointed will undoubtedly
hold this consummation in view. It is one of our duties
to explore the ground and to examine the possibilities
of such a solution. One day it will be our business to
report to His Majesty's Government upon the matter.
But in the meantime 1 tJirnk I can show the House that
we have more immediate and more pressing duties to
perform. l'"or the reasons I liave stated I cannot accept
the Motion of my noble friend Lord Montagu. His Motion
is really one, rather cleverly disguised, for the immediate
creation of an Air Department or an Air Ministry.
This actually goes further than Lord Montagu desires,
if we take his remarks in the House of Lords Debate as
a criterion. Thus (following the above) he says, " I
particularly disclaimed any idea of an Air Ministry at
present." (The italics are my own.)
Whatever the future may" have in store, it is I think
generally agreed by those "with whom the decision lies
that no immediate action is possible beyond that already
taken by the (iovernment, namely the appointment of an
Air Board, and through that luedium the more close
correlation of the existing departments and the inde-
pendent study of the problems of air warfare, with a view
• Land & \V.\tf.r, Apiil aotli, 27tli, and May 4tli.
■f Oft'ici.-il Rop. House of Lords. Vol. 22, Xo. 3S, p. 157
to tendering advice to the Services, and making provision
in advance to meet such extensions in the duties of air-
craft as may seem feasible and desirable.
I will now take the matter up from the point at which
it was left in my article of May 4th under the title " Air
Problems and Fallacies."
Direct and Indirect Military Value
It is at the outset necessary to insist on the funda-
mental distinction between operations of direct and of
indirect military value ; it is precisely on this point, and
it is definitely on the future of potential value of opera-
tions of indirect military value that the case for an Air
Ministry will stand or fall. If no such operations were
feasible or, from a strategic point of view, desirable, then
there is no case for an Air Ministry. If on the other hand
it can be shown that operations of indirect value are
destined to become of importance, then there is a case
for an Air Ministry and for an independent Air Service,
and the more important the operations of indirect military
value become, the stronger the case. Whether or no, the
Air Ministry and independent Air Service will ultimately
prove necessary will depend finally upon the strength of
the case as above defined ; thus if such operations are
found to be in practice rare there is no reason
why the whole new apparatus in the sense of an Air
Ministry with its corollary Service should be created
for its execution, when there are other means available. If
on -the contrary these operations of indirect military
value become, or are shown by experience to be, of great
national importance, and require to be initiated and
carried out on a large scale, then we may take it that an
Air Ministry and an Independent Air Service is the
inevitable solution. So far, experience is lacking.
It may be urged that the preceding paragraph is too
dogmatic ; it is not propounded as dogma, it is a state-
ment of the case which it is the object of the present
articles to -make good.
It is doubtful whether the experience of this War will
be final on the question of the utility or otherwise of
operations of indirect military value. It has been
pointed out in the previous article (to which reference
has been made) that in almost every case, whatever may
be the value of operations of indirect value, they are,
more often than not, weak in comparison with direct
operations, therefore so long as we are building up con-
tinually increasing armies with their necessary comple-
ment of aircraft, materiel and personnel, it is certain that,
whatever the future may be, the present will not leave
much scope for experimental development outside im-
mediate military and naval requirements. The present
situation so far as the Board is concerned is clearly that
any operation of indirect military value, which, one may
say, by definition, does not come naturally into the
purview either of the supreme Admiral of the Navy, or
Commander-in-Chief of the Army, must be considered and
worked out and defined by the Air Board, who will also
decide which of the present Services will be expected to
undertake any particular kind of duty. Let the matter
be exemplified by a few illustrations.
If it were thought necessary to conduct bombing raids
in the rear of the enemy's lines, to destroy his magazines
or interrupt his communications (as has been done
repeatedly in the course of the western campaign) we
have to deal with a class of operation which is decisivclv
of direct military value, for example the bombing of the
railway station and junction at Lille, or the raid on the
enemy communications behind Verdun.; such work is
definitely related to military operations with which, both
as to time and place, it requires to be co-ordinated.
It would be useless for example, and might even be
prejudicial, if such work bearing directly on other military
operations were to be carried out at the wrong instant,
as might easily happen were it conducted independently
of the military command ; the more closely such air opera-
tions are co-ordinated with other work in the field the
more effectively will aircraft be employed, hence it would
ig
L A iN D c1' W A T E R
June 15, 1916
be suicidal to place the conduct of such operations in the
hands of a separate Service. It would be still more suici-
dal to relegate to a separate Air Service the still more
intimate duties of aircraft, as concerned in military
reconnaissance, " spotting " for artillery, etc. : it would
be as foolish as placing the artillery or the cavalry under
the control of a separate Minister. On the naval side
again many e.xamples might be cited of the employment
of aircraft which are essentially so related to otlicr naval
operations as clearly to be inseparable.
Direct Military Value
In all such military and naval air work, that is to saj',
in operations of Jitect military value, the precision and
exactitude of co-ordination or co-operation with the other
arms of the Service, or with our Naval Forces, is so im-
portant that it is unthinkable that any such operations
should be placed under a separate Ministry or any
organisation other than that of the appropriate Service.
An air operation, such as a bombardment from the air
(at least as we know it at present) is as compared to the
operations of the other arms of tlie Service in itself but
of moderate effect, but by accurate co-ordination such
air operations may prove (and have proved) of signal
value and utility. It is of little use bombing a railway,
for instance, a day too soon because experience has shown
that repairs can usually be effected in a few hours. It
is useless conducting the same operations a day too late,
it is essential that it should be done lo lime, at tlic psycho-
logical moment, in fact, when the enemy is relying upon
the use of his railway or comuumication. and when its
failure will be of the greatest detriment to him ; thus an air
raid, such as is under discussion, requires to be accelerated
or held back, or repeated, according to the progress of .
other operations, and the more intimately the command
of the air force is identified with that of the Army on the
one hand or the Navy on the other, the more efficient
it will become.
A typical operation of indirect military value was
the raid on Friedrichshafen in the autumn of i()i4. That
raid was not connected with the movements of any of the
armies on the western or other battle front ; it was not
connected with any naval operation in particular. It was
an attempt to weaken the enemy's industrial power and
in particular his power of building airships. ■ There was
no special reason why that should have been undertaken
at any particular instant of time, there was in fact no
clear reason why the raid should have been organised
at all, so far as the Admiralty is concerned ; it was, we
may take it, initiated by certain adventurous spirits,
and perhaps we may say justified by results. That it
has not been regarded as a cla.ss of operation of great
utility is well evidenced by the fact that no serious
attempt has been made at its repetition.
Building Up a Flying Corps
The truth is that with the limited numbers of aero-
planes which have been hitherto at the disposal of our
authorities, and the tax on our manufacturing resources
by the rapid growth of our armies, there are more im-
portant duties always at hand. It must be borne in mind
that, with an army Avhich has grown in less than two
years to the extent of three or four millions of men, it
has been a problem of no mean magnitude to build up a
Flying Corps, the ".cavalry of the air," commensurate
with the strength of the other arms of the Service. The
problem is still the continuous increase required, more
and more pilots, more and more squadrons, more and
luore mechanics, depots, etc.
In suggesting that a raid such as that on l-'riedrich-
shafen is not an example of the best possible employment
of our air squadrons, it is neces.sary to say under existing
conditiotis ; it may be fairly inferred that" in due course,
when adequate provision of materiel and personnel is
available, such operations will be fully justified and will
have to be carefully considered and organised in ad\ance.
.-\ny operation such as the Friedrichshafen raid is rightly
to be regarded as one of indirect military value, since,
as pointed out, it has no intimate relation to other
operations either in the Army or the Navy, and, further,
there is no definite indication from the character of the
operation whether it is part of the responsibility of the
Army or the Navy. It may be argued on the one hand
that since the value of the Zeppelin airship is mainly
naval reconnaissance, the destruction of its headquarters
would fall naturally to the Navy. On the other hand it
might equally be argued that since the object of attack
and the only available base are both far inland the duty
is clearly one for the Army. In biief the incentive to
attack is naval, and the undertaking itself is within the
military zone.
The raid on Friedrichshafen is merely an example.
There are scores of industrial centres in an enemy country
where munitions are manufactured of different kinds, any
and all of which would be appropriate subjects of attack
were the appro])riate air forces, i.e., machines, trained
personnel, etc., available, and all these duties, so far as
not inunediately connected with the military or naval
strategic plan, may be classified as operations of indirect
military value. It is these operations which it will be
one of the great concerns of the Air Board to study and
provide for. In the first place (and under pre.sent con-
ditions) it is desirable that a clear decision should be
reached at the earliest })ossible date, as to what these
duties (-omprise and which operations are to be regarded
as coming within the re>ponsibility of the military authori-
ties, and which (if any) the Navy will be exjjected to
undertake. Clearly the Services can neither of them
legitimately be called upon to carry out work which does
not come within their own strategic scheme or plans,
and for which they have had no opportunity to provide
either maleriel or personnel. Later, if and when opera-
tions of indirect military value have been undertaken,
it will be a matter of serious consideration whether these
shall be allowed to remain as collateral responsibility of
the Army and Navy, or whether their importance will
justify an Independent Air Service under an Air Minister.
Test of Experience
Obviously this latter <iuestion nuist be one of degree —
in brief it will depend upon the relative magnitude and
the importance which will ultimately attach to the
operations in question. Should it transpire or experience
demonstrate that these operations have not great or real
importance then we may rest assured that an Independent
Air Service will not be justified. If on the other hand, as
is generally believed, attack on enemy centres of produc-
tion, etc., should prove a valuable method of breaking his
power, and capable of fast and effective development,
then we may rest assured that the Independent Air
Service will be found the ap})ropriate solution.
There is fortunately no need to jump at any conclusion,
the future will take care of itself. Thus the present Air
Board is fully capable of considering the possibilities of
large scale air raids and of taking the necessary initiative
when our resources permit. The War Office or the
Navy will be advised that certain operations are con-
sidered desirable from a national point of view, and be-
lie\ed to be feasible, and either one Service or the other
will be informed that the work of carrying out such and
such operations has been assigned to them.
The production of the necessary materiel and personnel
will then be undertaken with perhaps a special supple-
mentary grant based on the decision of the Air Board ;
in due course the utility or otherwise of the measures
taken will be proved. It is on the test of experience that
the future situation will require to be judged. On the one
hand we do not want a separate Air Service to conduct
half a dozen long distance raids per annum ; on the other
hand if such raids could be shown of sufficient value tc
become a matter of daily occurrence it is more than
probable that it may be "found advisable ultimately to
relieve the existing Services of these duties, and con-
centrate all air work of indirect military value under an
orgaiiisation with its own Minister, Chief, and Staff.
It is of interest in this regard to review the history of
our i)iesent day systems of two Services ; in other words
to examine the manner and conditions in and under
which the British Navy emerged as a separate Service
from Its origin as a mere adjunct to the military system
of feudal times. It is from the reading of history that we
may expect some real guidance from the past, and not
from the setting up of false or unproven analogies such
as are imijlicitly embodied in the current slogan " One
Element, one Service."
19
LAND & WATER
June 15, 1916
Extension of the Union Jack Club
Our Special Appeal to Readers of Land & Water
By the Editor
THE Union Jack Club was presented by the
nation to the Navy and Army as a memorial to
those of the Services who fell in the South African
war. As everybody who lives in London knows,
it stands in Waterloo Road, close to Waterloo Station,
the terminus of the London and South Western Railway,
which serves Aldershot, Portsmouth, Southampton, Ply-
mouth and Devonport, so it is placed as it were, at the
main gate of L(jndon, from the point of view of its
momters. The Union Jack is a Club in identically the
same sense as the " Rag " in Pall Mall, or the Atheufeum
or the Bachelors in Hamilton Place. The same
tacilities and advantages are offered to its members by
it as by them. It is run on strict business lines ; the
Club pays for itself, and has each year a small balan cc
to the good, but only a small one, for the right principle
is that profit should not be made out of members. A
difference, besides the
range of prices, which
exists between the
U.J.C. and those
Clubs we have men-
tioned, is that it pro-
vides much greater
sleeping accommoda- ,
tion. During 1915, the
actual number of
members who passed
a night at the Club
were 211,445 of whom
33,921 were sailors,
2,948 marines, and
174,576 soldiers. Bet- :
ter testimony to the
appreciation of the
Club could not be
given. Where think
you, would these men
haveiv slept if the
U.J.C. had not
existed ? Yet the
melancholy fact has
also to be inen-
tioncd that some hun- '
dreds of men had to
be refused, regretfully
refused, sleeping ac-
commodation just because there was no room for them.
Let us try to understand not only what the U.J.C.
lias done for Navy and Army, but the light it
sheds on certain social problems of which many
good people arc apt to take the gloomiest view.
Before it came into existence the sailor and soldier
who found himself on leave in London, usually with
a bit of money in his pocket, had nowhere to go to
provided he had neither home nor friends. Was it any
wonder that he turned to the nearest public place of
refreshment that was within his means ? Unfortunately,
our Licensing Laws have more or less compelled public-
houses to be mere drinking-dens, and the man on leave
often only too quickly got rid of his cash and made of
himself in the process cither a beast or' a fool. Then
society blamed the man. Which was wrong. It should
have blamed itself for not providing its defenders on
their rare holidavs with a place where they might live
decenth' and amuse themselves rationally. A sensible and
healthy man never gets drunk from mere love of getting
drunk. The idea that he does so is a foolish and
wicked delusion. Outside occasional conviviality, intoxica-
tion is directly due to a desire to escape from uncongenial
environment. Change the environment, make it con-
genial and drunkenness disappears. The truth of this
statement has been proved over and over again, but there
IS no stronger testimony in existence to-day than the
success and popularity of the Union Jack Club. There
are other obvious evils from which the Club saves men
who would otherwise be on a loose end in the streets.
Members of the Union Jack Club
In this connection the ability of the Club to provide a
bedroom to every member who requires it is urgent. It
is pathetic to have to send away a self-respecting man
to a doss-house or cheap lodging-house for a night's
rest. That is so at all times either in war or in peace, but
it is doubly pathetic at the present when the man perhaps
has just come in after a spell of wild weather in the North
Sea, or may be from a hght with enemy, or if he be a
soldier straight from the trenches and continuous pound-
ing night and day by big shell.
As we advance in life the clearer do we behold the
eternal truth underlying the saying, God made all men
equal. Inequality between the natures of different men
and nations largely arises from the conditions which man,
through his laws, customs and traditions, has made for
himself. Men may laugh at those who believe in ideals
and would constitute life on idyllic conditions, and
call them unpractical.
But such persons are
far wiser and more
sensible than those
others who judge
human nature at its
lowest and treat man-
kind accordingly. We
stand in need - of
golden-tongu d saints
to preach the doc-
trine of original
good, instead of origi-
nal sin. It is closer to
the truth. Bear in
mind the old parable
of the sower ; the good
ground that bears
fruit a hundredfold
is there for the tilling
in the heart of each
one of us at birth ; it
is human society that
tramples the seel
underfoot or denies it
the moisture it needs
or permits the fowls
of the air to devour it.
If only we moulded
our lives more closely
on this principle the world would be a happier and
better place to live in. But, we can at least make a
beginning, and when we find institutions, which acting on
this principle have proved its truth by their practical
success, give them the fullest support within our power
and the most generous pecuniary help within our means.
Such an institution is the Union Jack Club, for the exten-
sion of which we make this special appeal. The four mem-
bers whose photographs we give here arc typical of all ;
their cheerfulness is a good suggestion of the pleasure
all derive from their Club. Let us briefly describe tln'
Club-house, a photograph of which is overleaf. It is :i
fine building, but not big enough. Within there is a
barber's shop where are sold tobacco, match' s, cleaning;
materials, shirts, socks, caps, etc., picture postcards
Baths hot and cold cost 2d., including attendance,
towels and soap ; shower-baths are free. Members are
given blacking, etc., to clean their own boots or they can
give the Club boot-black a penny to do it for them.
There is a large and comfortable smoking-room, but no
standing bar ; members order what they want and are
attended by waitresses. All kinds of drinks are served.
A member can have his glass ol beer or brandy and
soda if he prefers. In the billiard-room are six lull-
sized tables. The library, also the writing-room, contains
two thousand volumes ; writing materials are free : they
cost the Club last year just £100. Then there is the
dining-room, open from 7 a.m. to 10.45 P-m., where
prices are most reasonable. Last year waitresses weie
first mtroduced : they have proved so successful that
20
LAND & WATER
June 15, 1916
many members hope the Club will never revert to men-
waiters. Chief Petty Officer Thompson voiced this wish
at the annual general meeting in April. He said : " In
the dining-room it is better to have ladies> or girls as
we call them, than it is to have men. You are waited
on nicely. There is no slackness whatever, and I have
seen here hundreds and thousands who have been attended
to without any argument or cross word by anyone."
It was at this meeting that Serjeant-Major Wood re-
marked that he had heard men say so often until it l;ad
become a jirovcrb in the army : "If you go to London,
there is only one place to go to. If you go to the Union
Jack Club you will receive the proper treatment a man
should receive from everybody there." Could there
be higher or truer apprecia-
tion ? Said a sailor the othcT
day to the Secretary : "I
have used the Club since it
opened ; it is my home."
A soldier who left by a
very early train on his return
to active service, pinned
this note to his pillow :
" This is the best place I
have ever been in. Thanks
for all." These one or two
tributes say more for the
good work the Club is doing
than volumes of writing
or talk. It has proved in-
valuable to the British Navy
and to men of the Regular
Army and the New Armies,
the Naval Volunteers, the
Territorials while mobilised,
and to men of the Dominion
and Colonial Forces. All
of them are eligible and
all of them have made free
use of the Club. Is it any
wonder that the Clubhouse
has proved too small ?
Land & \V.\ter appeals to its readers to help in the
extension of the Club. That this appeal will be liberally
responded to we are convinced, and not only by individuals
but we trust also by communities in a manner we will
shortly explain. How urgent is the need, and how-
desirable it is that the work should be put in hand without
delay can be judged from these messages from Admiral
Sir John Jellicoe and General Sir Douglas Haig :
From Admiral Jellicoe •
T/ie Union Jack Club has been of incslimablc bzncfit
'la the men of the Fleet since its erection, and its value
has been beyond words. During the war the urgent
need for further extension has bsen demonstrated a
thousand times, and I trust that your appeal for funds
for this extension will meet with the wonderful success
which has so far attended all your kindly efforts.
From General Haig :
Please accept my best wishes for the success of your
appeal. The Union Jack Club has for the past nine
years conferred inestimable benefits on many thousands
of our sailors and soldiers. Your proposed extension
scheme comes at a most suitable moment, and will, I
feel sure, be welcomed by all who wish to perpetuate
the memory of those gallant men who have fallen in the
cause of freedom.
Ihe King, who is patron-in-chief, laid the foundation-
-stone of the Club, when he was Prince of Wales on July
2ist, 1004, and it is hoped that next month may sec the
foundation-stone of the extension laid, possibly by His
Majesty, accompanied by the Queen, who is Patroness-
in-Chief, should their numerous engagements permit.
King Edward, accompanied by Queen Alexandra, opened
thj Club on July ist, upj. so July is a momentous month
in its annals. If readers of Land cS: Water were to
enable tlie coming' month to witness this new function,
it w,)uld indeed be a splendid achievement. But there is
no time to be lost. It is more bedrooms that the Club
re^ijjires most urgently. To have to refuse slee])ing
accommodation goes grcritly against the grain, but until
more bedrooms arc in existence this is inevitable. Sir
Douglas Haig, it will be noticed, speaks of the extension
The Club-House in Waterloo Road
scheme as a means to perpetuate " the memory of gallant
men who have fallen in the cause of freedom." This is
possible in a simple fashion. Each bedroom is calculated
to cost £100, and a donation of £iQO gives the privilege
for one room to be dedicated to whomsoever the donor
nominates. A small tablet is alhxcd to the door, signify-
ing in whose honour it has been given, and whosoever
enjoys a night's repose there must of necessity feci
gratitude to him or those whose memory it perpetuates.
Throughout the British Empire to-day memorial
funds are being raised to commemorate the gallant
self-sacrifice of men from this or that village, township
or possibly commercial undertaking " who have fallen
in the cause of freedom." A bedroom at the Union
Jack Club should always be
at least a part of such
memorial. It is in this way
that communities are able
to assist in this good cause.
We should also like to see
every one of the ancient
Guilds of the City of London
represented at the Club in
this manner. Their peculiar
glory is the freedom they
have tli(^ right to bestow on
their fellow citizens, a free-
dom which was only won
tlirough centuries of struggle
and which is now being
maintained and defended
by members of the Union
Jack Club.
As for private individuals,
many wc know there to be
who have only to be made
acquainted with "the urgent
need for further extension,"
to quote Admiral Jellicoe's
words, to contribute gener--
ously and gladly, rejoicing
in the opportunity thus
afforded to pay a persona] , tribute to rank and file of
Navy and Army. How often and often during the last
sad months have we heard of officers who lived for their
men and died leading them into action. There could
not be a finer or fitter manner of commemoration than
by consecrating a bedroom to their memory. Think what
It would mean in practice. Men of the old regiment where
the remembrance of these .gallant gentlemen shines
with lustre, would be glad to occupy the rooms and would
proudly relate to their fellow-members the deed, the
life and the death of them whose name it bore. Thus
would the Union Jack Club become as it were, the
munnnent tower, the record oftice of the most unselfish
heroism of this great war. The dead would be held in
remembrance, their glory would not be blotted out,
through the continuance of that consideration for their
men's welfare for which they laid down their lives.
1 *■
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AH Contributions for iJie U.J.C. Extension
Fund should he forwarded to :
The Rditor,
" LAND & WATER,"
Empire House, Kingsway,
London, W.C^
Envelopes should be nunfied " U.J.C.
Fund." Cheques should he drawn in favour
of the U.J.C. Extension Fund, and Crossed
" Coutts Banfi"
LAND & WATER
Vol. LXVII No. 2824 [y^™ ]
TFTTIR^DAY TTINF ■?c Torfi rREGisxERED ast price sixpence
in.fji\oLJn.i , juiNj:^ ^z, xyiu La newspaperJ published weekly
By Louis Raemaekera
Drawn exclusively for " Land and Water. '
Shall there not be room for all ?
This cartoon has been drawn by Mr. Louis Raemaekers, and is published by the Proprietors of Land
& Water on behalf of the special appeal (see page 20) for the extension of the Union Jack Club
LAND & WATER
June 22, igi6
JOINING KITS FOR EVERY BRANCH OF HIS MAJESTY'S SERVICE.
Thresher and Glenny s representative attends by appointment any camp in
England for the convenience of Cadets receiving commissions.
MILITARY OUTFITS.
" A firm established as Military Outfitters
during the Crimean War and Indian
Mutiny, with the outfitting experience of
the South African War and the two Egyptian
Campaigns well within the mcmorv oj man\
of its staff, is entitled to deal with the 'sub-
ject of Military Outfitting with some degree
of authority, "—{•' Land .\ Water." Matclj
23)
A JOINING KIT.
Tlie following estimate includes all neces-
sary (or joining on receiving a first com
mission ; Serge F.S. Jacket, 63s. ; Whip-
cord ditto, 70s. ; I pair Slacks, 25s. ;
I i).iir Whipcord Knickcr Breeches, 35s. ;
Service Cap. 15s. 6d. ; British Warm, 84s. ;
Sam Browne Belt, 42s. ; Whistle and
Cord, Lanyard, Puttcea. 2 Khaki Flannel
Shirts and Tie, Stars, Cap, and Collar
Badges, and half a dozen Khaki Handker-
chiefs : total. £20.
TROPICAL KIT.
Khaki W^ashing Drills. Twillettas, Sun-
proof and Tropical Serges. Drill F.S.
Jackets, buttons, etc., detachable, 35s. ;
< .dvin Cord Riding Breeches, 38s; Drill
Macks and Shorts, i6s. 6d. and I2s. Od. ;
Wolselcy Helmets, 21s. ; Sunproof Tunic-
Shirts, pockets and shoulder straps, 17s. 6d.
THE TRENCH COAT.
Wind, water, and weatherproof. Recog-
nised by the W.O. and ofhcially brought
to the notice of all officers commanding
Corps in the B.E.F., the " Threshhr "
has successfully met the severest tests and
IS regarded as the best all-round garment
for every purpose and every season.
£ s. d.
The Thresher, unlined ..414 6
Lined detacjiableKamelcott s 10 0
Lined detachable sheep .7 | 3
W.O. CAMP KIT.
Officers going into camp will require the
folding bedstead, chair, bath, basin, and
washstand, etc., etc., painted liame
and regiment ; price, £7 los.
Also the Thresher Bolmat. Par-
ticulars on page xiv of present issue.
WRITE FOR GUIDE (3)
TO KIT & EQUIPMENT.
THRESHER & GLENNY,
152 & 153 STRAND, LONDON.
June 22, 1916
LAND & WATER
LAND & WATER
EMPIRE HOUSE, KINGSWAY, LONDON, W.C
Telephone: HOLBORN 2828
THURSDAY, JUNE 22. 1916
CONTENTS
PAGE
Union Jack Club: Special Appeal. By Louis
Raemaekers ^
Foundations of Peace. (Leading Article) . 3
Kovel and Lemberg. By Hilaire Belloc 4
" Your Splendid Work." By Arthur Pollen lo
Italian Artists and the War I2 and 19
Germany's Mistakes : Political. By Colonel Feyler 13
Adventures of Richard Hannay. By S. P. B. Mais 14
Letters to a Lonely Civilian 15
New Steps to Economic Reform. By Arthur Kitson 16
Roof of Armageddon. By Will Irwin 17
The Club with Five MiUion Members 20
The West End 22
Town and Country 24
Choosing Kit xiii.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF PEACE.
THE recommendations made by the Economic
Conference, held in Paris last week are now
published, and will be heartily approved by all
who regard these questions of trade and com-
merce from the Imperial point of view. The representa-
tives of the Allied Governments declare that "after forcing
upon them the military contest in spite of all their efforts
to avoid the conflict, the Empires of Central Europe are
to-day preparing in corjcert with their Allies for a contest
on an economic plane which will not only survive the re-
establishment of peace but will at that moment attain its
full scope and intensity." This statement, though it
only confirms what was generally known before, has a
double importance — it proves that the nations are all
equally alive to the perils of peace, and it makes clear
the reason why it is necessary without delay to so reform
our trade systems and methods as to secure protection
after the war from German aggression.
This journal is conducted on non-party lines, but
since our leader of last week on the Economic Conference,
we have received a letter protesting that we have
departed from this policy, as if forsooth economic
questions were the monopoly of partisan platforms
because in the past they have been their favourite shuttle-
cocks. It is high time we awoke out of sleep and realised
that such questions have a much deeper and more far-
reaching import than is touched by academic arguments
about supply and demand, free-trade and protection.
Only this week the Kaiser informed the world at large
that the untiring activity of the late von Moltke was
devoted to the " brilhant preparation " for this war ;
though the deceased General confined his activity to
military matters, it may be accepted without demur
that the same "brilliant preparation" included every
possible weapon in the armoury of economics. Germany
has chuckled with evil glee over our endless disputations
about shibboleths and phrases, while she went on her
way silently absorbing every fraction of trade that could
eventually bo turned to her direct benefit.
In this economic pact we may behold the first founda-
tions of peace. Here they are laid, and truly laid, but
we have to build upon them. The denial of " most-
favoured-nation " treatment to the Enemy Powers for a
period to be fixed by agreement, to which we made allu-
sion last week, is one of the main recommendations for
what is called the reconstruction period. And the deter-
mination is expressed to restore to those countries suffer-
ing from destruction and spoliation the industrial plant
and raw materials of which they have been despoiled.
The systematic manner in which Germany at the time
of the invasion of Belgium, Northern France and Poland,
not only commandeered all raw materials but dismantled
factories and industrial works, destro3dng wiiat could not
be removed, is not as generally realised as it should be.
The idea was_ to cripple instantly possible competition
after the war, and to ensure a period of time when certain
manufactures could practically be furnished by Germany
alone, owing to her having destroyed for the time being the
rivalry of France and Belgium. This is further evidence
how Germany's brilliant preparation and conduct of
war embraces every branch and department of national
life, both her own and her neighbours. We must accept
this truth and act accordingly; wasting no more time
listening to elderly prophets who wrangle and abuse each
other in the market-place over empty catchwords and
worm-eaten gospels.
They who drafted this international agreement have
taken long views, and have made several excellent
recommendations for permanent measures of mutual
assistance. A common law covering patents, indications
of origin and trade marks will go far towards establishing
a firm commercial alliance, which in the end must prove
the surest defence against the recurrence of war. We
would not suggest that this pact of peace is the first
grey streak of the dawn of the millennium, but it is
certainly a step towards the federation of mankind
which is the ideal unto which humanity still toils
painfully. That there will be trade jealousies and dis-
putes in the future as in the past is obvious, but they will
not be quarrels out of which armed conflict will arise.
It is to be hoped, so far as this country is concerned,
there will be a thorough overhauling of antique manners
and customs. May we not anticipate the aboHtion of
our ancient system of weights and measures and the
adoption of a decimal coinage — on which subject we
publish a special article to-day. The commercial harm
which British conservatism in this respect has wrought
is incalculable. And the change could be made, if not as
easily as we adopted paper currency or gained an extra
hour's daylight by putting on our clocks, certainly with
infinitely less trouble and expense than 'it has cost us
to reclothe our. army in khaki, or refurnish it with
newer kinds of munitions. This is the age of transition ;
let us tread courageously the new roads and be done
with the easy contentment and " don't bother me "
ruts of the past. The Economic Conference has given
the country the lead it requires ; we must look to
our statesmen to build up this new defence of civilisa-
tion against commercial attack by scientific barbarism
which prepares the paths of peace for the wheels of its
big guns and makes friendly commerce the harbinger
of the foulest horrors of war.
Attempts will doubtless not be lacking by a certain
school of economists to prove that these dangers, once
the enemy is defeated, will be more or less imaginary, and
that the sole salvation of the working-classes of the United
Kingdom will lie in the future as in the past in cheapness
irrespective of consequences. We have suffered so
heavily through the blind worship of this abominable
fetish that it may reasonably be hoped that such efforts
will make small headway. But we must be ready for
them. Trade and commerce is now part and parcel of
Imperial defence. We know how the enemy works and
who are our friends and must act accordingly. Great
Britain has not hesitated to depart from old traditions
in defence of freedom, and now she m-ust display equal
courage and firmness in the maintenance of independence
when the war is over. It is for us to set an example in
putting into practice the wise and well-cdhsidered
recommendations of the Economic Conference.
LAND t*t WATER
June Jii, 191O
Kovel and Lemberg
By Hilaire Bclloc
THK bcsl iiitnrnu'd ami tlii' umM na-uiiable of the
(lormiiii students who arc folluwinn this war and
pnhlishini,' their conuuentaries upon it, is .Major
Moraht, whose stu(hes in tlie Berhn Tagcblalt
liave ofton been aihided to in thise (ohuims.
In the evcninfi ot Monday tlie 3th of Jnne, when the lirst
news reached Berhn of the Russian blow upon the south-
eastern front, this eminent authority committed himself
to the following )ud};menl wln<li ai)peared over his name
in the issue of the paper of the next day. the (itli of June.
, . . It uill need a Russian Annv of several
millions to create anv serious menace a^ainsl our seientifieallv
eonsolidalcd and extremely strong front. They can luiv:
no success unless they conifyel us to brinj; troops from
other theatres of the war. Hut that will not l)e necessary ,
for a e are ijuite strong cnou-^h there to hold on the defensive,
and this last adventure of the 'I'sar's armies remains an
error in calculation."
' We all know what followed. The enemy writer's judfi-
ipent was at fault- and the fault was characteristic !
hor the mark of all Prussian oj)inion throughout this war
ftas been a strauf^e attempt to supplement what (iermans
cull " objecti\'e reality '" by somethinn else exceedingly
•' subjective. " In plain F.nglish, to bolster up real misfor-
tune by cr\ing an imaginary \ictory. This conce|)tion that
thinking about external things in one's own fashion will
change the nature of those external things is, luckily for
us, very deeply rooted in modern (iermany ; it is not im-
known elsewhere.
At any rate, we all know what really happened. Within
twi'lve days of the evening on which those lines were written
the Austro-dermans on the south-eastern front had lost at
1r^»
' ' ' • fc- ^ ♦ /^/r ^
called the effort in the region of LutsK
least a third and pei \ui\» nearly half of their strength and
had seen an advance by the Russians at a critiral point of
nearer fifty than forty miles. They had also seen the
loss of the Hukovina and the complete transformation of
the whole situation between the Marshes and the Rou-
mania^i border.
But if we are to follow the great operation, to measure
the amount of the Russian success, and to estimate its
future chan cs, we must go into some iletail and not 1)C
content with the general imjiression of the advance.
For the purposes of such detail we shall do well to regard
the whole oiieration as composed of three main actions,
which 1 will separate on the accompanyiug sketch map
and tabulate as follows :
(i) The elfort upon the north or right Russian Hank,
which may be
and Ko\ el.
Here the Russian object is twofold.
(a) To reach the railway junction at Kovel so as to
])aralyse or at least gravely interrui)t communications
between the northern and the southern portion of the
enemy's line aiul the o|)i)ortunities for reinforcement from
the north in men and in material. (/)) To strike down
smith-westward so as to begin tlu" eu\elopment of the
central enemy body — that massed east of Lemberg — and
either (at the best) capture it, or (at the worst) compel it,
under the threat of en\elopment, to fall back.
(2) The action upon the other Hank end of the line,
the left or southern wing : Here the Russians ]>roj)osed to
themselves the mastering of both banks of the Dniester
right up to the mouth of the Strypa ; the occupation of the
railway centre, Czernowit/, and thence of all the Province
of Bvikovina : Operations which w'ould put them upon
the right or southern (lank of the main Austro-CIerman
central body abo\e-mentioned, j\ist as the operations of
tlie Kovel-l.utsk region woiild put them upon the
northern or left Hank thereof.
(3) The action in the centre : From tlie region of Br<xly
to the region of Bucacz : That is, the points covering
the four railways and the four main roads which converge
from the east upon I.emberg.
In this central field the Russians have maintained them-
selves with less strengtii than on the two wings. They
are there, especially at the chief point in front of TarnopoJ,
subjected to the pressure of the Austro-Germans. These
attempt to relieve the increasing peril upon their two
Hanks by forcing the Russian centre. Such is the order
of the great battle
I.
The Lulsk-Kovcl Region
Turning to Skt>tch Map I we see that the main advance
of the Russians has been in this region of Lutsk.
Starting from the region of Olyka last Sunday fortnight
they have pushed on until they have arrived just fourteen
days later to the point marked by the dotted line on Map I
which shows the general limits of their advance at the*
time of writing.
The Russian pressure here makes a great bulge into
the whole of the old Austro-Cierman jwsition, shifting the
line back by an indentation now over fifty miles deep.
Now this indentation can be used in two ways and i^
undoubtedly intended by the Russians to be used in both
those ways. In the lirst place along the arrow (a) it
threatens Kovel— the value of which will be explained
in a moment ; in the second place — and more important
— it creates a new northern Hank whence the whole
Austro-tlerman centre, co\ering Lemberg and in front ol
Tarnopol, is threatened along tlie arrow (b).
Whether the Russians will be able to use either or both
of these two opportunities only the future can show.
But whereas their action down southward and w estward
against the new Hank has not yet developed, and
the line of resistance which thev "will have to meet
June 22, 1916
LAND & WATER
is as yet only ronjcctural, their pressure towards Kovcl
is already well developed. On that account, it has
attracted most attention in Europe
It is rumoured with regard to the Russian attempt to
strike down in flank towards Lemherg and cut off the
Austro-German central armies that it will be met, not upon
the line of the Hug, which is the chief natural obstacle of
the district, but upon a prepared line of trenches which
start from Vladimir, pass tlnough Sokal and so run at
an angle to Sojanow. Whetlier this will be so or no we
cannot tell until the shock of the rapidly proceedmg
advance in this direction comes upon the main line of
defence, which the enemy shall establish u])on this
northern flank of this central sector.
But a much more obvious line is that of the Luga.
If the enemy were to stand behind the Luga, small
as the stream is, he would cover all his railheads Vladi-
mir itself, Sokal, and Sojanov, and at the same time he
would have a continuous straight front in this region,
and he would have in front of him to protect him an
obstacle not very serious as the old wars went but valu-
able for the increased jKnver of the modern defensive.
At any rate he must try and stand somewhere between
Vladimir and Sojanov unless he wants his northern flank
broken in and his central armies enveloped.
This movement, I say, the most important of all, is
as yet only sketched out. But the direct Russian ad-
vance upon Kovel is already very highly developed.
Now the value of Kovel is clearly apparent from the
simplest railway i)lan of the eastern front. Take that
front down from Dvinsk to Czernowitz and you iind it
interrupted by the bad country of the Pripet Marshes.
Roughly speaking, the ape.K of these marshes at the end
of the good land and the beginning of the bad land is
marked by the fortress of I-5rest. Across the marshes runs
a railway that would link up the whole front, and the
Austrians and Germans fought very hard to get this
railway ; after they had failed in their attempt to destroy
the Russian armies last summer, their last object was to
reach this lateral communication (marked on the accom-
panying Sketch II with a thick black line and the letters
(a) (a) ) and hold it. They failed. They got the northern
])art of it as far as Vilna and tliey got the southern
jiart of it from Dubno, but they could not seize the
, middle part of it. The consequence was, as Sketch
Map II plainly shows, that they could not communicate
between the northern and the southern sections of their
front save by the railway communication marked with a
double line and vitally dependant on the junction of
Kovel. Their few forces in the Pinsk Marshes they
could supply by the railway from Brest to Pinsk, but
for general communication from north to south they had
to pass through Kovel.
If Kovel wen; to fall into Russian hands the enemy
would be compelled to abandon all that he holds east o^
Kovel and south of the marshes. The whole southern Iind
would have to be modified. 1
Note, such a modification of the southern enemy front]
such a retirement, would not be a decision in any sense or
the word. It would leave the enemy intact. No true
decision can be got on this front save by envelopmentj
* I »■' < I t I I I ♦
.Lokatcfit
LAND & WA T E R
June 22, igi6
But the shifting of the line in its soiithorn portion right
back to Brest would weaken it and would prepare the
way for better tilings later on. Therefore this advance
npon Kovel. though not decisive, has great value for the
Allies, and a corresponding disadvantage for the enemy.
How is the enemy meeting the pressure of this ad-
vance upon Kovel wiiich. after the threat of the direct
south-westward advance, is the principal danger menac-
ing them ?
In the first place, by directly opposing the main
advance, secondly by bringing all the pressure lie possibly
can to bear upon the Russian right flank. The accompany-
ing Map III will make the position clear, I hope.
Kovel Junction with its five converging railways is
connected with Lutsk by a railway and by a road which
will be seen upon the sketch ; I have divided both roughly
into sections of five English miles, starting from Kovel.
Up this road and railway the Russians are pushing, but
at a certain point marked X upon the map, at 21 miles
from Kovel by the railway, their advancing body has come
across the obstacle of the River Stokhod.
This river, like all the watercourses of this region,
runs through soft black soil and its banks are marshy.
It is of httlc depth at this point, and perhaps no more
than 50 yards across, but I behev^e there is no hard ford.
Just where the railway crosses, upon the further bank
(from the direction of the Russian advance), is the village
of Svidniki, the possession of which by the Russians
obviously gives them a bridge-head across the obstacle.
For three or four days the fine of the Stokhod held up the
Russian advance towards Kovel. But upon Friday
last the passage was forced — how we are not told — and
the village of Svidniki securely held by our Allies.
So much for the direct advance. It had by Friday
night, the i6t h June, got to about 20 miles from Kovel
Junction, and there lay between the head of its column
and that objective no formidable natural obstacle.
Now consider the attack in flank by which the
Germans and Austrians — but the (iermans in very large
proportion — propose to spoil the Russian plan.
It is clear that an enemy advancing towards a point O,
the reaching of which would strategically affect you for
the worse, and making a big bulge forward in his line to-
wards this objective, O, gets intrt an angle more and more
acute as he advances. You will check his advance and
put him in peril in his turn, if by striking upon either side
of the bulge, say upon the right liand side as by the
arrows at A-A, you can bend in his line. F'or by so doing
you threaten his hnes of communication C-C.
That is exactly what the Austro-Gormans, but par-
ticularly the German Higher Command (which we can here
see at work) is trying to do in the Lut.sk-Kovel region.
If the reader will turn back to Map I he will see what
the enemy is about and what advantages support him.
The Russians are holding the line of the Styr from the
bridge-head of Tchartoriisk up the river of" Kolki and
beyond. They are holding it on tiie defensive and the
enemy are putting forth all their energy in an attempt
to cross the Styr here and to force the Russians back
southward and eastward from the river until the head
of the bulge out by Svidniki is in peril. If the enemy
could get across this part of the Styr in the Kolki or
Godomichi region ujwn any reasonably broad front, they
would have in front of them two fairly good roads for
advancing down upon the rear of the Rus.sians.
Note that tlie Austro-Germans have for this attempt
the support of an excellent lateral Hue of communica-
tions. Their troops lying along the Styr in this region
are supplied by the railway which runs from Kovel to
Tchartoriisk, and just up to the neighbourhood of
Tchartoriisk station itself this line is in their hands.
F""rom this railway there runs the good road marked
on Map III with the numbering i i r ; and the distance
across which the fighting units have to be munitioned from
railhead at Manievice station is only twenty miles.
The actual situation of the Russians on this imperilled
flank is a little obscure because the various communiques
do not exactly fit in to each other. But this much would
seem certain :
The Russians firmly hold the bridge-head of Tchartoriisk
and are on the West bank of the Styr as far as Kolki.
Some days ago a certain and unexpected piece of
pressure from the enemy in front of Kolki forced our
Allies here on to the further bank of the river. They
have recovered this point and are again upon the northern
bank at Kolki, holding the bridge-head. I find it diffi-
cult to determine from the very scarce evidence available
whether they hold the whole stream up to Godomichi,
but there upon the eastern bank (" the wrong side "
from the Russian point of view), enemy pressure very
heavily developed as late as last Saturday. By the last
advices the enemy is thrust back again on to the western
bank at Godomichi also.
Such is the situation in this region at the moment of
writing (Tuesday afternoon, June 20th). The Russians
have advanced on the Kovel road as far as Svidniki,
leaving a flank on the north against which the enemy is
hammering as hard as he can, and with particular violence,
at the critical points of Kolki and (iodomichi, where he is
nearest to the main roads by which the Russian advance
on Kovel is supplied, as well as by the railway.
Mmieh'Lce Stii£u>n
Thorn Kovel
' ' ' ^p''* /
Sussuutlaze
Scmday last June /8.
All along the northern bank of the Styr from Kolki
to Rozyszcze there is open land above flood or marsh
level, immediately behind which begins the great mass
of the woods. Before the Russians seized the bridge-head
at Rozyszcze the Austro-Germans had laid along this high
open land and along the edge of the woods a light railway,
which followed a rough road of the neighbourhood and had
its terminus just opposite Godomichi. But when the
Russians had got hold of the bridge-head at Rozyszcze
this railway was no longer available, and the attack on
Godomichi had to be supplied from beyond Kolki
To Kolki the enemy can bring comparatively large
forces along the road "which leads directly through the
woods and the marshes to the railway at Manieovice
station — a road which now certainly has a light railway
laid along it.
At (Jodomichi the enemy is hampered by the absence of'
a good road. He can only bring up mun'itionment along
the comparatively open high land north of the ri\er where
June 22, 1916
LAND & WATER
there is a track. Perhaps he can use in this weather
certain rough tracks through the woods as well, but at any
rate he cannot do as much at Godomichi as at Kolki.
It is to be presumed that the narrow passage between
the Stokhod and the Styr is held strongly by the Russians.
At any rate, this point would be a difficult one for the
enemy to attack upon on account of its distance from
his railway. His success or failure will still depend upon
his efforts at Kolki and Godomichi, and it is upon these
points that we must fix our attention in order to judge
the measure of our Allies' and their opponents' action in
this region during the next few days.
Meanwhile, there is a very important piece of news
arrived in London just before these hues are written.
It is to the effect that the Russians in some force have
reached the neighbourhooa of Gorokho\' upon the main
road which leads from Lutsk to Lemberg.
The despatch which tells us of this does not mention
lighting in Gorokhov itself but, after speaking of a violent
Austrian effort (which captured 3 Russian guns and
against which a strong local counter-offensive had to be
taken just east of Lokatchi) goes on to tell us of two
actions which clearly prove the presence of considerable
Russian bodies close to Gorokhov upon the main road.
There is mention of a whole regiment in action with
horse artillery — an advance body — an advance body,
therefore, but a considerable one operating at Korytnitzy,
taking prisoners and machine guns. But, what is more
important, there is also a nicntion of another operation
on a rather larger scale at Bojeff near Gorokhov.
itojanow
"^ttgltsh Miles'
they only modify the enemy's front, but down from the
north upon Lemberg they may — improbably — achieve
a true decision.
II
Southern Field of Operations : Gzernowitz
The" next field to which we must turn our attention is
the extreme opposite end of the line : The Bukovina and
its capital, the town of Czernowitz.
The Russians are here making another, southern dent,
corresponding — though much shallower — to the northern
dent, and creating another flank whence the central
positions covering Lemberg and in front of Tarnopol may
be threatened. In a word, they are making one .of those
great salients the "pinching off" of which is the obvious
and only strategy possible in a vast advance of this Sort.
They are doing exactly what the Austro-Germans did
against them last year— but with this difference, that
they are taking more prisoners and are less tied by heavy
artillery, while their opponents have far less space on
which to fall back and are more exhausted in men.
This southern indentation. Ithough far less marked
than the northern one of the Lutsk-Koyel region,
is yet of great importance, and that on account of the
nature of the obstacles here present and of the com-
munications which man has established in the region.
When the Russians began their movement in this
quarter they were planted just south of the Dniester in
the region of Okna and the distance separating their lines
Just outside Gorokhov on the great road between Lutsk
and Lemberg, and about 11 miles from the frontier of
Galicia, a tongue of wood lies across that road, through
which wood the advance column of the Russians was
feeling its way, presumably upon the morning of Sunday
last the i8th. This tongue of wood is called the Wood of
Bojeff from the name of the village standing somewhat
off the road at its southern extremity. It was in this wood
that the Russians took prisoners a whole battalion with
four machine guns. They secured the whole wood ; they
have debouched from it, and the head of their column is
quite probably at the moment of writing in Gorokhov.
The importance of this news lies in the advance it
shows along the main road between Lutsk and the rail-
head at Steojnow and so by road and rail on to Lemberg.
It means that the south-western thrust against the
northern flank of the central Austro-German bulge has
now come very near to its point of trial.
That point of trial, as we have seen, is rumoured to be
a defensive line recently organised and uniting the three
railheads of Vladimir- Volinsky, Sokal and Stojanow.
It is more probably a line covering these three railheads,
but actually lying along the stream of the Luga and carried
eastward and southward till it reaches the ( ialician fron-
tier. Upon their power to force this hne and seriously
to meance the great Austro-German central salient from
its new flank in the north will largely depend the future
success of the Russians in this campaign. For by Kovel
^
i^c
-^■■distriU ^ ^^ 20 MiUs so
from the Carpathian mountains was not fifty miles
across. Czernowitz, the railway junction at this point
(corresponding in importance to Kovel in the north),
was little more than 15 miles away. Yet should they gain
possession of Czernowitz they would have done upon the
south work corresponding to, and as valuable as, the work
in the north. The occupation of the Bukovina and
of its railway centre Czernowitz would place them right
iipon a most vulnerable flank of the great salient.
Southern fialicia is approached from the south by one
main railway line, which forms the lateral communica-
tion for all armies defending it, and which runs from
Czernowitz to I^eniberg, from south-east to north-west.
All the other communications of this district are roughly
parallel to this main line. The other railway, and a
great number of good roads, all follow the same general
8
LAND & WATER
June 22, 1916
idirection and are all of them so many avenues leading
straight up from the south towards Lembcrg.
. Further, there is no natural obstacle covering this
rsouthern flank when once it has been opened. Its true
'boundary and defence is the deep limestone cleft of the
Dniester. Once you hold that, then you hold the Bukovina.
The occupation of Czernowitz (apart from its political
•^effect upon Roumania, of which 1 say nothing) gives one
j^a complete hold of this region on account of the way in
which the railway has been laid down.
The one railway connecting Czernowitz and all its
•junction lines with Lemberg and the north was not
designed for modern defence. There is here one natural
[obstacle, not a very formidable one, the upper waters of
fthe River Pruth.
j So high up in its course this watercourse is fordablc
tin many places, even below Czernowitz. Still, even such
•as it is for a Une of defence, the railway vital to the support
■of Czernowitz makes no use of it ; neither does the great
road. Both of them cross the Pruth just in iront of the
town and proceed on their way to the north (the vulner-
able side) beyond the river.
It was thus an easy matter for the Russians once they
found themselves in a superiority here, to cut off Czerno-
witz before having to force the Pruth.
Once they had occupied Sada Gora and Sniat\ii,
Czernowitz was at their mercy, although the Pruth was not
yet forced. For where the road and the main railway
and the side line from the Carpathians all meet at the
junctioy of Nepolokoutz you can cut the avenues of
supply upon which Czernowitz depends ; and once the
Russians had reached that level in their process of in-
vasion, even before they forced the Pruth river, Czerno-
witz was at their mercy. The enemy rapidly evacuated
it, leaving at the bridge-head north of the river at K a
battalion or two by waj' of rearguard and a few guns.
-Most of this rearguard appears to have fallen prisoners
to the Russians, and Czernowitz was entered upon Satur-
day last, the 17th of June.
The Army of Pflanzer which was operating in the
Bukovina, with Czernowitz as its principal base and witii
the railway from Kolomea as its chief avenue of supply,
was not destroyed by the Russian success. It had the
following fate :
Somewhat over 20,000 men and officers fell into the
hands of the advancng Russians as prisoners : a total loss
of say a third to a quarter of its total effectives. Of
the remamder some considerable fraction was got away
by the main line up through Kolomea before that line
was cut by the Ru.ssians, who, before reaching Sniatyn,
had cut it at Nepolokoutsk. But the greater part of the
remainder seems to have been compelled to fall directly
back along the line which runs south from Czernowitz
along the Roumanian frontier to Dorna Warta.
Some of the published accounts speak as though a
retirement along this line were perilous and its result
doubtful. One cannot tell (without far more details)
whether the Russians have any chance of interfering
with such a retirement, but so far as the mere com-
munications are concerned this railway is ample for the
Austrian purjiose. It is true it goes tlirough a wild, broad
and sparsely inhabited section of the Carpathian Range.
It is also, i believe, true that bcfoi-e the war it was not
linked up with the Hungarian railway on the other
side of the valley over the easy Borgo Pass.
That defect in communications (a gap of 30 odd miles
^but served by an excellent road) has doubtless been
made good since the war. In any case the road and
railway between them would be quite sufficient to keep a
rdrcatinc force supplied even if, as is probable, it stands
upon the northern side of the mountauis. Still more is it
suflicient for permitting a continued retreat if the Austrian
Higher Command should find it necessary to withdraw
the whole of this remnant back into Transylvania, and
send it round by rail to Galicia.
Meanwhile the test of all this southern operation is
Kolomea. If or when the Russians occupy Kolomea (at
least, within a reasonable lapse of time from the present
moment), they will be really threatening in flank any
Austro-German troops still operating upon the central
sector west of the Strypa. For Kolomea commands the
railway over the jablonitza Pass, i.e., the main avenue
of approach from Hungary and Kolomea occupied, all
(ialicia north of it is threatened. It is upon the fate of
Kolomea that we must h.x ourselves in order to judge
the news in this section during the next few days.
Ill
The Central Austro-German Salient
The third sector of the movement concerns .the centre :
Roughly speaking, the positions from near Brody to near
Buczacz covering Lemberg.
Here we must be careful not to fall into an error which
misled opinion not a little when tilings were going against
us on the eastern front, and which may equally mislead
it now that things are going in our favour.
The object of the RussLiin Higher Command, like that of
every other Higher Command in this war, is not to occujjy
territory nor to get " within so many miles of " places in
the newspapers, nor to parade through " conquered "
towns, but to obtain a decision against the opponent :
that is, to put as many as possible of his armed men oiit of
action with the smallest possible expenditure of armed
men upon their own side.
This military object is necessarily common to every
Higher Command in any war, but it is peculiarly true in
this war, and above all in the present critical phase of Ihis
war, that it is the object of the Allied Higher Connuands.
W'ith the Austro-Germans in their present situation ;
with the (lerman temperament what it is ; with the type
of neutral opinion the enemy hopes to affect ; and with
the chance offered him by the baser Press even in the
Allied countries, the mere occupation of territory and the
parading of troops through occupied towns, has got a
certain political value for the enemy's commanders.
■ Strategically they were beaten long ago and they know
it. Therefore, their remaining chance is largely political.
But with the Allies it is just the other way. Strategically,
if we regard them as one indissoluble body, the game is
already theirs and has long been so ; and the one thing
that could imperil their ultimate victory would be allowing
political considerations— the mere retention of a town or
the mere advance over territory — to interfere with their
strategical conceptions.
All talk, therefore, of the Russians " advancing on
Lemberg " ; of our hopes that they will " take " Lem-
berg, etc., of their being " only so many miles from Lem-
berg," are as foolish and beside the nuirk, as the rubbish
about the Germans being " only four miles from the citadal
of Verdun." The Russians are not out to "take"
Lemberg, but to disarm the Austrian forces in as large an
amount as possible.
Now, as we were saying last week, if they could get
round south-westward from the Lutsk region towards
Lemberg. while the Austro-German central forces covering
Lemberg were still engaged far to the east, they would
have a chance of cutting off great bodies of the enemy.
There are two ways of disarming any enemy deployed
m front of you. One is to smash his organisation by a blow,
the other is to envelo)) him so that he surrenders. The
Russians have accomplished a part, but only a part ol
their task in the first method. Their great blow has put
out of action certainly more than one-third of the Austro-
Germans between the Marshes and the Roumanian
frontier, perhaps nearer one-half. But they have not
destroyed the organisation in front of them any more than
the enemy destroyed the Russian organisation in his great
advance last year. To do that they must somew^ierc try
and envelop. The capture of the Bukovina (and
Czernowitz means that) puts them upon one flank of the
mam Austro-German forces in the centre. An advance
southward and westward from the region of Lutsk
June 22, 1916
LAND & WATER
would put them upon the other flank. Were their victories
to the north and the south sufficiently rapid and the
retirement of the Austro-Gerraans in the centre suffi-
ciently tardy, the result would be a great decision. The
Austro-German forces of the centre would be destroyed.
The chances of obtaining such a great decision in this
region and at this moment, are odds against. And that
for this reason : That whereas the Austro-German armies
of the centre have a mass of excellent roads and three
railway lines whereby to retire towards the region of
Lemberg and reduce their salient, the Russians, though
well provided with communications upon their southern
(lank have upon tlieir northern flank in the Lutsk region
poor communications.
But it may be asked why in any case are the Austro-
Germans thus fighting so hard in the central section and
holding in the hill country near Jezierna, north-west of
Tarnopol ; in the hill country just west of the Strypa and
so south to the Dniester ? Why, especially, are they
putting so great an 'effort forward in the region of
Jezierna towards Tarnopol, if this standing out eastward
in the centre, while the Russians advance westward
above and behind them, puts them in peril ?
The answer to that question is the old answer. When
you are pressed upon your flanks, you have, if j'^ou are in
sufficient force, a chance of breaking the enemy's centre.
If we regard the Austro-German effort in front of Tarnopol
as a " holding up " of the Russian advance, we have got
the situation absolutely topsj'^-turv}-. It is the Austro-
(lermans who are here attacking and the Russians,
deliberately less strong here than on the two wings, that
are holding tip the attack.
The situation of this central portion at the moment of
writing would seem to be as follows :
Beginning at Radzivilov on the frontier and upon the
main road and railway between Lemberg and Dubno
(which was occupied by the Russians some days ago) , this
front crosses the frontier somewhere near Popovce,
covers, I think (but I am not certain) Zalosce — and then
cuts the main Tarnopol-Lemberg road and railway in the
hill country just east of Jezierna. It crosses the
secondary railway from Tarnopol to Lemberg due south
of the point where it crosses the main railway ; then
runs along the Upper Strypa Valley upon its eastern side,
I think (at the moment of writing), crossing the stream
rather less than half-way down its length. The line
runs up the west side of the Strypa along the watershed
to the east of Podhajce and so down to the Dniester,
which stream it strikes somewhere quite close to the
Strypa mouth.
From this description two points will be apparent.
First, that the Austro-German central advance sector,
the front of the big salient which the Russians have forced
upon them, is very straight, running almost exactly along
the 23rd degree of eastern longitude from Greenwich.
Secondly, that there has been no conspicuous Russian
advance here south of the Jezierna region. There has
been a certain advance, especially in the effort of Buczacz,
but elsewhere, as for instance in the neighbourhood of
Tarnopol, there has been hardly any movement at all.
But, as I have said, the right way to look at the thing
is to conceive of it as an enemy thrust against the
Russian centre which the Russians are holding up while
they try to get round the flanks. So long as it is held up
we need not bother about the strength of Bothmer who
commands here. The longer he stays so far forward
the better for the Allied plan. But, unfortunatel3%
whenever he chooses to fall back he has ample oppor-
tunities, no less than three railway lines and a whole
network of good roads upon a front of only sixty miles.
THE TRENTINO FRONT
There is nothing to ?.dd this week so far as the news
reaching London upon Tuesday afternoon advances us
with regard to the position upon the Trentino front.
The rim of the Asiago plateau is held thoroughly by the
Italians and our Allies have begun local counter-offensives
as well. Austria has not attained to the possession of
any one of the main roads essential to ? further develop-
men-t of their plan. They are thoroughly held upon the
Brenta and the Adige, which valleys would give them,
could they force them, a continuous railway each as well
as a road. They ha\-c not e\Tn been able to peach the
*^;?^
*^^^i^^
IX
XRadzivlloff
'^Zalosce
I
CZERNOWI':
I
secondary avenue of communications which is afforded
by the road from Rovereto to Schio.
The Italians have now thoroughly identified the whole
of the Austrian effectives acting between Arsiero and
the Brenta : that is, the units now used in the most active
fighting, excluding those that are held up in the Brenta
and Adige valley, and those massed against the Posina
Ridge and in the" Vallarsa. These units total 15 brigades,
of which six, if I am not mistaken, are mountain troops.
■ The Italian local counter-offensi\es obtained their first
successes on the evening of the 5th of June, a fortnight
ago, during the storm which marked that night. These
successes took the form of pushing the Austrians down
the northern slope of the rim bounding the upland plateau
-,in that portion of the rim lying west of the Astico. East
of the Astico the Austrians had the day before mastered
the Cengio mountain, and occupied all the Pass leading
down to Cogollo, as we have said. There must, therefore,
ha\e been a very critical moment upon that Sunday and
for a few days following, but at the end of the week an
Italian counter-offensive recovered the ravine and all the
south-eastern slopes of the Cengio. In other words, the
issue from the plateau down to the plain .and the railway
was blocked by the Italian counter-offensives a week ago.
Going further eastward the Austrians in the neighbour-
hood of Asiago claimed, on the 7th of June, the foothill
Lamerle which overlooks the Plain of Asiago by about
700 feet. This claim was part of the general policy of the
enemy dictated from Berlin, whereby, for some reason best
known to themselves, the enemy announces the occupa-
tion of a position which he either has not yet reached, or
will never reach. At anv rate, the Lamerle hill was not
carried upon that Wednesday the 7th of June. They were
still fighting for it three days later upon the lotli, and
upon that da^' the Italian brigade of Forli, which is com-
posed of the 43rd and 44th regiments of the line, counter-
attacked and drove the Austrians with the bayonet down
such part of the hill as they had already occupied.
Further to the east again the effort of the Austrians to
obtain the Brenta at Valstanga, the most important
effort of all, was also heavily pushed upon that same day,
Wednesday, the 7th of June. A brigade of Southern
Sla\'s was thrown into the action ; the 2nd regiment from
Bosnia and the 22nd from Gratz. They carried the
Meletta and the next day the mountain called Castel-
gomberto, but there the advance stopped. There has
been, if anything, a slight Italian readvance in this
neighbourhood and particularly at the top of the Val
Frenzela. " H. Belloc,
10
LAND & WATER
June 22, 191G
" Your Splendid Work"
By Arthur Pollen
IT must be some time before Sir John Jellicoe's Jut-
land dispatih reaches the AdmiraUy. For the oper-
ations involved a fleet five times as numerous as that
which Nelson commanded at Trafalgar, and the
lighting extended over an area more than a hundred
limes greater. As contact was made with von Hipper
at 2.20 and the chase was not abandoned till between three
and four on the following morning, the mmiber and length
of narratives to be written, examined and collated,
imix)ses a long and difficult task both on the Admirals
and Captains engaged, and finally on the Commander-in-
C hief and his staff. And pending the receipt of the dis-
patch, it is natural enough that there should have been
no official statement made by the Admiralty, nor any
further information published other than flat denials
of certain German inventions. The section of the public,
therefore, that is anxious to form right conclusions about
naval events has had to look to contributions and corres-
pondence of specialists for further light upon the many
problems this great battle has set for solution. An ex-
tremely interesting correspondence has been running in
the columns of the Times, and many professional judg-
ments have reached us from seamen in foreign countries.
What is perhaps their most noticeable feature is the
contrast between the unhesitating verdict of the foreign
experts and the somewhat diffident criticisms of
native controversialists. Is it a becoming modesty that
explains the difference in the British attitude ? There
are, of course, exceptions. Sir Cyprian Bridge, for ex-
ample, does not hesitate to describe the tactics of the
battle-cruiser fleet as perhaps the most brilliant re-
corded in naval liistory. He perceives that these tactics
were exactly designed to make possible that which actu-
allv occurred, namely, the intervention of the (irand Fleet
in a fashion that was as masterly as it was decisive.
There is no closer student of naval history or naval science
than Admiral Bridge, and he would not speak as positi\'ely
as this if he were not e.xceedingly sure of his ground. It
is a real pleasure to record his concurrence in the \icw
expressed in these columns a fortnight ago.
The more doubtful attitude taken by other writers
seems to me to arise from two things. First, the original
impression made by the Admiralty communique was that
the action had been indecisive. And in spite of the clearer
\ision that should have come with time, some writers,
more bv accident than by intention I think, have said
things that tend to perpetuate this illusion. Admiral
Henderson, for instance, in calling attention to what I
believe to be the second reason for confused judgment —
namely, the fact that the main forces on both sides were
widely separated — has likened the engagement to that of
Mathews off Toulon in 1744. Apart from the bare fact
that the British forces were divided on both occasions,
there is manifestly no parallel at all. But it has misled
others, notably Mr. Leyland, who reminds us that the
majority of naval actions have been indecisive, as if
the Battle of Jutland were a case in point. Surely
nothing more decisive than the recent battle can well be
imagined. One of the most distinguished of German
admirals, the President of the German Naval League, von
Koester, is clearly under no illu.sions whatever on this
point. For speaking at a meeting of that extremely
combatant body on Sunday last in Berlin, he explained
that the ta.sk before the German Fleet was to protect
Germany against enemy attacks, to keep open the ocean
thoroughfares, to destroy the enemy's trade, and in the
highest degree damage the enemy in revenge for his
efforts to starve Germany. What more damning com-
ment on the Kaiser's claim to a sea victory could be
uttered ? His audience must have been rudely disil-
lusioned. For protecting Germany against hostile attack
has only one meaning. It is to forbid the use of the sea
to the enemy as a line of communication for his invading
forces, and it is immaterial whether the attack comes
tlurough France, or directly through a point seized on the
German coast. But since the second week in August, KJ14,
the British Army has been transported over the sea for the
attack of Germany without, so far as is known, the loss
of a single transport, though their numbers have been
incalculable. This part, then, of the German Fleet's task
has never been attempted. And the ocean thoroughfares
were closed before the first transport was sent ! Not
since the 6th August has a German ship from overseas
entered a German port. The third division of its duties
has, it is true, been essayed. I'ifty-six British ships were
captured or sunk by surface craft in the short five months
before the last of the fugitive German cruisers was run
down and sunk off Juan Fernandez. The talc of sub-
marine success was longer — but so discreditable that it
had to be abandoned in the face of the protests from the
civilised world. The last of von Koester 's catagories
is really the most interesting^ — to do the " utmost damage
to the enemy." Apart from the submarine campaign,
how has the Germany Navv sought to discharge this
duty ?
And first, we must realise that our Battle Cruiser
Fleet stands in a relation to the Grand Fleet that has no
parallel on the German side. The Grand Fleet without
Sir David Beatty was undoubtedly superior in strength
to the united German Fleet. We then could afford the
luxury of division ships faster than the rest, because their
fitness to "lie in the line" was sacrificed to speed.
But the enemy was in a different case. It should
long since have been recognised that as navies only
exist to win or dispute the command of the sea, and
that as command follows the victory of the main
force of one side over the main force of the other,
Germany in setting up a navy .should have concentrated
her effort on producing the greatest amount of lighting
force that her financial and other sacrifices would give
her. Up to the completion of the Lutzow and the last
of the Koenigs the big ship navy that Germany had
actually built for herself consisted of six battle cruisers
and 17 battleships. Why did she build battle-cruisers ?
Battleships v. Battle-cruisers
Writing immediately after Sir David Bcatty's pursuit
of von Hipper in 1915, I pointed out that the most
serious of Germany's naval mistakes was her failure to
realise that no naval forces except those capable of dis-
puting command with our main forces could be of the
slightest use to her. The armoured cniiser Blucchcr
and her six battle cruisers can hardly have cost her less
than ^^14,000,000 sterling. This is a sum that would have
produced at least seven battleships, of which five could
have been ready at the outbreak of war. Had they been
ready, Germany might have had 21 or 22 Dreadnoughts
in commission in August, 1914, at a time when we had
only 20 in the Grand Fleet I She seems to have built
these battle cruisers for the curious reason given by von
Koester, namely as instruments of revenge — engines of
f rightfulness, like Zeppelins and submarines, that could
wound the British even if useless for conquering them.
Their whole employment from the beginning of the war
has been consistent with tliis theory, and it was an em-
ployment that on every occasion risked their existence.
No doubt the extreme care with which the several raids
on Yarmouth, Scarborough and then Lowestoft were
arranged, reduced those risks to a minimum. But the
risk was there and had it materialised should have been
fatal. But for an accident to Lion the adventure of
January 24th must certainly have been fatal.
The German disposition at Jutland risked them once
more, and this time quite fatally. They were risked
because it was the essence of the German plan to fight a
partial action^ — useless if it succeeded, ruinous if
it failed. If three are destroyed, von Hipper's squadron,
as a squadron, ceases to exist, even if the Hindenbcrg
is finally commissioned and got ready for action.
But. the point to bear in mind is this, was there
something in the type that made this riskHng of the
June 22. 1916
LAND 8c W A T E R
11
squadron inevitable ? The German could see nothing
in speed but the capacity to strike a blow and run
away before the counter -stroke could fall. It is a
fatal misreading of theory. The value of speed in a
fighting imit is proportioned not to its actual pace, but
to the effectiveness of the lighting power that the speed
delivers at the decisive point. If it dehvcrs the striking
force at an indecisive point — namely, to bombard bathing
machines — speed is a deception. It only helps you to
nm away. It is the strategy of the gutter snipe. It is
not magnificent ; neither is it war. But I am not at all
certain that it is not failure to appreciate this curious
(ierman perversion of sea doctrine, that explains much
of the recent criticism of British strategy and tactics.
The King's Verdict
But whatever the origin of our doubts the time has
surely come now when they can be laid to rest. Though
we have not Sir John Jellicoe's dispatch, though the
Admiralty is still silent, we have yet in the past week had
one judgment on the battle — namely, the King's —
which has a value quite apart from the fact that it is
expressed after the fullest information that anyone can
possess, and is the judgment of one trained "to dis-
passionate impartiality. For in naval matters the King
speaks witli an authority that is something more than
Royal. All his early life was spent under the White
Ensign, and since he relinquished active service in the
ileet his interest in naval science has been as profound
and sustained as his training was thorough. When
then he has visited both sections of the British fleet,
and expresses his judgment at the end of it, it is
something more than phrases of ceremony that we hear.
" Unfavourable weather conditions," His Majesty says,
" and approaching darkness, prevented that complete
result wliich you all expected. But you did all that was
possible in the circumstances. You drove the enemy
into his harbours and inflicted on him very severe losses
and you added another page to the glorious traditions of
the British navy.
You could do no more, and /or your splendid work I
thank you."
Especially important are these words from the fact
that the King himself adopts what those who had any
belief in the navy might have guessed for themselves
to be the true reason why the " major portion " — as the
secretary of the Marincamt modestly said — of the
(ierman forces regained their ports. His Majesty is
-atisfied that it was only the ill fortune of a falling fog
ihat saved the German battle fleet. Some critics have
urged us not to excuse our ill success by pleading ill luck.
Not this way, they teh us, lies the road to victory. But
the manly thing is, seeing things as they are, totell the
truth about them. And the truth of the "battle of Jutland
is simple. Had the mist not intervened ten minutes after
the Grand Fleet came into action, the German fleet,
instead of being only defeated, demoralised and damaged,
would have been utterly destroyed.
The Fruit of Victory
There is some disappointment that our victory has
not yet resulted in some development palpably
favourable to the Allied cause. As to this, two things
may be said. First, there is nothing we can do now to
embarrass our enemy that we have not always, since
the first day of war, been perfectly free and able to do.
Secondly, our disappointment is nothing at all compared
with that of the Germans — who also, it must be remem-
bered, have won the same battle. And now we should not
have long to wait for the fruits of victory. For no less a
person than Mr. Balfour has said that it is open to us to
draw the lines of our blockade with greater stringency.
It is a thing that certainly can be done with advantage.
And if Mr. Balfour insists, it will be done. But need we
have waited till we had beaten the German Fleet before
doing everything that was possible ? As the American
Note, pnblished last Monday, reminds us, we are not
pretending to blockade even now. If a naval victory
inspires the First Lord of the Admiralty to egg on the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to a bolder course it
will advance the final victory materially. But I must insist
that it is not the military results of the Battle of Jutland
that will have made the more effective policy possible.
If the more effective policy follows, it will show that, for
us, the moral effects of victory have been more im-
portant.
It has been understood that we have hesitated to
use our sea power to the full, because it seemed better
that the enemy should be rcvictualled than the neutrals
offended. If the battle has sent down German stock
and made ours soar, if it has turned the Foreign Office
and the Quai d'Orsay into departments of war instead of
conciliation, then we must expect great things to happen.
There is nothing in Mr. Lansing's Note about the mails
to make our statesmen pause if they are really contem-
plating drastic action. For Mr. Lansing — -who wrote,
remember, before the decisive battle was fought — in
admitting the belligerent right to verify the bonii fides
of all mail packets, as he does, brings back the actual
discussion to what is the main point in all the previous
American Notes, namely, the loss and annoyance which
neutrals suffer, not from our right, but from our
actual methods of exercising it. America has not yet
admitted, and it is supposed will not admit, that ships
with the hold-capacity of those of to-day simply cannot
be searched at sea. When I say that they cannot, I do
not mean that it is literally impossible, because if there was
no other way of doing it, the investigation would have to
be made, and made if necessary, in mid ocean. But it
can only be done at an inconvenience to all concerned, at
a loss of time infinitely greater than is caused by taking
ships into port. There is besides the risk from sub-
marines, which would be greater for the neutral ship
under examination than for the cruiser ; for the cruiser
will be armed. The issue between the Allies and the
United States is not then really the sanctity of the mails
any more than the real issue over the so-called blockade
is our right to prevent goods from reaching Germany
imder the admirable American doctrine of the " con-
tinuous voyage." The issue is whether making neutral
ships enter British ports to be searched is a justifiable
application to changed conditions of rules that, though
constantly questioned, were firmly established under the
old conditions. No doubt this controversy presents
serious difficulties and must be conducted on the Allies'
side with skill and tact if strained relations with America
are to be avoided. For strained relations — especially
at election times — are quite conceivable even when there
is no issue so paramount as questions of life and death,
justice and humanity. On all such matters the record
of the Allies is absolutely clean. So far as we are con-
cerned the freedom of the seas from murder, torture, and
outrage has been absolute. That in hitting at our enemy
we have caused some neutrals severe damage to trade and
property, it would be idle to dispute. But other neutrals
— and of the same nationality as the sufferers from our
interference — have done astonishingly well out of the Allies.
Our command of the sea has created for the United States
a foreign trade prodigious beyond all precedent and
lucrative beyond all belief. If the total losses suffered by
America are balanced against the total American profit,
the net gain — which the citizens of the United States owe
to the effective protection that the British Navy extends
over their export trade — will be recognised as one of the
most astounding of all the features of a war, each of whose
features is without precedent. The present controversy
is hardly one over which the pubhc will have to alarm
itself, unless indeed, it becomes the interest of one of
the contesting parties in America to make election capital
out- of it. But as both Republicans and Democrats are
commending their candidate on a programme of peace with
honour, it seems unlikely that it would be the business of
either to make a fighting issue of the war.
Submarines Again ?
There is far more likelihood that Germany will take
advantage of the enthusiastic pacifism of the candidates
to revive the submarine attack on British and neutral
shipping. Von Koester and the Freisinnigc openly
urge it. Indeed an attack of sorts on neutral shipping
has already begun. Two Norwegian steamers were sunk
by submarine on June 9th off the coast of Holland.
One paper says six have been sunk in June. The Orkedal
was bound from Rosario to Aalborg with a cargo of maize.
Nothing more neutral can well be imagined. She had
12
LAND & ^\• A T E R
June 22, 1916
not apparcntlv touched at a British port and the destruc-
tion oft the Dutch coast seems t() have been purely wanton.
No warning was given and the crew were left to shift for
themselves. The Bure bound from London to Christiania,
was also sunk without warning and one of the crew was
killed. One British steamer the Elmgrove was sub-
marined earlier in the month, and the Dalcj^arth on the
eve of the battle, but we have no infomuition as to
where these outrages took place.
On the other hand, attacks on trading vessels in the
Mediterranean appear to have slacked off the last
fortnight. The almost complete stoppage of attacks
here and their recrudescence in the North Sea are puzzling
phenomena. Has America intervened, and have the
Austrian and German submarines in the Mediterranean
conformed to the conditions imposed on (iermany in
May ? Or have the measures we have concerted with
France and Italy, for extirpating the undersea pest,
proved effective ? Are the attacks on the Elmgrove,
Orkedal and Bure in the North Sea indicative of a Cicrman
intention to revive the attack in home waters ? For the
moment, we simply do not know. But, as was pointed
out in these columns when Berlin gave the undertaking
on May 4th, it was one that would only be kept so long
as Germany is afraid of American intervention. Indeed,
one of the embarrassments that the claim to victory
on May 31st has brought on the German Government is
that it is urged by the Jingoes to revive the submarine
war ! Do the Presidential election and the imminence
of trouble in Mexico afford the opportunity ?
Perhaps the only immediate result of the Jutland
battle has been that the Allied Powers have at last had
the courage to bring naval pressure to bear on Greece.
The position there is no doubt obscure. But if, as seems
probable, the Greek Government is being bullied by
(icrman agents into unfriendly courses, the remedy is in
our hands! Greece depends on the sea for a great deal
more 'than her food. Her shipping is at once the most
important and most lucrative part of her wealth, and
Athens is the only European capital that can be reached
by gunfire from the sea. There is not evidence enough
yet to- say whether the recent skirmish off the Swedish
coast — when a few Russian destroyers sank and drove
ashore some German transports and scattered their armed
escorts — is another by-product. Nothing is more pro-
bable than that the Germans have been compelled to
call in their light craft from the Baltic, for the excellent
reason that they are no longer able to support them.
There is indirect evidence that this must be so, for the
])ress of Berlin has been clamourous as to similar measures
liaving been taken, by the British Admiralty. How
driven these gentry are for proofs of their victory is
evidenced by the reception they have given to one of
the most interesting examples of public spirit that we
have seen during this war. In the course of the last week
three admirals. Sir George ligerton, Sir Frederick Ingle-
field, and Sir Arthur Farquhar have retired to make room
for the promotion of younger men to flag rank. Their
example has been followed by no less than three captains,
promoted to rear-admiral's rank in consequence' of
vacancies so created. In addition, Rear-Adniirals
Hood and Arbnthnot and Captain Sowerby have died
th^ death of heroes — so that there have been many
vacancies to fill. Several very distinguished officers
thus reach the rear-admiral's list, the most conspicuous
amongst them being Commodore William (ioodcnough.
The German papers represent these retirements and
promotions as proof of the drastic changes in the
" higher command of the British Navy," that the
Admiralty has recognised as necessary in consequence of
the disasters that befell us on the 31st May. It is a
statement on a par with the suggestion that the British
Navy is capable of picking up a German torpedo, adapting
it to a British torpedo tube, and of firing it — all in less
than a week — -from some invisible craft at a stationary
Dutch liner, so as to bring the Germans into trouble !
Statements as foolish as these are usually associated
with nurseries and asylums. Artiuk Pollhn
[Mr. Pollen's article in our last isst4e 'das submitted in
the oidinarv course to the Press Bureau, but the Censor's
corrections were only received just before we went to press.
Consequently Afr. Pollen had no time to revise the article
and there was an inevitable interruption in the argu-
ment. It has happened to a less extent again this week.]
Italian Artists and the War
GERM.VNV is engaged in a war by land and sea,
and the Allies are determined that it shall end,
when it does end, in her defeat. Thereafter, we
are told a new war of trade and commerce will
begin, wherem Germany counts on success. We merely
record this fact and express no opinion. But there is yet
another war in progress; the full effect of which can only
be guessed at, though Ciermany has already realized the
danger. It is war by the cartoonists of whom Rae-
maekers is the protagonist. Go this week to the Leicester
(ialleries in Leicester Square and* see the pitiless satire
in which Italian painters have depicted for all time the
barbarities, falsehoods, heartless cruelty and carnage
of (iermanv. How can Kultur withstand these attacks ?
Will Gennans ever be able to hold up their heads again
in the face of these pictures ? It seems impossible.
In the far galler},' there are some wonderful paintings
of warfare on the High Alps. For the first time many
a Briton who gazes on these pictures will realise the
titanic difficulties which the Italian army have had to
overcome. Ludovico Pogliaghi, a well-known Italian
painter, was the only artist permittted to visit the Army
that is fighting among the Dolomites ; he has made good
use of his opportunity. The effect is most impressive,
and after looking on his work one comes away with a
new sense of the stupendous efforts which our brave
Italian .Ally is making in the common cause. On page
i() of this issue we reproduce two photographs of these
glorious paintings, which are executed entirely in grey
tones : this tends to augment the grandeur of the scenery
and to emphasise the perils of the snowy mountains.
In this issue Mr. Will Irwin, the distinguished American
war correspondent, describes the .•\lpine fighting, and
the.se pictures illustrate and elucidate his article.
In reviewing this exhibition we refrain purposely from
dealing with it merely from the point of art. Splendid
though the art is, it takes a secondary position to the
jjolitical influence which these pictures must exert for all
time. Horrible are'many of them, with a hauntingV.iorror, as
for instance the Lusitania. The ship sinks on the horizon ;
the Kaiser wades to land pursued by a shoal of jelly-fish,
the body of each fish, a skull, and the soft tentacles cling
round liis ankles. Here one recognises a vital present-
ment of the Lusitania crime ; never until the S2a gives
up its dead will the Kaiser be able to free his name
from that despicable murder. There is grim humour in
(iolia's caricature of King Constantine, who holding his
Queen in his arms cries piteously to the Entente Powers'
" You have taken Salonika, you have taken my country,
O. why don't you take my wife too ? " Golia, all of
whose cartoons are striking, is the editor of the satirical
journal, // Numcro. published in Turin ; before war was
declared he was threatened personally by the German
Colony for his daring work. An even more famous
journalist and cartoonist is Galantara, who attacked
the Middle Europe Powers so scathingly in the Roman
journal L'Asino, that he was prosecuted by the German
and Austrian Embassies. The prosecution, needless to
say, fell to the ground when war opened. The cartoon
which led to this diplomatic attempt to suppress the
powerful art of Galantara is exhibited here — No. 124.—
The Two Butchers. It is not a pretty picture ; it expresses
an awful truth in terrible fashion.
This extraordinary power of expression is a distinctive
attribute of these Italian cartoonists. No matter whether
their work is pathetic or humorous, pitiful or brutal, it
clutches the mind with a new force ; the deed it represents
is visualised henceforth in the form of the ' painting.
They enter into the soul of things, and for this reason
their work is endurable. Is it pure chance that no great
cartoonist has arisen to defend German methods of
warfare, but that all have concurred in denouncing them
to the full strength of their powers ? May we not rather
see in this the truth that art is on the side of ri.t^hteous-
ness, and that we may ever rely on its support in those
things which make for the right advance of civilisation
and the true progress of mankind. It is impossible to
believe that thelKaiser would ever have dared to advocate
" f rightfulness," had he the least idea that the abomina-
tion he let loose would haunt the picture galleries of
Europe for all time. This is to be his punishment on
earth, a hell of his own making.
June 22, 1916
LAND & WATER
13
Germany's Mistakes
2, — Political
By Colonel Feyler
[In the preceding article. Colonel Feyler, the well-
known military critic of the "Journal dc Geneve."
began an examination of the mistakes which, in his
opinion, will lead to the defeat of Germany. He
divided these mistakes into three classes — srategical,
political and moral — and in his first article published
two weeks ago, lie confined, himself to the strategical.
He field it ivas a serious blunder for Germanv to cross
to thi left bink of the Meuse, i.e., to im'ade Belgium.
It wasted valuable time, unduly extended the front
and increased the lines of communication through an
enemy country. Another serious mistake was the blind-
rush forward between Paris and Verdun that preceded
ifie battle of the Marne. In this article Colonel
Feyler passes on to Germany's political mistakes]
HAVING in the preceding article discussed tlie
strategical and tactical mistakes which have
seemingly been committed by the German
Armies, we may now amplify our conclusions
by a study of the political mistakes committed by the
German Government.
Having to fight on two diametrically opposite fronts,
Germany, for very good reasons, resolved at first to
stand on the defensive in the East and to put forward
all her effort in the West. Military and geographical
conditions, to say notlnng of the help of Austria-Hungar3-,
favoured such a course ; whilst the latter looked after
the South, the Germans merely had to consider the
northern part of the R^issian front, where territorial
conclitions in East Prusna gave excellent defensive
facilities to troops who had been thoroughly trained in
that district. A very small proportion of the active
forces sufficed to form the kernel of defence in the East,
whilst almost the whole active army could be hurled at
the French.
Numerical Superiority
Germany was thus in marked numerical superiority on
the Western front. Of the twenty- two active corps of
France, three at least were immobilised in watching Italy,
namely the 14th and 15th in the Alps and the 19th in
North Africa, for although not directly participating
in the war, Germany could count on Italy's attitude
having a hampering effect on France. Some troops
also would have to be left for the policing of Paris and
the army of occupation in Morocco could only be with-
drawn slowly, if at all. Germany could count on a
specially speedy advance, thanks to the faultless regu-
larity of her railways and to the minutely organised
perfection of those elements of her army that worked
behind the actual firing line, both of which are factors of
capital importance to a speedy mobilisation and con-
centration.
Whereas the Great General Staff was under no illu-
sion as to the German power in these matters, it fell into
a complete error as regards Italy, where German diplo-
macy showed an unexampled failure. Italy was not
long in realising that her partners in the Triple Alliance
had not met their engagements towards her, and conse- .
quently felt herself released from her engagements towards
them. Italian public opinion, too, showed in no uncertain
manner, not only its repugnance to fight on the side of
Austria, but a distinct hope of the collapse of that Power,
thus enabling the French General Staff to bring into
use, without much hesitation, the army of the Alps as
well as the African troops. This constituted a second
blow to Germany's original plans.
The passage to the left bank of the Meuse — in fact, the
invasion of any part of Belgium — seems to have provided
yet another blow. Its effects were threefold, namely, a
decrease in the superiority of numbers, a loss of time,
and an indication to the Allies of the enemy's plan.
Notwithstanding, one is tempted to believe that this
plaii was not too evident to the French ; of course, this
is mere hypothesis, as we know too little of their initial
concentration and subsequent movements to be able
to form more than a vague impression. The impression
remains, however, that the French attributed to this
movement too little importance ; they seem to have
anticipated the enemy's main attack cast of the Meuse.
Furthermore, their offensives in Alsace and in Lorraine
lead one to believe that their concentration and deploy-
ment were not carried out against the enemy's principal
effort. In consequence, the loss of time on the German
side was of less advantage to the French than might have
been the case, although this loss was immediately
apparent in the delay to the armies of Lorraine and
Luxembourg, which were obliged to wait for the arrival
into line of their marching wing ; whereas more weight
was given to the French oftcnsive in Lorraine which
helped to attenuate the violence of the enemy's attack.
The Belgian Army
The damage done to the German plans through the
upsetting of the balance of numbers was, on the other
hand, immediate and marked. The German Staff had
thrown the whole Belgium Army into the arms of the
Allies, thus giving the latter 150,000 unexpected rein-
forcements, and even incurring losses in that same act.
The most signilicant point is the ignorance manifested
by the German Staff of the technical and moral value
of its new enemy : notwithstanding the undoubted
superiority in military education of the German soldier
as compared Mith the Belgian, it was necessary to detach
considerable forces to deal with the latter, who even then
succeeded finally in making good his escape.
As a last consequence, and a consequence that proved
the -third and most serious blow to the Austro-German
plans, this act procured for France, over and above
Italy's neutrality and Belgium's Army, the formidable
assistance of Great Britain. The German Staff were
highly indignant and poured forth all the vials of their
wrath against the English.
Surely this was puerile : they had better reserved
their indignation for themselves, for all the evidence
.goes to prove that they alone were responsible for throw-
ing away, one after another, their best trump-cards. It
was not upon England's advice that Italy gave France
a free hand in the Alps. I venture to think 'that this
result was rather due to the Emperor William's pro-
clamation of his intention to establish a German world-
hegemony ; and if the German generals resolved to
violate Belgian neutrality without regard to the attitude
of England, surely the fault lies not at England's door.
Britain's Intervention
In effect, Great Britain's intervention did not at the
outset seriously disturb the numerical balance, for General
French's Army was not strong in numbers and does not
seem to have arrived in line until the last moment. It
constituted none the less a heavy blow to Germany's
plans.
It will be observed that all these circumstances, which
disturbed the original German plan of campaign by
minimising their initial preponderance in numbers, were
ultimately due to political blunders, that is so say to
German diplomatic defeats, and that every political
trump thrown away by Germany was a strategical
trump gained by her enemies.
The results can after all not be totally surprising.
Germany's enemies blame her chiefly for hei: " militarist "
government, upon which they throw the responsibility
for the present world-conflict. History must be left
to prove how much or how little this charge is founded,
but it can be taken for granted that the diplomatic
defeats as above enumerated were chiefly suffered as a
result of subordinating diplomatic questions to the
strategical necessities of the General Staff rather than to
the dictates of Higher Policy. To this extent, therefore.
Government was certainly under the guidance of the
General Staff, and it' was an essentially defective guidance.
14
LAND & WATER
June 22, 1916
The Adventures of Richard Hannay
By S. P. B. Mais
" It's awful Jun : you just indulge- the pleasure of your
heart, that's all, no trouble, no strain, no writing, just drive
along as the words come and the pen ivill scratch."
- -RonKRT I.oris Sri- vr:\S()x. apropos of " Treasure
Island.
THERE is more than a little of the spirit of
Stevenson in all Mr. Buchan's novels, and \vc
can imagine him saying, after writing The
Thirty-Nine Steps, just what Stevenson said on
completing Treasure Island. We do desire books of
adventure, romances, but no man will write them for us.
It must be " awful fun " to sit down and indulge the
]ilcasure of your heart for once without thought of
accuracy and imagine yourself suddenly caught up in a
whirlwind of adv'entnre, deciphering codes which will
disc:lose diabolic Teuton plots directed against the heart
of England, running wildly from a relentless foe who
dogs your steps o'er crag and fen, o'er moor and torrent
with aeroplane and motor car, whose secret agents seek
to decoy you into lonesome places so that they may do
you to death, running your head into the craftily con-
cealed noose only to escape by a fraction of a second
with your life and more valuable information.
What does hfe hold in store more ecstatic than those
moments when you confront and even converse amicably
with those who are moving heaven and earth to find you
in the guise of a Scots roadmcnder ?
Mr. Buchan is a wizard with his pen, and what is more
a Scots wizard. He makes you scent again the in-
vigorating winds of the Highlands, he takes you back in
the spirit to those blue-tinted mountains which even we
iminiaginative Sassenachs cannot resist peopling with
Brownies and Pixies, his word-pictures make you thrill
just in the same way that the sound of the pipes played
on the far side of a lone loch make you thrill ; in a word, he
takes you right out of yourself so that your overstrained,
overtired body at last begins to take rest and your soul
is soothed as if with the touch of some cool, loving, un-
seen hand.
We shall not easily forget that day when we first lighted
on the initial instalment of The Thirty-Nine Steps in
" Blackwood's " or " Maga," as its lovers more commonly
call it. Who on earth was " H. de V." ? In three minutes
v/e were enthralled, in five we had forgotten war, the call of
dinner, the work that shrieked to be done, our wives and
famihes, our debts and duties, our multifarious troubles
. . all the cankers and cares of a weary world :
we had become one with that ardent traveller Richard
Hannay, who was so bored by the monotony of London
that he gave half-a-crown to a beggar because he yawned.
We were back in the golden clays of youth, the time
when we lay flat on the furze-clad Devon cliffs, over-
looking the red loam and the sky-blue sea with our much
be-thumbcd and battered but never-sufliciently-to-be-
read copy of Treasure Island in front of us, dreaming of
pirates and Black Dog, of the Black Spot and John
Silver, of " pieces of eight " and a derelict ship while the
waves lapped the golden sands far below to the never-
ceasing tune of " Yo-ho-ho and a bottle of rum." Seldom
indeed is it given to us to recapture even for a fleeting
instant the first fine careless rapture of childhood's days ;
but the more we strive to attain this happiness the more
elusive it becomes. John Buchan in The Thirty-Nine
Steps succeeds as no writer of romance has ever succeeded.
All too soon was the deUcious morsel finished : the
Editors of Ma^a had whet our appetite : we could
scarcely beheve it possible that we must wait for 31 days
before we could hope for another taste of this gorgeous
story. Wc thought seriously of writing to the author
imploring him to have mercy upon us and relieve us of
our anxiety about Scudder and the Black Stone and the
meaning of all those cryjitic phrases which had caused
us shivers even to the very marrow. But no : that would
not be playing the game : we had let ourselves in for this
agony of expectation and we must wait.
The second and third instalments at last came after an
age of scarcely bearable length, and we could be seen
with our ejcs glued to the printed page, turning over as
if our own fate were to be sealed on the first line of the
succeeding one. How the very titles of the chapters
roused us to wild anticipation, " The Man Who Died,"
" The Adventure of the Literary Innkeeper," " The
Adventure of the Radical Candidate," " The Adventure
of the Spectacled Roadman." " The Adventure of the
Bald Archccologist," " The Coming of the Black Stone"
. . . and not one of them but far exceeded our most
sanguine hopes.
Before the war we gave scant attention to any but
the problem novels. We revelled in the artistry of
Gilbert Cannan, Hugh Walpole, Arnold Bennett, Compton
Mackenzie, D. H. Laurence, and all the host of younger
novelists who were all out to smash contemporary tradi-
tions, iconoclasts who sought to make us see that our
gods were mere tinsel, our conception of love senti-
mentality and only a travesty of the real thing. We
were content to see ourselves in these feckless irresolute
heroes and common])lace rather ugly heroines who
fought for freedom and made a horrid mess of their lives
in the doing of it. We admired them as brave realists
who shunned nothing in their endeavour to depict us as
we really were.
Then came the war with its change of values. What
was incredibly unreal and melodramatic in 1912, became
the ordinary incident of evcry-day life in 1915 and con-
\'ersely, what we had looked upon as a photographic
representation of life in 1913 looked simply silly in the
light of what had happened to each of us during the year
following it. The consequence of all this was that we
came to regard the novel as a more and more decadent
branch of letters ; something had to conic in to take its
place. It was not that we ceased to have a need for litera-
ture. Rather did we require the solace of books more
than ever. The sales of our ]X)pular novelists fell to
almost nothing, but poetry, biography, history, and
philosophy began to boom.
It was at this point that John Buchan stepped into
the breach with his new romance, " where the incidents
defy the probabilities and march just inside the borders
of the possible." But as in these days the wildest fictions
are so much less improbable than the facts he " caught
on " at once, and is now not likely to relax his hold on
the great mass of readers. It was a daring move on his
part.
Except for Mary Johnston no one could claim of late
years to have written a "romance" couched in even
respectable Ii;nghsh. Yet John Buchan descends into
the lists with his fine sense of style, his precise, logical,
Swift-like command of language and declares to the
world " Look now : I will write you a romance that
shall hold children from their play and old men from
their chimney corner," and beholdit is done.
We search in vain for the secret. Whence did he
call forth his magic wand and wave it over the dictionary
so that he conjured up a novel that will outlast not only
our own century, but many more centuries to come?
There is no answer. If you asked him he would not be
able to tell you. He would with his customary modesty
reply, " Oh ! all 1 tried to do was to enable an honest
man here and there to forget for an hour the too urgent
reahties with a ' dime ' a ' shocker,' a precipitous yam,
call it what you will." By accident he has achieved
very much more than this.
I am the last person in the world to contend that the ob-
ject of the novel proper is " the story for the story's sake."
I am of those whose interest is in psychology, in the un-
ravelling of the tangle of human life, the development and
unfoldmg of character, but in such books as The 'Thirty-Nine
Steps, an entirely different side of (jur nature is appealed
to, a side which in tlicse da\'s will not be denied, a healthier
side, one not obsessed with doubts and frets, which
accentuates the never-altogether-dead sense of wanderlust
and adventure which even the most sedentary of us feel
at times to be almost ingrained in our system, a cast back
to our pirate, free-booting ancestors who placed us in this
island home of ours.
June 22, 1916
LAND & WATER
1=^
Letters to a Lonely Civilian
By the Author of " Aunt Sarah and the War "
MY DEAR YOU, — There was a famous party
at which we were invited to cite the most
surprising saying of any great modern.
Somebody quoted Gladstone's declaration,
at the beginning of the American Civil War, that the
South had made herself an army, had made herself
a navy, had made herself a nation. Then followed
from across the table the great rival's fretful allusion to
the Colonial millstone hanging about a bothered mother's
neck. Next, the creator of Richard Feverel and of
Lucy was summoned to the bar for favouring (in an
interview he later foreswore to his friends) a term of ten
years' matrimonial trial. Or was it seven ? Fancy
Richard asking Lucy to mate him till she was twenty-
three ! Frederick Myers (whose essay on Virgil George
Wyndham bracketed with Francis Thompson's Shelley
for the finest modern instances of creative criticism),
was quoted as declaring that the two faultless authors
in all literature were both of them women — Sappho and
Jane Austen ! These, and a score of other such samples,
some of them easily discounted as due to the fervour of
a moment or the melancholy of a mood, seemed to make
easy records among unexpected issues of speech.
But now that I think it all over, I confidently put
Bismarck into the box. When Italy and Austria were at
war, in 1859, the maker of Modern Germany (himself, of
course, a Major as well as a Politician) foresaw that,
sooner or later, war must be waged between Austria
and Prussia, and between France and Prussia. And he
had great misgivings for his Prussia. " The German
troops," he says, " on whose support we reckon, are for
the most part quite wretched ; and, if things go ill with
us, their leaders will fall away from us like dry leaves
in the wind." O what a welcome rustle could we hear
it this autumn ! Then the Major turns Philosopher, and
the Philosopher, Ideahst ; and he writes calmly and
•irnfidentially to his wife :
" As God wills : It is, after all, only a question of time.
Nations and peoples, folly and wisdom, war and peace —
they come and go like waves, and the sea remains. What
are our States, and their ])ower and honour, before God,
but ant-hills and bee-hives, which the hoof of an ox
tramples down, or fate, in the form of a honey-gatherer,
overtakes ? . . . Farewell, my sweetheart, and learn
to take a melancholy pleasure in, life's folly; there is
nothing in this world but hypocrisy and jugglery, and,
whether fever or grape-shot shall tear away this mask of
flesh, fall it must sooner or later, and then such a resemb-
lance will become apparent between a Prussian and an
Austrian, if tliey are of the same size, that it will be
difficult to distinguish between them ; the stupid and the
clever, too, properly reduced to the skeleton state, look a
good deal like each other. Patriotism for a particular
country is destroyed by this reflection, but in any case
we should hayc to despair, even now, if our happiness
were built upon it."
\nd that was the word of the greatest war-maker but
Dne of the modern world — the world which to him was
all jugglery and hypocrisy, never a battlefield between
real right and real wrong. Slaughter counted not. Leave
out that preliminary capital letter, and what is left is —
laughter, the laughter of a cynic. Wars achieve
nothing, but let Prussians at least achieve wars !
Private Secretaries of Ministers are just now the
busiest of men. They do their work behind the screen,
and are themselves perhaps the only people who know
how important their services — and their silences — are.
Lord Rowton will always remain the pink and pattern of a
Prime Minister's secretary, so it must needs be a bit of a
disappointment to find but little light 'thrown, in the
new volume of the Disraeli biography, on the relations
between " Monty " and his Chief. " Of the (first)
meeting with Montague Corry, Disraeli has left no
account," says Mr. Buckle. But he refers to a " tra-
dition " about that memorable coming together which so
perfectly illustrates the characters of the two men that
I like to tell it to you as Lord Rowton himself told it to
an intimate friend. Disraeli went visiting the Duke of
Cleveland at Raby Castle— where, by the way, some-
body had just written in the Visitors' Book ; —
What a pity at Raby
There isn't a baby !
And at Raby there were other pities. The girls of
the house-party thought it a pity, one hot wet afternoon,
that everybody artd everything should be so dull. They
really must be amused ; and, accordingly, they seized on
a young man with a reputation for wisdom and gravity,
and insisted on his becoming a baby for their sakes.
So he was commandeered to sing a comic song to the
accompaniment of the rattle of his heels. The very
incongruity between the Wise Youth and his fooling
gave licence to the fun. In the midst of the frolic he
looked up and saw the Sphinx-face of Disraeli in the
doorway. His first- meeting with the Minister the night
before had been the event of the young man's life. " I
had a great respect for your father," said the Minister.
And now, on this afternoon when he was supposed to
have gone to his apartment to write letters (one to his
devoted sister Sarah, be sure !) he was witness of this
farce ; and the willing yet unwilling pei-former heard in
memory one sentence that choked his song : "I had
a great respect for your father." " And what a fool he
must think me ! " was his reflection as he stopped short
in his dance and shout with a deferential gesture towards
the onlooker. The girls, bent with laughter, cried out to
him to go on ; and on he went. The Minister remained
for another minute or two, his face-mask betraying
neither amusement nor vexation. Then he turned his
back on the resumed revels, and took refuge in his room.
After dinner that evening, when others passed on, Disraeli
waylaid the young man, now grave even beyond his
custom. He expected to be candidly accepted as a
farceur. The Minister's hand was on his shoulder, and
the words came : " I think you must be my Impresario."
The Minister had seen in him one who was sensitive yet
compliant ; and he knew his man.
My last American mail is a weighty one, and rather
a weight , too, on my spirits. What bothers me most is that
people over there are themselves badly bothered about
the Irish executions. " The military lynching of a band
of melancholy poets and mystics in a part of the world
many have regarded as the source of civilisation makes
us greatly content to be Americans." What a mis-
understanding ! Perhaps an inevitable one following on
the English official forbearance and good feeling which
minimised and otherwise censored in the reporting of them,
the horrors and cruelties of the rebelHon. This was
kindly and tactfully done lest England should be further
incensed against Ireland, and the position of Redmond
(your hat off to him, please !) made more difficult
than ever.
Thus is England punished for her reticence. As for
" lynching " the word is surely too native and too reminis-
cent to have been prudently launched against us from
overseas. And friends of W. D. Howells here have
written to beg him to talk no more of our shooting of
" prisoners of war." Unthinkable ! He of all men should
know it is " A Foregone Conclusion " (how I delighted
in his story of the name when it was possible and even
easy to be delighted) that rebels who rise in arms against
their fellows, without even the decency of a declaration
of war, take their lives in their hands. That is why
they take also our hearts in their hands. Deprive the
rebel of his sacred right to sacrifice himself, and you
cheapen his name and his calling. Already the name
of the pirate, joy of our youth, has been wasted by its
application to the Kaiser. What are the nurseries of the
near future to do when rebels and pirates are robbed of
the romance with which their close dealings with death
endowed them ? W.
Mr. F. W. Lanchester's contribution on the Air Board, in
continuation of his article of last •^•cck, is unavoidubly
postponed to our next issue.
i6
LAND & WATER
June 22, 1916
New Steps in Economic Reform
By Arthur Kitson
0\E of llie many changes already accomplished
bv the war. is that effected in the menta
altitude of the British public regarding social
and e.onomic reforms. Two years ago our
c.n-crvatisni and dislike for innovations seemed to be
int-radicable. We w.-re rei^ardi-d by our 'Iransatlantic
luighbours as almost imin-rvious to new ideas and U> all
radical reform measures. We were considered as a
iKXiplc on the down-grade, living on the memories of the
past, and in most of our methods and habits nearly 3"
vears behind the times. To-day our conservatism is
conspicuous by its absence. The British public mind
hitherto regarded as fossilised, has been changed to a
condition of remarkable plasticity. The symptoms of old
age and decadence, which were apparent two years ago
are no longer visible, and instead of this, we find a mental
vigour and moral outlook indicative of a nation in the
young and formative stage.
A Period of Reform
We are living at a period when almost any moral, social
or economic reform could be introduced and welcomed
with avidity. Witness the ease witli which paper money
lias displaced gold coins for currency purposes, a svstem
which Lord Goschen with all his skill and influence failed
to introduce. Witness also the recent Daylight Saving
\.t, which two years ago was regarded as altogether
rtopian. In fact, we have arrived at a stage of our
national history when almost any reform is possible.
\nd the imagination becomes confused when one con-
templates the innumerable plans and policies suggested
and necessary in order to carry Britain to heights of
progress hitherto considered unattainable.
Without rnsliing too far ahead, let us consider one or
two simple practical and urgent reforms which could
quickly and readily be effected, for which the present
times are propitious. Neariy a century and a quarter
ago, the French Government offered to the world the
simplest system of physical measurements— for weights
and measures — ever proposed before or since. With the
e.xception of the great English-speaknig races, practically
the entire commercial and industrial worid have adopted
the French Metric System. Only Great Britain, her
Colonies, and the United States still cling to their archaic
system. It is perfectly true that we have recently
h-galiscd the French sjstcm, but the time is surely now
rii)c for making its use compulsory. If this were done,
to take effect say, six months after the passing of the Act.
its introduction could be achieved without any serious
trouble or dislocation of trade, and an economy in time
and labour would be achieved that would be incalculable !
The saving which would be effected in clerical labour
alone would furnish a small army of clerks for much
needed service in other fields.
There is another reason which should induce us to urge
the immediate adoption of this system. We are hoping to
form some kind of Commercial I'nion with our Dominions,
and to enter into certain friendly trade-relations with
our Allies after the war. We are preparing to capture
German trade in many countries. To do this we must
understand tlie nature and methods of trade in those
countries, and by adopting the same standards and
methods of measurement, we shall make tlie task of our
manufacturers and merchants much easier. Many a
foreign contract has been lost by reason of the inability
or refusal of British manufacturers to estimate in terms
of metric measurements. The Germans have no difhculty
in this respect, since they use the same system.
Accompanying this change, however, there should be
introduced a decimal coinage and currency system.
Although the United States still join us in retaining the
old unscientific system of weights and measures, they,
as well as Canada, long ago recognised the enormous
advantages of the decimal monetary system, and adopted
the dollar and cent as their monetary units. In fact,
Great Britain is the only important nation that has not
yet adopted the decimal coinage.
An American writer recently asserted that the adootion
by the U S A. of the English coinage systt^i would require
nothing less than a conscription of all the American
youths to undertake the clerical labour uhich this extra
"work would entail ! But it is not merely in the matter of
bookkeeping where vast economy would be effected by
such a change. Let anyone interested stand at any ot
the booking oflices of a London railway station or theatre
during holiday times and witness the time taken by the
cashiers in receiving coins and notes and counting and
giving change. Then let him do the same at any of the
New York, Boston or Chicago offices and note the differ-
ence I have seen a Inindred passengers pass through a
New York Elevated Railway turnstile, each one buying
his ticket, and the majority receiving change, in less
than six minutes ! I have been one of a line of 20 at a
London booking office and -it has taken the clerk over
ten minutes to perform the same service. In other
words, it has taken the London official with our com-
pUcated archaic coinage system ten times as long to
attend to a given number of passengers as the American
with his simple decimal coinage ! Nor is this all. The
chances of errors and mistakes in giving change, are
enormously greater with the former. No head work,
no mental arithmetic is necessary with the decimal
system, whilst ours usually entails some very nimble and
careful calculations.
This discussion is, of course, the revival of an old
subject. But the conservatism which has hitherto
made such simple and undeniably essential reform im-
possible, is to-day almost non-existent. Moreover,
economy is in the air, and the public is clamouring for it
in every shape and form.
Our Coinage Systenj
Many suggestions have already been made for changing
our coinage system. That whicli would necessitate the
least inconvenience is to make the ten shilling piece the
standard coin in place of the sovereign. This would
only occasion a change in the division of the shiUing. By
dividing the shilling into ten pennies, we should arrive
at the decirhal system in practically one step. For
convenience we might regard the penny as divided -into
ten parts, although it would not be necessary to furnish
a coin of less denomination than half-a-penny. The
standard coin (ios>. might be called the "George"
in honour of the King, just as the standard French coin is 1
the Louis, formerly the Napoleon. We should then have: (
10 farthings = i penny.
10 pence = i shilling.
10 shillings = i George.
The transformation of "George" into pounds ana
vice-versa would thus be simplicity itself. No doubt
the monetary pound — relic of a barbarous age — would
gradually disappear from our vocabulary. Ever since
gold supplanted silver as the money metal, the term
pound, has lost its original significance.
Scientitic opinion in tliis country and in our Dominions,
as well as in the United States, is almost unanimously in
favour of the general adoption of the decimal system ir
all our methods of physical measurements, and the present
time is undoubtedly the psychological moment foi
beginning a new era in this particular field.
Earth that has felt our tears like rain,
- And shared our wounds of body and soul.
Gives of her flowers to ease our pain,
Gives of her heart to make us whole.
This comes from the little poem which Sir Owen Seaman
has written for the catalogue (the cover of which is designed
by Mr. Byam Shaw) of the great sale of flowers and fruit
organised by the Koval Horticultural Society on behalf of the
British Red Cross, "it is to be held at their hallin Vincent
Square,' Westminster, next Tuesday, Wednesday and Thurs-
day, mornings and afternoons. It will be a remarkable sale.
The City of London rose show at the Cannon Street Hotel
which was to have been held next Tuesday, has been post-
Doned until Friday, July 7th, owing to the cold weather.
Juno 22, 1916
LAND & WA T E R
17
The Roof of Armageddon
By Will Irwin
[This vivid description oj Italian fighting in the High
Alps — a form 0/ fighting not at all realised in this
country — is from the pen of the famous American
xeiar correspondent, Mr. Will Irwin. Mr. Irwin, it
ivill b: remembered, made a great reputation at the
beginning of the war for his exceedingly graphic
accounts of the early battles in France and Flanders^
*' )C ^^ now," said our Lieutenant, whose English
/^k is idiomatic even under excitement, " it is
/— .% le.es ! " He jumped down, skipping like a boy
U, Jm-at the touch of his native mountain soil. The
motor car which had at last struck an impasse on the
snowy road, whirred and coughed as the military
chauffeur backed it out to a turning-place. The Lieuten-
ant's military ser\-ant loaded himself like a pack mule
with om- knapsacks of Arctic clothing and we crunched
on. The spring snow had been wet and heavy all that
day as we climbed by train and by motor under the pano-
ramas of the Alps. Our feet, in spite of our five-pound,
hob-nailed, grease-soaked Alpine boots, and our two
pairs of wool socks, were churning water with every step.
Now, it had begun to blow up a little colder, and a wind
whipped down a lighter and more piercing quality of
snow from the peaks above.
We trudged on, trying to keep pace with the loose,
casj' swing of that exceptional mountaineer, our Lieuten-
ant. For all that we were going into what might be
battle and would surely be a good deal of hardship, we
travelled with considerable light-hearted anticipation.
For this was the afternoon of Easter day, which is to
the Italian a festival as important as Christmas, and there
were going to be doings of some kind in the advanced
Alpine base just ahead.
\\hat we had been seeing all day in the way of scenerj',
what we were seeing now in the rifts of the snow-mist, I
despair of describing. Mountains are mountains ; but
the Alps are more abrupt, altogether more perilous in
every aspect than any range we North Americans know.
To left and right shot up great ridges bristling with
straight lirs now snow-dusted. Behind these ridges rose
white precipices, behind them pinnacles of grey rock so
abrupt that the snow clung onlj' to the clefts, and further
up — but that was lost in the whirling snow mist. It was
clear, however, in one direction, where the snow had
stopped momentarily. And there, at the very top of the
landscape rose a sheer wall of white. It seemed impos-
sible that anything which travelled on legs could scale
that wall ; \-et beyond its very top, as we know, lay
important positions" both Italian and Austrian. Not only
had men scaled it, but they had dragged with them cannon,
and somehow, every day, other men were carrying to the
lighters above their food, their ammunition, all the heavy
and complicated apparatus pf an army in action.
The camp, wh.en we crunched into it at last, wore what
I took for a holiday air ; I being unaware just then that
work was going forward on this as on every day and that
this was only the habitual gaiety of the Alpini. Officers
in' capes and grey Robin-Hood hats, looking as Alpinists
always do, like the merry men of Sherwood Forest, came
running down to greet their old comrade the Lieutenant,
to pound him on the back, to wrestle with him in the
snow. Between two long barrack sheds were half
cylinders of black building-paper bowed down with laths,
a squad of men in white w-ere practising on skis. As I
looked, one of them took an awkward, shambling run,
leaped into the air from the top of the slope before the
barracks, and brought up, a tangle of arms, legs and skis,
in the snowdrift at the bottom. Another started, and he
too spilled himself before the hrst man could arise. They
grappled, they wrestled, with their skis performing
awkward evolutions in the air ; and all the rest of the
camp yelled loud encouragement.
As we, stood with the officers, getting acquainted, a
company jmssed by in single lile, lifting themselves by
their wheel-tipped alpenstocks. These were not Alpinists
as their caps showed, but infantry reservists, they wlvb
help to feed and supply the fighters on the high cliffs
above. The tall, lean fellow in command packed a
snowball, and shot it into the midst of our group. Our
officers, laughing, jjelted him unmercifully. On a slope
above, a company who had just come into camp and
delivered themselves of their packs caught the infection
and opened a snow "battle. Most continental Europeans
throw but awkwardly as compared to Americans and
Englishmen who have played baseball and cricket since
childhood. These men threw well, and they learned it,
I suppose, at snowballing, the sport universal of northern
peoples.
They had been all winter in this camp, and had made
things comfortable and ship-shape. The doctor's cabin,
where I was quartered for the night, had a stove, less for
warmth than for drying purposes. There was a tiny
bunk of canvas, slung from boards, a sleeping-bag and a
straw pillow, book shelves, even a little shelf for a reading
lamp. What gave it the home touch to m.e. however,
was' the finish of the walls. As in the miners' cabins of
the Sierra and the Rockies, they were papered with news-
papers and illustrated weeklies, stuck on by flour paste.
The furniture was made on the spot of pine boards,
fashioned during the long pauses of the winter storms
by soldiers glad of something to do.
All that afternoon, in fact all the way from Head-
quarters, we had been hearing details concerhing the life
and organisation of the Alpini, whom circumstances have
made a corps d'elite of the Italian army ; and the
Lieutenant told us still more as we strolled off to bed.
The men of these mountain regions, when the time comes
to do their military service, are drafted into the Alpine
Corps. Already most of them have had practice since
childhood in mountaineering. They have been goat-
herders, following their fiocks up and up, with the rise of
the spring grass, to the very edge of the glaciers. They
have been guides, making mountaineering records for
hardy tourists who think they made the records them-
selves. They have tracked and killed chamois along the
higher peaks. By the time he comes to the army, the
average Alpine infantryman is learned in the craft of the
mountains which recjuires special senses acquired only in
childhood.
During his two years of army service, the Alpinist
finishes off his education in mountaineering. He roughs
it through all weathers, " hardening his meat " as the
Indians say, and learning under expert guidance all that
he had not already learned concerning the conquest of
nature in her more cruel aspects. Though the Alpini now
include many men of the lowlands, such are the backbone
of the Corps. The increase of forces to war strength and
the inevitable losses have brought to this work thousands
of men from Southern Italy, who never saw snow before
the war, yet they are standing an Arctic climate as hardily
as their comrades of the North. There is a wonderful
vitality in all these Italians.
In the theory of Italian army organisation, each regi-
ment defends or extends that border lying nearest the
district from which it is recruited. The men know that
district with its peculiarities and tiicks of weather;
and they fight for their homes. In the practice of this
war, the army has been obliged to relax this rule a little ;
but it still holds measurably true. Once I stood on a
shoulder of the mountains talking in French to an Alpine
infantryman.
" Where do you live ? " I asked.
"Down there," he said, and pointed far below, in a
cleft valley lay a little village — his home.
The ofiicers of the Alpini. if not all mountain-born, are
usually at least from Northern Italy — Milan, Turin,
Brescia, Verona, Vicenza and the like. From the time
they enter service, they follow with enthusiasm what, I
dare say, is the noblest sport in the world — mountain
scaling. As 3'our cavalryman plays polo, so do they try
for impossible peaks or new ways of getting at peaks
i8
LAND & WATER
June 22, 1916
alaadv conquered. Dining one evening in a valley base
we waited a few minutes for a Colonel who had been
" up " that day and whose return to camp had been
announced bv telephone. He came in. a compact round-
headc-d little "lighting man of forty-five or so with a fresh
sunburn over his tan, and began to talk in animated
Italian.
•' It has been a quiet day up there." the Lieutenant
translated, " and so he has performed a feat. He has
climbed, for spwrt. to a point which no one else has been
able to reach this winter."
All their active hves, these Alpine r.flicers practice
the sport as a part of business. So they learn the tricks
of the treacherous mountains, such as avalanches,
crevasses and hidden streams, against the time when such
knowledge mav mean life or death for a whole company.
They lo\e the mountains and they hate Austria. It is
a Iwrder-hatred for one thing ; and the memory of old
days of Austrian misrule remains a long memory to
L'.'mbardv and Wneto. At Brescia they still show you
with hate in their eyes the wall where the martyrs were
shot durinK the abortive uprising, the false dawn of free-
dom, in 1840. All through the \ alleys they will point out
this or that village where Garibaldi drove back the
Austrians in 1866, and will descnbe to you with much
lire and many gestures how Germany made lu/ own
peace and tricked them out of victory just when the
Lion of Italy had Trent in his teeth.
The Italian army stands perhaps next to the French
for democracy, and in no corps is the relationship between
men and officers more tine and democratic than among
the Alpini. NN'hen. even in manceuvres, an Alpine officer
goes on a piece of far and hard mountain service with his
.nen, he must Uve as one of them for days at a time,
wTappcd in the same blankets, sheltered by the same
sliver of rock. Officers save the lives of men and men of
otfici-rs with equal recklessness and gratitude on both
sides. It is hard to hold yourself superior to men with
whom you have shared such primitive hardships and
valour, and the distinction among these mountain lighters,
I think, is less between men and officers than between
Alpini and other people.
Now Italy holds a line of six hundred and fifty kilo-
meters, as long as the present French line since the British
extended their sector. Perhaps a bare third of it is
merelv high-hill fighting. All the rest is Alpine work.
The front of that Alpine line belongs to these born
mountain fighters. The infantry of the plains supports
or reinforces them ; the reservists feed them ; the terri-
torials dig and delve for them, far back. The diagram
of the human material in the Italian army is a pyramid,
and its point is the Alpini, who have been wiggling for a
year into Austrian territory peak by peak.
When we went to bed in our sleeping-bags that Easter
nipht, the stars were out. On the way to quarters we
asked the Commander if we might go forward in the morn-
ing ? He reserved his decision. When I woke next
morning and looked out it had begun to thaw a little ;
and at breakfast the Commander put his foot down on
our project. " It is dangerous, it is most dangerous,"
he said. For a sudden thaw following a heavy snow,
brings the avalanches ; and that, in the winter fighting,
is the real enemy, taking toll from both sides. In these
avalanche days the army transport service performs
only the most necessary labour, leaving the heavy work
for a less dangerous time. Just now, we could not in
oj'Jinary prudence attack the glacier from this point.
However, a party of officers and men was going forward
that n»irning to a place where the most dangerous aval-
anches began. We might accompany them, if we wished.
It was a great place to study the ways and causes of
avalanches. The rock-walls were cleft to their top with
gigantic runways. A little way from the summit of these
creases the snow began ; it had found a slope just low
enough so that it might cling. Thence it spread down
toward us in great funnels and half-cones. You realised
how, at any time, it mi^ht Iwi^in to start and slide, as
it slides from a mansard roof in town.
At a certain point the (jffic(>rs stopped.
" We had V '♦er go no further," said the Chaplain.
" There are bra\e men buried under there," he added,
pointing to a great domed drift in the distance, "and
we shar.'t get the bodies until spring." We turned back.
This trail had b<.cn carefully laid to avoid avalanches
as much as possible. But no trail is entirely safe here
in such weather. Alpini from further up passed us as
we stood waiting to gather and go. When they enterccl
the sector of the path below these funnels, they would
glance cautiously over their shoulders at the runways
above and then' scurry past the danger-point. And we
scurried alter them. • . j
Just before we turned back, one of the officers pointed
upward to three crevasses widening out into funnels.
" W hen one of them starts, they all go," he said. And,
now, having learned the signs, we saw that there had beeu
two or three avalanches that morning. None, however,
had been great enough to cross our path. You could
mark their course jjcrfectly by the break in the even
white surface, by gigantic irregular snowballs, and even
by rocks brought down from the crags.
"Once more in the safe district, we took another climb.
This brought us. to a natural platfoim in the mountain,
and to the foot of a curious piece of military work, devised
since the war and of immense use to these mountain
fighters. The author of this enterprise is, I believe, a
young engineer ol Milan.
The Italians call it a " teleferica," and as we have no
name for the device, I had better follow their tongue.
A teleferica is nothing less than a gigantic cash-carrier,
such as we use in department stores. A carriage periiaps
four feet long by two or two and a-half feet wide, depends
from two wheels on a wire cable. Another cable draws
it up, the power being furnished by gangs of men or by
motor engines. We stood on this platform and looked
up to a perilous crag above. T"rom platform to crag,
perhaps a third of a mile, ran the double thread of the
teleferica— one for the upward journey, the other for the
descent. That crag, however, was only the first landing-
place. From it another double-wire stretched upward
and lost itself in a cleft of the mountains. There were
still other stages further up, they told us, and when the
supplies had shot the last stage, they were within com-
fortable reach, by man-back or sled, of the snow-covered
advanced trenches.
How useful the Italians make this device only their
army engineers know. Later, and in another place, I saw
a teleferica which makes the trip in seven or eight' minutes.
F'rom its first stage to its second there is also a mule trail
hewed out of the mountain side. The mules take two
and a-half hours for the climb. In still another place I
heard a Commander boast that his series of tclefericas
did the work of thousands of men — and, what was more
important, did it more quickly in emergency.
This, however, was a small hand teleferica, the motive
power the sturdy arms of three stout reservists. Piled
in one of the scmi-cj'lindrical black sheds were supplies
such as army never employed before this war, devices
whose uses I did not understand until the Chaplain
explained. For example, there were " trench boots "
for the snow-huts of the glacier. Their soles were of
thick wood, studded with sharp spikes. Their uppers
rose above the knee, and they were lined with the thickest
of rough wool. That tin bucket, as big as a ten-gallon
oil can, was not a fircless cooker as I supposed, but a
gigantic thermos bottle which would keep dinner for a
squad warm all day. They cannot cook by ordinary
means up there in the glacial trenches where the snow
drifts high over the sand-bags, where one lives like an
F2squimaux. That would betray the position.
Not only supplies go up that perilous cash-carrier, but
men. By this means the high officers save time, by it
the surgeons ascend in case of emergency ; and by it
they bring dowrt the wounded. An army surgeon, but
a year ago a prosperous specialist in Milan, remarked to
me one day that he did not bargain, when he enlisted,
on being an acrobat.
The Alpini, weather sharps all of them, squinted at the
heavens and prophecied another fair day. Which gave
our Lieutenant an idea. He had learned by telephone
that a certain high officer from a jjosition far down the
valley was going up to a \'ery liigii mountain base
within easy touch of the glacier. Why not join him,
and go along ? We could make the trip easily in a day
because of the teleferica.
Now I had best stop here and describe, in the general
and hazy way permitted «o war correspondents, what
we were about to do.
iTn be continued.}
June 22, 1916
LAND & WATER
19
Alpine troops and wagons going through a pass in the Alps
Lj LiiUocico PonHatihi
n
. i
L-!/ Lli./..r,c.j V-Mjl'M'jhi.
Alpine troops with a cart in an Alpine pass
. Italian Artists and the War
These remarkable pictures, reproduced here, are on view at the Leicester Galleries, Leicester
Square, where a wonderful exhibition of Italian Artists and the War is now open. They are
the work of Ludovico Pogliaghi, the only artist who has been allowed to go to the Italian front
20
L A X I) & W A T E R
June 22, 1916
¥¥
The Club with Five Million Members
Land & Water's Special Appeal for the Union Jack Club
THE extension of the Union Jack Club is one of
thr most urgent practical needs of the hour.
Sailors and soldiers should be given a place in
London where they may be certain not only of a
welcome home, but also of a bed if they require it. ' This
Club has strained its sleeping accoriimodation to the
extremcst limit, and is unable to meet the demands
Entrance Hall
upon it. therefore it is endeavouring to obtain the funds
without delay m order to extend its premises. It has
purchased the buildings alongside, which as they stand
are entirely unsuitable for the requirements of a Club
I hey have to be pulled down, and a new edifice con-
structed. The work can be put in hand directly the
money is available, and for this money Land & Water
presses this special appeal.
It has been contrary to this journal's policy to be
constantly makin? claims upon the purses of its readers
nor would it do so now. did it not feel most strongly that
here IS a cause which has special and peculiar claims and
which might easily t)e overlooked amid the other nume-
rous and more clamant demands.
A fact that has also had its full influence is that the
Union Jack Club, from the day when its doors were first
open exactly nine years come Saturday week, has been
run on thoroughly sound and efficient business Drinciplf>s
Year after year Sir Edward Ward. President of its
Council, has^ been able to present at the annual meeting
a balance-sheet showing a small profit on the working
lit' r due provision had been made for depreciation
■ . unties written down to their market value and a
reasonable amount added to reserves.
Ihere is not a Club in the land which is run on better
principles- than this one with its five million members
It prides itself on being independent of outside help
tor Its upkeep, aird of paying its way out of its own in-
come. But naturally it has not the "funds at its disposal
or .his new extension, the need of which is entirely due
to the war. Nor would it be justified in utilising its
-mall reserves m this manner. On the other hand if
<ver there was an institution that had the right to look
to the country and ask for assistance it is this Club with
Its clean financial record combined with the splendid use
It is to our fighting men on leave in London.
Mention was made last week of the manner in which
the Union Jack Club can
petuating the memory' of brave men who have given
their lives for their country.
Said Colonel Clive. M.P., at the recent general meeting :
" The sailor and soldier have shown themselves well able
to run a good Club like this for themselves, but the help
they do require is for its extension. Even in time of
peace this Club was constantly over-crowded in week-
ends, and how Major Wilkinson has been able to manage
during the war, not only for the members who used it
in peace time, but for the large number who were made
honorary members, and also the Over-sea troops it is
difficult to understand." Though he has done much
Major Wilkinson cannot achieve impossibihties.
The \Var Office, it should be mentioned, has been
applied to for a grant from canteen funds. But it is the
public that must supply the most of the money if work
is to be put in hand at once. The Club Council displayed
shrewd wisdom in asking Mr. H. E. Morgan to organise
and manage this appeal, for he brings to his honorary
but by no means light task exceptional energy and
experience. The appeal in the end is bound to be
successful, and we feel sure our readers will delight in
making it so with as little delay as possible. Bear in
mind that until this extension is complete the Club is
continually compelled to refuse applications for bedrooms
and members, so stranded, have to fend for sleeping
quarters the best way they can.
Owing to mechanical difficulties the section of Land
& Water, in which this article appears, has to go to press
the day after the publication of the previous issue ; there-
fore it is not possible to pjblish to-day a list of contri-
butions or yet to comment on the letters which had
render equal service at
t he same time to the dead
and to the living. A gift
of Aoo enables a bed-
room to be built which
can be dedicated to the
meinor\- of any gallant
gentleman. A 'donation
of ^1,000 will construct
a corridor of ten bed-
rooms. To those who
have the means this must
appear a noble, simple
and sensible way of per-
Dlning Room
begun to reach this office as we went to press with this
part of the paper. The subscriptions will be printed
next week. It is evident from the tone of the letters
we have already read, that the appeal has won cordial
approval ; more than one writer thanking us for drawing
attention to this need of the Union Jack Club. Its good
work is. of course, widely known in naval and military
circles, and officers and
All Conlributtons for the Union Jack Club Exten-
sion I'und should be immediately forwarded to :
The Editor,
"LAND & WATER,"
Empire House, Kingsway,
London, W.C.
Envelopes should be marked " U.J.C. Fuhd."
Cheques should be drawn in favour of the U.J.C.
Extension fund, and crossed " Coutts and Co.
men concur in bestowing
on it the highest praise.
What the Club requires is
further scope for its useful-
ness, so that members.
when they apply for rooms
as shown in the photo-
graph at the head of this
rurticle. may not be turned
away. The illustration
of the dining-room gives
a very good idea nf the
spaciousness and airiness
of the Club ••enerallv.
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